The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-14 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION been arranged in a manner satisfactory to the feelings of both parties. The officer, who had received a reply in a moment of irritation, which he (Lord G. Lennox) admitted ought never to have been 'given, had subsequently re ceived a satisfactory explanation from the Earl of Car- digan—an explanation which was equally honourable to the Noble Earl who had given it and to the officer who had received it.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member had alluded to the returns of the number of punishments which bad taken place in the regiment since it had been under the command of the Earl of Cardigan. He (Lord G. L.) - knew not what those punishments were, but he did know when regiments returned to the United Kingdom, after an absence of 20 years in India, soldiers were in the habit of squandering their money, and that the discipline of regiments returning from foreign stations was, generally speaking, more lax than that of regiments which had passed the same period at home. After all, the only reason urged by the Honourable Member for his motion was, that the Earl of Cardigan had -flogged a man on a Sunday, for all his other acts had been approved by the Horse Guards; and if any thing wrong had been done they were the proper people to be attacked.—(Loud. cheering.) With regard to the flogging the soldier on a Sunday, no man could regret the occurrence of that unfortunate circumstance more than he (Lord G. Lennox) did, and he believed that at that moment no man regretted it more than the Earl of Cardigan himself He would ask that House, if it had been any other individual than the Earli ®f Cardigan (Opposition cheers)—he would ask the Hon. Member for Bir mingham, if it had been any othef commanding officer, suppose an unfortunate captain of a man-of-war, should Hon. Members ever have had that case brought before them ? They never would have heard of it. Such instances had occurred, and there was not a Member of that House but was not aware of the fact. He maintained that the Earl of Cardigan had been a most abused man. The press would never have risen Eas it did against any other man 'than that Noble rl. The most abusive epithets had been applied to him, " tyrant," " convicted felon," and such other op probrious names ; and he had been brought before a judi cial tribunal for having done what no British officer could refuse to do. For let it be remembered that officers of the army were placed in a very trying situation with re gard to duels. .rf an officer resented an insult, it seemed he was liable to be tried for felony ; if he did not resent it, the Horse Guards would direct a court-martial to be held on his conduct, and would order him to be dismissed the service. Many Hon. Members knew instances of officers being dismissed the service, not merely for not having fought a duel, but because they had not called out the individual who gave the insult soon enough. He (Lord G. Lennox) knew an instance where an individual having fired four shots against his adversary, was re moved from the army because he had not taken notice of the subjact of quarrel in sufficient time.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Gallant Member for Armagh (Colonel Vernon) could corroborate what he (Lord G. Lennox) had said with regard to that case. He would not.detain the House any longer. Although the Earl of Cardigan would be glad to have his conduct inquired into, yet he (Lord G. Lennox) thought that it would not be right to grant the address which the Hon. Member for Birming ham (Mr. Muntz) had moved for. He would therefore vote against the motion. Mr. W. O. STANLEY differed from the Noble Lord who had just sat down. He asked what would be the situation of officers, many of whom, without relations or influence, had expended, perhaps, all their money, if, after having spent a great portion of their lives in active service in the most unhealthy cli mates, they we to be placed on their return to the mother country under the command of a man of such ungovernable temper as the Earl of Cardigan was. He (Mr. Stanley) could not concur with the Noble Lord (Lord George Lennox) in the vote which he had intimated his intention of giving on the present occasion. Sir 11. VIVIAN said, that however he disapproved of the motion then before the House, he could not but ex press his unqualified censure of the case of flogging on a Sunday brought forward against the Earl of Cardigan. —(Hear, hear.) He could not understand how the Noble Earl had committed such an act ; but, at the same time, he was thoroughly persuaded, from a conversation he had with the Earl of Cardigan, that that unfortunate cir cumstance arose entirely from an error of judgment ; and the Noble Earl had authorized him (Sir H. Vivian) to express to the House his deep regret at what had occur red, and he declared distinctly that it originated in a mis take of the judgment on his part, and that he hoped that no one would attribute to him .any malig nity or any harshness towards the soldier who had been flogged.—(Hear, hear.) It had been stated that the Earl of Cardigan had given the lie to an officer, but he (Sir Ilussey Vivian) could not believe that such a fact had occurred. He was sure that if any officer in the army communicated such a circumstance to Lord Hill, that he would receive from his Lordship immediate justice, and that the Commandin g Officer would have been called to account. He should again repeat n the name of the Earl of Cardigan, the regret of the It oble Earl for the flogging on the Sabbath. Colonel VERNON said, thaz; as he had been referred to by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord G. Lennox), he beggeA to say that it was a fact within his own knowledge tbat an officer in the army, 'who had fought a duel with a civilian, and had fired four shots, had been dismissed from the service because he had not noticed sufficiently early an insult he had received. An intima tion had been given to that officer that he would be per witted to quit the service, and he had accordingly sold out..WART said it was very painful to him to be obliged to come forward to support a charge against an individual.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He regretted to say that he had not heard such a defence from his Right Honourable Friend, the Secretary at War, as would convince him that that inquiry should not take place. Ile thought the House bound to give an oriuortunity to the Noble Earl of ascertaining whether these charges were true or false. It was admitted by the Right Hon. the Master-General of the Ordnance, that the Noble Earl had committed an error of judgment in one case ; why, then, should they not inquire whether he had not committed a similar error in other instances? The Noble Lord (Lord G. Lennox) had stated that the Earl of Car di ;ht Was a deeply injured man, and he hoped that such might bo proved to be the case. If the falsehood of these charges was capable of proof, why not afford an op portunity of ascertaining that fact ? Feeling that in quiry 'was due to the Noble Earl and the country, he should support the motion of his Hon. Friend. Mr. W.ARBURTON said, after the statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman that the Noble - Earl had expressed his regret for flogging a man on Sunday, he *bould say nothing on that point. In his opinion that was the lightest of the charges against