The Sun. — London, England, 1828-01-30 00:00:00

=wr , - ,74/ // V77c.e" • • • . I Oa:, • -.71N . 911 . 1 * V.'o:') 111 .4+ : ,treg4;:k\it ,0 ' j to •!! ~Ft f,••• •tit /i * • • II • • s • • .- " • "O. f. 4 vrt I ~ e • • • 4t• .7 1 :‘ /;/' •N‘ , - , r , re ;•tf , ts r:t' •• ;. t -L • • thin'T :la sP tr.! I - • \ • ) ' ,off y "9 j: ft-A% • 0- er . (li‘ , 1 10-N is word " untoward." F la meant to express Lis Majesty's regret for the occurrence which led to the effu sion of human blood I think it is properly employed, and THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES. is !)d. fel ~ to 1!“' -Jan. '26. ,t . Od. to 115 i THE Proprietors of " HANSA RD'S PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES" beg leave to Inform the Public, that, at the desire of many Subscribers, the Work will, in future, be published IN PARTS. The first will appear as soon after the Opening of the ensuing Session, as there shall have been matter sufficient to form a Part, consisting of about 160 pages. By this arrange ment the Debates of each Session will be completed, and 'a the hands of the Subscribers, within a fortnight after he dose. 47, Paternoster•row. BALDWIN and CRADOCK. DISCOVERY OF THE SOURCES OF THE ra 2 vols. Svo., with Portrait, amtnumerous Plates, Plans, Map, &c. price I/. lls. 6d. boards, APILGRIMAGE in EUROPE and NORTH AMERICA; leading to the DISCO VERY of the SOURCES of BLOODY RIVER and the MISSISSIPPI. By J. C. BELTRAMI, Esq. " The course of the Mississippi extends three thousand and about two hundred miles, every fbot of which has been travelled by the Author, and the higher part under circum stances of peculiar difficulty Mr. Beltrami is be yond a doubt a person of most respectable literary attain ments, and of considerable ability."—Atlas. Prittted for Hunt and Clarke, York-street, Covent garden ; Sutherland, Edinburgh ; Griffin and Co. Glas gow; Wakeman, Dublin. On Saturday next, in 4 vols. Bvo. DIARY of a MEMBER in the PARLIA MENTS of the PROTECTORS, OLIVER and RICHARD CROMWELL, from 1656 to 1659, now first published from the original Autograph Manuscript, in the Posaes.sion of William Upcott, of the London Institution. Interspersed with several curious Documents and Notices, Historical and Biographical. By JOHN TOWILL BUTT, Esq. These important volumes serve to fill up the chasm so long existing in our Parliamentary History. The new facts and arguments contained in them, especially develope the project of Cromwell for the assumption of the Royal dignity; the real extent of his power as Protector; the manner of his Administration, and the rapid decline and speedy extinction of that power under the short Protectorate of his Son. Printed for Henry Colburn, 8, New I3urlington-street. This day was published, Part I. (containing Eight Num bers) price 4s. 10d. stitched, of THE LONDON MEDICAL • GA ZETTE ; being a WEEKLY JOURNAL of Me • divine and the Collateral Sciences. _ _ The object of this Work is to lay before the Public the earliest and most correct information on all subjects con nected with Medicine. For this purpose it is intended that the " London Medical Gazette" should consist of Original P a p e r s , in th e f o rm of L ec tures or Essays; Cri tical Analyses of Medical Works ; Reports of the most in teresting Cases occurring at Public Institutions Loth at borne and abroad ; and all such Medical Intelligence as may be calculated to excite interest. Published every SATURDAY MORNING, in Num bers, by Longman and Co. Paternoster-row, London; and to be had of all Booksellers, Newsvenders, and Clerks of the Roads, throughout the United Kingdom ; price Sd. or 'tamped (for Country Circulation by Post), price Is. NEW SERIES OF THE RETROSPECTIVE RE- VIEW. On February 1, price ss. the Third Number of THE RE TROSPECTIVE REVIEW, and HISTORICAL aqd ANTIQUARIAN MA GAZINE. Edited by HENRY SOUTHERN, M.A., awl NICHO- LAS HARRIS NICHOLAS, F.S.A. London : Printed for Baldwin and Cradock ; and Payne and Foss. CONTENTS. RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW.-1. Cowley's Works.-2. Nichols's Progresses of James L -3. Fuller's Andronicus.-4. 'Vita Illustr., Dom. Magda lenw Vicecomitissa . Montisacuti.--5. Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting, by Dallaway.-6. Murdin's Burghley Pa- Pers.-7. Additions to the Waverley Poetry. HISTORI CAL and ANTIQUARIAN MAGAZINE : 1. Observa tions on the Order of the Bath, more particularly respect ing its enlargement in 1814.-2. Travelling Expences in the 14th Century.-3. Memoir of Sir James Croft.-4. Early Poetry.-5. Original Letters of Henry VIII., Ka therine, Parr, and Lady Jane Grey.—Leigh Peerage Claim.--7. Society of Antiquaries.-8. Adversaria.-9. Noticed of Works lately published.-10. Creations of Honours, /cc. This Number contains an Index to the Fourteenth, and a General Index to all the Volumes of the First Series, t+l- A few copies remain of the first Series, complete, in fourteen volumes. On the 16th January, was published, price 6s. No. I. of THE FOREIGN RE VIEW and CON TINENTAL MISCELLANY. CONTErms-1. Barante. History of the Dukes of Bur gundy-2. Maury, Sanchez. Castilian Poetry-3. Mont loaier. Jacobins and Jesuits-4. Werner. German Drama-5. Foy. Peninsular War-6. Niebuhr. Roman History-7. Denis. Portuguese Literature—S. Kastho fer Swiss Rural Economy-9. French, Italian, Ger man, and Danish Novels—lo. Grossi. Italian Poetry -11. Stagnelius. Swedish Poetry and Scandinavian Li terature-12. Grassi. Present State of Turkey-13. Classical. I. Gaii Institutiones. 11. Mulleri Phidiw Vita. 111. Deycks hlegaricorum Doctrina-14. German I. Sclainkel Architectonische Entwurfe. IL Botticher Gesckichte der Carthager. 111. Tallmerayer's Trapezunt. IV. Hammer's Osmannisches Reich. V. Kruse's Hellas. VI. Wit genannt von Doring. VII. Dorn Sprachenver wandschaft-15. Russian, I. Daetsky Sobesaednik. 11. Nareesky Vechera Slavionskia—l 6. Danish. Schlegel's Danmerks Statsret-17. Swedish. Hoijers Skrifter-18. French. I. Tastu Posies. 11. Histoire de San Marino. M. Napoleon au Tribunal de Caesar. IV. Benj. Con stant, de la Religion -19. Italian. I. Visconti Opere Faris. 11. La Conguira dei—Baroni di Napoli-20. Spanish. I. No me Olvides. 11. Modern Spanish Pub lications--21. Necrology. Avanzini, Eichhorn, Hamar- Hasche, Philipp, Pestalozzi, Rosmini, Vulpius-22. Stat e of Medicine in Germany---23. Miscellaneous Li terary Intelligence-24. The most important Foreign Pub lications of the last three months. No. 11. will be Published in March, and the succeeding Numbers every three months. London : Black, Young, and Young, Tavistock-street, Covent-garden ; Bossange, Barthee, and Lowell, Great Marlb oroug h -street ; T. Clark, Edinburgh ; and Hodges and WArthur, Dublin. " With regard to No. I. of the Foreign Review, now be fore us, we have to say that its contents are various, ex ceedingly well chosen, and•very ably written. It i s a l most an impropriety to particularize the papers, since nearly all are replete with intelligence and instruction. On the whole, we look upon this Number to he eminently cal culated to inspire and cultivate a taste for foreign literature, of which there is a broad and rich field open to the critical English labourer, whence he may import vast and valua ble stores for the b ene fi t of his nativecoul,try."