The Sun. — London, England, 1867-05-15 00:00:00

IMPEPJAL PARLIA HENT .....--......... .. to.. HOUSE OF LORDS.—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PETITIONS. The Marquis of WEST3IINSTER pres , mted several peti tions against the use of clerical vestments. One from Boulogne-sur-Mer, in France. from English residents; another from Essex ; and a third from St. Saviour's, Chelsea. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Farquharson (of lnvercauld) Estate), and Halifax and Overden Junction Railway Bills were read a second time. THE CLERICAL VE3THENTS (No. 2) BILL. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, iu moving the second reading of this bill, said that the question had been so long before the public, and had caused so much agitation, that it should at once be settled. lie thought it his duty to adhere to the bill which he had proposed, al though he had no objection to a commission being ap pointed to investigate the subject. It was necessary that the matter should be. settled at once. He wished to be embodied iu an Act of Parliament what had been the usages as far as vestments were con cerned from the period of the Reformation. To know what satisfied our forefathers, our ancestors, and our fathers, and had also been approved by the gravest prelates and divines. He had carefully founded the bill he proposed upon the 58th Canon, which contained the ancient practice as to the assumption of robes by the clergy from the earliest times of the Reformation. He must detain them for some little time while he traced by documentary evidence what had been the robes used by the clergy from that period till the present time. In the time of Elizabeth it was enacted that the officiating clergyman or curate should!wear a •' comely surplice," white, and with a black hood. In 1569 Archbishop Parker inquired into what kind of vestments were used, and ordered that the white surplice should be worn, according to the Queen's enact ment. During many succeeding years of that period the question was put by the various archbishops and bishops, when the clergymen went forth apparelled according to the Queen's command. It was also further enacted that no garment should be worn except that which distin guished the Master of Arts. He would like to call their lordships' attention to the great amount of injunctions and commands which were laid upon the clergy against any assumption of ritualistic garments. Bishop Cosens, who held the see of Durham, especially laid such injunc tions in 1662. The noble earl quoted the names of several other prelates during that century. He would like now to direct the attention of the house to a resolution which was passed in the House of Convocation at York, held only in the March of the present year. It was to the effect that the innovation was entirely inadmissible, and that this was the opinion of both houses. The American bishops in synod at New York had been also of the same opinion, and the Canadian bishops assembled in convoca tion at Montreal. They considered that no alteration should be made, or any innovations introduced, in opposi tion to the practice of the Church of England. There was upon this qeestion a legal doubt, and it was one which struck the eye and went deep into the hearts of the English people, and which ought, therefore, to be settled. If they objected to the bill he trusted that they would provide some other. There was an objection that he (the noble lord) proposed to proceed by bill instead of by commission, but let the bill precede the commission. It was not till the bill had been some time upon the table of the house that a commis sion had been proposed. By commission it would be doing exactly what the ritualistic party desired; it would pro tract the question, and allow it to be still further intruded upon the minds of the people, and this would enable the ritualists to make hay while the sun shone. There were no less than 2,000 churches in England which had lights upon the altar, which was quite contrary to the rubric of the Church of England. He thought that he had shown their lordships that everything demanded that this bill should be carried out, inasmuch as it would controvert a great schism which had arisen in the land, and which tended to subvert the religion of the country. The noble lord commented upon a book which ho said was entitled "The Church and the World," and this book he stigma tised as most disloyal to the Church. He then quoted several passages from that work. It advocated Ritualism and the celibacy of the clergy, and stated that our worship must be the system of the theatre. Then the simple wor ship of our Church was to degenerate into the gorgeous machinery used in attracting crowded audiences like the spectacular scenes of a theatre. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY excused the inac tion of the prelates by remarking that their powers were not so extensive as was sometimes supposed. Agreeing with Lord Shaftesbury in condemning many of the doc trines put forth and practices adopted by the extreme party, he still thought it would be advisable to postpone proceeding with this bill, which dealt only with one of the many points that would come under the consideration of the ltoyal CommisAion. He therefore moved, adopting a suggestion of the Lord Chancellor, that the debate be ad journed for two months. Lord SHAFTESBURY having declined to agree to the amendment, Lord NELSON observed that if the use of the vest ments complained of was illegal there was no use for this bill, and if they were not illegal then he thought they should hesitate before submitting to the penalties of au ex post facto law persons who were acting, as they believed, conscientiously and lawfully. Urging the impropriety of enacting a rigid rule of uniformity, he suggested that direct Parliamentary legislation would give rise to a feel ing of persecution, and therefore recommended that Con vocation should be left to assume the initiative in any changes that might be deemed to be necessary. The Bishop of LONDON admitted that a great evil did exist, and that immediate action was required, but ho re minded the house that legislation could at best only pal liate and could not remove the evil. To do so effectually the influences at the Universities, which exercised so much power over the minds of young men at the present day, must be dealt with, and with that object he urged the necessity of great caution in the appointments to the chief posts at the great educational centres of the country, although he disavowed all desire to set a ban upon any particular mode of thought. He thought the Commission, not dealing with doctrine, but with all matters pertaining to public worship, would be useful, but not entirely effectual for the removal of the existing evils, and he sup ported the bill as a means of enabling all persons to know what was the law upon one particular point. Lord DEVON warned the house against adopting appa rently harsh legislation against zealous and pious persons, although he regretted the extremes to which they some times carried their convictions. Lora fIARROWBY thought congregations were entitled to be protected against distasteful innovations, and there fore supported the bill. The Bishop of OXFORD felt the danger of the time, but objected to the bill as wholly inadequate to deal with an influence which affected the minds not only of many of the younger members of the Church of England, but even of those who belonged to Dissenting bodies. Any legislation upon such a subject to be beneficial must be calmly consi dered and carefully matured. He approved a Royal Com mission, and thought the plea of urgency did not warrant the passing of a bill dealing only with one out of the many questions involved in the coming inquiry. There would be danger to the Church from hasty legislation, as it was well known within her bosom were comprehended men of widely diverging views, and great forbearance must be practised if it were not desired to drive them from their common Church. The Bishops of DURHAM and CARLISLE supported the second reading, but