the Noble Earl. The Gallant Officer opposite had denied that any censure was conveyed in the letter of the Adjutant-General, but he had sines consulted the document, and he found that it did contain a censure upon the Noble Earl. It ap peared to him that when the character of a commanding oflicer was mentioned in such terms by the Commander in -Chief, namely, that the discipline of the regiment was aff,vted by the conduct of the commanding officer, the conduct of that officer should be inquired into without any delay. Lord HOWICK had beard no reasons which would induce him to alter the opinions he had given on a former occasion, but still he was not prepared to concur in the motion of the Hon. Member for Birmingham. He agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War, that although the House had a right of advising the Crown as to the exercise of power over the army, still that was a right which the House ought to use with great caution—it was a right which nothing but a very extreme case of abuse would jt:stify them in having recourse to. He did not think that in the present case there had been sufficient grounds laid for exercising the power, and on that ground simply he should refuse to vote for the motion. He could not help adding that he greatly regretted his Right Hon. Friend had in the course of his statement made an asser tion which was not called for by the circumstances of the ease, and which, if uncontradicted, might lead to in- co nvenience, he meant the statement that no officer of the British army should under any circumstances be re moved from his commission unless he had been guilty of some offence which a court-martial might take cogni "'ace of. To that proposition he entirely de murred. An officer might show himself gene rally unfit for command and incapable of performing his duty, and it then would be the painful duty of the Crown to remove that officer. That necessity did not appear, in his opinion, to be re mova l b y the circuna etance of the officer hasing purchased his commission, because in such cases he was permitted to sell out. Af ter a f e w words from Sir A. DALRYMPLE, Colonel SALWEY said he rose, in discharge of a Tainful duty, to support the motion of the Hon. Member for Birmingham. The conduct of Lord Cardigan had created not only dissat i s faction but disgust- in the ranks of the British . army.—(Hear, hear, h ear .) Was t here any person the House that would b e b o ld enoteek to say that the m Earl of Cardigan had not incurred the displeasure of the Horse Guards ? The Hon. and Gallant M em b e r then read the following extracts from the memorandum of the Adjutant-General to the offic ers of the 11th Li g ht D ra goons, read at .Brighton in the month of Oct o b er l as t :—" The Commanding - officer ofthe 11th Hussars should feel that he has an arduous duty to perform; that he has not only to command and form . for service a b o dy o f so ldi ers near l y new ly raised and entirely remounted and equ ip pe d , b ut a corps o f officers either re cently returned from service in a tropical climate, in which the habits and custom's of the service must differ from those in European service, or who have been but a short time in the army. He should view their errors with indulgent moderation, particularly if he should not have reason to believe, as the General Commanding in-Chief feels confident he will not, that the errors are to be attributed to wilful disobedience, insubordina tion, or disrespect of his authority. He should never for get that those placed under his command are so by the grant to them of the commissions of our Gracious Sove reign as well as to himself ; are officers in the service of her Majesty, gentlemen of educ a ti on as well as himself ; under the protection of her Most Gracious Majesty, of the authorities of the army, and of the law, as long as they perform their 'duty and conduct themselve s as officers and gentlemen.. ought. He must recollect that it is expected from him not onl)r to exercise the mili tary command over the regiment, but to give' an example of moderative temper and discretion_ (Hear, hear)—blended the zealous act i v i ty and ability for which he is noted, which will tend to form others to be able hereafter to perform the high duties which in the course of their professional life each of those placed under his command may be called upon hereafter to perform."—(Hear, hear.) He would only further say that all Hon. Members who would vote for the inquiry, would show an act of friendship to the Gallant Earl. Mr. WARBURTON and. Mr. MACAULAY ex— plained. General SHARPE thought that interference in the private affairs of the Army did not become that House. Mr. MUNTZ, in reply, complied • thit the Right Hon. Gentleman had misrepresented him, and put Words in. his mouth which he had never used, and he Would permit no man to put anything into his mouth.:—(A laugh.) He had meaely asked for inquiry, without i aug , gesting what that inquiry should be. The country, de manded it, and it was due to the Noble Earl himself. , The House then divided, when there appeared— - For the motion Against it 135 Majority against it_ Sir C. GREY moved for Returns of all Tolls, Duties, or Monies levied or received by the Corporation of Neiv castle-upon-Tyne, for good imported into the port of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and of the application of alLsuch monies, during the last eight years, namely, 1833, 044,, 1835, 1836, 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840. On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, Orders of:: Day were ordeied to take precedence of Notices of Zie don, after the Ist June. ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the Order of the Day for the resuming of the Ai journed Debate being! read, • l„ Mr. GLADSTONE, alluding to what had fait: , from the Noble Lord, the Member for Northumberland, last night, requested the House would give him an op portunity, when the Noble Lord should be in his place, of explaining the circumstances to which the Noble Lord had alluded, in connection with a person who was very near and dear to him.—(Cheers.) Several petitions, in favour of the Ministerial measure, having been presented, Mr. BROTHERTON rose, and said that he wished in a few words to state the reasons which would influence him in giving his vote on the present occasion. He had al ways been an opponent of slavery and the slave trade. When the great measure for the abolition of slavery had been proposed, he had been told that free labour would be cheaper than slave labour ; and in the vote which he had then given he had been influenced by his detestation of slavery ; and if he thought that the measures proposed now by the Gover ment were calculated to promote slavery or the slave trade he would not vote for it. But he heard from those for whose opinions he had great respect, that such would not be the case. He had received that day a communication from the Anti-Slavery Committee of Manchester, stating that they did not concur in opinion with the Anti-Slavery Committee of London, that the proposed measure would have any tendency to encourage slavery or the slave trade, and he thought he was fully justified in voting with the Ministers. The great ques tion they were called on to decide was, in fact, whe ther the people of this country should have dear food and little employment, or cheap food and more employment. The plan proposed by her Majesty's Government stated a remedy, but according to the statement made by the Noble Lord, they ,would have to apply to the monopo list. It was his (Mr. Brotherton's) firm belief that Mammon was at the bottom of the amendment of the Noble Lord. However doubtful the question might be as to sugar, he had no doubt as to the injustice of the Corn-laws. He thought that great injustice had been done to the people of England, and he begged to offer his meed of praise to her Majesty's Government for bringing forward the noble measures they had done. The distress of the manufacturing interest was at the present moment far greater than ever it was known. lii Manchester thousands upon thousands were out of employment ; and those who had anything to do were working for half wages.