—Literary Gazette. "'The accounts which we find here of Castilian, Portu guese, and Swedish poetry, are extremely well executed, 444 are articles not for a single perusal, but such as we should study and refer to. The Miscellaneous Notices ap pear to have beep got up with more than usual atten tion, and we find among them a considerabl e num b er re lative t o R uss i an pu bli c ations; from whi ch circumstances we are led to suppose that the Editor has made arrange ments that will enable him to give more detailed informa tion concerning the writers of a country whose literature has never hith erto b een touched upon by any o f our journals."—Morning Post. "A general reproach against Quarterly Review s is, that they notice but a very small number of books. This fault, which is in some degree excusable in th e Edinbur g h and the Qu ar t er l y Reviews, since they have such powerful auxiliaries in Monthly and Weekly publications, would be a serious defect in a work which is intended to make us acquainted with foreign literature. The Editor of the Foreign Review has been fully aware of this, and the prin cipal difference between his work and the Foreign Quarter l y that in the limner we find after a succession of lo n g reviews, by skilful writers, short notices of books, in addi tion to a list of the most iintiortant works printed on the Continent. This is certainly an improvement, which must obtain for the work before us a preference over its rival. From the superior style in which it is written, it must necessarily reckon among its contributors some of the first English and Foreign Literati of the day."—Literary Chronicle. "Great talent is visible through all the articles, and in some there are no faint or equivocal indications of first-rate ability. With respect to the work generally; we do not doubt of its popularity ; it possesses variety, knowledge, just principles of taste, sound nouns on the score of reli gion and ethics, seldom or never runs wild."—Sun. "It appears to abound with talent ; the number con cludes by a paper on Turkey, written, we u nderstand, by a Fanariot Greek, in which a aaroir du pays is shown, whieh it would be useless to look for elsewhere."— Otandard. 1.28. !Gs. to Cl. (1 ` 4s. to 41. 11' 10s. to W. Cl ' 10s. to 8 1 . Os. to 71. t t u i 6s. to 51. Os. to 31. 1 5 ...—.. PS C . ----- 13 Ds. per ton. N. ditto. Ds. ditto. 3s. tLt . tL ,... .) d. to d 21 en. i 4 to 401 b. IS to 701 b. to 801 b. 21 2 ucnlu s. ' 9 0 V S 0 C ACI' Od. to Os. 0( march-- , or " — "A 3 13 6! t>erland I and Co. 0/1 6 37 31 9 nall e. ig --- 39 y--- 3 6 A 33 3 4 6 A .oso 3 ,1 5 . 3 7 on 3 9 `i [bton 39 ns—. 39 6 Unsold, 66),i' nt, and go" such descrit ist week's cur , ere abunda 2t, mples obtain(' 15. per quart‘ 1 6 ase, were se r 'ge proporti ° : :e of Flour 364• 11 1 000000 • 3ss r sack) eat upon ou r fleas an d tt e , ned. /lla and Oats, WC L in value. —S. to —S. to --s , ~.. 275. to '4 46 ' ••••.S. to .... —3. to 38s. to 4{s' ? Jan. 25. 74. • 55 41 / 4 O 12 O 13 v,", O 10 O' 10 1 0 O 15 3' ack. A to 21g. L•, to 16. to 12s. u" A, eur, per cwt. —,.._,............ 1 It. 2d. _.----i La. d. a. rt. as. ,1 -17 14 0-1 5 „p -160 0 0.- ',',o -15 6 11 0-- 43 „ o -160 0 0— ,v, o -210 0 0-- I ,p - 0 0 0 0— li , - 0 0 0 0— 01 1 -0 - 0 — oo—° --,.---, 13Ttter. ..,... I. 3d. 4th. sfr -- .--1 d. s. d. a. d. g:, 0 63 0 58 0 D 4 p 064059 0 51 p 0 -. 0) y b ---_,,0 p 0 67 0590 40 -'" 0-- —O-- - , 071 064 0 -•"( 0 84 0 5.4 0 4 6 _, r, 86s. to B€ o ditto; Whd • ; Oats, 85. l' d Mutton, 44 atone; Coal' leans. Oatmev 26 :L i ) 21 :C2 i 28'— • i 16 - 30 - - 40 t 26 -- 3 14 26 33 at Aberdeen, the Per boll, excel ady of Thono ent's P ar k, tlig der. tce, the lady Richard Fraial'' istd at Buei ton, Mrs. Clit' of Lieut.-04 lliss Jane Car!' Drury-lane. How, Esq iarnuel Anse tediou3 nnurV it and druggis t ' r, of that 'plat: the 78th y am' Cantle TaccO' y, sincerely 0 , by a nurnengo' :sq. in the f.:)t li ihalton, Robert er a few hoe Thomas Blake •les Coles, EA, ie, relict of th L S ou th a mpto o ' fames Ilarri4e Janet GregotYi hiul servant °, pent the great tile Rev. } W I' miglimeng" r°4 e t b ILINOs " brisk. 3s. Od per A Is. Od, _44 No. 11,041. In the Press, THE HISTORY of the PENINSULAR WAR.—By WM. F. P. NAPIER, C.B. Lieutenant-Colonel Half-Pay, 4.3 d Regiment. Printed for John Murray, Albemarle-street. This day was published, 2 vols. post Bvo. 15s. A New Edition of KETCHES of PERSIAN LIFE and K. 7 MANNERS. From the Journal of a Traveller in the East. Printed for John Murray, Albemarle-street. This dad• was published in Svo, THE NECESSITY of the CORPORA TION and TEST ACTS MAINTAINED, in a Brief Review of the " Statement of the Case of the Pro testant Dissenters." _ . Pnnted for John Murray, Albemarle-street. WILLIAMS'S VIEWS IN GREECE. This clay was published, Part X. of SELECT VIEWS in GREECE ; engraved in the best Line-Manner, from Drawings by H. W. WILLIAMS, Esq., Edinburgh ; containing No. 1. West View of the Temple of Minerva, Athens. Restored by C. 11. Cockerel!, Esq. 2. General View of the Corinthian Shore, as seen from a height approaching Vostizza. 3 Promontory of Sunium, from the Sea. 4 . Crissa, on Mount Parnassus, looking up the Vale of Salona, the ancient Amphissa. Cardamoula, the ancient Cardamyle, Gulf of Coron. In Imperial Svo. 12s. ; Proofs on India Paper, royal 4to. 1/. ls. ; a few Impressitins taken off on India Paper, before the Descriptive Writing, IL Ils. 6d. Printed for Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, London; and Adam Black, Edinburgh. A CONSTANT TRADER. ras great part of hor Cargo engaged, for TAN DIEM N'S LAND, rrHE Fine Coppered Brig MAGNET, - 11 - A. 1., WM. MATHEWS, Commander. Burthen 250 Tons. Lying in the London Dock. Has very supe rior Accommodations for Cabin and Steerage Passengers. Fel. Freight or Passage apply to BUCKLES, BAG STER, anti BUCHANAN, 33, Mark-lane. WHITE FREESTONE. THE SUBSCRIBERS, who arc Tenants of MORTON QUARRY, will be glad to receive orders for the above STONE in any quantity—the colour is almost pure white and the quality is well known, being easily wrought and extremely durable. Blocks of any size can be easily shipped on board the London Smacks. The Quarry is situated near Aberdour, in the county of Fyfe. Apply to CHARLES SCOTT and Co. Leith, January 26, 1828. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JAN. 29, 1828. The House was then called and prayers were read, On the House being again opened, several Peers and new Bishops took the oath.. The next step was the introdu'ction of the following Peers : Lord Clanwilliam, by the Marquis of Lothian ; Viscount Emlyn, by Earls Carlisle and Bathurst ; the Marquis of Cleveland, by the Marquisses Queens berry and Lansdowne; Earl Dudley, by Earls Ba thurst and Carlisle ; Baron Melross, by Lordi Wharncliffe and Howard de Walden ; Baron Stewart De Rothesay, by Lords Gwydir and Home. At four o'clock the House adjourned during pleasure. At five o'clock strangers were readmitted. The space around the throne was crowded by Members of Parliament and foreigners of distinction, among whom we noticed Prince Esterhazy. The number of Peers present was unusually great. The Duke of Wellington and Lord Goderich entered the House about the same time. The Mar quis of Lansdowne made his appearance much earlier, and took his seat on the Opposition Benches. Lord King also resumed his former seat. Earls Grey and