The Sun. — London, England, 1867-03-29 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS.—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PETITIONS. Petitions were presented from various congregations against the sale of spirituous liquors on the Sunday. BILLS. The West Kent Gas Bill and the Manchester City Rail. way Bill were read a third time and passed. Lord TAUNTON said that it was always the custom during several sessions for the Board of Trade to present a report to the committee investigating into the merits of a bill, pointing out any of the most prominent points, and all those clauees which affected public or private interests. But he would submit to their lordships' house that there were many other bills affecting private interests upon which no report was ever submitted. There was such a one now coming before their lordships, that was the Harbour Bill of Liverpool, which not only had great effect upon the local interests, but upon all general interests. He would now ask the noble Duke (the Duke of Richmond) whether it was true that these reports had ceased ? The Duke of RICHMOND said that he would explain that Mr. Cave had come to the conclusion that only in certain bills should these reports be made. The reason why Mr. Cave had come to this decision was that these reports had of late years not extended so far as the noble lord opposite thought, but had only pointed out those points in which the bill infringed the ordinary rules and practices of the house ; in fact, it was considered a work of supererogation, and much time had necessarily to be ex pended in framing the reports. With regard to the Tidal Harbour Bill there would be a special Act of Parliament for them. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY objected that, when these reports should be submitted to the house for the instruction of tho members, that they ought not to be suppressed without the sanction of the house. Lord REDESDALE said that there were certain bills which ought to be made, but that, with respect to many others, he must say, in justice to the late President of the Board of Trade, that they were perfectly useless and very expensive. After some further discussion, the subject dropped. ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL. Lord LYVEDEN moved for a return of proceedings taken under the Ecclesiastical Titles Act, and, observing that he expected the answer to his motion would be "Nil," explained that his object was to show the inexpediency of continuing a measure which, passed at a time when Pro testant bigotry had been excited, had proved inoperative, except to provoke irritation in the minds of our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects. Referring to Ireland, he urged the propriety of removing every cause of possible griev ance, and maintained that the conduct of the Roman Catholic clergy during the late Fenian disturbances in that country entitled them to a removal of an invidious and useless piece of legislation. Lord DENBIGH pointed out that the act caused incon venience in charitable trusts, because Roman Catholic pte latos could not legally be described by the title which they openly bore. The Bishop of KILL ALOE, regarding the Ecclesiastical Titles Act as equally inoperative and irritating, supported its repeal. Lord DERBY assented to the return asked for, which he was glad to know would be " Nil;" but he declined at that moment to discuss the question of repealing the act in the absence of its author, Lord Russell. He, however, gene rally suggested the possible danger of reviving angry feel ings by attempting to repeal an act which it was admitted had entailed little, if any, real inconvenience to any par ties, and further pointed out that in Ireland the Roman Catholic prelates had adopted titles which had been con ferred by the law upon bishops of the Established Church. Any agitation of the question would raise the controversy as to the relative legality of the Canon law and the law of the land.in Ireland. Lord KIMBERLEY regretted his former vote in favour of the passing of the act, which he now regarded as a mis take that should be corrected as speedily as possible. Lord GREY also regretted the passing of the act, but reminded the house that by the Emancipation Act Roman Catholic prelates in Ireland were prohibited from assuming territorial titles. He, however, deprecated the re-opening of the question at present, as he was convinced that the whole subject of the Irish Church must shortly be dealt with by Parliament. The Duke of Cleveland and Lords Clanricarde and Stan hope—the two latter having voted in favour of the passing of the act—expressed opinions favourable to its repeal. Lord GRANVILLE explained his vote in favour of the act to have been in deference to a strong feeling produced in the country by an injudicious act on the part of the Pope, and advised caution in dealing with the subject at present. After some further conversation the return was agreed to. CANDI.", AND GREECE_ Lora DENBIGH then asked whether it was trae that her Majesty's Government had been invited to join with France, Austria, and Russia in a recommendation to the Porto to cede Crete to Greece. He said that he was induced to ask the question in consequence of the system atic attempts that were being made to despoil the Ottoman Empire, and by the repeated violations of the provisions of the Treaty of Paris. Adverting to the unceasing efforts of Russia to gain possession of Constantinople, he regarded Austria as acting under pressure, and urged that the suc cess of Russia would inflict great injury upon our commer cial interests in the East. Lord DERBY repudiated any desire on the part of the Government to contribute tothe destruction of the Turkisk Empire, and vindicated Lord Stanley's recommendation to the Porte to withdraw its troops from Belgrade as judi cious and friendly, tending to reconcile the hitherto discon tented Servian population to the suzerainty of the Sultan. In answer to the specific question concerning Crete, Lord Derby said Lo invitation to join in an identical note bad been given; but in reply to communications from the French Ambassador respecting a proposed recommendation to abandon Crete, her Majesty's Government had declared that they did not intend to tender any ad rice or interfere in any way in the matter. He doubted whether such ad vice would be taken, unless backed up by force, and he also doubted whether a transfer of the island to the Greek Go vernment would be to the advantage of the Cretans. Lord DENBIGH, being satisfied with the answer, with drew his motion. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. -LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER. took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Dundee New Gas, Eton Gas, Hampton Court United Gas, Hull Docks, London and North Western Railway (New Lines), Neath and Brecon Railway, Newry and Greenoro Railway, North London Railway, Nottingham Improve ment, Rochester, Chatham, and Strood Gas, Scarborough Gas, Southport Water, South Shields Gas, Stalybridge Gas, Sutton, Southcoates, and Drypool Gas, Swansea Vale Rail way. THE REFORM BILL. Mr. READ gave notice that, in committee on the Reform Bill, he should move an amendment in clause 6 with rospect to payment of taxes, and move to substitute tho words "two years" for "six months." Sir E. COLEBROOK gave notice that he should, in committee, move an amendment in clause 4 with respect to the county franchise qualification. THE BRIBERY COMMISSION. In reply to Mr. MORRISON, Mr. WALPOLE said the charges of bribery against John Beath and others at the Totnes election were under the consideration of the law officers of the Crown, in order to ascertain what proceedings ought to be taken against the persons charged. POOR LAW RETURNS. In reply to Mr. Alderman LAWRENCE, Mr. HARDY said the return was made in exact accord ance with the motion made for its production. If a more extended return was required, and it was thought:desir able to incur the expense of procuring it, he would offer no opposition to its being produced. TRANSPORTS FOR THE ARMY. In reply t o Captain \TM" - - Sir J. PAKINGTON said the report had been drawn up but not signed, 80 that it had not come officially before him yet. After he had received it he would say when it could be produced. THE IRISH MILITIA. Colonel FRENCII itskedtrieSecrota;Yof State for War whether ho intended calling out the Irish militia for train ing this year? Sir J. PAKINGTON said ho could not give the hon. and gallant gentleman a decided answer. THE VOLUNTEERS. In reply to Mr. W. E. FORSTER, Mr. WALPOLE said instructions to the nature he had stated the other evening had been drawn up and trans mitted to the law