—(Hear, hear.) Mai!) , who had formerly lived in houses were now resid ing in lodgings. The property of the manufacturer had deteriorated full a half. In Manchester and its neigh bourhood there were upwards of ten thousand houses un occupied in consequence of the distress in trade ; and it had been shown that in two thousand families in the same neighbourhood they had latterly earned not more than ls. 244. a week. Such a state of things must have a cause, and he trusted the House would provide a re medy. The present system of the Corn-laws was not only unjust but inhuman to the poor man. They were also injurious to the merchant and the manufacturer. He trusted, therefore, that the people would come for ward with a determination to do away with them, and that the House would respond to their call by blotting them from the Statute book. Captain HAMILTON was not, on the fourth night of the debate, going to enter into the question of the sugar duties, but he felt bound to say that it was his belief, and the belief of a great many in the country, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer never ex pected that he should be enabled to carry the Budget that he had introduced. With respect to the' speech of the Noble Lord who had introduced the present ques tion to the House he thought it far more fitting for the hustings than the House of Commons. The Noble Lord had taunted the Members on that side of the House with a new-born zeal for the suppression of slavery. He thought he might return that taunt, and ask when it was that the Ministers had felt a new-born zeal for the poorer classes ? If it was intended to give the people cheap bread, why not take the tax off corn altogether—(Hear, hear)—and not put on that which would act as a direct bread-tax ?He thought the measures proposed would be productive of the worst re sults, and he should therefore vote for the amendment of the Noble Lord, the Member for Liverpool. Mr. ALSTON said that her Majesty's Ministers hav ing introduced to the House a measure of finance, it was necessary that unlimited inquiry should take place with respect to it, in order that the people might see whether it would be beneficial or not. The com mercial tariff in this country, in his opinion, was ex tremely defective, and required great alteration. Ile approved of the principles of the_ Government. and was pleased - that he found himself in a situation to give them his warm support on a measure which would greatly tend to increase the comfort of the people, but he would give the strongest opposition to any alteration that might be proposed in the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) On the sugar question he would give them his unqualified support, and that without giving any support to the system of slavery. He had received a letter signed by nine members of the Society of Friends ; four of them were delegates to the Anti-Slavery Society, and they bore him out that until we were prepared to prohibit the consumption of the whole produce of slavery it would be punishing the people o: this country, and without doing any good to the slave. The country was greatly indebted to the Government for bringing forward in so bold a manner, a proposition of co much good to the poor, and he would give his vote for going into Committee, although he would oppose any motion, the purport of which was to alter the Corn laws.—(Cheers.) Mr. HARLAND was sorry that upon that occasion he felt himself bound to oppose the Government whom he had generally supported, because if their proposition were carried he was afraid it would put an end to the prosperity of oar West India colonies.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the pressure upon the finances of the coun try was but temporary, and they aught not to be called upon to take a step that would so greatly and perma nently alter the protective system of the country. - The great boon of the reduction of postage was granted, not to the demands of the colonial interest or the agricultural interest of the country—that great loss to the revenue of the kingdom was granted at the almost unanimous demand of the commercial and trading interests.— (Cheers.) Believing that it would injure the interests of the whole of our colonies, and that it would ,greatly interfere with the safe working of the great experiment of emancipation—that it would shake the whole of our protective system, it became his painful duty to give his vote for the amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool. Mr. 11 - ASTIE was anxious to state his entire appro bation of the proposition of the Government. As one who had been all. his life engaged in the commerce of the country, he hailed the • announcement made by the Right Hon.' the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Noble Lord with unqualified pleasure ; indeed he felt certain that the speech of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies had given much pleasure to nearly the whole of the mercantile world. The Hon. Member fOr Beverley had stated that the whole of the merchants trading to the East Indies were opposed to the measure introduced by the Government. He did not know where that Honourable Member obtained his information ; but he, as Deputy Chairman of the East India and China Association, had an opportunity of seeing and learning the opinions of those connected with tl - at trade, and he did not know of even one single ex ception to the general rule—the whole body concurred in the principles announced by the Right Hon. Gentle man. The Hon. Member than stated that the whole of the Directors of the East India Company were op posed to the measure—that might be so, but the House t a i t o t r e l n s t m io V o e f by th t e h h at 0 b u o s e d y t 0 . ti w in o e ul l d vh recall the ought to rec e i ve w i t h very great caution any representa thHee unli mited sway over I nd i a, and when it menerethleyy proposed to throw that immense empire open to the was energies of the British merchant, how strenuousl y h they opposed that most desirable measure—(Hear ear)--predicting all manner of danger and failure. I•To what had been the result of that boon ? India was th \ r v o , wn open to the en terprise of our merchants, and now,from an export of half a million, we send upwards of five In c illons of our goods.