Fitzwilliam took their seats on the same Bench. At ten minutes past five o'clock the Lord Chancellor entered the House, and was followed by his Royal Highness the Duke cf Clarence. The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the first reading of the Select Vestry Bill. At twenty minutes past five, the LORD CHAN CELLOR read the Speech from the Throne. THE ADDRESS. The Earl of CHICHESTER (sometimes in a low tone of voice) spoke to the following effect:— My Lords, in rising to address your Lordships on this occasion, I am fully sensible of the difficulties which attend such a task when undertaken by one so inexperienced as myself. lam confident that all who heard the Speech from the Throne will agree with me in the object which I have in view, the necessity of directing your attention to the steady purpose of maintaining the national faith and com merce. If I fail in securing that, it will not be owing to any want of sincerity of my own feel ings. In reverting, my Lords, to the Speech which has been just read, it appears that his Majesty continues to receive assurances of pacific relations from all Foreign Princes. I con sider this, my Lords, no small source of satisfaction, for since the engagement which unfortunately took place in the port of Navarin, con siderable fears must have been entertained that the state of Greece, which we have all so long de plored, would be further endangered, and that we ourselves, scarcely beginning to taste the sweets of a restoration of peace were about to be involved in war with our ancient ally, Turkey. My Lords, whilst I lament the loss of life sustained on that occa ,ien, I cannot but admire the courage, the skill, the valour of our force, and no less meritorious conduct of our Allies. —(Great Cheering.)—But, nay Lords, whatever pride we may feel for their conduct upon that occasion, I am convinced that every true friend to the real interests of this country must lament with me the occurrence of so unfortunate an event. My Lords, in all victories the honor which t l.e victors obtain, must very much, if not entirely dei•end upon the justice of the cause in which they happen to bed engaged ; and if this engagement with the Turkish and Egyptian fleets had been the result on our part of premeditated design, and not the conse quence of unforeseen accident and misunderstanding, I con fess that I should find cause fur apprehending war.— But I find, my Lords, from his Majesty's Speech, that so far from this engagement being contemplated as the ac tual result of the instructions bent to the Admiral commanding our force, it is considered an unlooked for and untoward event. Moreover his Majesty entertains con fident hopes that it will not be f o ll owe d b y f urt h er hostilities, nor impede the amicabl e a dj ustment o f t h ose accede difficulties between the Ottoman Port e an d t h e G ree k provi nces , w hich it was the object of the T rea ty t o t catniineot markedh help eond remarking ue upon th e dig nifiedof the Sultan upon this occasion ; and I consider such conduct as an additional proof t h at we shall obtai n t h e ob j ect of th e Treaty, to put au end to those diff erences which have so long subsisted between Greece and the Ottoman Porte. Durin g the war which has .so long unfortunately subsisted between the Ottoman Porte and the inhabitants of Greece, our trade, as well as the trade of France and of other nations, has suffered materially flout piracies occasion ed by these hostilities, and it therefore became the policy of the British Government, as well for the protection of our trade as for the general peace and welfare of the world, to do their utmost to bring the contest to a speedy, termination; and accordingly measures were adopted to bring about an amicable adjustment, and the Treaty was entered into with France, to which, as it is not regularly be- Core your Lordships, I shall 'lot more particularly advert ; That the salutary object it expresses may be carried into effect, is certainly desirable for our own as well as for the ;;eneral interests of Europe ; but I consider it not less essential • 0 o ur n a ti ona l credit, than the maintenance of that charar itr and good faith, and honour, which are the glory of this LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 30, 1828. country, not to provoke them by unnecessarily drawing the sword upon our ancient Ally. It appears the objects which this country had in view in sending troops to Lisbon has been obtained, and that they are about to return to this country. I trust, therefore, that Portugal, for which this country has expended so much blood and so insich treasure, may now in security reap the benefits of that system which Great Britain has so liberally foster ed. With respect to that part of the Speech which states an increase of our manufactures, I trust that his Majesty will not be disappointed in his hopes that Parliament will lo its utmost to promote and extend the improvement of i ; all classes of his Majesty's subjects. My Lords, I shall not trespass further upon your time, but move that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty.—(Cheers.) The Clerk at the table was about to read the Address, when Lord HOLLAND said it was usual in that House for tke Noble Lord who moved it, to read the Address. Lord Chichester then read the Address, which was an echo of the Speech. Lord STRANGFORD said that in rising to second the motion that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty thanking him for his most gracious speech, he felt peculiar satisfaction ; he believed that the main points urged, and the principal topics alluded to in it, must bring hope and consolation to all, because all must be convinced, from the speech which had been just read that his Majesty would persevere in his gracious declaration, which conveyed his resolution to use all his exertions to maintain the repose of Europe on the proud basis which English glory had placed it after the battle of Waterloo. He rejoiced at the announcement of such an intention, and well was it calculated to allay the anxiety which the present aspect of affairs in Europe might otherwise excite. To carry into effect such a resolution would confer more splendour on the national character, whilst it was more easily at tained than would the most signal victories achieved by war. The Noble Lord felt strongly on this subject ; perhaps the more so, because he well knew the warmth of feeling which prevailed in Turkey towards England. He knew and admired the undeviating fidelity with which she maintained her relations of amity towards England—a fidelity not less strong than if it had been guaranteed by documents of 300 years standing. He trusted that the event which recently occurred, and which all regarded as unexpected, would not render difficult a re-. currence to our former friendly intercourse. He also trusted that an end would be put to that unauthoriz ed and anomalous hostility, which originated in the romance of individual adventurers, and which was calculated to embarass our national Councils. He trust ed that the speediest measures, consistent with our recent Treaties might be resorted to, to bring back a state of things which every one, acquainted with the state of Turkey, inust wish to see established ; arid that that Treaty would be carried into effect with the least possible disturbance to the feelings of a Government which had, in the most trying times, been enlisted in our favor, and which had always been anxious to maintain friendly relations with us. Looking at these considerations, and confid ing in his knowledge of the unsullied honour of one of the chief parties to that treaty, he felt convinced that no at tempt at political advantage would be suffered to pollute a treaty founded on such honourable and humane motives. —He hail the honour of being Ambassador at Saint Petersburgh, and he could aver that the views and the sentiments of his Imperial Majesty were pacific, and aimed at no - thing beyond the fulfilment of the spirit of the treaty which ,had been entered into between the great Powers.