officers of the Crown to put them into the shape of regulations. When they were received by the War-offi they would be at once transmitted to the Lords Lieutenant of the counties, and by the Treasury to the civil authorities. Mr. BRIGHT thought it would be better that the re gulations should be submitted to the house before they were sent to the Lords-Lieutenant. The Horse Guards might make mistakes such as they had done before. Mr. WALPOLE said the regulations must bo issued on the responsibility of the Government: Copies of them would be laid on the table, and they could be considered if thought noces-iary. _ _ 141 r. i ; 0 TE It asked whether it would be before the vote was taken ? Mr. WALPOLE replied in the affirmative. T FIE NEW LAW COURTS. In reply to Mr. LANYON, Mr. UUNT said the matter had been considered, but it was not thought right now to alter the arrangements that had been made. BARRACKS AT POINT DE GALLE. Mr. OLIPIIANT asked the Secretary of State for War whether it waa the intention of her Majesty's (imminent to build fresh barracks for European troops at Point de Galle. Sir J. PAKINGTON said it would, in consequence of new arrangements, become necessary to erect the barracks. DISCHARGING MILITARY OFFENDERS. In reply to Major JERVIS, Sir J. PAKINGTON said it was not necessary to make any alteration as to the power to discharge men guilty of felony, or of disgraceful conduct. THE REFORM BILL. In reply to Mr. T. CAVE, The CHANCELLCR of the EXCHEQUER said the question of the hon. gentleman seemed founded on a mis apprehension. The special franchises proposed by the bill with respect to money in the funds and savings banks were to a certain extent under the control of the Govern ment ; building societies not being so he could not for a moment countenance the giving a vote for such a qualification. TOTNES ELECTION. In reply to Sir LAWRENCE PALE, Mr. WALPOLE said the Post-office was in communica tion with the Treasury with respect to the case of Parnell, and with respect to the other branch of the question, he had again to say the Lord Chancellor was considering all the circumstances brought to his knowledge. When he came to a determination the result would be at once com municated to Parliament. Sir L. PALK gave notice that when it was received he should call the attention of the House to the circum stances which took place at the election for Totnos, and the conduct of the Duke of Somerset and his agent. (Hear, hear). THE CYCLONE. In reply to Mr. GREGORY, Lord STANLEY said there was not sufficient evidence to justify a prosecution. THE HOUSEHOLD TROOPS. In answer to Mr. 0. STANLEY, Sir J. PAKINGTON said originally all colonels had the power to discharge men from their regiments, in conside ration of their bearing the expense of recruiting. When that was done away by the bill of Mr. Burka, the House hold troops were excepted from the provisions of the Act, and therefore the pow er remained and was in existence at the present time. Lord NAAS said attention had merely been directed to the Whiteboy Acts, and the best results had followed. With respect to the punishment of the Fenians, the sen tence would be at the discretion of the judge, whose cha racter would be quite sufficient to give assurance that no unjust sentence would bo inflicted. The Government had nothing to do with awarding sentences—that remained entirely with the bench. CANADA RAILWAY LOAN. The house then wont into committee of supply. Mr. ADDERLEY moved a resolution authorising tho Treasury to guarantee (at 4 per cent.) a loan of £3,000,000, to be raised by the Government of Canada for the construc tion of a railway between Quebec and Halifax. In support of this proposition Mr. Adderley, after expressing his own personal antipathy to colonial guarantees, and his hope that this would be the last of them, dilated on the necessity of the line, and its importance, as effecting a communica tion between Quebec and Halifax, in military and commer cial points of view, and also as putting the provinces in a more independent position towards the United States in regard to any future reciprocity treaties, and mentioned that this proposal was almost the same as that offered to the Provinces in 1862 by the Duke of Newcastle, though there was this advantage now, that the guarantee formed an integral part of the scheme for the confederation of the Provinces. To show that there was no risk in this guarantee he pointed to the fact that the security was placed on the revenues of the United Provinces, which now produced a surplus of £190,000, and being extraordinarily elastic were capable with groat ease of defraying the total maximum annual charge of this line, which, includ ing interest and a sinking fund, would not amount to more than £210,000 a year. The guarantee would not come into force until the Colonial Legis lature had passed an Act providing for the construction of the line, giving facilities for the transport of troops, charg ing the consolidated revenues with the interest and the sinking fund, and postponing to this the charge of all pub lic works which might hereafter be undertaken by the Colonial tiovernment. Mr. AYTOUN objected to the guarantee as unsound in principle and unfair to the taxpayers of this country, and argued that neither in a commercial nor a military point of view would this lino bo of the smallest value. Mr. T. CAVE strongly condemned the scheme as a colossal job. Mr. GLADSTONE, in defending the guarantee, for which the late Government was quite as responsible as the present, though that did not detract from their full liberty to discuss and refuse it, pointed out that it depended not on the profits of the line, but on the colonial revenues; and the commercial value of the line, therefore, had no thing to do with the question. In a wide digression Mr. Gladstone discussed the principlet on which our share in the defences of the colonies ought to bo apportioned, and arguea tnat, as this was an integral part of the ~outeuer ation scheme, it was an important step towards placing the colonies in a higher position of political responsibility. Mr. LOWE maintained that, as a commercial under taking, the line would be worthless and unnecessary ; in a military point of view it would be a great aid to the United States in invading Canada, and there would be enormous engineering difficulties in its construction. Our military expenditure in Canada was already more than one million ; and, in answer to Mr. Gladstone, he remarked that lending them money was a curious mode of fostering the independence of the colonies. To the argument that the guarantee was part of the Confede ration scheme, he replied by asking whether it was the price of it, and objected strongly to being drawn into any responsibility for the good working of this scheme--as to which he did not entertain sanguine hopes,—and still more strongly to the appearance which it bore, and the interpretation which might be put on it of attempting to establish a rival confederation to the United States. After some remarks from Mr. WATKIN in approval of the scheme, the resolution was carried on a division by 247 to 67. MUTINY BILL. In committee on the Mutiny Act the controversy on flogging in the army was renewed, when Sir J. PAKINGTON brought up a new clause (in place of clause 22) limiting the infliction of corporal punishment to soldiers in the second class, which, he said, comprised only 9 per cent. of the army, and for three offences — mutiny, insubordination with violence (adopting a modi fied definition suggested by Mr. Whitbread), and indecent conduct. This largo concession, as Sir John Pakington described it, to the vote of the house the other evening, bad the entire approval of the Commander-in-Chief. Mr. OTWAY, admitting that the concession was consi derable, repeated his arguments against corporal punish ment, and moved an amendment abolishing altogether the power of inflicting it. Mr. HEADLAM objected to the classifications in the clause, and thought it better to confine the punishment solely to mutiny and violent insubordination, to be inflicted on all alike. Mr. HERBERT insisted that the punishment might be dispensed with if commanding officers had power to dismiss bad characters, and Major JERVIS urged the same argument, and laid the blame of the retention of the punishment on the mistaken economy of the House of Commons, which grudged the money for getting fresh recruits instead of men who really cost more money, and, passing most of their time in prison, did little or no service. The clause was supported by Col. Nonmr, and opposed by Mr. HousuAN, who thought the punishment hardly worth retaining, when 91 per cent. of the army was to be exempt, and quoted from the returns to show that it had no deterrent effect. Mr. MOWBRAY defended the clause. The Marquis of HARTINGTON, though not prepared to vote for the total abolition of the punishment, was of opinion that it was hardly worth retaining if only to be applied to one-tenth of the army. Gen. PEEL, adverting to a remark of Mr. Otway on the introduction of the Duke of Cambridge's name into the discussion, maintained that, being reponsiblo for the dis cipline of the army, it was right that his opinion should be made known to the house. 