Lord DERBY regretted that the adjournment of the de bate had not been acceded to by Lord Shaftesbury, as he conceived the bill, if passed, would be regarded as hasty and partial legislation. Ho urged the house to agree to the postponement, undertaking that the Royal Commission should be issued without delay. Upon a division, the motion for adjourning the debate was carried by 61 to 46. The sitting was closed at 25 minutes to 9 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Colonel TAYLOR, a new writ was ordered to be issued for the election of a member for the University of Oxford, in the place of the Right Hon. Gathorne Hardy, who, since his election, had received the appointment of ono of her Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State. TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN. Mr. FAWCETT gave notice on an• early day of mov ing a resolution, to the effect that the scholarships in Trinity College, Dublin, should not be exclusively con fined to members of the Established Church. THE ABYSSINIAN PRISONERS. Mr. WYLD asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether it was true that. the King of Abyssinia had refused to- comply with the Queen's request that he should liberate the captives; whether in consequence the English en g i neers w h o were engage d to en t er th e Bing , s service had returned or were about to return to England ; and whether any and what further steps were being taken by the Goveininent to obtain the release of Mr. Rassam, Cousul Cameron, and the other captives. Lord STANLEY said, in answer to the hon. member, ha could not say that the King of Abyssinia had refused to liberate the prisoners, because he had received no an swer to the communication that had been made to him. lie knew that the King had received the letter of the Queen some time ago, yet the prisoners were still detained. Vith reepect to the return of the engineers, Colonel Mere weather had thought that, in consequence of the delay of the release of the prisoners, it would not be safe for them to proceed into the interior at present, and the Government had agreed with that suggestion. One of the chiefs of the engineers had been taken ill shortly after his arrival at Aden, therefore he bad been compelled to return to Eng land under any circumstances. He (Lord Stanley) had written to . the King on the 16th of April, stating that unless the prisoners were released the presents which had been prepared and sent out would not be delivered. He was not in a position then to give any further information. ESCAPE FROM A CONVENT. Mr. WHALLEY asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention had been given to a statement in the Times of the 11th of May, that six young ladies had escaped from a convent at Glos sop, and having walked to Sheffield, a distance of twenty-five miles, were there taken charge of by the police, and by them handed over to another convent called Notre Dame at the request of the Superior of the convent from which they had escaped? whether it was his opinion that the police at Sheffield were justified in so acting ? whether any inquiry would be instituted as to the circumstances connected with this escape ? and, generally, whether any, and what, means were available for affording protection to any such persons against detention in con vents against their will? Mr. WALPOLE said he had that morning directed that an inquiry should bo made into the circumstances of the case, and until that had taken place he could trot give any information on the subject. THE REFORM BILL. Mr. FOSTER asked when it was proposed to proceed with the committee on this bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said be intended to pcoceed with the committee on the Represen tation of the People Bill on Thursday next, if he could do so at a reasonable hour. There was, however, important business on the paper for that evening which could not be delayed. At all events he should proceed with the committee on Monday if he could not do so before that day. THE MILT TAX. Colonel BARTTELOT moved for a select committee to inquire into the operation of the malt tax. Ile said it was of the utmost importance that such a committee should be appointed, because it proposed to deal with as article which entered largely into consumption, and one which was of the greatest importance to the working classes. If the duty was reduced it would enable the brewers to provide the labouring population with an ar ticle which would be beneficial to them, and throw out of consumption that disgraceful stuff which was sold in small country public-houses, and which was called beer. It was a compound formed of the most deleterious articles, and one which if hon. members only once tasted it they would never wish to do so again. It would also be but an act of justice to the farmer that some thing should be done to enable them to discharge the heavy burdens which were now pressing upon them. Mr. READ seconded the motion, and his reason for doing so was that the English farmer might be enabled to compete with the foreigner, who had cheap land, cheap labour, and light taxation. He believed that the strong argument against the repeal of the malt tax was, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer could not afford to lose the product of the tax; but he thought that if the right hon gentleman could not give the whole he might at least make such a reduction as would prove acceptable to the far mer and advantageous to the working population. It had been stated that the strengthening and greater pro duction of beer would lead to an increase of drunkenness, but he did not believe that, because it was well known that in wine-producing countries drunkenness was not as pre valent as it was in places where the facility of obtaining wine was not so great. The effect of the existing malt tax had been most pernicious, because malting and brew ing had been a complete monopoly, and therefore on that. ground alone the operations of the tax ought to be strictly inquired into. Mr. GLADSTONE said he believed it was the inten tion of the Government not to offer any opposition to the motion of the hon. and gallant gentleman opposite. It was a subject that might be well inquired into by a se lect committee, because he believed many misapprehen sions that existed on the subject would be cleared away, and he should also be glad if certain inquiries were made into the operation of the two acts passed last year, viz., the one for levying the duty by weight, and the other for the application of malt for the feeding of cattle. He hoped the inquiry would not give rise out of doors to an impres sion that any future Chancellor of the Exchequer could part with the revenue derived from malt or from the con version of barley into beer. The motion was supported by Mr. Henniker-Major, Mr. Beach, Mr. Surtees, Lord E. Cavendish, Mr. Corrange, and Mr. G. More, who all strongly condemned the tax, and by Mr. Greene, who expressed some doubt whether inquiry would not show other taxes to be more oppressive to the farmer. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER assented to the committee, believing it to be expedient and useful, con sidering the long time which had elapsed since the inci dence of the tax had been inquired into, the various unsuc cessful motions which had been made on the subject, and the extravagant views entertained on both sides. After some observations from Mr. Dodson and Colonel Bartellot, who declined to include au inquiry into the spirit Dutiesas suggested by Mr. Gladstone, the committee was agreed to. Lord HOTHAM moved for a select committee to inquire into the sources from which ihe Military Reserve Funds are derived, and the objects to which they are applied ; and Sir John Pakington, on behalf of the War-office, offer ing no objection, but acknowledging that there was much mystery about the subject which it was desirable to dispel, The committee was agreed to. Bills were brought in by Mr. Neate to facilitate the en closure and improvement of Commons ; by Mr. Fawcett, to provide for the education of children employed in agri culture; by Mr. Pim, to extend the powers of limited owners of land in Ireland; and by Lord Naas to provide for the custody of the Irish Records. On the second reading of the bill for repealing the Eccle siastical Titles Act, Mr. M'Evoy announced that as the Government had consented to refer the operation of this act to a select committee, he should defer the bill for a fort night, and on Thursday he would move the appointment of a select committee. Mr. NEWDEGATE, who had given notice of a mo tion to reject the bill, reluctantly acquiesced in the pro posed course, in the hope that the inquiry would open the eyes of the people to the continued existence of the aggres sive policy against which the Ecclesiastical Titles Act was directed. After somo observations from Mr. WHALLEY, the second reading was deferred for a fortnight. The Offices and Oaths and the Transubstantiation, &c., Declaration Abolition Bills were read a third time and passed. The Bunhill• fields Burial-ground Bill passed through committee. Some other orders wore forwarded a stage, and the house adjourned at five minutes to nine o'clock. Agricultural Prospects. Last Monday proved the hottest day of the sea son. The thermometer, at 60 degrees in the morn ing, touched 76 in the afternoon, and much field work was accomplished in fine order, the change to summer-like weather being most beneficial to the crops. Our advices were as under. From Lincoln shire, in the neighbourhood of Spalding : " There is about the usual amount of wheat sown in this neighbourhood ; but in many places the plant is thin on the ground, owing to much wet in the winter, and wireworm in the cold spring. Against this there are some very excellent crops. I cannot bring my mind to the conclusion that we have an average crop ; but much will depend on the weather. Oats in their present stage look well on the average ; but our growth of this corn has fallen off much of late years. Beans are coming up very well, but at pre sent it is too soon to form an opinion of thetn." Tuesday was a fine bright day, but not so oppres sively hot as the previous one, and field work was going on extensively in all the late districts. From Lancashire : " With a moderate fall of rain and a higher temperature, vegetation is making a sudden and marked progress; at the same time much agri cultural work remains to be done, particularly in the northern parts of the kingdom, and a favour able season will be required to bring the period of harvest within the average time of the year." Wed nesday was fine and warm, not so clear and sunny, but a splendid day for the country, and field work was going on rapidly and most favourably. Thurs day proved fine, and slightly cloudy in the after noon, but altogether a splendid day for the farmers. From `Warwickshire : " Weather is now most fa vourable, and the appearance of the country has I changed wonderfully during the last few days. Grass lands denote every prospect of an abundant crop." From Suffolk, near the coast : " We have at last most brilliant and warm summer weather, with south-westerly wind and steady barometer." From the same couaty in the interior : " Since our last report there has been a complete change in the weather, and we have had a succession of fine bright days, bringing forward vegetation very rapidly." Friday morning was thick and threatening, with slight rain, but it cleared off and held up, though still heavy showers were reported to have fallen in some parts. At Maidenhead the rain was heavy, and in the evening smart showers fell, with thunder at a distance. From Lincolnshire our advices stated : " We have had magnificent weather of late and vegetation is making rapid progress. Wheat looks well and forward on dry soils, but on the clay land it is yellow and unpromising, though with a continuance of fine weather a great improvement will be perceptible. Barley comes up well and looks strong and vigorous. An early harvest in prospect." From the West Riding of Yorkshire : " Since Tuesday the weather has been fine and forcing. W e have large supplies of both sheep and cattle, show ing that keep is finished as far as regards winter stores, but we shall soon have plenty of herbage.' From the East Riding it was stated : " The weather is all at once hot and forcing, the growing crops have made rapid progress since our last, and at present prospects on the ground are very favourable for the coming crops." Early on Saturday morn ing a violent thunder-storm was experienced, with a deluge of rain. The day, however, turned out sunny and fine.—Mark-lane Express of yesterday. IRELAND. DUBLIN, May 14. The Court of Criminal Appeal sat yesterday I morning for hearing arguments on the points re served i❑ the case of M'Afferty. Ten Judges were present, including the three chiefs—namely, the Lord Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of the Com mon Pleas, the Chief Baron, Mr. Justice O'Brien, Mr. Justice Keogh, Mr. Justice Fitzgerald, Baron Hughes, Baron Deasy, Mr. Justice O'Hagan, and Mr. Justice George. The Attorney-General, the Solicitor-General, Messrs. Macdonogh, Q.C., Long field, Q.C., Murphy, Q.C., Hamilton, and Bey tagh appeared on the part of the Crown. Messrs. Butt, Q.C., Dowse, Q.C., O'Loghlen, ,and Molloy were counsel for the prisoner. Mr. Butt opened the arguments, contending that the conviction could not be maintained. There was not, perhaps, he said in the whole range of State trials a single case which involved, he would not say so many intricate questions, but questions going so directly to the root of the law of high treason. The venue was laid in the county of Dublin. It had been admitted that the prisoner was an alien. Sufficient evidence• had been given on the part of the Crown that in and since the year 1862 down to and after March, 1867, a treasonable conspiracy existed in the kingdom of Great Britain and Ire land, as well as in the United States of America,for the several unlawful purposes stated in the course of the trial. Sufficient evidence had also been given that the prisoner, some time ab iut the month of March, 1865, became in America an active mem ber of the association ; but, being an alien, that was not evidence that could be acted upon. In that month he left America for Ireland, and was arrested at Queenstown, brought to trial, and acquitted by the presiding judge, there being no proof of any overt act against him in this coun try. APAfferty went again to America after his acquittal, and returned to this country in 1866, and sufficient evidence bad been given to prove that after his return to America he continued to belong to that treasonable conspiracy. Sufficient evidence had also been given to show that a meeting of confederates had been heldin New York, at which the prisoner was said to have been present, and in the proceedings of which he was said to have taken part. After his return to Ireland in 1867 nothing whatever had been proved against M'Afferty— nothing to convict him of the overt act specified in the indictment, save a portion of the evidence of Corydon, an approver. The Lord Chief Justice asked if there was not evi dence to connect him with the transactions at Chester. Mr. Butt, in reply, said that the prisoner might have gone there for the purpose of witnessing a prize fight. There was nothing to prove his connexion with the affair at Chester except the testimony of Corydon. The learned counsel cited the case off - lardy in support of his proposition that APAfferty was not responsible for any acts committed, even by his co conspirators, after his arrest. He argued that al though his client might have been a party to a gene ral insurrection, rebellion, or conspiracy in Liverpool, unless there was evidence to prove that he had aided and abetted in the tre.isonab.e design or outbreak in the county of Dublin, he could not be considered as an accessory before the fact, 'or made amenable for the particular overt act specially set forth in the in dictment. The overt act was the charge which the prisoner had to meet, and if he displaced the overt act he displaced the offence. Mr. Butt referred at