The Sun. — London, England, 1828-01-30 00:00:00

proposition in its converse sem>, and say, that his un bounded confidence in tlu present Premier would induce Liar to give him his entire support,-.without reference to some minor points. He knew that the Noble Duke at the head of the Government was incapable of allowing any disunion to exist in his cabinet. Should any part o it he affected by the dry-rot, he would at once cut it off. Earl GREY merely rose now. for the purpose of stating distinctly, what he said on a former occasion, to- which the Noble Marquis had alluded, and which did not, lut thought, hear the interpretation that the Noble Marqui' had put upon it. The Noble Marquis stated that he (Earl Grey) said that a want of confidence in the head of the Administration was a just ground• of opposition to the Administration. He did not rec ollect that he had giver. . . expre, , sion to such a sentiment. He did undoubtedly say frilt, that a want of confidence in the head of the Admini strktion was a just, nay, the best ground for anv man re fusing his accesslon to it as a member. He said, further, that It want of confidence, not in the head only of an Ad- ministration, (for their Lordships would understand that it was not a personal objection that had actuated him in hi, conduct last year, it was an objection that he felt to the general principle on which the Adm4stration was corn posed), but a want of confidence in an Administration generally. W 8.3 an effectual bar to a pledge of general sup port. That was the situation in which he found himsel! placed last year. He did not see in the composition of the Cabinet Ruch an a3s 'trance for the prosecution of measures and principles which he considered -essential to the good go vernment and prosperity of the country as would induce him to give it his general support, and on those grounds he w;thlield bis support, although some Members of the Administration were persons entitled in the fullest extent to his confidence: At the same time, however, he stated that he would not support—certainly that he would not he reckoned a Member or—any opposition which might be formed against that Administration. In a similar situation he still found himself placed. He went the full length of the Noble Marquis in the tribute of respect to the Noble Duke at the head of the Government. It was hardly pos sible that any person could feel more warm admiration towards that distinguished individual than he did ; but in the composition of the Administration there were defects which rendered it impossible that he could give it his ge neral support. Having now said more, perhaps, than enough in explanation of the conduct of a person of so little consequence as himself, he would make a few obser•- vations upon what had occurred that night. He agreed with the Noble Lord who had spoke from the cross-bench (El , on) in considering the battle of Navarin a most unfor tnnate event. He was not disposed, from any knowledge which be had of the circumstance of the case, to impute blame to the Gallant Officer who had acted so much to his own honour and to the reputation of his country.—( Hear, hear.)—He was well acquainted with Sir E. Codringtou, and could undertake to assert. that a better, a braver, or a more skilful officer did not ex• ist.—(lfeer, hear.) He agreed with the Noble Duke thal that it would be extremely unjust to look with too critics an eye at the conduct of an officer placed in such difficult eirefonstances as Sir E. Codrington was, and who had eddressed himself to support what he believed to be the -.rue interest and honour of his country.—( Hear.) It wae with, the greatest satisfaction he heard from the noble puke, that whatever word might be employed in the Royal Speech, whether " untoward" or any thing else,—no in tention existed of throwing any imputation on the conduct r,T that gallant officer. With respect to the transaction itself, he • concurred with the Noble and Learned Lord in thinking it most unfortunate. That the effect which was naturally to be expected • from such au event, might be averteel, he sincerely trusted ; and tlse generally p ee n. ,„,, of theiloyel Speech 'increased his hopes on this head.— His Noble Friend behind (Lord Holland), who had ad dressed the House with his usual acuteness, and displayed c onsiderable•sxtent of information, had, in the course of n ipeech which he had better have. reserved for an occasion when the subject would come tinder discussion, institute , ' a parallel between the battle of -Nayarin, and an event which occurred in the early part of the last century - under sir Geo. Byng. He suspected that, when the two cases came to be carefully • examined, considerable points of dis tinction Would be found to exist between them,—(lleac, hear.) Upon this point. however, he would anticipate no thing. Whatever impression he might have on the sub nt, he felt it to be decent, becoming, and indeed absolutely necessaty, to reserve the expression of his opinions until the requisite . information was laid before their Lordships, to enable them to put themselves in possession of all the circumstances of the •ease.—(Hear, - hear.)—When the period to which he alluded arrived,•he would be prepared. to state fearlessly, and without referent* to party interests,— ' for with all such he was now totally unconnected,—ht's .;pinion on the subject, such as it might be. Before he sat ..sewn, he desired to say one word upon another topic that had eeen introduced into that night's debate. A Noble Friend of his had put a question with respect to an omission in the speech which had been remarked by every body, and the Noble Duke had stated in reply, that it was the intention of Go vernment to introduce a bill respecting the trade in corn, founded upon the principle of the Bill of last session. He had eoted for that bill on the second reading, and therefore c ould - have no objection to the introduction of a bill on the cane principle. He objected to some of the regulations ef the bill of last Session, and thought, besides, that it might he improved by some additions; and therefore, if another bill, precisely similar, should be introduced, it would, in his opinion. require amendment. What he was eux , ons to do, was to direct the attention of the House to the fact, that the Noble Duke had stated only that a bill - would be introduced founded on the same principle as that .if last year, but not that the same bill would be introdue ,A.---(Hear.)—Uniess this point was explained, the Noble Dale's answer might possibly be misconstrued into a de claration of the intention of Government to bring in pre the came bill.—(liear.) The Duke 'of WELLINGTON said, that the Noble E ar l i, s ed rightly understood hi's answer. What he stated tha's a bill would be brought in, founded on the prin ciple of the ri;eastire of last Session---certainly - not the same measure.