110 was opposed to the classi fications, and thought that if the punishment were retained for mutiny and aggravated insubordination all soldiers ought to be liable to it. Sir J. PAIUNGTON replied, and on a division the se cond reading of the clause was carried by 223 to 131. An amendment by Sir G. GREY to omit the classifica tions was negatived. Several verbal amendments were moved, but much con fusion apparently prevailing as to the precise position in which the question stood, the Chairman was ordered to report progress before the clause was finally agreed to. The Bridges (Ireland) Bill was read a second time. A motion by Mr. LO WE to refer to a select committee a petition of Mr. Shields, C.E., who alleges that the Board of Works in the embankment of the Thames has made use of his designs, was objected to by Lord J. MANNERS, on the ground that his claim, if any, is against the Board of Works, and not again:4t the Government, and, after a de bate, was rejected by 49 to 29. The house then adjourned. MANCHESTER UNITY OF ODD FELLOWS. The 22d anniversary dinner of the Caleduniatodge was held on Monday, at the Guildford Armg,' 'Russell-square, P.P.G.M. Harris in the chair, supported by Messrs. Rough, Grosch, Chilcott, Thistleton, and others. After the usual toasts, that of " The Lodge" was given, and in respond ing, the vice-chairman, Mr. Gore, said it had mot all its engagements, and had now £3BO in hand, with 41 mem bers. A splendid silver cup was then presented to trea surer Jackson, in tpken of his long and zealous services to the lodge. " The Manchester Unity and Board of Direc tors" followed, and it was stated this order was now com posed of 405,467 members, the total s,u plus capital being £2,500,000, more persons having bee i initiated last year than any previous one in the history of the Unity. Other toasts succeeded, including the " Widow and Orphan Fund;" and excellent vocal music en...vened the proceed ings. THE SUN, LONUON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 29 1867. Ethnological Society. An ordinary meeting of this society was held on Tuesday evening in their rooms in St. Martin's place—the president, Mr. J. Crawfurd, in the chair. A paper was read by Professor Busk on two skulls of the hairy men of Jesso, supposed to be the origi nal inhabitants of Japan, and which had been pro cured with much difficulty. Professor Busk de scribed technically the various parts of the skulls, pointing out their peculiarities, but the general re sult was that they were scarcely distinguishable from many long-headed European skulls. Mr. C. Carter Blake and Dr. Donovan made some remarks on the paper, the latter objecting that while so much tech nical knowledge was displayed in describing the various bones of the skull, no notice was taken of the brain. A second paper, by Mr. Crawfurd, was read, " On the supposed ab )rigines of India as dis tingu:shed from its civilised inhabitants." It is known there exists in India rude and even savage tribes, differing in manners, customs, religion, and not un frequently even in language, from the great body of the civilised inhabitants. They are found only in hilly or mountainous districts, and by their compa rative sterility holding out little temptation to con quest and occupation. They are never seen in the fertile and well-watered alluvial valleys of the great rivers, which are inhabited by civilised nations, how ever differing among themselves in manners and language. Linguists and craniologists have in vented a theory to account for this state of things, which supposes the rude mountaineers to be the sole aborigines of India, while it imagines the civilised inhabitants to be intrusive strangers, who in a re mote antiquity invaded India, conquered it, and settled in it under the imposed names of Aryans for Northern and Turanians for Southern India. This view, Mr. Crawfurd said, appeared to him to be utterly groundless, and the object of the paper was to refute it. In doing so, he in at first considered the actual position of Hindostan and its inhabi tants, and observed that it is contrary to what is known to be the case in all other great portions of the globe to suppose so great and fertile a region, and consequently so favourable to the promotion of an early civilisation, to have been within the historical period destitute of any other original inhabi tants than the few rude tribes now confined to its least favourable localities, until it came to be peopled by immigrant strangers from remote countries. He felt satisfied that both the mountaineers and the in habitants of the open plains and valleys are alike natives of the soil of the same race, allowance being made for such varieties of type found to exist in other large regions of the earth, as for example in Europe and in Western Asia. With such an allow ance, a common character distinguishes the people of Hindostan from all the other races of man just as complete as that which distinguishes the Euro pean, the Chinese, and the Malayan race. Mr. Crawfurd, in confirmation of his opinion, pointed to the insuperable obstacles which would have been opposed to an immigration from the north-west, and he referred to various countries in different parts of the world to show that varieties in the characters of the original inhabitants exist as great as those ob servable between the hill tribes of India and the oc cupants of the plains. Referring particularly to the former condition of Mexico and Peru, he ob served, in conclusion, that the state of India before there could have been an invasion of Aryans or a religion of Brahma, would probably be a parallel to that of America on its discovery ; the wild and savage tribes would be numerous, and the civilised few in number. Proportionate to its extent, it would have as manysmall tribes, speaking as many distinct languages, as America itself. India has still a score of nations with written languages, but the number of its wild tribes have not been counted. After some remarks from General Balfour and Dr. Campbell, who dissented from some of the opinions expressed by Mr. Crawfurd, the meeting adjourned. RAILWAY IN TE LLIGENCE. GREAT WESTERN. The following is the report of the directors to be presented to the aajoureeu meeting to-day : " When the directors recommended the adjourn ment of the general meeting, held on the Bth inst., they did so in consequence of the pendency of nego tiations for raising a sufficient sum of money to enable them to meet the pressing claims on the com pany. A proposal was made to the Government for temporary assistance, which, looking to the peculiar circumstances of the case, the large interests in volved, and the ample security the company were in a condition to offer, it was hoped would have been acceded to, The directors, however, regret to state that their application was ineffectual ; the Govern ment, whilst reserving their ultimate freedom of action, having declined to adopt the proposal submitted to them. Feeling the uncertainty of any external assistance being obtained of suffi cient amount to relieve the company from the bur then of its temporary loans and other immediate and pressing .claims, the directors renewed their appeal to the shareholders to take up the unissued 6 per cent. stock to the extent of £1,000,000, the calls thereon being spread over a considerable period, and the subscriptions being made subject to the condi tion that the whole amount should be obtained. The directors regret to state that the applications hitherto received from the proprietors in answer to this ap peal amount to little more than £250,000, of which upwards of £50,000 has been subscribed by the directors and officers of the company, in addition to their previous subscriptions. The directors must again earnestly impress on the proprietors the con sideration that so long as the temporary loans are in existence, it is impossible, in the present state of the money market, to sustain the credit of the company, or to place it in such a financial position as to give to debenture holders that confidence which its am ple and improving revenue justifies. They trust that those proprietors who have already offered to sub scribe will waive the condition on which they have consented to do