—(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord ad verted, with uniningled pleasure, to another topic in the speech. He rejoiced that the friendly band of England had been extended to Portugal ; a country to which we were bound by every feeling of friendship and of interest ; and the more he considered that subject,the more convinced was he that to England, and to England alone, was the safety of that country to be attributed.—(Hear, bear.) In con cluding, he expressed his earnest hope that no feeling of difference on other matters, or any personal or private motives, would be suffered to disturb the unanimity with which their Lordships would vote an humble address to his Majesty, thanking him for the paternal goodness which proclaimed that the pros perity and happiness of his people were his chief and only concern. The Noble Lord then seconded the Address ; but we regret to say that from the low tone of voice in which he addressed the House we are able to give but a very imperfect report of his speech. Lord HOLLAND immediately rose, and addressed the House to the following effect :—I assure your Lordships, that I would willingly have remained silent on the pre sent occasion, and that it was not my intention to have troubled you for one moment, or to have said one word that might interrupt the unanimity of your Lordships, or have done any thing that might in the least delay your voting the Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne. Indeed there are marry reasons that render it unnecessary for me to trouble you, and there are some of a private and per sonal, as well as of a general and public nature, that induce me to abstain from going through the various topics of the Speech. I did consider that the Address moved in answer to it would not, more than the Speech itself, have produced any difference of opinion : and I could, there fore, be well prepared to overlook any fault" of omission, and pass by any faults of mere expression with which I might not happen to agree. Indeed I have the satisfaction of saying, that considering the Speech altogether, with re gard to the general substance of it, I, for one, am pretty well satisfied with it. I agree with the Noble Lord who has just sat down, on the great point expressed by his Ma jesty from the Throne, and which is stated to be that which influences the Government, that it is their desire to do every thing that may tend to the preservation of peace ; and that desire I feel as strongly as it is expressed in tire Speech, and I have no doubt that that desire is the great object in view, both with his Majesty, and with those who have put those words into his mouth. To the substance of the Speech, therefore, I have but little objection, nor to the substantives in it ; but, my Lards, there are epithets in it—there are adjectives added to those substantives—con veying meanings utterly unfounded in fact, and certainly im proper for your Lordships, in your address, to give your con sent to. There is one word in the Speech—one of the adjec tives to which I have alluded—by which Turkey is called our " ancient ally." I know not, my Lords, how it is that his Majesty's advisers can have put into his mouth the words antiquity and alliance with regard to Turkey. It is possible, that they may have very dif ferent notions from mine upon the meaning of those words, and that they may employ them in a very different manner. I hope they do. I find it stated, that Turkey is the ancient ally of this country. My Lords, I say no. Instead of her having been our ancient ally, I say that the only alliance between the two countries has been recent, temporary, aye, and extremely short-lived. Surely there is not any Noble Lord who will tell me that the mere existence of peace is an alliance—that the mere existence of commercial treaties deserves to be called by such a name. The Speech from the Throne, indeed, proves just the contrary ; fur in another part it speaks of treaties of amity and commerce between this country and Mexico ; but does it mean that these treaties are treaties of alliance ? What! are we in alliance with countries at this moment engaged in war with Spain, who is one of oue allies? I know not the precise meaning of the word "alliance," in diplo matic language ; but I suppose it is generally understood to indicate that there is some common object, to attain which the alliance has been entered into, or that the con tracting parties have united to defend their mutual exist ence, or promote their mutual prosperity. If this be its meaning, my Lords, then with respect to Turkey it is not true that she is our ally. There certainly has ex isted a Treaty of Peace between her and this country for the space of seven years. But, to talk of her alliance with this country as being an ancient alliance. Why, my Lords, what is meant by the word " ancient ?" With respect to individuals and tee nations, it has a very different signification. Unfortunately for me. my Lords, I am ar rived at that age that I may say that I am an old Member of this House ; yet I am by no means a piece of antiquity as compared with the nation.—(A laugh.) Still, how ever, even I recollect the first Treaty of Alliance with Turkey. I remember, toe, that although that Treaty Was stipulated to continue foe seven years, even that short pe- Clod had tr9.t eeepired before every article in it was broken by this our " ancient and faithful ally." Good God, my Lords ! what do we mean by conferring on Turkey this honourabl e distinction ? Though the Noble Lord oppo site, who has just sat down, has told us that our alliance with Turkey has been so ancient as to be handed down to us by tradition, st ill I arms i nc lin e d to doubt th e t rut h an d propriety of callin g Turkey our ancient ally ; since even he has at the came time admitted, that these alliances have only existed in tradition, and have never been formed into written treaties. I have heard, indeed, that some papers. and very ignorant papers too, have vaunted the antiquity of our alliance with Turkey. Now, I believe, the relations of this country with Turkey were first reduced into the shape of a treaty by Mr. Adair, but that was not a treaty of alliance. To go into proof upon this subject would be too tedious at the present moment ; but I will state one 01 two facts concerning them. The treaties concluded between - this country and Turkey have always been different from those entered into with other countries. You do not treat with her on the same ground of equality as with others. You find among the principles of that unsocial