—(lfesn) The Earl of DARNLEY moved as an amendment, that the words " faithful ally," in the Address, be omitted, and the words " a country at pace and amity with us " he sub stituted for them. Earl FERRE.P..S begged to ask the Noble Duke at the head of the Government, whether lie retained the office of - - The Duke of WELLINGTON replied, but. was heard cry indistinctly, owing to the confusionthat prevailed, most ir of the p e O r s leaving risen from their places under'.the im pression that the House was about to adjourn immediately: We understood !tine to say, that when he received his Ma ,esty's commands to glee him his opinion respecting the formetion of the 31inistri, he felt great reluctauce to place himself at the bead of it. Finding, however, that it was the unanimous °Pinion of his colleagues: that he ought to , accupy t'oa; situation, and finding also that isee:ee the cir zunestances that existed at the present moment it . wee ?sot easy to find it person to fill the office which lie now had the honour to hold; he deterreined en resign the eomman eler-in-Chisfship. "fee Xbtrquie of LANSDOWNEdid not rise with the in tentikn of offering the slightest objection to the" Address which had been and which it was his moat ardent to see unuimously tarried ; but after what had been stated in die course of discussion, haring been recently ; honoured with an office in the Government, he felt himself called u pon to declare that there was no one act of that Government, but more especially that there was no one of its acts connected with the transactions which hall been the particular s ubject cif that night's conversation, t'cat he w o uld nut consider himeeirbound to defend. (Hear.) He 'said assure his Noble Frietui et the head of the Foreign Depart men t, who immediately represented the person at the heal of that departsnent before him, (whose dying in structions he received, and wliese intentions he was called "1" to fulfil), that whenever he was called upon to defend -Ise whole of that 'system of which he was the representa eive, from whatever side of the [louse the attack might • Troceedt he would find in him a sincere, teziotis, though :*erhap.s useless, supporter. He felt confident that, even -.. 4lcruSf li 1'44 Fable friend should not be able, h e : si co er o o h f l (Lord LaAvklowne wueld,satisfy th e House of the soun d principles on which OW, Jlegutiatioul,nhad H also satisfy the. House And .tis.,vountry that no ,longer war present ino hid been unnece s sarily incue r , e d. A t the :Tient; however, he was bound tor4;2.clare, that it thehlant, ested any-where, it did not rest with Sir E. Codrington. --(Hear.) H e ag reed with th e :i o t t l e D j o , oppos ite, a n d -kith others wise had spoken, that the battle Ac; Navario -e • was an unfortunate, circumstance, inasmuch as it occasisoped the deso-uctioermf,iiie, acid teeided to lead to thoee unilaPPY :•casequencesewhich Aprnetirpes ,contributed. to alienate vpowers, anal. set them iu ; s omething ;i<e interminable hos tiliry with each ot her ; but at the same tip h e s h ou ld be ashamed if lie did not declare it would be e' 4 l,;*; z h to ex pect that when an armed interference had been determined take place without the ri s k of en by treaty, it could war.—(Hear, hear.) li e agreed with the Noble Duke in thinking that war should nob take place, if the obj ec t s of the intervention could he effected without it ; but the ,consegeences of opposition must have been foreseen ht those who framed the protocol and the treaty of London. There was no meaning in establishing a hostile in tervetition, unless we were prepared to encounter al, the consequences which must result from it, melan choly as they might be.—(Hear, hear.) He hope v ia M aj esty's .Ministers would be able to prove tha' no blame rested any where ; but that the conduct - of our commander, at Navarin was part of the poliel which he had not heard iu the course of that night's debate that it was intended to change, hut if Ministers en tertained any such intention, he hopd they would have the manliness to avow it. If, however, blame rested any where, it would be easy to prove that it (lid not rest with the gallant individual who had been so frequently alluded to, and never without praise and honour, but with those who concluded the treaties that had placed him in the situation in which he appeared to have exercised a sound discretion - with reference to his sense of duty.—(Hear.)— He would not have consented to the address had not the Noble Duke declared that in the unlucky selection of thi word " untoward" there was not even a hint of disappro bation intended against the gallant officer. When the do cuments should he laid before their 'Lordships, it would appear that the gallant officer was intrusted with a neces sarily large but well and fairly-exercised discretion. He hoped, that in justice to the gallant Admiral -himself, the fullest documents possible would be produced.—(llear.) On the first intelligence of the affair at Navarin reaching this country, it was found that further information was wanting. That information was supplied, and being sup plied, it was seen that the gallant Admiral was entitled t, the warm approbation of the Government and the country. It was not incumbent on him to say more on the present occasion. With respect to other events, lie was prepared to give the fullest explanation when called upon. H e h a d rises on the present occasion merely to enter his protest on behalf of a gallant individual, who was entitled to the pro tection, not of his friends alone, but of every person who was proud of British honour.—(Hear.) Lord GODERICH said, that having been a member of the Government under which the Noble Duke (Welling ton) had been instructed to sign the protocol, and having also been a party to the treaty of London, he felt it due to his own character to subscribe entirely to all that had fallen from his Noble Friend who had spoken last. When ever the time should arrive for discussing the course of po licy in which be had had a share, he would be prepared to express his sentiments with the same fearlessness with which he now addressed their Lordships ; and be concurred with his Noble Friend in believing that it would not be difficult to prove, that there was nothing in that policy, or in the particular transaction growing out of it, incon sistent with the honour of the country or its best under stood interests. That proposition he would be prepared to maintain, and, he thought, to establish it to the satis faction of the House and the country. He entirely con curred in all that had fallen front the Noble Duke and the Noble Marquis respecting the conduct of Sir E. Codring ton. In his opinion he had exercised a sound discretion. He was placed in circumstances of no ordinary difficulty, and he discharged his duty like a man of courage. He was prepared to support the Gallant Admiral, not only on the principle that it was the duty of a Government to sup port those who executed their orders, but from a delibe rate conviction that he was justified under the circum stances in the course which he took, and that in taking that course he neither tarnished his own previously ac quired fame, nor sullied the honour and reputation of his coutitry. The Earl of DUDLEY rose and said a few words, but in su low a tone, that they were lost in the noise and cen fusion incidental to the want of accommodation afforded in the House to the Press, and to all below the bar. We un derstood his Lordship to say, that Government intended to adhere to its former principles in relation to Turkey, and that he was ready to uphold the conduct of the Gallant Admiral. The Address was then carried Nem. £on. The usual Motions at the commencement of the Sessions were then put and carried. The Duke of WELLINGTON, after a few laudatory observations, moved, 'g That the Earl of Shaftesbury' be appointed Chairman of Committees on Public and Private Bills." Lord ELDON eulogised the Noble Earl, and the vote was carried without opposition. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY expressed his sense of the vote, and said, that this was the thirteenth time he had been appointed Chairman of the Committees of that House. At Eight o'Clocl: the House Adjourned to Thursday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The Gallery was opened at half-past one o'clock this day, and in a fe w minutes every seat was oc cupied. There has not been the slightest alteration made in the appearance or decorations of the House during the Recess. The Speaker entered the House precisely at two o'clock, and took his place at the - table. At this period there were about forty mem bers present. Soon after Sir T. Tyrwhit, the Usher of the Black Rod, appeared, and in the name of the Lords Commissioners appointed by his Majesty, requested the attendance of this House in the House of Lords. The Speaker, accompanied by all the Members present, then proceeded to the House of Lords, where the King's speech was read by Commission. The Speaker returned, and took the Chair pre cisely at four o'clock. The SPEAKER then acquainted the House, that in pursuance of the Act of Parliament, since the last Session lie had directed warrants to be issued for electing new Members for the City of Car lisle, vacant by the death of Sir P. Musgrave ; for the Borough of Yarmouth, in the room of Lord Binning, now Lord Melross ; for the Borough of Seaford, in the room of the Right Hon. George Canning, deceased ; for the County of Lanark, in the room of Lord Archibald Hamilton, deceased; for the Borough of Maldon, in the room of the Hon. George Winn, deceased, and for the County of Cork, in the room of Lord Ennismore, deceased. A number of new Members were then called to the table, and sworn. REFORM IN THE LAW COURTS. Mr. BROUGHAM gave notice that on the 7th February he would move for an inquiry into the state of the law in this country, and the administra tion of justice in the different Courts, with a view to a reform of the abuses which have crept in by COURT OF CUANCERY. Mr. M. ANGELO TAYLOR gave notice, that on the 30th of next month, he would move for cer tain returns respecting the Court of Chancery, pre vious to a general motion on the subject. • NEW WRITS. Mr. PLANTA moved for writs for Harwich, in the room of Mr. Herries, who had accepted the office of Chancellor and Treasurer of his Majesty's Mint; for Liverpool, in the room of Mr. Huskisson, one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State; for the University of Oxford, in the room of Mr. Peel, one of his Majesty'z Principal Secretaries of State. For the County of Inverness, in the room of the Right Hon. Charles Grant, President of the Board of Trade. For the City of Armagh, in the room of the Right Hon. i. -- lenry Goulburn, Chancellor of the Exchequer. For the County of Monmouth, in the room of the Right Hon. Granville Somerset, one of the Commissioners of the Treasury. Ver the Borough of Ennis, in the room of Mr. Franklem.; Lewis, Vice President of the Board of Trade. For the Borough of f:'.faselmere, in the room of Sir J. Becket, the Advocate General, For the Borough of Ashfield, in thi room of Mr. Sturges Bourne, Chief Commissioi:e;.• of the Wooda and Forests, and for the Borough of Lynn, in the ,ro.orn of Lord Wm. Bentinck, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Writs were also moved for the Borough of Wey mouth, in the room of the Right Hon. Thomas Wal lace, called to the House of Peers, by the title of Lord Wallace. For the Borough of Rippon, in the room of Sir Launcelot Shadsvell, who has accepted the office of Vice-Chancellor. And, f or the county of Durham, in the room o f Mr. I..arribton now Lord Durham. Z.,QIIOUGH OF PENRYN. Lord 30111 i itl ESEP. gave notice that on Thursday next he would move fo:s. !e4ye . to bring in a bill to disfranchise the borough of Peniyn, ar,d, transfer the franchise to Manchester. cOnPORATION AND TEST ACTS. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that on the 21st of February he v.'3.ald. move for leave to bring in a bill for the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts. (Loud cheers.) THE ADDRESS. The Speech was then read from the Chair, for Which see our paper a yesterday. Mr. JENKINSON rose to move the Address. lie came forward under very considerable difficulty and embarrassment, arising from reflections pressing on his mind on the state of his noble brother. That noblemen had held a situation of the first eminence in the country, from which, unfortunately, he had been removed by a circumstance that it was impossi• ble for him (Mr..J.) to allude to without the most pain ful feelings. The devotion and attachment of Lord Liverpool to the welfare of his country, had no doubt contributed to effect the overthrow of those faculties which had so long been exerted with beneficial effect to the service of his King and country.—(Hear.) — He (Mr. Jenkinson) oppressed as he was by these considerations, felt himself bound to advert to another loss which the nation had sustained in the death of a Statesman and Minister whose eloquence had often been heard within those walls, and for whom he entertained most profound admira tion. With respect to the form r, it was to him a very delicate subject; but confident that that Nobleman had acquired, by his long and meritorious services, the respect and esteem of his colleagues, and the country, he could not raisin from offering his imperfect regret to his great merits. He had introduced this mention of his poor brother, because he was aware that his name possessed deserved weight in that House, and because he was anxious to communicate his brother's sentiments upon a subject highly important; and interesting at this time to the country at large.—( Hear.) — There was another subject to which he could not but advert upon this occasion—he meant the death of that great and eloquent statesman the late Mr. Canning, whose splendid powers had frequently elicited the admiration of that House, and who had gained much of the confidence of Lord Liverpool. Lord Liverpool had often expressed his great admiration of the talents of that lamented statesman. Their early recollections and their close and intimate friend ship bound them together. He (Mr. J.) never could for get the many eloquent displays with which that distin guished man had often delighted and surprised the Members of that House.—(Hear.) —Having now disposed of two great persons, for he might, he thought, be allowed to call his brother a great man,—(Hear)—and in fairness, no one would dispute the application of such an epithet to the late Mr. Canning,—he could not bat allude to the Administra tion which had been lately formed.—(Hear.) Indeed, the consideration of that subject was naturally suggested by the mention of his brother's name, as the present Administra tion embodied the sentiments and principles which had for such a long period characterized his brother's Government. —(Hear.) Under this view of the matter, he trusted that the House would not consider that lie had, in the allusion to his brother, trespassed too far upon their attention.— (Hear, bear.) He had done so, actuated by those feelings of affection which might be supposed to animate a bro ther's breast; he conceived himself doubly called upon to do so, from his respect to this House, and the country at large, who were no doubt anxious to ascertain the senti ments and feelings expressed by his brother regarding the present state of affairs.—(Hear.) With the general for mation of the Administration, for the return of whose members writs had been this day moved, Lord Liverpool's sentiments mainly accorded.—(hear.) —He considered it as one embodying all the true interests and real feelings of the country. if it did not contain the names of all those to whom Lord Liverpool was dearly attached, it contained the name of a man to whom be was long attached, whom he had been the first to introduce to this House and the management of public. affairs, and who long enjoyed his undivided confidence. Need he (Mr. Jenkinson) say that he meant the late Member for Oxford (Mr. Peel), who now again filled the same situation in his Majesty's councils as when first introdu ced there by Lord Liverpool? Mr. Peel was then, as he is now, Secretary of State for the home De partment,. and never were there two men between whom more unbounded confidence and unanimity existed upon every practical subject, than Lord .Liverpool and Mr. Pesl.