so; and they would once more urge on the remaining proprietors the policy, in their own interest, and for the protection of their own property, of at once coming forward and taking up the re quired amount of thestock in question. The direc tors have already been able to arrange for the re newal of a considerable portion of the debentures falling due in the course of next month; and they trust that those debenture holders with whom such arrangements have not been made.may be induced to postpone their claims for the repayment of their principal. Considering the large margin of net re venue, amounting to more than £1,000,000 per an num, after payment of all rent charges and deben ture interest, there cannot be a doubt as to the security of the interest on all the debentures and de benture stock of the company; and it may reasonably be hoped that, when the position of these securities is properly understood and appreciated, confidence in them will be restored, and that some general action will be taken by Parliament to enable rail way companies to replace the whole of their deben tures by a permanent stock. The directors are themselves taking measures in their bill of the pre sent session for the issue of a debenture stock to the full extent of their borrowing powers ; and in the meantime an arrangement is being made with the Bank of England to open an account there, to which will be paid, from time to time, out of the weekly traffic receipts, a sum sufficient to meet the inte rest on debentures and debenture stocks. Under the existing circumstances of the company the di rectors have no alternative but to recommend that the shareholders, both preferential and ordinary, should be paid their respective dividends in prefer ence stock until the temporary loans are paid off, and the finances of the company are put in a sound and safe position. Assuming that the affairs of the company are not complicated by the pressure of debenture holders, and that its available revenue can be appropriated in discharge of the temporary loans, these liabilities might be extinguished in the course of about 12 months. In lieu of dividend warrants it is therefore proposed that irredeemable preference shares of £2O each, authorised by the Act of 1866, bearing interest at 5 per cent., should be issued to each shareholder in exchange for an equivalent amount of dividend. For any fraction of a dividend not amounting to £2O an obligation would be given, such obligations being convertible into shares when presented for that purpose, in amounts of £2O, the holders being at liberty to pay up any difference in cash. Apart from the claims in respect of renewable debentures and temporary loans, the estimated capital to be expended by the company for the next three years is as follows : Works of construction in progress for improving the company's existing lines, £186,540 ; new en gines, carriages, waggons, machinery, &c., ordered, £107,397 ; reconstruction of viaducts and Barlow road, £50,000 ; unsettledland purchases, &c. £75,000; subscriptions to other undertakings, £35, 700; lines and works for which the company are liable, £176,000 ; lines and works for which the company are respon sible jointly with other companies, £l94,ooo—total, £824,637. The above statement includes the capital required for the construction of the goods stations at Birkenhead and Smithfield ; but it does not in clude any liabilities to which the company may be subject under the agreement with the Metropolitan Company, which is now the subject of negotiation, nor does it include the capital charge for rolling stock purchased on deferred payments, the interest on which is already borne by revenue. The direc tors, impressed with the necessity of abstaining from making any avoidable addition to the capital ac count, will endeavour to reduce or postpone as far as possible their existing liabilities, obtaining where necessary parliamentary powers for the purpose. It has been the earnest wish and endeavour of the board to limit the capital expenditure of the com pany to the smallest possible amount, and although in the bill before Parliament powers are sought with reference to some new works which the company are at present under obligation to carry out, the only line of any extent which it will be necessary to proceed with is that in the Bargoed Valley, the capital of which is £123,000. The works there pro posed to be sanctioned are in substitution for a line which the West Midland Company was originally authorised to construct, and which the company is now under penalty to complete. An arrangement was made in regard to this line by which the above costs will be divided in equal moieties, with a neigh bouring company. The liability of the company in respect of lines agreed to be leased at fixed rentals, which amounted for the year ending Jan. 31 last to £240,000, will be increased in the course of the next three years by £51,000, and eventually by about £58,000 a year. It was anticipated that this increase of liability will be partially, if not wholly, met by the increased traffic to be derived from these lines, of which 59 miles are not yet opened. It will be understood that this statement does not include the lines worked upon a percentage of traffic re ceipts. The directors have, in the above figures, endeavoured to place before the shareholders an esti mate of the expenditure on capital account for the next three years, and they feel confident that by ad hering to the policy of abstaining from extensions and capital expenditure beyond what may be neees sary for improving, their own undertaking, by close attention to the increase of traffic, and by economy in-working expenses, there will be a gradual but certain increase of dividend to the ordinary share holders, for it must not be lost sight of that the inte rest on so large a part of the capital being fixed, an increase of only £lOO,OOO per annum, or the present net earnings of about £1,900,000, would give the ordinary shareholders in the original section an in creased dividend of 1 per cent., with a proportionate increase to the ordinary shareholders in the Oxford and Newport sections." GERMANY AFTER THE WAR OF 1866. (From the Westminster Gazette.) Our author next quotes some passages from the writings of two eminent Prussianists, Dr. Droysen and Dr. Hauser, according to which the mission of Prussia to annex the other German States rests on a sort of historic necessity, and is based on the national need of more solid Consti tutions, sustained by a new Protestant sovereignty and by Protestantism. lie then continues : " These gentlemen arbitrarily take up an idea, a phan tasy—make of it an absolute thought, an idol which they worship, or, more properly, in which they worship themselves, and this th eore ti ca l phantasy becomes in their ekes the sole legilinutle things in the world, the absol utely legitimate, necessary in itself, to which all else right, morality, and history must yield. Thus the pernicious theory that has come into vogue in Germany about the mission of Prussia has long tended to produce a breach with Austria. According to it Austria has naturally no longer alplace in Germany ; she stands in the way of Prus sia's mission, which, with the force of a natural law, seeks its own necessary fulfilment ; and, in like manner, to use the language of Herr Droysen, the further annexation of other territories at the cost of the remaining German States is to Prussia as purely a natural law of necessity as it is to the heavenly bodies a necessary law of their nature to move each in its own sphere. In the year 1848, for the first time in my life, I encountered this Prussian ism, with its tendency to annexation, as a natural neces sary law. I was at that time rector of Hopsten in my native country, Westphalia. The trust which the inhabitants of the surrounding country reposed in me obliged me, in direct opposition to all my wishes, to accept a seat in the German Parliament at Frankfort. The county of Teklenburg an old Prussian and Protes tant district, was included in the same electoral limits, and at a meeting of all the electors that was held at that time in Teklenburg, the political task of their deputy in Frankfort, especially with regard to the question of the Constitution, was discussed. On that occasion a man, otherwise most respectable, maintained the view that above all things it was the mission of the Parliament to extend the boundaries of Prussia to the Main, and thus to form a North German kingdom under the Prussian Crown, and that it was my duty as deputy to labour to that end. How often have my thoughts reverted to this elector in Teklenburg. His expressions prove how universally and how early the events that have now taken