—(Hear, hear.) Now, when they so little of a country which had been so hno•new own dominion, any representation of under their their ,be taken with m uc h caut i on. Re was e must that the Hon. Member for B ever l ey was not in his p e l e a,c rry for had he been present h e wou ld h ave liked to tell hime, that even upon the que s ti on o f ass i m i lating the duty upon East and West Indi a rum , t h ey h ad to be urged forward by canvassing among the Proprietors. He was very glad that the Government were going to revise the tariff of the country. We had now, undoubtedly, arrived at the maximum rate of taxation upon the imports into this country, and by a wise reduction they would afford relief to the poor and the middle classes in this country, and at the same replenish the exhausted treasury. He believed that the landed interest in this country were not aware of the injurious effect to themselves of the present Corn-laws. The landed interest he thought to be the first in importance in the country, but it could not prosper while the mercantile and manufacturing interests were depressed. They were all too closely bound up to gether for any one to flourish while the others were in a state of suffering. It would be in the recollection o f Hon. Members an of every farmer in England, that last season was rather unfavourable. There were fears enter tained of a short crop. The consequence was that mer chants and corn speculators sent out their orders for grain to all parts of the Continent, and they purchased to the amount of two millions of quarters, for which they gave bills. Those bills got into all the markets of the Conti nent, and being too plentiful they.lowered the exchange against this country. Then came in the capitalist, who, in order to profit by such a state of things, drained off our gold to purchase the bills. The Bank of England then was obliged to raise the rate of interest in order to stop such a drain upon their coffers. Traders could not get money to continue their purchases of our manufac tures, stocks increased, and the manufacturer was obliged to come down to work his machinery only half time, to the great distress of the working population. While these speculations were going forward, the price of corn was rising in the market, and who was benefited by it ?—not the farmer, because he had previously as- TU E SUN, LONDON. FRID Y. MAY 14, 1811. posed of :all, his crop, and could not benefit by the ak:.- vane° that had taken place—and not the consumer, who ~ vas compelled to pay that higher price. A great deal fiad:bee.n said of the cruelty and oppression that was practised; upon the black population, in transporting them *bra their•owq country to labour in the sugar plantations bf the West Indies and Jamaica, but he could not en tirely keep out of view the sufferings and privations of the working classes of his native country.—(Hear, hear.) ',He could not forget that these men, although able and willing to work, were unable to earn a subsistence in their native land. He could not help anticipating that the present motion would be lost upon a division; and as it was important that the public faith of the country ;zhecdcrhexeciaerved, it was necessary to see what taxes VitAx* jtastituted. It appeared to him that her _ A xle . • nisters should recommend an equaliza !Expxtffif egacy duty.—(Hear, hear.) That would be operty tax which would bring in a large FevAniih he really did not think that the landed in lit c i ku t ti, offer any opposition to such a proposi- Aiop.- 7 , ,rhear.) The real property of the coun 4ry Of, -t present, contribute one farthing to tl*e, take i, ;aid he did not think any more judicious •itep could well be taken under the circumstances. He would remind the House that there was not grown in thatt, country within one million of quarters of corn of the quantity required for the consumption of the popu lation, and it appeared to him that the landed interest • should take into their serious consideration in what way these millions of quarters were to be supplied. He should give his cordial support to the measures proposed by the Government.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. G. PALMER said the Government had endea voured to impress upon that House and the country the useful state of the finances of the country, and had pointed out the manner in which they proposed to make good the deficiency by making some alteration in the differential duties. They had, however, touched very lightly upon the effect of these measures upon the trade and resources of the empire, which, in his opinion, would be seriously affected by them. Attempts had been made to create division on his (Mr. Palmer's) side of the House by insinuating that if the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, was in the position of Mi nisters, he would bring forward similar measures. He was satisfied, however, that in that they would be en tirely mistaken, and that, so far from there being any division of opinion on his side of the House, on the con trary, he believed that many Hon. Members on the other side would divide With them.—(Hear, hear.) _ _ Mr. CLAY said that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had complained that while Members on that side of the House had strictly confined themselves to:the question of the sugar duties, which was the one immediately before the House, Hon. Gentlemen on the Ministerial side had digressed to the other propositions of her Majesty's Government on the subject of the im port duties, to which that of the sugar duties was only a prelude. It was perfectly intelligible to him (Mr. Clay) why Hon. Gentlemen on that (the Opposition) side of the House should wish to confine their attention strictly to the question of the sugar duties—that they should be desirous to look at one part only and not at the whole of the plan of her Majesty's Government. It was with re ference to the sugar duties principally that those strange and heterogenous elements of which the alliance formed against the present measures of Government was com posed could be best disguised, and he could easily understandlhat those Hon. Gentlemen should wish to sink in the war cry o Scharity and freedom to the slave, the less accept able watch-words, privilege, exclusion, and monopoly. The charge of digressing from the point under consideration was made, as he had said, against Hon. Gentlemen on the Minis terial side ; he would then confine himself as much as possible to the question of the sugar duties. The object of the Govern ment plan was to make good the deficiency in the revenue, by imposing such dirties on sugar as would lead to an increase in the consumption of that commodity, and thereby to an in crease in the revenue, sufficient to make up the deficiency. He (Mr. Clay) had no doubt that there would be a consider able importation of sugar from the East Indies, but they could not reckon upon the supply generally equalling that of 1840. me. Larkin, in his evidence before the Import Duties Committee, said that he believed there could not be a large importation of sugar into this country from the East Indies, except at very high prices. Now he (Mr. Clay) could not see the wisdom of encouraging the growth of sugar, which could only be introduced into the country at mo nopoly prices. It would be far better not to encourage the outlay of capital on the production of a commodity, the con sumption of which would only tend to support the monopoly. Some years before the termination of slavery in the West In dies, those colonies produced a surplus amount of produce. It was certain that must have met foreign sugar, and have been brought to the actual test of value. The Hon. Member for Beverley (Mr. Hogg) said the saccharine value of foreign Muscovado sugar was greater than the saccharine value of British sugar, but he (Mr. Clay) believed the fact to he directly the reverse. At the present moment, as the House was aware, there was a large trade in England of refined foreign sugar in bond. This was not admitted to home consumption, but was all sold abroad, and, the fact was, under sold Havannah sugar. Therefore, while protected by no duty, our refiners took these sugars, refined them, and sent them abroad, and yet competed with the sugar of Havannah—a suf ficient proof that a duty of tie. protection was more than suffi cient. The sugar refiners in London told them they were not afraid of the competition of slave sugar with our own. He thought the H,,n. Member for Beverley did not correctly understand saccharine value. 