—(Hear, hear. )--With the knowledge of that fact, he (Mr. Jenkinson) presumed he was not wrong in supposing, what, indeed, be had every reason for supposing—that Lord I.iverpool approved of the great body of the existing Admi nistration.—(Hear, hear. )--Upon this particular and im portant point, he (Mr. Jenkinson) could speak with cons dence.—(Hear. )—He now begged leave to inform the (louse, and he made the statement upon the authority of his Lordship, that the present Administration had Lord Liver pool's entire approval—his perfect approbation.—(Hear.) [Here the Honourable Member paused for a moment to give vent to his feelings.] He then proceeded. In coining forward as be did upon this occasion, he thought it right to say, that it was his own proposi tion to move the Address ; and before coming to the im mediate question, he would beg it to be understood, that he had sedulously guarded himself against say ing any thing which might he hurtful to the feelings of those who, perhaps, might differ from him in opi nion. The Speech itself embraced hut few topics; but those were at this moment of the utmost im portance to the country. With respect to the troubles of Greece and the Greek Islands, it was quite manifest—as he thought—that they could not con tinue long without some interposition from the nations of Europe. The Address, however, which he had the honour of moving, would pledge the house to nothing but a grateful acknowledgement for the assurances of our continued peace and happiness as well as national prosperity, which the Speech itself held forth. With regard to the Battle of Navarin, he thought that the discussion and en quiry, which would necessarily follow, :must, at least, have the effect of setting the propriety or impropriety of that matter at rest. On one point, 'how ever, he thought there could he no difference of opinion. Though personally known to and acquainted with the Gallant Officer by whom the action was conducted, he hoped he would not be accused of partiality, when he gave it as his opinion that a more gallant achievement was not on record. With respect to the recall of the troops from Portugal, he thought there could be no discussion, because the treaties of Brazil and Mexico could only be used as circumstances required. The next subject of im portance to which be should refer was, the state of the revenue, and before putting the Address he begged to impress on the House that this country possessed resources fully equal to the supposed difficulty of her situation. He had therefore the stongest confidence that the Go vernment would be enabled to sustain the national character unimpaired. It was the greatest honour of one of the greatest Ministers England ever possessed, Sir Robert Walpole, that lie had restored the country after long and ruinous wars, in which she had been engaged. They were not equal perhaps to the wars of Buonaparte, nor did he mean to undervalue the glory of Mr. Pitt, by the comparison. He was con fident that, though the pressure of the late wars had weakened the resources of the country, yet that they would be productive of the greatest prosperity. To accomplish this be thought that nothing but feelings of conciliation between the agricultural, commercial, and trading interests were necessary. He hoped that concilia tion would be the leading principle with all parties, as it would most directly tend to alleviate the distresses of the people. With these sentiments he should conclude, by merely saying, that if any thing bad passed his lips which would entitle him to ridicule or contempt, he hoped he wou:d be excused, as his only motive in coining forward on this occasion was to express his sentiments, and to declare that he thought the course recommended was the most adviseable and expedient, under all circum stances. The Hon. Member concluded by moving the Address. The SPEAKER put the question, by whom the motion was seconded ? Mr. R. GRANT—I rise, Mr. Speaker, for that pur pose. I know not whether lam required to notice all the topics treated in the Speech of his Majesty, lout I certainly do not feel it necessary at this time, point by point, to go over them. There are, indeed, some to which, as a matter of expediency, at this moment it may not be proper to ad vert ; the absence of most of the prin&pal 'Members of his Majesty's Government seems to me by no means to take from the House the right, or to abridge the right, of fully discussing, or even filially concluding any topics liable to debate ; but at the same time, it would be inconve ni e nt and unsatisfactory to attempt to pursue to a concl usion questions intimately connected with disputable measures io the absence of those whose duty it is to sustain those measures,—(Hear, hear, hear.)—For this reason, therefore, without imputing the slightest d e gree of blame to the Honourable Mover, I may be permitted to pass over one or two points to which be has ad verted. I perfectly agree in the doctrine, not ex pressed but distinc tl y implied, iu the speech of the Honourable Member , and which a lways ough t to be the doctrine of Parli.,/,:nent, that no Ministry ought to be form ed, or ought to be p resumed to enjoy the confidence of the Crown, or ought to presume to ask th e con fid e nce of Par liament, not prepared to face all the topics intro duced by the flon.Gentieraan:,—(Hear, hear, hear.) The period of the absence of the chief Members of that Nioistry does not seem to me precisely the time for entering upon such a discussion. Ido not thus mean at all to question time individual act of the Hon. Mover; he has a perfect right to state the grounds on which bethinks tit to support this, or to oppose that Government ; and if it were pos sible for criticism to attack any pa r t of his speech , sure I am that criticism would be disar med by the diffidence of his manner, and by the amiable infusion of fraternal af- fection.—(Hear, hear.) The most gracious Speech of his Majesty dwelfs at some length on the pacific state 01 Europe, and in the main it is M o state of perfect and con tinued tranquillity : at the same time it points out two exceptions that there are, or at least might have been, to this picture of unrelieved repose. One is a case un doubtedly of the deepest interest; but, from the very terms of the Speech we gather that it has become source only of joyful recollection. In the other we are still kept in a state of anxious, but I trust neither painful nor fearful suspense; the one affects the Western and the other the Eastern side of Europe— Portugal and Greece. About twelve months have now I elapsed since our troops disembarked on the shores of the Peninsula, for the defence of a portion of it, and in fulfilment of solemn treaties, in which Portugal was dis tinguished as the ancient and faithful ally of Great Britain. Such were the motives which dictated the necessity of the expedition. Regarding the faith of treaties, Great Britain was called upon to preserve national independence in that kingdom, with which her interests had always been strongly and closely connected. Portugal was also ennobled as a distinguished Ally by former recollections of worthy ser vice, and to afford her assistance in extremity could not fail to be a measure of extreme popularity. Objections; however, did exist—not on the score of injustice or impropriety, but that the plan was calculated to throw ad ditional burdens on the partially exhausted resources of this country. I see one Hon. Member now in his place who enforced this paint with singular effect. He urged, if I remember rightly, that although the enterprise was in dispensable, there was some danger lest it should lead to alarming results. It was possible that it might kindle a war of opinion, the consequences of which might be in calculably disastrous. But I find in the King's Speech that which must at once allay all apprehension. We are told that our troops are upon the point of returning to our shores; having achieved the object for which they were despatched by the influence of their presence, they are about to revisit their native land, crowned with victory—neither the less grateful, nor the less glorious, because it has been bloodless.