place were prepared for. I have now no doubt that the words then uttered by this gentleman were not the simple expression of his individual thoughts, but set forth the views adopted in that secret society where, what we have called Prussianism, has its especial seat. This opinion of an unlimited mission of Prussia pre pared the war ; and during the course of the war it grew into a mighty lever wherewith to conduct it. After the great victories, it carried all away with it in Prussia, even those whose lives had hitherto been devoted 'to the advocacy of right. To sum up all, it dictated the conditions of peace, and at this moment d om i na tes in Prussia almost without opposition. But what dangers lie in such views for the peace of Europe in general, and par ticularly for that of Prussia? It is in its very essence aggressive against all—a kind of universal declaration of war against all who oppose this mission, said to be a necessity of natural law. Such theories leave no rights and no State secure. Why should this theory of neces sity by a law of nature stop short at the Main, why at the Danube ?" We will venture to add that a slight modifica tion of this fixed idea would suffice to extend this mission of Prussia even beyond the mere boun daries of Germany to all nations of Germanic origin. Prussianism would then be converted into Pan-Germanism, corresponding to the Pan-Scla vonism, and to the Pan-Latinism, towards which Louis Napoleon has more than once made a stride already. That German Switzerland would not escape, is to be understood of course ; even the Saxons of Transylvania would not be left out in the cold ; then Holland would follow, and Brabant, and Flanders ; then Scandinavia, and—we cannot help it, we must speak ont--England. The intel lectual lava cannot be held back ; England, perhaps, would not be able to keep clear of this new Protestant empire of the German nation. That relationship can lend no security we have seen in the case of llancver. In truth, matter would not be wanting for imposing proclamations to the nations of Europe. The great grouping of na tions, according to Louis Napoleon an "historical necessity," is being consummated. The Catholic Emperor of all the Latin—the Protestant Emperor of all the Germanic races—the Greek Emperor of all Sclavonians and Greeks, three Emperors, by the grace of " blood and iron "—what a triumph over the holy alliance of yore ! But enough of this. God lives yet, and a breath of llis Spirit suffices to melt the lava of Revolu tion. Our author still further develops his views of the corruption of the Prussian State by this re volutionary Prussomania, in the chapter headed " The end sanctities the means." If. by the ne cessity of a natural law, the mission of Prussia is to annex, no means that serve that end can any longer be considered blameworthy. He places the Prussia of to-day on a level with the French empire under Napoleon 1., thus : " Napoleon also pretended to a mission, to be the execu tor of the higher decrees of Providence ; but his mission was bound up with his name and with France ; he also represented a prindiple, a theory devoid of right, devoid of history, devoid of the law of God; and if success, if brilliant victories are to be looked upon as a judgment of God, as a proof of the Divine blessing, Napoleon, instead of one, could appeal to numberless victories. With this pretended mission he trod under foot al; the rights of nations as well as of princes. Against these arbitrary and godless theories peoples and princes fought at Leipzig, and then pursued their victorious carter to Paris." In the same manner he speaks of the events of the past year, the understanding with Louis Napo leon, the alliance with Victor Emmanuel, Gari baldi, Klapka, &c. : "We see here before us the unhappy workings of that corrupt principle which seeks to remove the higher politics from their true foundation. If, in the intercourse of peoples and States an exceptional standard is set up as if they were subject tc other laws than those of or dinary morality and right ; if the delusion is encour aged, that what in private life would be wrong, unjust, unlawful, in questions of higher politics is right, just, yea, necessary ; if, in a word, the laws of God are disre garded, and in such high matters other laws are set up, then such consequences as we have narrated above, must of necessity follow. Then, at once, questions of high poli tics are degmded into mere questions of human prudence, of human caprice; they are degraded into qtestions of low poli tical expediency, of political intrigue, in short, to a policy, where self-seeking is the sole unrestricted law. Selfish ends are aimed at, repugnant to the ordinances of God, and all means are used in the pursuit of these ends accord ing to the principle : the end sanctifies the means. In the separation of the law of nations from the laws of God, in the fiction that in questions of higher politics, mea sures and objects aimed at are to be judged from a higher point of view, than that of ordinary morality and justice, lurks a most imminent danger for the peace of the world. Whoever would avoid revolution in questions of lower politics, must abjure it in questions of higher poli tics. A law of nations without the law of God is a perman ent state of war, or at best only a t ruce p rece di ng th e war of all against all. What a confusion of minds and con science ! It is radically wrong in the individual to regu late his ends and means without reference to God and the laws of God, without reference to morality and the moral law. Just so, and for the same reasons in the life of nations is it radically wrong for nations to choose and pursue their ends, and the means to attain those ends, without reference to God an d th e l aws o f G o d, t o morality and the moral law." In chapter VII. Bishop Ketteler looks the dangers in the face that are the consequences of the deeds characterized above. First of all, the dissolution of the Confederation which was founded after the war of liberation, and then the destruction of that confidence, which for fifty years had been growing up and had waxed strong, that a fratricidal war was no longer possible in Germany, in place of which trust indications are now observable of men's minds being bent on this war of brother against brother. He then discusses the present break up in Germany that may pro duce a state of things similar to what existed at the period of the Confederation of the Rhine, which our author describes as the period of the deepest degradation of Germany. The danger appears to him all the more pressing, as all confidence among the German princes has been destroyed, and the thought lies in their hearts that a similar fate awaits them to that which has overtaken their brother princes. Our author then speaks of the overthrow of all public morality, of the want of fixed yrinciples, on the basis whereof alone a stable order of things can be built. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—NOW that Reform has entered upon a r.ew phase, and seems to approach that of legisla tive settlement, it is time for all wavering politicians to form a decided judgment on the question. Hence forth the responsibility of the Government will be shared, to say the least, by Parliament, for the country has been informed that no reasonable amend ment will be seriously resisted by the Ministry. The interval, therefore, which has yet to elapse before the Bth of April should be employed by those mem bers who have as yet halted between two opinions in considering the verdict which they must soon deliver. We speak with the utmost respect for the House of Commons when we express a doubt whether many of those whose votes must determine this great con stitutional question have even now braced themselves to the effort of mastering the principles and details involved in it. As much as this, and more than this, was confessed last session, when some had listened to debates and taken part in divisions on four previ ous Reform Bills pleaded for delay that further in formation might be obtained. Perhaps the plea was scarcely creditable to the character of Parliament, but it was not wholly unfounded ; and at this mo ment there are Anti-Reformers, and Reformers too, who would be unable to stand a very simple exami nation in the elementary statistics of the subject. No such plea, however, can avail this year. It would be reckless trifling with the constituencies and the people to put off again to a more convenient season the duty which devolves upon the present House during the present session. It has been sug gested, indeed, that, if time should run short, it would be possible to reserve the redistribution clauses for separate discussion