9,128 cwt. of raw sugar would produce 6,696 cwt. of refined sugar ; and the fact was, that it was far better to buy foreign Muscavado sugar and refine it, than to pay the extra duty of Os. on slave sugar. He thought, also, the Hon. Member for Beverley did not snfficiently at tend to the encouragement given by differential duties to the slave trade. When it was represented by the Noble Lord that the people of this country paid 2,400,0001. a year for the pur pose of restricting the use of slave-grown sugar, he thought it could not be wondered at if they began to think that they had made sacrifices enough for that purpose.—( Hear, hear.) He was much of opinion that West India suear could successfully compete with any other, and that the price could not be less than 355. 'l he Hon. Member had highly eulogised the views in the speech of the Noble Lord (Lord Sandon), but he thought the country would not receive the Noble Lord's coun'ers for the bullion of the Ministry. The House was divided on this subject into two great parties, the motto of the one being freedom of trade, of the other protection of vested interests and monopoly.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord's speech indicated these principles, though the Noble Lord entitled them protection. He was much inclined to think that our merchants, who had been forced by the Corn-laws into a gambling trade. would perceive a considerable difference between the principle of protection as understood by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. and by those with whom he had the honour to act. He had seen with great satisfaction the party to which he belonged announce their determination to act on the principles of free trade—(Hear, hear)—and as on former occasions had been delighted to see them put themselves at the head of the movement for Parliamen tary Reform, so ho was now rejoiced to see them proposing a reform which he thought was yet more important, a reform in our Commercial Code. He believed it certain that at no distant period a reform of this description must take place, and that when it did so it would promote the comforts of the . people of England, and the progressive prosperity of the empire.—(Cheers. ) Mr. A. CHAPMAN said he objected to the measure of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, believing that its ten dency would be to destroy the shipping, colonies, and commerce of the country.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He was an enemy to slavery in any shape. He did not know what the Tories might do if they come into office, but of this he was certain, that if the persona who sat now upon the Oppo sition benches were in office, they would look to the general good of the country.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir E. L. BULWER said that, representing an agricultural constituency, he was bound to state to the House that the pro posed duty of Bs. was not a sufficient protection to the agricul tural interest. Still he was in favour of a protective rather than a prohibitive duty. Mr. HUME said that many Hon. Gentlemen opposite seemed to look upon the present question as a mere subject for party triumph. The Hon. Member for Kilmarnock had can didly admitted that the debate was of very little importance in his eyes, unites it ended by placing his party in power, and re moving the present Ministers, as incompetent to manage the public business.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) Other Hon. Gentlemen opposite had entered into details as to the course which it would be advisable to follow under the present state of the country—( Hear) — and among others the Hon. Member for Cambridge, had ex pressed his opinion upon the subject, but that opinion was merely to stand still and do nothing for the country. He should observe that, in his opinion, no measure of so much im portance as the present had ever been introduced into Parlia ment during his (Mr. Hume's) experience. Much as he valued and earnestly as he had supported the Reform Bill, still he was persuaded that the question then before the House, if carried out to the extent of which it was capable, would produce to the mass of the country advantages greater than any individual who had not attentively considered the subject could even anticipate. He therefore complained that the No ble Lord who had introduced the amendment had in reality blinked the great question submitted by her Majesty's Govern ment, and limited it to the narrow point of slave-grown sug.r, and how far they ought to abandon the Emancipation Act by admitting such sugar for consumption into this country. For his part, he was not disposed to confine himself to so narrow a view of the subject. There was, in rea lity, AO part of the world which might not be said to be more or less intimately connected with the com mercial policy proposed by the Government. In all that Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said, they seemed to forget, in their anxiety for slaves abroad, the miseries endured by the white slaves at hothe ; and it was because the plans of the Government would diminish the misery, and because they would extend commerce, and, by affording employment to the labouring population, put an end to their distress, that he (Mr. Hume) supported those measures. He had been surprised at the line taken by the Right Hon. Member for Cambridge, and the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, on the present subject. He had expected to find that those Hon. Members would admit that if there was one question which was more important than another, it was the faith which should be main tained with the public creditor , and that the expenses of the country should be liquidated. He would not enter into the sources of those expenses; no one lamented more than he did that course which had changed a surplus revenue into a defi cient one ; but it was the House in general, and not one side only or the other, that had urged on these lavish undertakings, which had led to our present difficulties. He would take that opportunity of noticing what had fallen from some Hon. Gen tleman opposite, who blamed her Majesty's Ministers for the deficiency which had taken place in the Post office.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It was quite evident that those Hon. Gentlemen were ignorant of the facts. The penny-pesti . ige had been brought forward without causing any reduction in the revenue of the country.— ( Heer, hear, and laughter, from the Opposition Benches.) Why the revenue was higher last year than during any of the three preceding years by the sum of 675,000 e taking into account the Post office also.—( Hear, hear .) Hon. Gentlemen opposite did not seem to know wh a t an aggregate account was; they seemed to think that because this was a reduction in one account, it could not be made up in another.