race, that they are ac tually at war with every nation, except those with which they have entered into formal treaties of peace. A treaty of peace with them is not an alliance, but such treaties in the times of the real power of the Turks, were acts ce concession and grace, accorded by them as boons to these dogs of Christians, the Nazarene nations. One of these was granted in the year 1699, and was negociated by the Lord Winchelsea and Sir H. Finch. But how was that treaty framed? The names of these honourable persons are not to he found attached to that treaty, which, as I have before said, was granted only as a boon or act of grace to the Christian dogs. It was a kindness conceded to us for special reasons—partly, perhaps, because the messengers sent to the Turk were agreeable to him, and partly because he considered Charles 11. to he a great Prince among the Nazarene nations, and to be in some measure, the arbiter of their differences. But these trea ties were not considered by him as treaties are generally considered by other Powers—they were regarded rather as voluntary capitulations, of power on the part of the Turk, conceded as boons to the Christian States. I know not whether I am correct in my supposition, but I do suppose that that term is one of an offensive nature in the Turkish language, and that it was intended to express the favour conferred by the Turk on those to whom he granted such capitulations. However, certain it is, that on whatever terms these concessions were supposed to have been granted no political relations subsisted between this country and Turkey till the year 1699, in the reign of William 111. In 1692 we mediated between the Emperor of Germany and the Turkish Power, and the object of our mediation was, to leave the House of Austria at liberty to pursue its own plans elsewhere. That mediation was in consequence of our ancient relations with Austria—for with Austria and Russia we are connected by ancient alliance—and our me diation was then intended to leave Austria at liberty to pursue the war in which she was then engaged with France. I that, in that mediation, we have been accused by French writers of having acted in a partial manner, and of having, in fact, taken part against the Porte ; and their accusations seemed to have at least the appearance of truth. For what were the articles of tile treaty then procured ? Why, that Turkey should give up the Morea and Greece to Venice ; and that portions of their territory was thus placed in the hands of the Vene tians. In 1718 another political relation took place be tween th/S country and Turkey. The fate of war having enabled them to recover that part of their territory, we conceded it to them by a treaty on the uti possedetis basis, and the circumstances of it are so remarkable, that if I were not afraid of wearying your Lordships' patience, I would refer you to some of the documents connected with the transaction. In 1718, a curious event took place. France and England, by some fortuitous chance, were closely allied, they were not parties in any way to the disputes that then existed between Germany and Spain—and they con cocted together a treaty, the object of which was to obtain a general pacification, by proposing terms of accommodation to which they trusted Germany and Spain would agree.— They agreed, therefore, to propose terms for the cessa tion of hostilities, till the general points of the treaty for the settlement of the disputes between these two Powers should be arranged ; and they went one step further, and determined that they would use force to com pel the obedience of the party who should refuse to ac cede to the stipulations contained in the treaty so con cocted. After this treaty was concluded, it was forwarded to the two Governments. Germany acquiesced in the pro posed accommodation, but Spain was dissatisfied. She went on equipping fleets and armies, and persisted in her intentions of carrying on the war Both the allied coun tries did all that lay in their power to dissuade Spain from pursuing this course. The Secretary of State of that day stated to her what would be the consequences of pursuing her schemes, which he showed to be absolutely impracti cable—which were dangerous to the peace of Europe, and which it was the determination of the High Contracting Powers to prevent. This country despatched a great squadron to the Mediterranean, to hinder the Spanish fleet from effecting a descent on Italy or Sicily. That squadron was sent out under the command of Sir George Dyne, afterwards Lord Torrington—a man, my Lords, whose services in the Navy produced the greatest honour to this country ; and among whose great actions it was not the least that he did just what Sir Edward Codrington has recently done. He considered what were his or ders, and what the object of those orders; and he car ried that object into effect by the force and valour of the British Navy. When he came to Gibraltar, what did he do ? He sent an Officer to Madrid to communi cate to the King of Spain, and to the Minister, the Cardinal Alberoni, first, the amount of the force under his command ; and secondly, the nature of his instructions as to the employment of that force. lie communicated my Lords, the very instructions themselves, and he insisted on receiving an answer within forty-eight hours. Cardinal Alberoni, who was at that time engaged in attempting to infuse into a dispirited nation something like vigour, at first spoke in a high tone about the Treaty and the Message ; but finding that course unavailing, be adopted another; and, by successive delays, he protracted the time required for an answer, from two to nine days. In the meantime, the Spanish Fleet, with a body of troops on board, sailed for Sicily. Admiral Byng heard of their departure, and proceeded thither immediately, but found that the troops had been landed before his arrival. What course did he pursue ? Just the same as that which Sir E. Codrington recently pursued under similar circumstances. He sent to General 1)e Lede, as Sir E. Codrington sent to Ibrahim Pacha, a statement of the nature of his instructions, de claring that the two Powers had united to prevent the dis turbance of the tranquillity of Europe ; and he proposed to the General to carry back the Spanish troops to Spain, or, at the least, required him to agree to au armistice, until the Message he had despatched to the Court should be defi nitively answered. The answer of the Spanish General was, that he bad no authority to conclude a truce: that he was merely a General invested with the command of troops, and must obey the instructions he had received as to the mode of their employment; that he was well aware of the force of the British Admiral ; but that it was his duty to attempt the subjugation of Sicily ; o s i and that he should proceed in his attempt to do so.— The Spanish fleet immediately afterwards sailed from Mes sina. What, my Lords, was the conduct of. Admiral Byng? Did he stay to look at the exact words of his instructions? No, he leeked, my Lords, as I hope and trust every British sailor will do, to their spirit and ob ject.—(Hear, hear.)