in 1868, and to sus pend the operation of the franchise clauses until the sister act should have been carried. It would, doubtless, be possible to do this, but whether it would be expedient is more than doubtful. Not only wv.raa c retrospective suspicion be justly east on the v ie ws to which the lat e G overnmen t d e f erre d, but agitation might be kept alive throughout the winter. Every one knows that a Liberal Franchise Bill may be vastly enhanced or entirely neutralised in effect by an ingenious Redistribution Bill, and no one knows what another twelvemonth may bring forth to frustrate all the labours of this spring. If it would deserve and retain the confidence of the nation, Parliament should now address itself to Reform, with a resolution not to disperse for the summer recess without having passed an act com plete in all its parts. The secret of wise legislation on all matters affecting the future distribution of power is to look far enough forward, and yet not to look too far. There is a well-known passage in one of Sydney Smith's speeches on Reform which forcibly expresses this political truth. He there contrasts the foresight and courage of Lord Grey with the folly which delayed the conclusion of peace with America, and the concession of emancipation to the Catholics, until they were extorted by fear and called forth no sentiment of gratitude. On the other hand, he is not deceived by the idea of finality, only venturing to prophesy that Reform was " set at rest for thirty or forty years; and this," he truly remarks, " is an eternity in politics." It would be well if this just conception of the trust committed to each genera tion had more influence upon political reasoning. Reform is often discussed as if we had nothing to do but to repair a few anomalies incident to the con tinued working of our legislative machinery, and were at liberty to shut our eyes to rising forces and growing tendencies. It is often di scusse d , aga i n, as if we had the right and the power to shape the desti nies of this country for ages to come, and were bound to realise, before reforming Parliament, all the mea sures which Parliament, when reformed, ought to devise and pass. Between these errors on either side lies the path of t rueßeform—a path at all ti mes hard to trace, since iti s illuminated by false lights more delusive than darkness its e lf. Th e pro bl em i s to make representation keep pace with social de velopment. Under the guidance of this rule we gain a vantage ground whence Conservatives as well as Liberals may see their way through many difficul ties. From this point of view the claims of skilled artisans to be admitted within the representative pale may be clearly estimated. These claims are irresistible, because those who prefer them are already a powerful element in our s o ci a l organ i za ti on , an d are exercising an increasing inluence on the life and policy of the nation. To enfranchise people un worthy of the Franchise in order to " elevate" them would be a piece of political Quixotism, as Mr. Lowe has often pointed out, but to recognise a social status already acquired is a very different thing. For the converse reason, the admission of what Mr. Disraeli calls " migratory paupers," or even of ordinary day-labourers, would be prepos terous. Such . persons have generally no political interests or opinions of their own ; they do not read newspapers or talk over public affairs among them selves ; they have never cultivated habits of inde pendence, and they have scarcely auy weight in the social scale. There is a sense in which the rule " to him that bath shall be given" is properly appli cable to political privileges. It is the classes which have earned social power by their virtues—and there is no other m o d e by w hi c h it can b e lo n g retained by any class—it is these, and these only, which are en titled to political power. how they will use their votes, when enfranchised, is not a question to be evaded, but it is by no means the whole question sr the first question. The first question is whether they have the essential qualifications for .enfran chisement, and, in dealing with the second, be hoves us to beware lest our standard of expediency be arbitrary. There is, however, one apprehension secretly entertained by many, and open ly avowed by Mr. Butler-Johnstone on Tuesday night, which may be mitigated, if not dispelled, by a very little reflection. It is the apprehension that (in the solemn language of Mr. Butler-Johnstone) the country gentlemen, " with their high spirit and great qualities, may be subtracted from the sum of their country's attributes," if a sweeping Reform Bill should pass. Now, we do not hesitate to declare our conviction that, whatever may be the other ob jections to a sweeping reform Bill, this particular quantity is the very last which it would " subtract from the country's attributes." The fact is, as Mr. Disraeli is well aware, that Universal Suffrage would probably have a more Conservative operation for some time to come than a more discriminating scheme of enfranchisement. Since no one, however, wishes for Universal Suffrige, and Mr. Bright would be well content with a restricted Household Suffrage in Boroughs and something less in counties, we have only to consider whether the addition of a million electors at the outside, to the Register would verify the awful forebodings of Mr. Butler-Johnstone. To suppose that it would appear to us the strangest of, delusions. Over and above the prodigious ad vantages in political competition which the landed interest shares with the whole educated class, it.pos , senses still greater advantages, which are peculiarly its own. Its traditional character, so deeply rooted in history, and so broadly spread over English society, is further secured by causes which, at first sight, might appear prejudicial to it. A respect for the ownership of land isa part of English character. Such is the force of this motive that every trader who makes his fortune, whether he has country tastes or not, buys an estate and aspires to become a county man. The consequence is, that besides the members for counties and rural boroughs, the landed interest musters scores upon scores of representa tives in the House of Commons. Men who sit for great northern boroughs have county places in the south, and combine all the instincts of landowners with their commercial prejudices. Many people fancied that this would be abolished by the Reform Bill of 1832 ; instead of which there are probably more landowners in Parliament than ever. The difference is that landowners are more enlightened than before, and win their seats, for the most part, by fair means. Their wealth and leisure give them a start in the race, and they have the energy to avail themselves of it. While the eldest sons of rich manufacturers are too often expending the fruits of industry on pleasure, the eldest sons of country gentlemen are generally devoting them selves to county business, and frequently aspiring to a political career. It is because English constituen cies prefer men of this kind for their members, and not because land swamps trade or labour at the polling-booth, that country gentlemen crowd the benches on both sides of the House. A new Reform Bill may slightly reduce their number, and may open the eyes of others to a new range of ideas, but a revolution would not break their legitimate in fluence. Many generations must pass before any other class will even desire to rest from their hands the political leadership of the country. A more popular franchise may give us new measures, but it will probably give us few new men. It may bring about radical alterations in some of ourinstitutions, but it will not affect the Conservative spirit of the people. THE " WESTMINSTER GAZETTE" ON YOUTHFUL SALLIES.