considerable length to the law as it affected princi pal and accessory. To connect M'Afferty he should be made an accessory to the identical act of levying war in the county of Dublin, and not to any treason generally. M'Afferty was charged with levying war in the county of Dublin, and they must acquit him unless he was actually there, or unless it was proved that he was accessory to that particular act. Cory don was the only witness, and it would be render ing the statutes nugatory if a number of wit nesses having proved general acts of insurrection, one witness were to be permitted to connect the prisoner with those general acts. Upon this as well as upon the ground which he had pre viously urged, he contended that the conviction could not be maintained. The Attorney-General said that, in addition to the two questions submitted to their lordships, another had been submitted by Mr. Butt, though it did not, properly speaking, arise upon the case ; but, of course, he made no objection. The ques tions upon which the judgment .of the Court was now required would be these—Whether the judges were right in receiving against the defendant evi dence of the transactions of the sth of March, which would depend upon whether the Court were justi fied in receiving in evidence the transactions in re ference to the outbreak which occurred after the prisoner had been arrested on the 23d of February ; secondly, whether there was sufficient evidence of acts done within the venue to sustain the indict ment ; and, thirdly, the question which had been added by his learned friend, Mr. Butt, whether there was sufficient evidence—the legal evidence— within the statutes of treason to warrant the convic tion of the prisoner. The direction given to the jury was hypothetical, and the fact of their Eluding the pri soner guilty upon that direction was a finding by the jury that a certain state of facts existed; and he was entitled to meet this case as one in which the jury had, in point of fact, found that the prisoner had committed acts of insurrection, and was in the county of Dublin on the sth of March ; that they were the result of a command and incitent of the directory or other governing body, of which the pri soner was a member, which command and incitent were given by him prior to his arrest. There had been a finding by the jury, that what took place on the night of the sth March was the result of the com mand of the body of which the defendant was a member, which command was given before he was arrested, and that was clearly sustained by the evi dence in the case. It had been said that there was souse t m h a e g a i r c r, :r t m of y a st p e e r r io so u n s ,inrefllueaesnecde him n i c f h r o s m u suddenly, r l e y upons itspo n e s o i b n i s l e i of q ty ue n e vv e •l s l t n h i e a t h t a e d r p : rc h v a i t o u t s h ly ey do m ne i , g a h i t i d b a e l 1 . al sa a ca nd e ground The m a a t ste if n i r t i tz w h e t r e s t a a n ci d u es e t x i o a n c exactly o p n r n t e h i p e s a t c i c ll e , ss a o n r d y. B es tab u l i t s i t l h e e d law ele a o r f ly treason p and abs u o s l h u e t d el i further yt there sponsibility by e the ver law every aetdoofnterebay sthohonewoi f l t o h a n e n g r ' c b ' o n e nfojoined a conspirators, joined prisoner nonel conspiracy,l o d er matter t f m o ter how r:g might be g o i n v g e n a after or evi dence v_ v.A t ß t o e r r n n e a y r n w e r h a i e l h q quoted Orsini upon the life of theden se o f against the h 1, Queen by by p th o e rt F o r f en h ch is Em as from the consequences t that t strongthe prisoner authority wasin sup port exempt by his imprisonment of acts done of g s iv a e ft n er vy he hi w m as w a h rr ue es h te e d h , a i d n pur suancebbeen directions by t her at a quarter-past 5 o'clock, a free agent. He had not conwelhuednedthhiescaorguurtmaendt journed to this morning at 10. On Sunday evening the Lord-Lieutenant sent a special messenger to liilmainham Prison with a communication to the Governor informing him that the sentence of death passed on Patrick Doran, convicted at the Special Commission for high trea son, had been commuted to penal servitude for life. The Limerick Chronicle states that out of 17 pri soners in the county gaol charged with being en gaged in the recent rising, no less than 13 have volunteered to inform against their comrades. The Crown has selected six of the volunteers, who will have the privilege of acting as witnesses at the Com mission for Limerick. Fourteen Fenian prisoners, confined at Ennis, in the county gaol, have been released on their own recognizances, and it is understood that the Crown will forego the prosecutions, except in a few cases. Mr. George Peabody arrived on Sunday evening THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 15, 1867. by the Scotia at Queenstown, and put up at the Queen's Hotel. The Queen has just conferred on Sir Benjamin Guinness the hereditary right to bear supporters to the family arms, a distinction limited, except in special cases, to the peers of the realm. This faTour is granted in recognition of his munificence in restoring St. Patrick's Cathedral. Mr. Walpole's Dilemma. - - Last Saturday and Sunday were anxious days in the city of London Walls were placarded with pro clamations, announcing the intention of the Mini ster for Home affairs to prevent the Reformers from meeting in Hyde Park. By the side of each procla mation a paper was affixed, stating that EDMOND BEALES, Esq., M.A., would take the chair at half past six p.m., and calling on the men of London to maintain their rights, and to assemble in their thousands. The people on their way to church beheld every spot placarded with calls for special constables. It was known that troops had been ordered up to London, that batteries of artillery were in readiness at Woolwich, and brigades of Infantry at Aldershot. Towards evening it was rumoured at the clubs that the Government had given in, and Mr. WALPLOLE had resigned. Most men rejected the tale as utterly incredible. Next morning the Times confirmed the first statement, and yesterday confirmed the last. Mr. WAL POLE succeeded in making everybody uncomfor table, except the roughs, who were charmed at the anticipation of a . jolly good row. The Reform leaders had the unpleasant prospect before them of being the centre of a free fight ; each leader the bone of a contention—the Police hauling one way, King Mob the other. Mr. BEALES and his gallant lieutenant, Colonel DICKSON, if able to move at all, anticipated having to return in a nude state down Oxford-street or Piccadilly. It was more than probable, indeed, that their legs and arms would have been drawn out of the sockets. All kinds of influences were brought to bear on these gentlemen. Anonymous letters were written, urgent business was invented, threats were held out, and the fears of their lady relations ex cited. The Reform leaders, notwithstanding, stood gallantly to their colours, and the result was a sort of Sadowa triumph. Though the greatest strain was on the prominent Reformers, as it ought to have been, for they were the authors of the dilemma, the uncomfortable feeling em braced a very wide range. There were the police, against whom the heathen were sure to rage ; there were the soldiers, who cordially detest such employment, which can work nothing but ruin to them ; there were the householders in the neigh bourhood of the Park, and generally over London, who could not tell to what lengths the anticipated riot would be carried ; there was Mr. WALPOLE, waiting anxiously for the longed-for intelligence. that the Reformers had given in, a. desire in which the Ministry generally strongly participated. The Home Secretary was like the boy who does not like to fight, but hopes by bounce to frighten his oppo nent, takes off his coat, tucks up his sleeves, and then goes blubbering off, when the attitude of his enemy leaves him no other alternative he is willing to accept. The backers of- the boy who acts thus feel a little natural indignation. It is in vain for the youngster to moralise after such