—(Loud laughter.) Before he sat down he would show them that there was a defi ciency of the revenue in sugar to the amount of 1,000,0001. in consequence of the prohibition of the article. Yet such had been the elasticity of the country that that which was lost in one article had been more than compensated for in another. He would venture to say that no reduction of taxes could be of so much value to the country at large as a revision of our com mercial code in a commercial, moral, or scientific point of view.—( Hear. ) H onoura bl e G entlemen oppos it e did not perhaps know that un d er t h e reduced system of postage one hundred million s o f l etters more had passed than un d er th e firmer system ; an d h e would ask them whether it was poss ibl e that such an increase in communication could take place with out great benefit to the nation in every way. It reflected great discredit, in his opinion, on the House, that it allowed the re- , venue to be exceeded by the expenditure during the last three years. The deficiency amounted to 6,000,0 001 . s and he did expect that under such circumstances the Right Honourable Member for Cambridge and the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire would admit that the time was come for considering how that defi ciency was to be made up. He had also heard with regret the taunts directed against the Government for having changed their sentiments on the question then under the con sideration of the House. He (Mr. Hume) looked to measures, and cared not whether they were the result of the deliberations of a day, or a week, or a year. When the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamworth assisted, much to his honour, although contrary to his previous convictions, in bringing forward the Catholic Emancipation Act, he (Mr. H.) had never blamed the Right Hon. Baronet because he had yielded to the pressing emergency of the time. The charge, however, against Ministers had been mainly insisted on by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, who should have been the last man to bring forward a charge of inconsistency against others. No Member of that House had varied more in his political life than the Noble Lord him self. But he (Mr. Hume) did not blame the Noble Lord for that; be blamedhim, however,for censuring others for doing what he had done himself.—( Hear.) Hon. Gentlemen oppo site had charged Ministers with bringing forward these mea sures at an improper time. But some means should now be adopted for meeting the deficiency in the revenue; and there never was a period when our manufactures and commerce were in so perilous a situation. That was the result of the false policy pursued by the House ; but after having caused these calamities, they refused to allow our labouring population the means of retrieving their losses by increased employment, and cheaper articles for consumption. The late Governor of the Bank of England (Sir John Rae Reid) had denied last night that the country was in a state of unusual depression; but at the same time the Hon. Baronet had admitted that in the City there was neither buying nor selling, and that no money was invested in any way. Surely that was not an unusual state of things, and it was not in that way that the interests of the country were to be maintained. He therefore said that considering the state of the country the time had come for the measures proposed by Ministers. If they had, at the commencement of the Session, been as well acquainted with the difficulties of the country as they now were, he did not doubt but that they would then have come down with these measures to Parliament—(Cheers)—but now that they bad brought forward these measures for meeting the finan cial difficulties of the country and for removing the causes which had produced the present existing state of distress, he thought they were entitled to praise.—( Cheers.) The Oppo sition had never attempted to say how these difficulties were to be met—they had merely made this a pretext for turning out the Ministers and leaving the question to itself.—(Cheers.) He did not doubt but that the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth would, in accordance with his speeches of last year, declare for free trade, as most of those who had taken a part in the present debate had done. He entirely agreed with the definition of free trade given by the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, that free trade consisted in the power of baying at the cheapest market, of selling where best they could, of having no taxation, except for the purposes of revenue, and that the smallest possible amount of taxation only ought to be placed on articles of the first necessity, such as food; he considered that taking money by taxation from any one class of of the community to place it in the pockets of any other class, was unfair and unjust. Now, what had the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, said? After admit. ting these doctrines of free trade, he had said that the landed interest was in a situation of difficulty, that it required some protection, and he knew nothing more. And he must say that the Noble Lord had been rather unfair in taunting the Government as free traders. Bs. a quarter duty upon wheat was not free trade, it was only an approximation to it. The plan of the Noble Lord was only for the reduction of high duties to a small amount. The Government was not entitled to the merit of having brought forward a measure of free trade.—( Hear, hear.) But at the same time the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, had made so candid an expla nation on the subject, that he was surprised that the Noble. Lord the Member for North Lancashire, had not recollected it. The Noble Lord had said that he did not bring forward his measures as a new proposition. He said that he was merely following out the plans of Mr. Huskisson, and that he would be content to allow all the merit to Mr. Huskisson and his colleagues, if the House would but pass the measure.—( Loud cheers.) The plan of the Noble Lord had not been fairly dealt with. The Noble Lord himself, in a speech which had been properly described as a masterpiece of eloquence and philosophy, had described the objects which the Government had in view to be to raise the revenue to the amount required without the addition of any new taxes—without having recourse to any loan, and that he hoped to effect this by a revision of the tariff, by a reduction of the duties, to promote increased consumption, and then to add to the comforts of the people, while at the same time the revenue would be increased.—(Cheers.) There was nothing about free trade there. He wished there had been, for he was satisfied they must come to free trade at last.—(Cheers.) He would request the Noble Lord to study the view which Hon. Gentlemen opposite took of protection. He held in his hand a document well deserving of attention. It was an address to her Majesty from the Colonial Assembly of Jamaica, declaring that, should the prohibitory duty be reduced—and he begged the House to mark that they admitted it was prohibitory, and that the Hon. Member for Antrim the other night had declared that prohibition, and nothing but prohibition, could satisfy the West Indians, and in that he was borne out by this de claration of the Jamaica Assembly—that should the prohibitory duty , on foreign sugar be reduced, all competition on their part w.th the slave-grown sugar of foreign colonies must be hopeless.