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the differ ence of opinion on the outset of the expedition—some sup porting, because it was recommended by justice and policy, and others resisting it, because it might tend to disastrous and almost unforeseen results—s.ssuredly the conclusion of the enterprize must lead to a general and united opinion in its favour. Not a syllable was even breathed against its justice, and all classes may now join in one feeling of hearty congratulation. The soil of Portugal has been protected from invasion, the Trea sury of Great Britain has been undrained, and the sword of Great Britain has been returned unstained into its scabbard.—(Hear, hear.)—Another point closely connected with what I have already said, will tend also to combine the opinions of the House and the coml• try-1 allude to a matter which was formerly made very prominent in the debates on this question—that we did not undertake this expedition for purposes of conquest and aggrandizement.—(Hear, hear.)—l should be most glad to see the Government of Portugal established upon any thing like our own British freedom of principle, and it will always be a subject of rejoicing to me, to see the pros.. perity of that country raising her to the rank of the fore most of our Allies---(Hear, hear)---and when the day should have arrived when Portugal would be able to look up from her difficulties, it would be impossible for any one to contemplate the advantages secured to her, without remembering the great Statesman from whom they had arisen —(Loud cries of hear, hear)—that it was he who had first introduced her just claim before the Parliament of this country, and that on those claims he might be said to have expended his dying efforts.—(Hear, hear, beer.) — Whatever subjects of difference there might have hereto fore been between that great man and the members of the present Ministry, I am sure that now there is towards his memory but one feeling of affectionate regard, and of sin cere regret—(hear, hear)—and though it has pleased Al mighty Providence to remove him whose counsels pro jected the measure, and whose animated eloquence mar shalled us—if I may be allowed to use the expression— in the right course, yet I feel no hesitation in saying, that history will unite him with the page which shall record the deliverance of Portugal ; and will inscribe that event and his name on the same imperishable column, whirls his genius has raised and his spirit has fos tered. Terra munita non turribus sed tropceis.—(Loud and continued cheering followed the brilliant tribute to the memory of Mr. Canning pronounced by the Ho nourable Gentleman ; but of which from the low and solemn tone in which it was delivered, and the crowded state of the gallery, we are able to give only the above faint outline.) Quitting the topic of Portugal, there are some others to which I must be allowed to refer ; and, in the first place, I must beg leave to remark, on that part of his Majesty's Speech which refers tothe present state of affairs between Greece and the Ottoman Porte. It has, no doubt, been observed by this House, that his Majesty's Speech is, on this subject, confined merely to certain facts which are already before us. In the exposition of the views of Go , vernment on this question, there are certain points on which I entertain little doubt that we shall all be unani- I ' mous. There can be no question that the quarrel between the two States has given rise to a most sanguinary contest between the parties interested, and has been carried to such an extent as to involve almost all the shores of the Medi terranean in the consequences, and to disturb the peace of the countries more immediately in the vicinity of the seat of war. lam most willing to believe that the Allied Powers, who have interfered in this question, are impelled by their anxiety to establish a system of affairs on a just and equitable foundation; and, as far as these points go, 1 think that the House will not hesitate in agreeing with me. But, further than this, we can scarcely with safety pro ceed ; for, as we have no authentic documents relative to the last proceedings which have taken place lying on our table, I do not see how we can well enter into the ques tion of what has been proper, and of what has been impro per in the course pursued—(Hear, hear.) The House will, no doubt, observe, that the Address, which I have the honour to second, follows the same line as that which I have been laying down. It contents itself with thanking his Majesty for the communication which he has afforded us, and for the general statement of the views entertained by him ; but, after this, it goes no farther, and in no way pledges the House to any opinion. There is one point connected with this question, however, on which I wish to add a word, though I am ready to admit that silence, ge nerally speaking, would at present be preferable, as I do not deem the question yet ripe for agisation. The point on which I would speak, certainly presents to me a degree of difficulty which 1 cannot help feeling—little as it appears to affect others. If it be asked generally to state whether, under any circumstances, it is either proper or consistent, or fair, for foreign nations to interfere—and not merely to interfere, but to interfere coercively between two States at war with each other, I am free to con fess that the question is replete with difficulties. I be lieve it must be admitted that all writers on the subject have laid down non-interference as the general rule; and in a question so important as the present we must look in every direction, not that I mean to say that there are to be no exceptions to this general rule, but they must be confined to cases so special and peculiar, that on the face of them the peculiarity must be discernible. If, then, when only one single nation is concerned in the interference, the matter requires such caution, it must be doubly hazardous when the affair is undertaken by a confederacy, for, however single-hearted any one of the nations may be in its pur pcses, it cannot answer for the designs of the others ; neither can it in the nature of things be sure that the same wisdom the same good faith, and the same moderation, are actuat ing the intentions of its Allies. But though all this makes it unsafe to interfere, there certainly have been 1 and may be cases where it would not only be our principle but even our duty to interfere between two belligerents : for, as in England, it had never been a question, that a nation, under certain circumstances, had a right to revolt; it would be the grossest of absurdities to suppose that its Allies were to be deprived of the right of aiding them in their exertions. We ourselves had, in former times, lent armed assistance to Holland when she was oppressed, and which she still remembered with grati tude ; and at another period we had received front the same country succour and support.