preparation on the sin of fighting. He stands convicted of imposture and want of courage. It is thus that the Conservatives regarded the conduct of their Minister, although, if narrowly examined, his policy was not so bad. If he could have frightened the Reformers be would have gained a great triumph ; if he failed in daunting the League his best course vas to let them meet—as he did. This is proved by the result. He was mistaken in sup posing he could frighten them—at least, to such an extent that the discredit which has fallen upon him should have fallen upon them, but he was un doubtedly right in stopping short where he did. In fact, he had no other course, for had he dyed the green grass of the park with the blood of the people his case would have been as illegal and more dangerous than that of Mr. EYr.E. Why, then, it may be asked, did he assume such a position? He may have taken the chance of sacrificing himself for the good of his party, anticipating Mr. BEALES'S course from his own feelings. Had he been Mr. REALES he would have given way, in which case the Government would have triumphed, and passed the Act relating to these meetings now before Parliament. The English hate humbug and deception, and they therefore condemn Mr. WAL POLE. They judge of every measure by success, and as his scheme proved a total failure, they feel little inclination to consider the chances in its favour. If " all's well that ends well," and no one has suffered except Mr. WALPOLE, this episode may be forgotten. It was a triumph for the Reformers, which they have enjoyed. It showed the truth of what they have always contended, that, if undis turbed, the people when assembled would act peace ably and orderly. Although the 2 imes may sneer in reporting their declaration " that they are the enemies of rviolence" and " the upholders of the lor," so long as their violence is confined to their own language, no one has a right to complain. The triumph in this affair is theirs, and it almost wholly being of sterling wo r th he will be respe ct ed as a private citizen.— ' Anglo-American 7 h ues. consists in the peacefu l an d good - tempered dispo sition they have show n. Mr. WALPOLE has made enough for a a graceful amende t o his p art y b y withdrawing from Ain the l C ist a e b r in i e n t d ; iaffincdulatlttimes,hough not strong a man The Poor and the City Improvements. gljppuplleerd Thames street, n f or Yesterday a deputation of the chief inhabitants of ames the Metropolitan waited upon the st htree parishes eAti,thensi ohn about the f_e t s h wct eac d tih i ri s; a i e e nr district oveofei being nent, B Si o r a j rd . l o . f h ; v i a ro it r es ks ' , to urge upon his consideration the claims to compensation of the poor people, some 1,100 or 1,200 of whom were being evicted from the courts, alleys, and streets of that district. The depu tation was introduced by Mr. Geo. Cruikshank, who said that the overcrowding caused by the evictions now taking place in the metropolis would, he feared, give rise to immorality and disease to an extent to be a national calamity. Mr. L. Banks, the hon. sec retary of the Evicted Tenants' Association, read a memorial. This set forth that there were some 300 families being evicted for this improvement, and the classes so evicted were such as obtained their liveli hood in that immediate spot ; and, removed from there, they would be reduced to such extreme po verty as to become a burden upon the poor-rates. It had been found that there was not sufficient house room to accommodate 10 per cent. of those turned from their homes ; and, under these circumstances, those who had to remove to entirely uew districts had a moral claim to compensation, especially when it was considered that they had to give up their set tlements, and their children lost the advantages of free schoolin g w hi c h they obtained where t h ey were. Mr. C. Clark ac k nowledged the fairness w i t h w hi c h the Board's offi cers met all legal claims, and then proceeded to urge various facts in favour o f th e me morial. He urge d that the poor s h ou ld h ave some little c ompensation, so as to give them the means of p ay i ng the depos i ts t h ey h a d to m a k e when entering upon the occupancy of new rooms. The Rev. Mr. Chase stated that the Board had kindly given the tenants leave to live in the houses, after the various property had passed into the po ssess i on of the Boar d , ren t f ree , an d the old landl or d s, h earing of th i s, h a d deprived th e poor people of thi s b enefit b y coming and claiming an amount a s b ac k rent. Dr. Cl a pton said he had acted a s h onorary surgeon t o th e se poor dis tricts, and, finding the people ill and their children unhealthy through the crowded state of the places, he had repeatedly urged them to move, and the answer he always obtained was that if they moved from there they lost the benefit of the ward and National Schools, and the " gifts" to which they were entitled as citizens living there. These benefits, by these forced removals, the people entirely lost. The Rev. Dr. Stebbing, the rector of several parishes in this district, acknowledged the great benefit of this improvement, and urged that it would be less them from the parish, than to reduce them to expensive to compensate these people, and so keep pauperism, and make burdens upon the rates, as would be the case if they were turned upon the world to seek fresh homes and fresh means of liveli hood. Mr. W. Taylor and several of the evicted tenants themselves addressed Sir John Thwaites. One said he had given all the money he was pos sessed of to go into a cookshop, and by his business he supported a wife, seven children, and an aged mother. If the new street were not going to be made he could sell his business, but now he-should have to turn out without anything, and he knew not what he should do. Another said he was a " citizen of London by birth" and had brought up a family respectably. He knew not where to turn when his house came down, for his " connexion" of some years' standing would be gone, and he should have no compensation, as he was only a weekly tenant. Sir John Thwaites, in reply, expressed 1)6 hearty sympathy for the suffering people, and con curred with the views of those who considered the people should be compensated, and he said he was sure his colleagues thought with him. The Board had earnestly considered all the questions connected with the subject, and their desire to deal gently with the poor could be seen in the fact that the work of de molition had been delayed until the summer months, for one thing, and the Board had allowed the tenants to remain, rent free, as long as possible, so as to give them an indirect compensation, the Legislature not sanctioning any other compensation than to those who had legal claims. The Board had certainly given compensation in some cases, but this was at the risk of being surcharged, and having to pay the money out of their own pockets. As to the question of improvements, he was astonished, on going over this place, to find such a place in the city of London, and he could not help thinking that the spot ought to have been dealt with before. The manner in which the poor people were housed in this part of the city of London was bad in the extreme--the rooms were greatly over crowded, and the sanitary condition of the places was wretched. The Board had in no case acted as other public bodies acted towards weekly tenants, namely, by giving them a week's notice, and then taking possession of their places, but had in all cases given them a month's notice, and he deeply re gretted that the landlords who had held the property before it came into the Board's possession had de prived the poor people of the value of the rooms for a few weeks by claiming back rent. He assured the deputation again of his warm sympathy with the poor, and said the subject should receive the atten tion of his colleagues. The deputation thanked Sir John Thwaites and withdrew. The 'Union League Club. In the darkest hour of the great civil war —at the opening of 1863—a few gentlemen met in the rooms