—( Cheers.) The Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets had, the other evening, stated the same thing; but no reason had been given, and he.challenged that Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman to give a reason for his change in opinion on that subject: - It was but last year that Exeter-hall had rung with his speeches on the subject of the superiority as to cheapness of free labour ovc r dare labour. —( Cheers.) What had occurred since March IS4O, to induce him to change his opinion? At that period the Anti-slavery Convention had mine to a resolution that it had been satisfactorily established, asagWerafaXionl:ll;i free labour was more profitable and considerably cheaper than slave labour, and that of all kinds of =lave labour that of recently im portetlslaves was the most costly and the least productive.-,- (Cheers.) What now became of the Hon. Member for New- ark's position of the advantages possessed by Brazl and Cuba, in the labour of newly imported negroes ?—(Loud cheers.) His new ally and Exeter Hall were against him.—( Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Newark had not a foot to stand upon for it had been taken from under him by his new ally the Hight Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets. He said, therefore, that some most important change must have taken place to produce the change in the Right Honourable Member's mind, because he was one of the Committee who drew up the resolutions. The new ally of the Hon. Member for Newark had sunk the Hon. Member and his speech together, and he wished him joy of him. But, perhaps, he was acting unjustly in saying that the opinion of the Right Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets had been so strangely changed, but he muA confess it appeared to him an infatuation, and he could not account for it. He (Mr. Hume) had received protests from five Slave Societies against the conduct of the Right Hon. Gentleman.—( Hear, hear.) In what situation were they now placed? Ministers had not come forward to make this ques tion a sugar, or timber, or corn question, but they had not told them what they intended. He could not tell what the Presi dent of the Board of Trade had been about. He admitted that the tariff contained items that ought to be altered, and he (Mr. Hume) hoped that they intended to stike a goodmany of them off. He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman, before the debate closed, would state what he in tended to do. The Government had said they intended to go into Committee; if they did so, he (Mr. Hume) had no doubt he should not agree with these propositions, either with re spect to sugar, or timber, or corn, as he did not think they went far enough. What situation did they stand in on bath sides of the House? The Government said they meant to raise the 700,0001. without taxation, and on the other side they said all they wanted was protection. Now, what was protection ? It was a tax upon the consumer— upon the community, not a tax for the revenue, but a tax to go into the pocket of the party who was to be benefited at the expense of the people of the country.— (Mr. Hoeg here entered the House.) He was g lad to se e the Member 'for Beverley come into the House, as he had only waited for him coming for the purpose of showing the absur dity of his proceedings.—(A laugh.) He had declared man fully that he wished to see the price of all articles low, be: he had taken an Irish way of showing it, because he wished to keep on a high tax. He thought the conduct of the lion. Mem ber was most inconsistent when he wanted to place the people of India on a more superior footing to the people of England. The Hon. Member for Aylesbury had stated that if they wished to have cheap labour they must have cheap corn. In every year when corn had been low, trade had flourished, and the working men of this country had then both good food and comfortable lodging. 'I he Blue Book, to which so frequent allusion had been made, showedthat every man who consumed a quarter of wheat paid a tax of 23s.—not to the State, be it remembered—not for the general purposes of the country but for protection to the landed interest. Now he did not blame those who benefited by the protection, he blamed the law. We had a wealthy aristocracy in this country, and they said they were deeply concerned for the condition of the pour. One of them the other night had cried out—" God forbid that you should tax the bread of the people"—yet that Noble Lord, as well as Hon._ Gentlemen opposite, could not deny that the pro- tection afforded by the present laws took a large, an enormous sum of money out of the pockets of the people and put it in those of the landlords. Five millions of men were suffering great privation—they were not even represented in that House, but they were taxed for the support of the rich. It was clearly proved that the landed interest took from the people as much as the whole taxation of the country—even at 10s. the protection cost no less than fifty millions annually. It had been said that, in former times, the bones and sinews of the negro were ground into the pockets of the planters—he would say that the hones, and the sinews, and the muscles of the poor in this country were ground into rent for the landowner. The Hon. Member for Newark now professeda great sympathy for the negro—it was rather late to express it now, but had he no sympathy for the poor of this country ? But the country was beginning to see through the system ; even the farmers now fount that when :high prices were maintained, and their leases fell in, their rents were raised. He would ask when the people were called upon to pay so much to support private monopolies could they be so able to meet the demands of the Chancellor of the Exchequer ? High prices was the cause of the failure of the Budget of last year, and he could assure the Hon. Gentle man opposite that increased taxation would not now be pro ductive. He had shown that protection meant nothing more nor less than taxation, and he trusted the country would be informed of the fact. The plan of the Government, if car ried into effect, would be extremely beneficial to the best in terests of the country. In the last year, a tax upon sugar and coffee alone amounted to six millions sterling, and it was not surprising that the manufacturing districts of the country should be in the greatest distress when they were obliged to pay that sum in addition to the fifty millions upon corn. It appeared that while the price of colonial s u g a r was 51s. 6d. per cw t., t h e price of foreign sugar was only 215., making, in round numbers, 30s. per cwt. What, then, be came of the Noble Lord's argument, that they were contend ing for the infi n it e t ess i mal fraction of a farthing per pound ? The people of th a t country were paying at least 3 d. per pound over and above th e duty to the West Indian proprietors. The duty upon molasses amounted to 196,0 001 , being at the rate of I4s. 6d. per cwt. The duty on coffee, at 6d. per pound, amounted to 700,0001. ; making an aggregate upon these three articles of sugar, corn, and molasses, of 6,315,0001 , which the people of England paid by way of protection He had not introduced the article of timber, which would add a million or 1,500,0004 to the amount. He wished to show the House how the weight of taxation had fallen upon the con sumption of sugar. In 1821 the consumption of sugar amounted 26,000,000 of pounds, and in 1840 it amounted to 30,000,000 of pounds. In 1821 