—(H e ar, hear.) ---1 trust that the House will pardon me for having detained it so long on this subject ; but as I could not fail to he sensible to the deep importance attached to it, I was most anxious that what I had to say on the matter should not be misunderstood ; and if I have declined giving any distant opinion on certain points connected with 014 topic, I have done so, not because I wished to shrink from it, but from the circumstance of the whole facts of the case not being before the House, and because I (lid not feel myself at liberty to decide without the fullest information and deliberation. There is another reason also, Sir, why I s h ou ld w ish to be very cautious, an d that is, because we learn from his Majesty's Speech that there is still a hope that the negotiations between the parties will go on, and effect a compromise without resorting to extreme measures . If this should turn out to be the case, the H ouse w ill do well to be cautious how it com e s to any expression of opinion on this point, previous to the question being settled. Certainly any collected ex pression of opinion, and possibly even an individual opinion, might, at the present epoch, be hazardous, and incur the chance of disturbing that amicability—the restoration of st (deli every one must be anxiously desirous to witness. I do no t i n t en d to trouble the House with minute remarks on all the topics which are touched upon in the Speech from the Throne ; but there is one which I roust allude for a minute before I sit down—l mean that point which refers to the internal state of the country. In mentioning this, I do not intend to enter into the question to the extent te• which it has already occupied the House at previous Ses sions, and will, no doubt, again, in the course of its labo rious researches. I allude to it only for the sake of mak ing the single observation that his Majesty's Speech, when touching on this question, instead of launch. ing itito a florid and animated description of the be nefits which the country has derived from certaiu arrangements, instead of indulging in glowing and brilliant colours, it has adopted the more digni fied style of reminding the House, that though some im provement has taken place, much yet remains to be done, and it then proceeds to call them to an honest and la borious discharge of the duty which the country has um. posed upon them. There are certain evils, however, under which the country is suffering, to which I doubt whether it is in the power of the Legisla ture to apply a direct remedy—l mean the evils of depres sion which are still affecting the productive classes of Eng land. This is the subject which is pressed upon oar at tention, and we therefore can have no objection to pledge ourselves to the prosecution of the inquiry, how far the public expenditure may be reduced consistently with the necessary demands and expenses of the country, and in what degree we may he able to improve the internal con dition of the people. With respect to the consuming and manufacturing claws, to which the Speech has alluded, believe that the cause, or one of the chief causes of the depression under which they are suffering, is far removed be yond the control of the House. (Hear.) I am afraid, that we mast not be sanguine enough to hope that the improve • - • ment of their condition will be very rapid ; and I cannot help feeling a great doubt how Parliament, with all its boasted omnipotence, will be able to accelerate so desirable. an event to any great degree.—(Hear, hear, bear.)—This, however, so far from furnishing any excuse for remissness on our parts, should, on the contrary, furnish the strongest motives for our activity. Whatever our success may be likely to be, let us at all events do our best, so that at least the country may see, and we ourselves feel, that all has been. done by us that could be done towards an earnest, energetic, and determined discharge of our duty—(Hear, hear)—and though on some occasions the spirit of the people of Eng land is wayward and difficult to be controuled, - yet I, for my own part, have sufficient faith in the good sense and candour of that people, to believe, that when they see Par liament exerting itself for their benefit, they will afford it r. firm co-operation and a ssistance. By pursuing, therefore, the course pointed out to us by the Crown, we shall be dis charging our duty to theca and to ourselves; and, assuredly, if we may judge from the tenor of the Speech which we have beard this night, we may co nclud e , that in promo t ing the happiness of the people , we shall most effectually be promoting one of the most earne s t objects of his Majesty's wishes.—( Hear.) Mr. BROUGHAM agreed entirely with the observations that had fallen from the two Hon. Members opposite, while at the same time he claimed on behalf of himself and other Members of the House a most unquestionable right of entering into every part of his Majesty's Speech. It was very well to say that Ministers were not here, and therefore that they ought to postpone the discussion of the measures in which they were interested. It was very well to say so, and to act so, but it was a very different thing for the Hon. Mover and Seconder of the Address, after giving this prudent and proper advice, to proceed to a discussion of those very measures on which they depre cated ail discussion, and to proceed to enter largely iuto an explanation of all those points which it was most expedient to postpone. It was a very different thing when the Honourable Mover and Seconder only postponed giving their opinions on those points on which there was no difference of opinion, and only adverted to those topics on which t. sere was the greatest difference of opinion. No doubt the lion. Gentlemen had a right to give their opinions on those subjects, and all that he (Mr. Brougham) complained of was, - that in giving their own opinion, they should call upon every one else to bold his peace. The Hon. Mover not content with giving his own plenary approbation to the Ministry lately formed, brought down to that House a spe cies of message from a Noble Relative, whose health he (Mr. B.) rejoiced unfeignedly to hear was so much re covered, for he had understood that that Noble Lord's health was in such a situation that he did not know nor could not attend to any thing that was passing. He was glad now to learn from the authority of his Noble Relative that his information was correct. But this did not pre vent him from protesting against the Noble Lord, or any other Noble Lord's, sending down a message to this house. Was it because the Noble Lord was a member of every government but the last, within, twenty years past? Was it because the Noble Lord %yea! suspected by his friends, and was considered an inoffensive man by his enemies—was it because he was peculiarly fair and candid towards his political opponent, that he should take upon himself to send down a mes sage to this Llouse, by his honourable relative to the effect that be (Lord Liverpool) was fully persuaded that there never:was a better Administration than that which had been just formed ? Doubtless the Noble Lord approved of the omissions— those omissions which had astounded the public—the Ministry met with his complete ap proval, and therefore he approved of the omission of his ancient and honourable colleague, whose name had been so long associated with his own, that they were like Castor and Pollux, in this nether world—(Laughter, and hear !)