of the Sanitary Commission of New York to form a body, bound by a loyal determi nation, to uphold and perpetuate the Union. At that time treason was rampant in the commercial metropolis. It was but two years before, in January, 1861, that - the then Mayor of New York officially proposed the city should secede both from the Union and the State. The spirit of revolt vaunted itself in those streets as insolently as at Richmond, and sought by every means to hamper and overawe the Government, and to en courage the rebellion and its foreign abettors. Under these circumstances it was that the assembled gentlemen resolved to form a club, which they termed The Union League. The first idea was to give it a popular form, enlisting public sympathy by mass meetings and addresses. Mature reflection showed that the better course was to limit the association to the leaders of the movement, who by deliberation might be sure that they were right themselves before teaching the public. On the broad principles of unqualified loyalty to the Government of the country, and unswerving support of its efforts for the suppression of the rebellion, the Club took its stand, and commenced a career which bids fair to make it the most useful political institution ever organised by a people. There is a broad dif ference between this club and the stately establish ments that adorn Pall-mall, such as the Carlton and Reform ; and the difference is typical of the national character. A London club is almost invariably an elegant lounge for idlers, and an agreeable social rendezvous for killing time pleasantly. The New York establishment, on the other hand, is com posed of earnest men, whose social intercourse is subordinate, and directed to strong practical measures. It is not our object here to dwell On the aid the Union cause received from this Club. In one sentence its President records this :—" We drove," he said, " treason from our public marts, churches, and drawing-rooms to its secret haunts, and we replaced it with a healthful sentiment that radiated from our city, and re-in spired the country with loyalty to the Government, devotion to the flag, and undying faith in the Re public." In a time of such turmoil and convulsion an institution, national in its character and able to work so much good, rapidly became a power, wielded by some of the best men in the Union, and employed with generous and earnest zeal in the promotion of patriotism, humanity, and justice. The war ended in the victory of the principles con tended for by the Union League Club ; and this great body found itself a power in the land, with the main objects for which it was formed accom plished. But though the Union was maintained, the promoters beheld, in the numerous wrecks around them, work enough in the process of restoration, to occupy their best energies. The Executive Committee, in their report in January, 1866, observe that the efficiency of the Club will consist iu the future, as in the past, in giving con tinued earnestness and scope to its advocacy of im portant public questions, and in promoting neces sary reforms; and, in view of these objects, they recommend the following addition to the articles of association :—" It shall be the duty of the Club to resist and expose corruption, and promote reform in our national, state, and municipal affairs, and to elevate the idea of American citizenship." We have given this sketch of a political institu tion which has become endeared to the American people by vast public benefits rendered, by a gene rous, self-denying, and enlightened patriotism, be cause it has again stepped on the stage to perform a duty which no private individual dared to face, and through whose instrumentality only, it is pro bable that the end could be accomplished. The Union League Club is pledged to withstand the tide of corruption. That tide, like the first trickle through the crevasse of a levee, increases as it flows, till it tears away the embankment and overwhelms the country. The Legislatures of the States are each year becoming more steeped in corruption. Men go into politics as into com merce, and use all the means at their command to realise wealth. It is said that not half what is dis cussed in private, as known facts, appears in the newspapers, bad as are the stories told in their columns. It is vain to suppose that an immorality so contagious could long be confined to the Legis latures. It is whispered that the courts are as cor rupt. Men dare not openly proclaim the fact, for they cannot tell when they may be exposed to the vengeance of the administrators of the law. In the face of these circumstances it is that the Union League Club has come into the field as the most independent, powerful, and trusted body. It has been remarked with great truth that politicians and political newspapers have been in the habit of de nouncing their opponents in such exaggerated terms that the force of real and deserved denunciation has been lost on the public. Gentlemen, whose career is known to be unstained by great crimes, have been called " thieves" and " blackguards." Every vice is ascribed to an obnoxious politician or to a place-holder who has taken a prominent part in opposition ; thus words have lost their force and real meaning, and the people have learned to regard with indifference, charges, which, if known to be true, would excite the indignation of the entire country. It is not, therefore, so easy to rouse the people to a just sense of the evil. The truth of )Esop's fable is being realised in this in stance, and the cry of " Wolf ! wolf !" when there was no wolf, has made the people indifferent to the real danger when a hungry and ferocious animal really threatens the flock. It is fortunate for the United States in thin emergency that an institution should he in active existence, that cannot be blinded to the real danger, willing to take the mat ter in hand, while it is conceded throughout the entire country that this body is actuated only by patriotic motives—above fear, above reproach, and above bribery.—Anglo-American Times. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. ,_ TIMES.—The gallant behaviour of the Irish con stabulary during the late Fenian attempt at insur rection has just been chronicled in an unpretending little report, which ought to make their prowess as celebrated as if it had been sung by a sacred bard. On a dark and cold morning of early March a num ber of the police stations in various parts of the country, occupied only by the usual small detach ments, were attacked by bands of armed Fenians, brought together in pursuance of no less an object than the dethronement of Queen Victoria, the esta blishment of an Irish Republic, and the division of the lands of the gentry among the victorious soldiers of the Revolution. For this purpose long and ex t .msive preparations had been made. A complete Republican Government —nay. two Governments — had been established in New York, with President, Secretaries of Finance, War, and even Marine, with a military organisation comprising generals and major-generals, colonels and majors, some of these being actually men of military experience who had served in the late war. They had plenty of money ; they had the great body of the Irish population of the United States to back them, and no small num ber of enthusiastic and credulous people in Ireland to believe them. They chose their time ; they smuggled in and secreted their arms ; their chiefs and messengers came and went pretty much as they pleased, exhibiting, we are bound to say, much enterprise and some degree of skill. IVhen all was ready they began their campaign. Their generals were prudent, if not audacious. They did not attack the regular troops of the hostile Power which they desired to drive from Ireland ; they cared not for the glory of any gallant exploit against Saxon redcoats; their design was to win at the outset an easy victory over the scattered con stabulary—almost to a man Irishmen like them selves—and they hoped by the alarm which they would spread to rouse an excitable population. The result is well known, but the details will be better understood by looking at the return which has been published. It will there be seen how miser able and how ludicrous were the attempts of these conspirators, and how completely they were thwarted by the steadiness of a few brave men, who knew how to do their duty. The Fenian outbreak has even less of dignity than Mr. Smith O'Brien's one day's campaign in 1848. 