—He saw the Spanish fleet, pursued, overtook, attacked, and annihilated it. On that occasion, my Lords. i know it was said that the Spaniards had fined first. They denied the statement; but they said at the same time, with some degree of shrewdness aad plausabi lity, " You came up prepared for action, and in a threaten ing manner, and we had a right to defend ourselves ; so that even if we had fired first, we should have been justi fied ; but we deny the fact." All these circumstances, my Lords, are curious; but there are some others not less se . It happened at that moment, that there was at home a po werful, exasperated, and vehement faction of Tories.— ( a laug h )—a faction that had possessed power,and had abused it, and who were much exasperated by the loss of it. There were, my Lords, at the same time, some great names, the names of Whigs, who ornamented those times, and strengthened by their talents and character, the existing Administration. 'I heir were also some Ex-Ministers, who had originally framed the treaty between France and I✓ng land, to compel the two Powers of Germany atO Spain to a pacification, but who, afterwards, shut out from the sun hine f st at ie fa p y r lu e r i , a i d ia a d y) deservedly fallen into disgrace; and there was also (I hope,amby.,dLyoordfs, jtuhr.actdnlo.vsinuochnipz,sozxts who looked upon nothing so well established as the right of one man to command over others, and who were the secret favourers of superstition, tyranny, and tics- P otism, wherever it was to be found. These, men, my Lords, deprecated the measures. which had been pursued — they cried out 'spot: it as a breach and violation of the laws of nations. Many inflammatory and declamatory topics were employed by these men, and family and traditional history relates that the Minister for Foreign Affairs, afraid of the possible consequences of the wise, just, and spirited measures which hail been pur sued, attempted to throw the responsibility from him. self upon the Gallant Ad m i ra l w h o had commanded the squadron. If it was the object of that Secretary to throw blame on the Gallant Admiral (which, my Lords, I hope it was not), the Administratio n were rescued from that ignominy, by the generous and proper feelings of two Royal Personages ; for George I. wrote a complimentary lett er to the Admiral, who received another of the same sort from the Emperor of Germany, and f or t h e h onour o f t h e of the Gallant Admiral, I believe, my Lords, those letters are still preserved. Those letters, my L or d s , state d that the Admiral had truly conceived the true spirit of his instructions, and had acted upon them as a British sea man always would act, namely, to the destruction of those who should endeavour by their continued hostilities to disturb that tranquillity which he had been authorised to use his exertions to preserve. These Royal Per sonage-3 were satisfied, because he had insured, by his vigorous and spirited conduct s the tranquillity of Eu rope ; and the people of England were satisfied, as the British Navy, as usual, had covered itself with glory. As to the objections made by the persons I have described, they were met by the two Secretaries, Mr. Craggs and Lord Stanhope, who answered them by exposing the designs of Spain ; strewing the consequences of those designs, if they could have been executed; and charging Spain with being the aggressor, by'attacking Germany when the latter was it war with the great enemy of the Christian world—the Turk.—(Hear, hear.)—My Lords, that brings me back to what I have before said, that the Ottoman Porte is not our ancient ally ; for the two Secretaries stated, in 1718, that the attack made by Spain upon Germany, when Germany was at war with the Turk, was a species of delinquency which rendered all that had been done justifiable. My Lords, this was strange language for our " ancient Ally." Perhaps Mr. Secretary Craggs stated these things, as the Noble Earl will possibly aver, because he had nothing else to say.—(A laugh.)—But how, my Lords, was this matter treated by one man—the greatest ornament of that age—by Mr. Addison, who was not only a philoso pher, but one of the best and wisest men who had ever lived? That great man alleged (a proposition with which the Noble Earl will probably agree) the bad effects of the numerous journals leading the political opinions of the day. He observed, my Lords, that there was no absurdity which, from the means of circulating opinions, had not got abroad in the world. So I believe in the present day—there are persons living, who think it the interest of this country to preserve the Ottoman Porte, in opposition to the opinions of the two Secretaries of that day, and of the Greek phi losopher to whom I have particularly referred. Perhaps, my Lords, I shall be told that " ancient," in this Speech, merely means yesterday, and that nothing is to be sa id about it. From the period to which I have referred, until 1770, the Turks continued with us in the same relations as before; and I am justified, my Lords, in citing the opinion of Lord Chatham upon this subject, as that Noble Lord had declared that we ought never to have any sort of connection with the Ottoman Porte. In 1770 we were in alliance with Russia, and that Power sent a fleet into the Mediterranean to oppose the Turks. What, my Lords, was the policy to this country ? As far as she could she assisted Russia. She permitted the Russian fleet to refit here; and that fleet, proceeding to the Mediterranaan, burnt the Turkish fleet, and remained there without any injury—at least so far as I can find, my Lords, to the interests of this country—for six or seven years. My Lords, did Mr. Pitt, in that part of —which I do not consider the most honour able—propose his career i le—lro os atralliance with Turkey? No, my Lords, he knew too well the interests of the country to propose such a measure. Did be call her our ancient Ally ? On the contraay, my Lords, he said that we had established easy system—indeed be piqued himself upon its novelty ; he alleged that we hail assisted in establishing Prussia as Power in Europe, and that we must prevent any aggres s:ons on her on the part of tke Porte. I will now, m \ Lords, quote the opinion of another great man upon the same subject. I will refer you to Mr. Burke. He is often mentioned in this House as a person of great authority, on many subjects; and I will cite his judgment on this, with the full assurance of the approbation of those Noble Lords who are so much his admirers. Mr. Burke, my Lords, in a speech delivered after the French Revolution—and consequently after he hail become fully alive to the horror of any attempt to change a long-established Go vernment—though he felt like a man who feared inno vation, yet spoke like a man of genius and know ledge, and said, that he never had considered the Turkish empire as forming any part of the balance of Europe ; that it had nothing to do with the European Powers which it always aimed to destroy ; that it despised all the Christian Powers as its inferiors, and wished to ex terminate them and their people. What, he asked, had such savages to do with the Princes of Europe? Nothing lint to war upon and attempt to destroy them. And he declared that the Ministers and politicians who would give them weight and power in the scale of nations, deserved to WI under the ban and cllrsi, of the people of Europe. My Lords, this is rather strong language to he used raapecting an " Ancient Ally," and yet it was used and suffered to pass uncontradicted. But he went On further to say, that every feeling of religion and humanity demanded that we should view them with abhorrence, and that among Christian Power.; that was to be preferred which should destroy such savages. My Lords, I do not bring forward these opinions for your guidance, neither do I recommend you to entertain the same feelings which Mr. Burke ex pressed ; but I adduced them, as a lawyer would say , as evidence of the fact, that Turkey has never be fore been considered as our ancient ally. From the time of George I. (who, I should remind your Lord ships, brought as one of his greatest recommendations to this country, that he had early fleshed his sword against the Turks in the Morea), up to the present moment, there has been no acknowledgment of the Turksas an ancient ally.