—The one was never heard without the other. He (Mr. Brougham), never heard of any measure, nor any political movement within the last twenty years, to which both those Noble Lords were not parties. He was struck with surprise therefore he confessed, but with still more satisfaction than surprise, when he heard of Lord Liverpool's approval of this omission. (Laughter.) Notwithstanding all that had fallen from the Honourable Mover and Seconder, he (Mr.B.) would not be drawn away into an unnecessary discussion, notwithstanding all the temptations that had been thrown out. It would be inexpedient and un fair to enter into any general discussion ; but there were some topics touched on by the Hon. Mover and Seconder, and seme of the terms of the King's Speech and the Address, which he could not refrain from remarking on. He wished that those who perused the Speech, lied consi dered to whom it was addressed, and by whom it was—if not to be discussed—at least to be considered, and that they had avoided sonic expressions calculated more than those contained in any speech he had ever heard, to commit those who from delicacy and expe diency were desirous not to vote against it. One part of the Speech lie must dissent from and protest against, in the full and firm conviction, that his dissent and protest would be re-echoed by that House, and throughout the country. lie alluded to the manner in which the late glorious, bril liant,. and immortal achievement was alluded to. In Ins Majesty's Speech, that glorious event was referred to and talked of in the language of lamentation. It . was the first time in the course of his (Mr. Brougha m's) experience, that he had ever heard of a Ministry ta kin g an early, un heard of, uncalled for, improper, and u nfair opportunity of complaining of a glorious victory. But there were sonic unfortunately who fought the battles of freemen, but who trembled like slaves; some w ho acted gloriously but • repented bitterly ; some who when they promoted the cause of freedom in the West thought it expedient to extend the reign of slavery in the East, and thus plucking from their brow the laurels planted cypress in its place.— He hailed it as an evil omen that the Speech referred to the late battle in the terms in which it did. He feared he should not be able to give his . confidence to those who de signated the battle of Navarro "an untoward event." He did not say the present Ministry was unworthy of public confidence, what he complained of was, that the. Hon. Mover and Seconder s hould say you must not discuss certain matters in the a bsence of Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Grant, and yet the advisers of the Crown put in the mouths of their Sove reign an attack upon Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Grant, and Mr. Grant's brother came down to second art Address lauding this Speech, containing the attack on Mr. Grant and Mr. Huskisson. But perhaps it might be said that - it was no attack upon those gentlemen. But if so, then, at least, it was an attack on the gallant officer who had con ducted the fleets, and who was likewise absent---(Hear, hear, hear)—who had fought and bled in the action of which they were ashamed, and to the glory of which they had applied the phrase of " untoward. -_(hear, hear, hear.)—Out of this dilemma, my Lord Fi e ld -M ars h a l Duke of W e lli ng t on , th e re is no getting.—(Cheers.) —All your battles, be they ever so bold—all your victories, ,be they ever so nimble--Cannot get you out of it; either you m are thr ow i ng o dium on Mr. Grant and Mr. Huskisson , your pr e d ec essors in o ffice, and setti ng up t h e brothel- of the former to echo an Address in which his pol ic y i 8 blamed to ° v d e s n l ed planned ;orl dare say, that of course it will be said there was no bl ame w h atever mea nt--ynu ea and le thoset the measure escape, while he that fought the battle and led our ships on to v ictory is to be held up as the object of blame; and after haying been c overed with honours on all sides, his c onduct is to be stigmatised as " untoward"—(Cheerin g ) --thus throw • ing in the shade those honours which are only less signal than the trophies he has won for his country. I do wish, Sir, in the most holy sentiment of heart, that peace may be restored between Greece and the Porte ; I do wish that the present threatening extremities may pass away without war and bloodshed being their accompaniments; I know the danger that; will With all r in t y ha on t e inparttheor;esuernopet depressed all dt statee o h le of 2 e4l ' aprairstes from de a m n ; n n o our Revenue and Pinance , s, war, of all things, ought to be in hand avoided by this country; yet, with all these feelings of an rP l e --o ic h h I anxiety pressing on y mind, ; do not hesitate to declare, hav e to, that I would rather see w ar b roug ht u p on us , than consent that h e tutional ro the stigmatizing of th e l a t e nava l ac ti on by suc h terms as Tni ea military hear.)—Though mode ar.)T in 1 ,o; s should appear to be cond emna t ory o f th e mo ti ves th a t n° ,, t t he urged ati si ac i t t i 000 the n . °n' s constituted, represented as it is by thepotent t the cannot Government viewrn mewnt with i l e ; to Noble Duke at the 11 , head of the Army in the other House, and by the Noble; • bear's as Lord, the Secretary at War, in this ; nor hear, i n s il e nt ' acquiescence, the disapprobation and lamentations ex— f ' the , ' pressed with regard to the battle of Navarin, in that . pas- ar, the sage of the Speech to which I have adverted ; 'nor setvith- It is un out alarm the way in which our " ancient and faithful bated it Ally," the religious and liberal Emperor •of the Turks ; uttl mat is spoken of by the head of the Protestant interest in quarter this Ad this country—by '}tie brother, I had almost said, on the Throne; I do trust that these things, which I de- the exe , plore, are not an earnest of our return to that system ria • of foreign policy--I 11;i11 say of bad foreign policy__ protest which, for so many years, perverted the course of ar ms-- our foreign relations, and which I had fain hoped was on the utterly extinguished by the brilliant talent and glorious here t success attending that wiser, more humane, more liberal, against be and more truly English system, restored under the super - , intendence of that Right Hon. Gentleman (the late Mr. 'lesi nch Y gz Canning), whose name I can hardly permit myself to speak, the Pa' after, the eloquent tribute paid to his transcendent merits be filler and pre-eminent services by my Hon. Friend who seconded Sir the Address. I had fain hoped that his great talents and ton of ,public. services—of inestimable worth, though they called late M forth against him that torrent of vile abuse to which he fell Iran a premature sacrifice—l had fain hoped, I repeat, that though those services, and the splendid success which had attended their them, had prevented for ever the return of that short- Yorke sighted,.narrow-minded, and ill-omened system of foreign rorde policy which did, for a time, prevail under other councils- k s d I trust that this system will not be revived ; that we shall “T a no longer dread the name which, as Englishmen, we laadt e ati l a , r a under that system, acquired throughout Europe; that we shall no longer be ashamed, as we then were, of appear all that is best in our own institutions, when brought thus wti into contrast with those of the ancient and legitimate but slavish and despotic Monarchies of the Continent. I trust l uster' • that the people of England will not have the misfortune W public see an interregnum of that foreign policy which has bee ed to • restored during the last three or four years, since the re- Y L . ear I .turn of Mr. Canning to office. I trust that this country th' will still be the refuge and solace of all persecuted freemen , a a xial and not of the tyrants wino persecute them. I trust, that the Nr ,if .freemen venture to these shores, they will not find that (A let they come only to be betrayed and delivered over to their Ka.rtie pursuers. I hope that it may not again be with us as it 'ling, was once said to be , that wherever there was any abuse of prevai power—wherever there was any course of misgovernment P. G: ,--wherever there was any system of cruelty and fraud in of his force against the liberty and happiness of the human race tratio: they to whom the oppressive Government belonged, awl Naval by whom its powers were administered, never looked is Hon. vain to England for sympathy and support.