—It is always amusing and also some what instructive to read the utterances of what is called the Liberal school of thought, especially when those utterances are given forth with a certain amount of dash, and with that peculiar savour of superiority which, like a delicate aroma, pervades all smartness when it is heightened by a little harmless conceit. The young Liberal is never more fully in his element, and never soars so gracefully above the pettiness of his neigh bour, than when he is expanding his chest, and looking down with smiling complacency upon the narrow, crabbed, and dull Ultramontane, whose straightened forehead and meaningless expression are typical ohthe class to which he has the misfor tune to belong. No man can tell what height he is without a measure. Breadth of beam and height of stature are comparative. Tom Thumb, could he find a much smaller man than himself, would, doubtless, for the moment consider him self rather a fine fellow. It is in human nature to give ourselves the advantage over others ; and when the superiority of our neighbour is an in controvertible fact we simply ignore him, and search out a more pleasant and gratifying note of comparison. It is just the same in the intel lectual world. Men are continually standing back to back with each other, and are quite as inclined to practise a quiet little bit of deception by means of false heels, or by rising up a little inside their shoes when it is a question of intellectual stature, as when it merely concerns the comparative length of the spinal cord. Indeed, it appears to us that men of a certain class of mind can hardly refrain from walking up to almost every one they meet and mentally putting back to back, especially if the probabilities appear to be in their favour. It is so very charming to feel a little taller than another. But, besides the harmless little ruse of high-heel taps, and little deceptive elevations in the hidden shoe, there is another method, very common now-a-days, and has proved with the good-natured and not very discriminating public a rather successful practice. It consists simply in taking the higher ground. Here position takes the place of effort. Besides, here seem com bined two things which in such operations hereto fore have appeared somewhat antagonistic— seeming honesty and certain success. Then it is an immense advantage to discard all unfair advan tage, and to be able to dispense with the somewhat tiring amusement of standing on one's toes for an indefinite period. It matters not how short a man may be, how utterly insignificant, or contempti ble, if he can only get on sufficiently high-rising ground. Of course the less he is, and the large the object which it is his ambition to surpass, so much the more carefully must he choose his position. And hence follows a very interesting and useful law ; namely, that the higher the ground that a man takes in his effort a.t enmparignn with his neighbour so much the shorter he is himself. Of course he does not think of this ; all his mind is occupied with is, to get his head up ; he takes no notice of his heels ; like the child on its father's shoulders he crows again, filled with exactly a similar exultation as the infant who, beating the air cries " Mammy, took ; I am as tall as papa !" But though the infant may think so, and rejoice in being six foot four, calm lookers on, while they ar e pl ease d th a t the child should be amused, are pe r f e ctly well aware that such is not the case. They look and smile, and do not dream of undeceiving the little child. A rattle or a doll, Noah's ark, or a dog that barks from a pair of bellows, playing horses, or being " taller than papa," are simply amusements fit fir children, and when unfit will be replaced by more sensible and rational pursuits. But it really is rather a serious affair that in the intellectual world infants should not grow older as they advance in age ; that the same little conceit, the same childishness, and the same practice of am taller than papa," should become a portion of their intellectual build. There is something so incongruous, so unbecoming, in this species of narrowness, that it almost becomes revolting. The child waving its little hands above its father's head has something touching in it ; but for a big man to jump on another's back and grimace that " I am taller than papa," is simply disgusting and nothing else. Now, this is occasionally the practice of young scribblers in the Liberal school. They possess a certain intellectual appreciation —they are just capable of understanding—that there are certain expressions of a general charac ter which, when once they can be got to stick, are very damaging ; and certain other expressions which, when once they can be connected with themselves, are a passport to all manner of per fection. They are sharp enough to see all this— they spy out where the ground rises and where it falls. If they want to measure with anybody, they know to what point to call him, how to make him stand, where to place themselves, and how to ensure a complete victory over their unsuspecting friend. They take the higher ground —they deal out a plentiful li s t o f th e a djecti v es and accusations which at present are most damn ing, and push their friend among them ; next, they pick out those which, in the present vogue, are equal to a kind of intellectual beatification, and, by means of a common name or of a certain school to which they pretend to belong, cleverly and with inimitable modesty, at once, by some happy accident, so connect themselves with the same, that thereupon they are lifted bodily to the " higher ground," and at once begin to " crow " how much taller they are than the man whom they have bespattered with ditchwater and dirt, after they pushed. him in the mire. Such men forget, like the child, that other men can see, that there are those who can take in the whole ques tion, and do not at once decide, because one head is higher than another head ; therefore the man who keeps his head the highest is the taller man. The Gospel maxim, " he who • humbles himself shall be exalted," has an application to the intel lectual, as well as to the moral world. When there is " a great cry," there is generally . " very little wool." Brag and swagger are essen tially empty and unsound ; and the constant assumption of superiority by young men, partic ularly if they possess a certain smartness and quick superficial talent, is most injurious to a true appreciation of the position, the talents, and the arguments of an adversary. We are well aware that it is difficult for that natural vivacity and love of blows, for that fulness of animal nature that delights to frolic, caring little at whose expense, which particularly marks the young men of the present day, to keep under be coming and serious restraint. There is a great deal of the child in many a young Oxford man ; lie, too, likes to be " taller than papa ;" and it is, we suppose, only the maturity of age, the labour of constant thought, the trials and rebuffs of life, that will mellow him, and at length, if it ever does, mould him into a dispassionate, calm, and steady-seeing man. While we are quite ready to make for him every allowance, and stretch to its utmost limits every point, still we should be doing both truth and him an injustice if we passed over in silence the injury and evil that his youth ful sallies bring upon serious subjects and persons of respectability. There is a very good specimen in the Saturday Review of this youthful method of dealing with large questions, and this curious itching to be " taller than papa," of which we have been speaking. Evidently the writer is a very young man, not without talent and a cer tain facility of words which is not much inter fered with either by depth of thought or originality of conception. Still, though little freshness of mind is evinced, and though the talent dis played is rather that of the imitative than the inventive elms, yet with these charactexisties we have no intention of quarrelling. We should not mention these did they not in part account for the curious tone, and somewhat waspish manner of the writer when he tries to be original. When he is not following at the heels of Dr. Dollinger, or dressing up a hash of his brochure, he is evidently occupied with the fascinating amusement of measuring himself, and picking out the most favourable position. He belongs to the Liberal school, or rather seems ready to be led blindfold wherever the Teutonic fantasy of a clever man, biassed by his love of country, may happen to lead him. When he is•not, with beautiful condescension, following his chosen light, he is busy standing back to back with Ultramontanes. Ile indulges in no heel-taps, nor does he patronize the more complex method of balancing on his toes—he chooses, like a broad large-minded young gentleman, the principle* of the higher ground. And this he does to . great effect, for, by standing behind his adopted oracle, he is enabled with all the greater delicacy to make the measurements, to lift up the one school and sink the other, all the time giving clearly to under stand to which one he belongs, "Ars est celare artem." Thus, he says, Dr: Dollinger has " a breadth and genuine liberality of mind removed far as the poles asunder from the narrowness and intolerance of Ultramontanism." Here we are ! Here is the principle of the " higher ground," with all its " breadth and genuine liberality." Like the touching of a balance, our young writer simply has to throw a couple of adjectives of one kind into the one scale, and a couple of others into the other, and the marvellous change is at