— We had relations of commerce with them, but never were they Allies until 1798 or 1799, when on ()cession of the invasion of Egypt by the French (whom we had often re presented, but who certainly never acknowledged them selves as the Ancient Allies of Turkey), we entered into a Treaty of Alliance with that power. Aly Lords, I was much surprised at reading the expression " Ancient Ally," even when I recollected that Treaty ; for, my Lords, that Treaty—so far from being one of Alliance, entered into for the mutual benefit of England and Turkey, against the rest of the world, or for the preservation of the Turkish Empire against any of its neighbours, was an accession to a Treaty at the desire of Russia, at whose entreaty we, for the first time, entered into an alliance with Turkey.— chat Treaty, my Lords, commenced with a statement that a good understanding had always subsisted between Eng land and Russia, and that that understanding, together with the fact of the existence of a war with France, had indu ced this country to enter into a Treaty, to which Great Britain had been invited by Russia, in virtue of artidva ex isting between Russia and the Porte, wad, to which Great Britain had consented to accede:, The perfor mance of the stipulations wee, guaranteed, at the end of the Treaty (a hope laaal been previously expressed that its object would last for ever), it was thought prudent to limit the continuance of the Treaty foe seven years. Unfortunately, however, my Lords, before those seven years had elapsed, every article of the Treaty, as have before observed, was broken by Turkey, and we con sidered ourselves entitled to remonstrate with her upon her conduct. She notoriously violated the treaty with us. One of the articles was, that she should have no relations with France, at that time our great enemy ; but before the seven years were at an end, we were compelled to re monstrate with Turkey on the great influence which Ge neral Sebastiani had obtained in the Divaaa e and three m onths had not elapsed before we desicatcheef a fleet to Constantinople to enfor ce the performance. of the article. c ontained the Treaty with Russia, I say, soy Lords, that by these circumstances I f have proved that Turkey is nut our "anent," nor our faithful Ails'. We have had ne alliance since with Turkey, nor shall we have, if we wish to preserve our religion, our peace, or our amity wi t h go into_ the other nations. We have, indeed, had Er• continuation of those commercial relations which were first gratl'e l a ay d. 7hich boon in the time of Charles the Second, ea a . % el as more respectful have recently been allowed to be et,tAhlished ri g ht- '• I do nut wish at present, rg, Lords, to general political procecatings of this country. I h . ()ye . ] have satisfied your Lordships that I 113,v; beenl rtht I 0 ,4 to add a few words more. I amyl .g the antiquity of our alliance,, save •' 2 4Ye the othe'r questions until the papers, Wii:,ll tillldie been pro mised by his Majesty, are laid before us;which time it will be more convenient to %P . , to his Majesty, to defer the discussion of them.—(Hear.) 1 have now, my Lords, have already somewhat at length express e d My op ith on on tile description of Turkey as our ancient Ally. I shall now merely exp ress m y regret at the use of anot h er wor d i n hi s Majesty's s pe „a, I cannot hut lament the use of the I agree with it that such an occurrence was most unto ward ; but if it is intended to throw any blame on Admi ral Codrington, then I say that such an attempt is the ex treme of baseness and ignominy on the part of those who have advised it, and that it can never he expected to meet with the concurrence of the people —(Hear, hear.) — The Noble Lord went on to say that he had looked to the definition of the word " untoward" in Dr. Johnson's Die tionary, acid he found it to he " frow ar d, p erverse , and vexatious." If the word untoward w ere t o h ave an y o f these es: vod meanings hngsaivne beenhis M used a because jesty's speec the event t o whi c h it, he must suppose the was epplied had frustrated the object which the Govern ment had in view. Now, if such were the meaning which it was wished to attach to the expresslon, he must wise protest against it in that sense. However much h e might lament the effusion of blood which had taken pl ea , . at Navarin,—however much he might lament that we had not yet acconrplished so great an object as the pacification of two contending countries, and the liberation of Greece, —that country frcm which we derived no small portion of all those virtues which exalt and dignify our nature, and to which we owe all that gives life and animation to our de hates,—however much he might mourn over the deferred hopes of a brave and gallant people,—still if the phrase meant to say that the battle of Navarin was an obstacle to their independence, he could not agree to its justice. He thought that even now it had furthered and promoted the emancipation of Greece—he looked upon it as a step, and it great step, to the pacification of Europe ; and censidered it of more use than a contrary policy could hfve been, in promoting that great and laudable object. He would derer the discussion on other parts of this subject to a future opportunity. All he hoped at present was, that those whet had framed the treaties to which the speech refer: eel, and that the great officers who had been intrusted pith tfie execution of them, would not be considered in so doing to have deserted either theancient ally or the ancient policy of Great Britain ; and that if in the course of their career / they had pursued an object great and glorious to the ( . 