—(Hear, hear.) .as cot I am alarmed, I confess, at the kindness with which the discre Turks are mentioned—the pleasing satisfaction with which hones our ancient alliance with that Power is dwelt on in the heads I same passage in which his Majesty's Speech laments the The 1 battle of Navarin, and designates that victory as an ss unto. to ward event." This passage, I must say, leads me to entertain pawe some fears which I shall rejoice to find unfounded. Though I has o . have abstained from a single remark either upon the Go' " I nc vernrnent or its measures, yet I will take it on myself t° (Mut state—as I can do in perfect honesty and sincerity, and a' not E I feel bound to do in performance of my duty as a Member Welli of this House—that, he the Government composed °I reaao tl whomsoever it may, be the causes assigned to account f °l by Ai the changes that have lately taken place whatever they maY: as long as I find certain men forming part and parcel o any I that Government, and as long as I know, if lam to kno ° the it, that hopes are raised and promises made that a certain (Rent course of policy will be followed ; as long as I think I cal was rely on the fulfilment of these pledges, in the adoption o the wise, salutary, -and liberal measures for the purpose of of ' crest fectually retrenching further expenditure--(H ear , hear to th and of carrying further the improvements begun in cool( whole of our domestic polity ; and as long as I know, ' ; treqte I am to know it—and whether I am, this . Speech f litic the first time makes me greatly doubt--that we she Blind adhere to our owntruly English and honest system rtime, foreign policy, and not return to that which is so hag , it lb' that supplanted—l shall, looking not to the men at all, true the Government composed of those with whom I am cot , silen t nected privately or as a party man—or be it composed ' spo those with whom I am unconnected, and to whom, as party man, lam opposed — if these be their measures , t he o ugl shall r e ceive my support; and that not a languid or fee t fere support, but as hearty, as sincere, and as active a supp of it as if I still sat on that (the Ministerial) side of the HO the y and as if I was in close conn ec ti on w ith th ose from whoalater the measures emanated. (Hear, hear, hear.) I c a nnot' was that down without saying a few words as to one part of the A i l rasagements of the new Government, to which I confess fals° for one am old-fashioned enough to feel very strong ~ °r , that jections. I wholly disapprove of the Commander-in-Ch o they of the Army being placed at the head of the Civil Cover'. But merit of the country. No man can value more highly r cow illustrious services ; no man could be more grateful for the! to c victories at the time when they were atchioved ; and oft: put party men generally were rather disposed to lament thc,o, 0 fle e' some even to regard them as " untoward events," I ° I bus; amongst the first in this House to exult in them, an d Use urge and promote the measures for replenishing the ) the s ources placed at the Noble Duke's disposal. But to 1 refs that Gallant Field Marshal placed, as Prime Minister] . • I ) " this country, at the head of the Finances—invested, rt e ,i eat is understood, with all the patronage of the Crown , and be s se nt key almost alone the depository of the free and full confidl Al; of his Sovereign ! The Noble Duke has not only bin patronage of the Army and the Church, And most of due other patronage of the State, but to him also is intro'. WOI the delicate and west impo rtant f unction of having °: her stant access to the ear of Isis Royal Master—(Hear, —What is to compensate the country for the violatio o t cons tit u tional principles , in this extraordinary ac cumuls s the of power in the he ads of an in di v idual ? We are told , e r die true, of the great vigour he Flews in council, and that' ing talents are not confined to war. It may be so ; jade' sac have no doubt it is so ; but the objection remains that t a soldier, and a successful soldier too—=strengthened built up in his eminence by a reputation purely mill and still exercising the office of Commander-in-Chief 0 1 Army. When last Sessions I heard him make that Si' ' in which he hail the mod es t y an d can d our to d ec l ar e, he knew himself incapable of speaking before their IA ships as the First Minister of the country ought t °l able to speak, he expressed himself with so ill clearness and propriety that I thought I had never a better speaker,—(Hear, hear,)—nor one more "' to the occasion. He convinced the House that it, less his w an t o f capac ity for debate th a t disqurte him for a leading Minister than because his e 0 ence was military and not civil. But it is no cool satin to me to tell me; that when the Noble Duke 0 1 his great and gallant front in his negotiations with F Powers, they will be awed. Unhappily, the same ti will remind them also of his former connection w ith } worst, most on-English, most despotic, and most 1/1 military s ystem of foreign policy by which this, o r other country, was ever disgraced and degraded. It compensation to me to hear, as I do hear it said, the new First Alinister of State intends to tarn over 0 i leaf, and take into his own hands all the patronage °' Crown ; so that no Court favourite--no Peer, however his dignity—indeed, no Minister, is to share it with hi t That will be no compensation to me; this House WI, / it none —non e a t a ll , I am s ure--(Hear)—nor country consider it any compensation. According to t ll of the Constitution, to recommend persons to r• high offices in the Army, Navy, State, or Church , privilege of any friend or other person who has acs the Minister of the Crown, but on him -alone rest responsibility of the appointment. That any indiiri fi exalted rank and powerful connexions, and having influence in the co untr y , should be exc luded from 144 mending any i n dividuals whom he might wish to by promotion in t he State, the Church, the Army, av Navy, Ido not understand, on Constitutional gr ° n or w hy the Court, as it is c a ll e d, or t h e N o bility,' b a nd and foot, and d e p r i ve d o f t h e pow er be bound , has hitherto been used by every Duke, Marquis, or hav i ng two boroughs in his gift. Thi s i s not m y 14 of the Constitution. The Minister I hold, is a nstr t f or the disposal of the patronage ; because whoever mends, be appoints, and be therefore is alone eel I care not who recommends the appointment, who belong to the Court, or to the Howe of Lords or Co o°l o r to neither : I have a responsibl e Mi n i ster ; if he i°,l; ~ .he is answerable for what he has do ne . Constitutl°Ogi then, I care nothing at all about the mode in who ! patronage is used, whether directly by the Mino,o through him by those who surround him. It is 0 0,, !sensation to this House, or the country, how t h . e ,o Duke may proceed in this resp ect .- Compensar e „"e public have a right to expect ; but I see none. I, ‘"th be said, however, that I erns i nc li ne d to exaggera te. ' no fear of slavery being intr o d uce d i nto t hi e cou ntrg t sword. It would take a stronger man than the Wellington, though he be at once Pritse Mi o jl c Commander- in-Chief of the Army ; and though , t .' c r the army, he should have th e Mitre, and t o that tr) an} Ne • eid hat nit G, 'p , !.10; fi I ; .44 ti Y4fl II . 1 • d 3 1 41 '441 9, 1 4 % • 4-, I 1 ‘.4 6 4 . ~u~~ 4 4 . 4 bid 4400 4'9,44,1