'Were it not that it was actually attended with loss of life, and that its instigators, though contemptible as rebel leaders, have shown themselves dangerous agitators, we should hardly think it worthy to be treated seriously. It appears from the Return that at Castlemartyr, in the county o f C or k, the police-station was de fended successfully by six men, while the " sup posed number of insurgents " was 400 ; at Kilrnal lock, where the attack lasted for several hours, and the Fenians used every effort to subdue their ene my, there were from first to last only 15 policemen engaged against 300. At Etnly six were opposed to 200 or 300 ; but the most extraordinary case is that of Palmerstown, where the " number of con stables engaged " was one. In this memorable de fence Sub-constable John Blair by himself repulsed a number of F en i a ns " not known, the night being dark, but it must have been considerable." After wards follows a list of the stations to which parties of police belonged who met and successfully engaged the insurg en t s i n p l aces o th er t h an t h e police stations. The most notable of the adventures here reported occurred at Mallow. Three constables are described as e ncoun t er i ng 300 re b e l s. I t is 7 ex plainedistßegtihmaetntthey accompanied a detachment of the " to represent the civil po we r when in pursuit of the insurgents." " The military, having their knapsacks on, were unable to proceed as quickly a s th e consta b u l ary, w h o arrested three men in advance of the military (about two miles) and brought them prisoners to Bottle Hill, on the 6th of March, 1867." After this we are not surprised to learn that in the neigh bourhood of Dublin 16 policemen successfully en countered 600 rebels, and that at We s t ga t e , i n Droghed a , 27 discomfited 1,000. The conclusion we would draw from these facts is that the Fenian conspiracy has been shown, by its abortive out break and by the indifference with which its sup pression is regard-d, to be beneath the extreme severity of a wise Government. The excuses made for it by a certain class of Radicals here and in Ire land will, indeed, find approval with very few men of sense. These Fenian leaders are morally as bad as any traitors that ever suffered death. They have come to this country intent upon murder and pil lage ; they have infected the most ignorant part of I the Irish people with ideas subversive of govern ment, property, and national prosperity ; they have in several cases returned to their ent er p r i se a f ter being released by the Irish Executive ; they have cost Ireland millions by the check to its prosperity they have inflicted. They have actually " levied war," and murder has been committed by one at least of the bands which they called into activity. If it were necessary to give su c h a warn i ng to future marauders as the infliction on one or more of them of the punishment of death, th e G overnment would be fully justified in allowing the l aw t o t a k e i ts i course. But there s reason t o b e li eve t h at the danger is past, the strength of the British Govern ment understood even by the most reckless, and the imbecility of the Fenian l ea d ers appreciated by nearly all their dupes. To send the se men t o pena l servitude will be a wiser course th an t o g i ve t h e i r m emory the dignity of death in a political cause. A factitious importance attend s such a fate which has often lifted into posthumous honour men very com mon-place and not very up r i g h t. There i s enoug h of sympathy with the Fenian cause among the multitude for them to make a martyr of any one who may die with decent courage, but not enough to guild the unromantic and obscure fa teof an ordi nary convict. We may argue a lso that if in Canad a , w h ere the whole province w as kept in alarm fo r months, and where there was a real invasion and loss of life, the British Govern ment directed the commutation of the sentences, it can hardly be necessary to execute them here. If danger from the conspi racy i s to b e appre h en d e d , and severity is excusable, it is rather across the Atlantic, where armed Fenians are said to be rec koned by hundreds of thousands, than with us, where they may be troublesome but can never be f o rmidable. The Americans, when they interceded with our Government for the lives of w the Fenians convicted in Canada: did certainly not preach where they where unprepared to practise. Since the conclusion of the war, the North, though severe on the Southern community, has given way to no animosities against individuals. No one has been put to death in America for what the North has declared to be treason ; very few have been molested if they chose to acquiesce in the restored rule and to take no part in politics. The leniency of the Government has, howe ver , b een carr i e d t o its fur thest point by the release on bail of Mr. Jefferson Davis after a captivity of two years. Whether he will ever be brought to trial seems to be still uncer tain ; but we may almost predict that in any case the punishment inflicted on him will not be ex treme. We can see that in the case of America this is the wisest policy, and that it is 139 st not to give re newed rancour to the animosities of the South by an act of severity. A similar forbearance would have its good effects in Ireland also. Americ n Competition. The progress of a country thinly peopled in pro portion to its vast extent must of necessity in its early history be material. Man has first to wage war with nature ; to drain swamps, to fell forests, to bank rivers, to form roads, to build houses, to raise food. The chief efforts of all must neces sarily be so directed, and a bent will be given to the national mind by this necessity of its circumstances. The brain more especially of the New England States has worked on labour-saving machinery and notions. Reaping, cutting, thrashing, sowing, milk ing, churning, paring machines, have obtained for Yankee ingenuity a wide celebrity. To such an extent have these inventions been carried in the States of the Union, embracing as they do all field and household implements, that other nations have learned to look to America for these patents, and to accept what there obtains currency, as the highest effort of hurn.►n skill to obtain the desired result. The rapid accumulation of population and wealth, more particularly in the Eastern States, has les sened the overwhelming first necessities, and the same brains that excelled in these in ventions are now more generally directed to the higher branches of art and science. America is now taking a leading place among nations in music, in painting, and in sculpture. At this moment, there is an unusual number of American artists and students scattered over Europe, and more especially grouped in that neucleus of study —Rome. The letter of our correspondent from the Imperial City will be read with much interest by Ame rican lovers of art. No nation can more liberally patronise native talent, and the professions of the musician, the sculptor, and the painter have now in the United States as open roads to fame and for tune, as in any other civilised land. In proof of this, we may instance the picture sales of a single house in New York. Messrs. KNODLER and Co., in little more than a year, have received for the products of native artists the sum of $300,000, and that nearly all this large amount was paid by pri vate citizens is shown by the fact that most of the works, were taken for private galleries in the single city of New York. The Rome Journal gives a list of upwards of 70 pictures, and the prices realised by each, from which we learn that the sums ranged from $l,OOO to $9,000. It is not surprising that Americans