011tt, try, and had not completely succeeded in attaining it, they would receive the praise of their cotemporaries for what they had effected, and not their censure for what they had found it impossible to execute. Non magna relinquo Magna sequor, titulum meritum serrate Quirites. Lord KING then rose; lie thought a subject of great importance had been overlooked ; namely, the Corn Lews, that would be found to be a very grave question : but since part of the present Administration had been in the last, and perhaps might be in the next, he was in hopes some gad would be derived from it on that question. It was said, that the country bad the same President of the Board of Trade that it bad before. He thought that the country would have a much better security in case the illusti ken, person who was at the head of the Government, and who concentrated in himself all the military and civil pourers of the state, would declare that be entertained views favour able to a free trade in corn. For when he recollected the conduct of that illustrious individual last year, he felt that it was but an inadequate security to have the same Right Hon. President of the Board of Trade as before. the country had been told that it had obtained security that the foreign policy of the former Miniuistration would not be de;larted from, because it bad the same foreign `'ecre tary still in office. Now, he believed that both these pea sonages were mere satellites of the personage at the heed ci the Government,—that they would be drawn into his vor tex, and that the old saying that there was something Tiind the throne greater than the Throne itself would be reversed, and it would he found that there was someth;rl,:. before the Throne which was even still more formidalL The Noble Baron concluded by giving his support to the address. The Duke of WELLINGTON then lose and sei.i, 1 believe there is one subject upon which the country ev,ualiy agrees—l therefore have great pleasure in stating that it is the intention of his Majesty's Government in the Ses sion to propose a measure in Parliament with r t; g a -(d t,, t 1 :, .: Corn Trade. My Lords, having thus beta ender the ne cessity of addressing your Lordships in answer to the ques tion put by the Noble Lord, permit me to say a few 14Arki9 :n answer to the Noble Lord who addressed the 1-10 / ,, ust now. First with regard to the term "ancient ellv." l must state that the Ottoman Porte lies been an ally of this country,—thit the Ottoman Porte is an er:- =eutial part of the balance of power.—(llear, hear.; that protection of the Ottoman Porte has been an ajten not only to this country, but to the whole of Europe. ant: that the changes of the state of position which had cc.. curred in that part of the world, had rendered it neces sary to have the protection of the Ottoman Porte untied to this country. The Noble Baron had likewise com mented on the - application of the epithet untiovard to the battle of Navarin. The sense in which the word wed used was this :--Its the treaties, which were rot yO. laid on the table of the House, and which could not regularly coma under discussion at present, but which ail of their Lord ships had read, it was stated as one stipulation, that tiy execution of them should not be permitt e d to lead to hoe.. tilities ; and therefore he said, that when the execution of '. hem did lea:I to hostilities, it was an untoward event.— 'lt was hoped by the former Government that the treaties could be carried into execution without hoeti . &ice, as was dear, not only from the treaties tilemeelvten but from the force sent to superintend their execution,— When the after -Immures began to assume the appearance .)f hostility instead of peace, he said that it was an ueLo ward event which had produced such a state of circum stances. Ile understood that difficulties arose atc)nnstatt , tincple, after int e lli gence arr i ve d t h ere o f t h e event that :a‘l occurred. There was some chance, s , :ree prospect, that the event might have ended in a Ave.-- He therefore. +aid that it was an untoward event.-.-- . (Hear, hear.) as Afajesty now informed their Lorcl o :lips, that the chances t.i hopes that hash disappeared. e d v i e s l a i.t ppe4 i r u e i r o l. no Us therefore ;l e: te i r rn ta p i e n d e: 'ilea to the final amicable settlement of the question ; but gill that did not depri-ce the event of its character o>;antowartitiess. ( 11 i Qrace the Duke of Weilington, went. in to say)—A Noble Lord has said do you mean to make any charge aoainst the Admiral ? I answer certainly not. 1 mean t , ,, make none. I have no right to make a charge ageeinst the Admiral. The Sovereign and the ‘,vorld are him, and lassoing as his Majesty's Govern ment does to carry this Treaty into exeeution, I should lie unworthy of the place which I bold, if I wen• to censure the very men who was charged with the performance of that duty.—(Cheers, au cries of heer.)--- Tlie late Government have by their conduct acquitted the Admiral of all blame, and I have no right to say esat the Admiral did otherwise than hie duty towards his gnve,ra meta and his country. The Nolele Duke concluded amidst laud applause. those (loci : - The Earl of ELDON—He should blame himme if vely• -ouch if he were to throw any impediment in the way of the preservation of the peace of Europe, the merorTe eially when he considered that this country had n ot for several years enjoyed the sweets of perfect peace; and hr• therefore thought it high time to take measures i'or insuring the peace of Europe. He did not enter i !a ir e e tit t s he r i i r g the battle . of Navarin, . into the Treaty of Loudon, nor into the Prommjs whicie oreceded that Treaty, because neither were at ?resent b e ... rightly, they s ; tat h ed ut , i , f yo h u e a u re nd n e o rs t underst ood ii,,,ti., flies ;" and notwithstanding this, which had been called an untoward event, hart t 4 ken pl ace , all the circumstances. God forbid that he should throw blame, upon the Adnairaf ,rho commanded upon that oceasiem' because no man mveht hieh no ~,,y opinion. upon the conduct of o presume to pronounce proceed to I ios- There was I. untoward eyent . ; but when he looked. ou ght to be taken to bring about an ilume -o this country, to the interests e.. 1 be „ Li st say that there was no one object, more lie mass, h k.sirabie than that each steps as belonged to the e:tgliity of I ,, ii ,ile zt :ti t ict‘ g h‘ss, a .oo l r l ( a d.c o :T t la i) ne ffi a(ti c , e tai r oina , ,idt, u te! • re,, i t.tihirsio,:ta,illisti ti k :c t l io .luin wi ta,e : it(lini.geihsyitNi:: in no one Sense ct his country La n n ia g t e i r e. in yti t h i i :e furl eruption Lavin . . ~,a ce of Europe, and that interruption, if not checked, - e volve this country • .aught 1 in a war, the consequences and ieiranat ,side all other consideration;{, he (Lord E.) gave his hearty ci te in support of the. Address, protevting L t the same lia b tepe , ace f w ,i e , e , that by giviton such vote, lie did wit thief; hienstlf ,and to an y • -- interpretation put upon any het,. pi, &cis ements refez'red to in the course of that night'. deb..to- The Marquis of LONDONDERRY addressed th e `louse in a tone which was indistinctly audible. We Ira-. .!erstood him to commence by alluding to a prophecy :whit:ll i'' had delivered on a former occasion (that the last Z‘li ,try would not Continue long i n exigence), and to ask ,i.beitier it had not been completely fulfilled. H e ...,e trusted '`eat under the new Admin.stration the country eceu i r t b e aced nn a high and commanding situation. The name . e . the individual at the head of the Government carried .••eett weight with it in Europe. in no tr alie ,„ tm , o f hi s. I'e had he ever failed Indeed, he seemed to have been le,rn under a stir which insured Lim success. The ,Nulde I .:Irl opposite (Grey), than whom no man stood higher in Cie public opinion on account of his rare consistency sacs 1i.,1)10 diminte,tednes,3, particularly as displeyeil doroi e the e..ents of time last year, had said, that a wint of coo•fithe ,: i, the person at the head of Governmew wae a fair grou; I . oppOsitiOU to his administration. He would telte ti;:. PRICE 7D.