once effected of lifting up into a kind of intellectual heaven the Liberals —and himself with them—and sinking down into a kind of hell all those who are called by the name of Ultramontane. Here is a grand stroke, requiring merely a dip of the pen and the know ledge of the worth of words m the rough. A question that has agitated and still agitates the longest heads and the wisest thinkers, is settled at a blow, literally with a scratch of the pen, and without the labour of a thought ; and while the writer can rejoice in the giant work he has accomplished, he can at the same time expand in mind in the contemplation of his own " breadth and genuine liberality " and the narrowness and intolerance "of everybody else. This, of course, is simply youth, overflow of unexperienced and unbroken animal nature, or the erratic amusement of an untrained mind, but still it is not wholly inexcusable. Serious and difficult sub jects should be left to serious and wise men, and should not be trifled with by mere flippant and smart young sparks, who, however much they may be diverted by such displays, are often an annoyance to serious and thinking minds. Nothing are more troublesome than gnats and flies. The next step after the free use of the ad jectives, is, that of good, bold, telling, general assertions. Here our example is by no means found wanting. While he takes his stand with " breadth " and " genuine liberality," and con trasts them with "narrowness and intolerance," he at one stroke—certainly a very bold one— casts truth and wisdom on the side of the former, and folly or knavery, or both on the side of the latter, and thus piles up a very good• position, so as to be taller than the very tallest papa ex tant. " Dr. Diillinger," says he, "to adopt a happy expression of Dr. Newman's, is a man of facts, as a German should be ;' but this of course has not secured him from the violent attacks of his Ultra montane critics, who dislike nothing so hear tily as facts." Now this is hardly better than childish nonsense. It looks more like the ill temper and sourness of an invalid than the ani mal spirits of buoyant thoughtless youth. We are beginning to doubt our former conviction ; we started with the idea that this writer was a very young man, we are now more inclined to be lieve that he must be a very old one. That petu lancy which is the manifestation of feebleness on the one hand, is often liable to fall into meaningless adulation on the other ; and in pro portion as infallibility in matters of import ance is repudiated, in exactly that same propor tion is it superstitiously maintained in those that are trivial and absurd ; if the Church be re jected on the one hand, an ipse dixit is sure to be embraced upon the other. Whether we can make the excuse of youth or old age for the writer in question—and we are quite willing to do either—this at all events is certain, that mere use of adjectives, however well sounding, and mere audacity of assertion, however bold, will never do much good to any cause. It is a pity that Dr. Dollinger's name should be connected with so paltry a display of youthful incapacity. COUNTRY MARKETS. MANCHESTER-THURSDAY. Our market this morning was slenderly attended. Wheat was sparingly dealt in ; all but the finest sorts of either English or foreign were in favour of buyers. Flour un changed. Oats and oatmeal rather dearer. English beans steady, while Egyptian were 6d to is per qr. cheaper. In dian corn destined 2s per qr. BIRMINGHAM-THURSDAY. At this day's market there was a moderate supply of wheat, and good qualities realised previous rates. Rather more inquiry for foreign. Barley tid to is per qr. lower. Oats in limited request ; more doing in beans; peas ne glected. BURY ST. EDMUNDS-WEDNESDAY. The supply of wheat at this market to-day was good, and factors had to submit to is por qr. on last week's prices. Very little barley. Oats is per qr. dearer. Beans and peas remain unaltered. EDINBURGH-WEDNESDAY. Wheat on the top, Os 6d up average, Os 6d down. Barley on the top, is Od up average, Os 8d down. Oats on the top, 2s Od up average, Os 10d up. Beans on the top, is Od down :...average, is 4d up. Total supply and sales. Wheat 972 qrs sold 525 Barley 1692 qrs sold 958 Oats 2704 qrs sold 1383 Beans 415 qrs sold 199 Average prices. Wheat, 58s 2d I Oats, 31s 9d Barley, 3Bs 10d Beans . 43s id Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 53s Od; extra superfine, 51s Od; superfine, 49s Od; fine, 478 Od. GLASGOW-WEDNESDAY. To-day's market was moderately attended. Foreign wheat quiet at last week's advance. Scotch unchanged ; flour the turn in buyer's favour; fine barley unaltered, and secondary rather cheaper. Beans, peas, and Indian corn slightly easier ; oats and oatmeal about 6d dearer. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. A.natralis and New Zealand, via SouthamPton.....April 19. Ditto, via Marseilles . April 3. Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet, .........April 7. Ditto, by French packet April 22 Cape of Good Elope, Ascension, and St. Helena Mar. ZO China, Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton Mar 31. Ditto, via Marseilles • Mar. 33 iraikbuLd Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Mar. 31. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.— Mar 31 Ditto, via Marseilles ...... _,,...11.1.4r. 33 India (Bombay), via Southampton. Mar. 31 . Ditto, via Marseilles mar• 30 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Mar. 31. Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. 3). Idauritius, via Southainpton Ditto, via MarseLhos. April 13 Newfoundland Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. United Btatee • and British North America, by Bri .. . . . fish packet . . Mar. 27. Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry Mar. Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp- ton Ditto, via Cork .• West Indies and PaoLilo (except Bahamas and Honduras) Ballam..s, via New York. April 4. Cuba and Mexico VI • April 1 Bermuda. via Halifax West Coa&t of Africa. Madeira. and Teneriffe April 3 Births. HEATHCOTE—On the 27th inst., at St. Leonard's-on-Sea, Mrs. Gilbert V. Heathcote, of a son. LAWSON—On the 27th inst., at The Grovg, Blackheath, the wife of William Norton Lawson, Esq., barrister• at law, of a daughter. TYSEE—On the 27th inst., at Oatland Villa, Streatham hill, the wife of G. W. Tyser, Esq., of a son. Marriages. DRAKE—BARNES —On the 27th inst., at St. Mark's, Tolling tou-park, Herbert, the second son of Mr. Henry Drake, of Walsham-le-Willows, Suffolk, to Mary Gol born, eldest daughter of the late Mr. James Barnes, of Whetstone. WARREN—PRATT—On the 26th inst., at St. George's, Hanover-square, John, second son of William W a rren, Esq., of Dane-hill Villas, Ramsgate, t• Kate, only sur viving daughter of William Pratt, Esq., of Claverton.- street, St. George's-road, S.W. Deaths. BARNETT—On the 26th iust., at Bays-hill Lawn, Chel tenham, Wm. Barnett, Esq., aged 49. BROWNE—On the 25th inst., at Tatchbury Mount, the residence of his brother-in-law, Lieutenant-Colonel B. Browne, of 6, Waterloo-place, London, aged 83. DELMAR—On the 26th inst., William Delmar, Esq., of The Elms, Canterbury, aged 81. MILLER—On the 26th inst., at 59, Portland-place, Taver ner John Miller, Esq., late M.P. for Colchester, aged 63. London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Sox Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of lilarch 29, 1867. - A" Si Attu London K IN This Dublin I It is : SOTTIO. Bold by the whnlf sal ITE Ohseri Aftei Anti Atte] Aftei Aftei After Atte] gi Ti nah COUI FURN Partin month al AO 5, Aga 1./ ITT 1.. RU ADVAN Freehold rerbayahl discounts THE A. _it Aglosk'n land, S 1 and SA: ; rcae from ele THE OPER !Mosel!. Fox. Hu Conduct, Solo C Gna - ds' COME the cele BALE. and her ' Vir. It( ties and NOT[( Acrobatf MAI NV.W QUEEN' to QUM Op( Admit rooms, 6 A" These decorates anal Dar M. WM:, WI Enthu Donizett MOOR." Arturo, Lucia, 3 Irish] dances, Corri. "MUG( Nash, E Ellmore, Palace, to his dc the Sen formers, Covent CORRI. Prices Private between Evening WE Mr. WII his FIR: 3d April F' 1J 18 of Come tensiveli a case 1 CO.. Old street, S " 111 HE _ of TEA C( Six Pc The 0 delicione 0, Greg Dim DUB TAM AY world." next the TAM •w Co trade wi to take ( Prlntim: square n brinz th market a Commei xvtilakiei beat, an , quotatio mellow cagka, ni most ref :rum UGI the app London QPA' Al produce' sent by ugh H W ThiA pr( removin —248, H FL A adies' Rd, o GR' immedt tural in for SI, 8 A" auperflu to the 1 and 141 - pm 8 VErlt /own epi —ALE. =lets. HA or ten c no by al ROSS, (SUP of 4,00• l vvhieh Then MARE Agent, shipwri charity The I tress ie last yel Don' lliar. - than Whitt 01 bees: ea I);; young nave laP. BarOlii, }libel