should begin to excel in the higher walks of art on entering these paths, when we remember the vast intellectual capacity and the amount of in dustry the nation would bring to bear. In all brain work the countrymen of WASHINGTON have taken a leading place. The national mind is poetical in a high degree, prone to exaggeration, indulging in extravagant metaphor, aiming at superhuman great ness and excellence, and penetrated with a national vanity. In such a mass, material is to be found in abundance, and the spur to exertion is as great as can well be given. The result, although only now being developed, is seen on the London stage, in the galleries of the Exhibition in the society of Ea rope ; American musical prodigies puzzle masters ; American pictures throng halls with visitors ; American studios compete for orders. A glance at the performers, in all varieties of public entertain ment who have within the last few months excited most attention in London, will show how large a proportion are American. At the same time that ARTEMUS WARD was drawing crowds to the Egyptian Hall a portion of the stream flowed into an adjoining apartment, where the widow of Colonel STODARE, another American, was competing for public favour. While Dr. MA WALKER filled 1 St. James's Hall, with those anxious to hear the experience of her medical career, another theatre of the same establishment was thronged by the admirers of the American troupe, CHRISTY'S Minstrels. While the elite of the metropolis assembled at the Hanover square Rooms to hear HARRY SANDERSON'S mar vellous execution on the pianoforte, Blind Tom was exciting the interest and surprise of musicians by the powers of a mind in which every sense seemed to be absorbel by that of music. The great picture has been HILL'S landscape of the Rocky Mountains, the prima donna is ADELINA. PATTI ; who has fey , other rivals than her sister CARLOTTA ; the daring actress is ADAM MENKEN. While American artists and performers are engaging the public attention, we are startled by American feats of nautical skill and daring. A couple of sailors cross the ocean in a toy-boat, only a size larger than boys sail in a pond, and yachtsmen rush across the Atlantic in the most stormy season, driven on at" hurricane speed in their headlong race. Wherever a champion at tains to eminence, an American rival is sure to appear in the field, whether to contest for the belt in the ring of the pugilist or to run for the cup awarded to the swiftest yacht. America has yet to carry off the Derby stakes, and to beat the winner of the University Boat Race. Horse-racing, after the English fashion, has become a pastime in the Unite d States ; and the attention of Harvard and Yale is at this moment directed to furnish a competing boat at the Paris Regatta. We hail American competi tion as the best spur to international excellence. America has determined to lead in arts, in science, and manly pastimes, and that nation will be no laggard that maintains the field against her.—Anglo-American COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS—TUESDAY. Since Friday we have had a great change in the weather for the worse, which has assisted to keep up the already confident tone of the trade, and although there was little doing, former prices were maintained. Barley as before. Beans improve in value. Oats and other articles quite its dear. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. At this market there was a moderate attendance to-daY:_ A good busin ess was d one i n wheat - 4 at a decline of 2d per cental upon the full rates of last Tuesday. Flour net a slow demand at former rates. Oats and oatmeal in mode rate request at late prices. Beans and peas were as last quoted. Indian corn rather pressingly offered, but a fair clearance was effected at 42s 3d to 42s 6d for prime old mixed American. MELTON MOWBRAY.-TUESDAY. White wheat, 67s to 73s ; red, GOs to GBs per 3G stone. Barley for maltin g , 40 s t o 52 s per qr; f ee d, 32 s t o 38s 1" 7 30 stone. Oats. old, 30s to 355; new, 25s to 32s per 21st. Beans, old, 52s to 545; new, 45s to 48s per qr. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. The quantity of wheat offering at our market to-day wa S an . average one, and holders obtained quite last week. s prices, but sales were slow. Spring corn was unaltered in price. Grinding barley scarce, and firmer in value. Flour at former prices. A great change has taken place in the weather since Friday, and vegetation has been severely checked. Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels 21s Od to 258:0. 1 White do do 26s Od 20s Od New red do do ',oB Od 218 6d New white do ' do 23s 6tl 25 8 Od Beans do do l9s Od 228 Od Peas, per qr. Grinding IA ley, per qr 353 Od 388 Od Melting barley, t o Oats, do 27s Od 32s Oa F10ur....25 4d to 23 8d per 141 b. BRISTOL—TUESDAY. There was about the usual attendance to-day, and wheat was firm, at last week's prices. Barley iu good demand' Oats and other articles unaltered. MARKET HARBOROUGII.—T ESDAY. Old white wheat, 65s to 73s ; new red, 55s to 66s per 36 stone. Barley, fine, 52s ; other kinds, 23s to 36s per 30 st. Oats, new, 26s to 3!s ; old, 30s to 34s per qr. Beans, 54s to 58s; new, 42s to 47s prr qr. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. - . <tuetralla and New aland, via Southampton May 2 0 . Ditto, via Marseilles Juae Ditto, via Panama grazil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video June 4. Ditto, by French packet Cape Voids, by Brazil packet June 4. Cape of Good Hope. Ascension, anti St. llelena May "-S. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Bout hampton May 20 * Ditto, via Marseilles raikland Islands Gibraltar, via Southanton India, via Southampton 11aV 20 ' Ditto, via Marseil es m a y 23. Malta, Egypt, to. May 0 Ditto, Marseilles May 23 Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via Southampton May 20 ' Ditto, via Mar,el les Slay 2 ° . Newfoundland June ' l . Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Oporto . . Ditto ditto to Lisbon United States, Canada, California, &c., by British packet • Ditto, by United States packet Ditto ditto (New York. Ditto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet lray West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffc Ju,e 3 ' West Indies and Pacific (except Mexico and Baha mas) MaY Cuba and Mexico na y 29. ; Baha:nas, via New York 3 ( ) Jane "• Bermuda, via Halifax A Pike's Peak miner, writing to a Minnes°"' paper, says the miners aro much discouraged in that reg ion they have to dig through a solid vein of giver four feet thick, before they reach the gold." Births. CRAWFORD—On the Bth inst., at 4, Foxley-road, Naga ton, the wife of E. Crawford, Esq., of a son. JOSE - On the 13th inst., at Weston Villa, Clifton, the W ife of W. Wilberforce Jose, Esq., of a son. POWNALL —On the 13th inst., at 22, Gloucester-street' Belgrave-road, the wife of G. 11. Pownall, Esq., of °' Marriages. DOWNS -Nix]) - On the 13th inst., at St. Giles's, CriP.Pies: gate, John T. S. Downs, Esq., o f Great Easton,_lll‘n.. tershire, son of the late Thomas Downs. Esq et Nv e- to street, Cheapside, and Silver-street, Falcon-sil l-3re ' of Louisa, only daughter of the late John S. Niud, Esq"' Beech House, Barbican. MILDMAY —KORTRIGHT —On the 14th inst., a t St. n' ti s a, t g tKnightsbridge, Edmond St. John Mildmy, to ,st Jane, widow of the late Win. C. Kortright, and e' daughter of the Ven. Archdeacon St. John MildmaY• Deaths. BRITTON—On the 12th inst., Isaac Britton, manager °- f the National Provincial Bank, Sandwich. GIFFORD—On the Bth inst., Mr. Samuel Gifford, late of 7 / 2 Mark-lane, London, and Netherbury, Dorset, aged Billg JEFFERY—On the 12th inst., at King's Lynn, J oho Jeffery, Esq., solicitor, aged 55. Georg e RAYMOND—On the 13th inst., at 66, Sloane-street, Raymond, Esq., aged 71. TAYLOR.--On Thomas on 'Taylor,inst.,--onthelthagea 3. at 4., Park-terrace , Mr. Greenwrici'' London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tar, SUN Office, No' 1 of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, iu the CoulitY Middlenx.--Wednegiday, May 16, 1867.