the quantity of coffee amounted to 7,500,000 pounds, and in 1840 it was 8,700,000 pounds. The aggregate of tea and coffee in 1821 was 33,973 pounds, while in 1840 it had increased to 60,000,000 of pounds. There was an increase of eighty per cent. in the articles of tea and coffee, whereas the increase in sugar amounted only to 15 per cent. In 1821 the popula tion being ele ven millions, and the duty on sugar 20 s. per cwt. the quantity consumed by each individual was calculated at 28bs., whereas in 1840 the .population being twenty-eight millions, the quantity consume?! by each individual in conse- 1 quence of the increased duty w as only 141bs. He would there fore press upo n th e House the necessity of reducin g the dut y colonial . sugar upon these imp ortant articles of consum ption. In order to show the advantag es o f such a step, h e need only remind the House that th e amount of duty f rom coffee had greatly in creased of l a t e , at a reduced d uty. If no foreign co ff ee had been admitted th e revenue would hitve been deficient in consequence of the admission of foreign coffee consumption of than ma the p rece di ng year , an d if those 18,000 tons su bei h en a t d 7 reen 000 1 1 8„ . 000 In tons lB4o lessthe bad been allowed to be supplied by slave grown sugar, as they allowed slave grown coffee to come• into the market, they would not only have the -required re venue but also 5,272,0001. in addition. If that plan were adopted there would be no deficiency in the revenue whatever, and therefore it was that he held the Government were warranted in taking the course which the Chancellor of the Exchequer now pointed out. By advices from Demerara and several of the West Indian islands, it appeared that the supply of sugar in the present year would be two-thirds less than in the preceding year; now how was that deficiency' to be made up '? The price must necessarily be raised in conse quence of the limited supply, and it was for the Government to provide against any increase in the price of any commodity so necessary an article of consumption as sugar. With regard to the protection, he was ready to prove to the House that it amounted to eighty per cent. instead of twenty per cent. He said that they ought to be satisfied with 811 per cent. pro tection. The difference in price between Brazilian sugar and yellow on the averages from 1823 to 1833, being the period when there was a surplus to be exported, was ss. 7d. ; in 1836, the difference was 12s. 11d. ; in 1837; 13s. 4d. ; in 1838, 12s. sd. ; in 1839, 17s. ld., and in 1840, 275. 7d., or 3d. per lb. The average for the whole period was 16s. Bd. The quantity consumed was 18,700,000, the duty paid on which was 15,236,0001. more than it ought to have been. If that was not taxation, if that was not oppression, if that was not plunder, let them tell him what was plunder, what was oppression —(Cheers.) He held in his hand a calculation framed by an intelligent gentleman in Leeds, which he had tested and found to be nearly correct, and by which it appeared that the sum laid for protection duties in Leeds alone amounted to one million a-year.—( Hear, hear.) The propor tion was doubtless the same in ether places. The point then that he wished to press upon the House was to put an end to protection ; let them do it gradually, if they pleased. but let them get out of a bad system, and into a good one, and adopt those measures which would promote and extend the commerce of the country. The Ministers were fortified in the course they were taking by the opinion of practical men and the opinion of the country at large.—(Hear, hear.) Various manufacturers had testified their willingness to abandon all protection for their own interests, provided our commercial code was revised. He would revert to an observation which had fallen last night from the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord had said that the seed which the Government had sown would produce its fruit of bitterness. and would be come a subject of discord for many years. He (Mr. Flume) differed from the Noble Lord ; and he begged to assure him that he would find that famine was not to be restrained.— (Laughter.) Hon. Gentleman opposite seemed to think little of the wants of the people which they themselves had created. With regard to the Government measure he would tell• the Ministry that though they had begun late they had begun well, and that they should persevere in the cause they had undertaken. Let them admit of no com promise. Our people were now ground to the earth, and it was the duty of Ministers to come to their assistance. Let them discharge their duty towards the people of England. Let them do justice to the millions, and take away the fetters which bound their industry. (Hear, hear.) He had always been anxious for Reform, but had always been willing to accept of a compromise by way of instalment. On those who now called out for no compromise, let the respon sibility rest. It was impossible we could continue long in our present situation, with a discontented population, which could only be kept down by an enormous military and police force. —( Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) If Hon. Gentle men opposite doubted what he had stated, let them try the experi ment of calling a public meeting in any of the large towns in England and Scotland.—(Cheers.) He had been told that the Noble Lord and the Government would be beaten in that House ; but let him not be alarmed—( Cheers) —let the Noble Lord stand by his own words, and he had nothing to fear. The Noble Lord had said that the Cabinet were intent on these measures of commercial reform ; that they had done their duty by proposing them to the House ; and that, if the House rejected them, on the House would rest the responsibility.—(Loud cheers ) Let the Noble Lord not recede from that declaration; let him nail his colours to the mast, and there would then be no cause for alarm.—( Cheers. ) On the motion of Mr. P. HOWARD, the debate was ad • journed till to-morrow (this day). The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the Howe Adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'Clock. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. CHRONICLE.—Our columns of this day afford abundant evidence of the interest taken by the country in the success of the extensive commercial reform proposed by Ministers. At home, we have meetings in the Borough of Southwark, in Camberwell, -Bethnal-green, and the Tower Hamlets. We have reports of meetings at Birmingham and Blackburn, and communications from numerous places in erery part of the island. Everywhere the language is—the country must he rescued from monopoly. Everywhere gratitude is expressed to Ministers, for what our Contemporary, the Scotsman, calls the • " Glorious Budget of 1841." The attempt of the Tories to hoodwink the people by their pretended regard for humanity has proved an utter failure. The people never, for a moment, separated the different mo nopolies, and are quite aware that Lord Sandon's motion is as much directed against the alteration in the Corn-law and timber duties, as the admission of foreign sugar at a protect ing duty. No man believes for a moment that humanity has anything to do with Viscount Sandon's motion. It amounts merely to this—We, the corn and timber monopolists, hand over to you West Indians the monopoly of the sugar marker, in return for which you must enable us to exclude foreign corn except when it reaches a famine price. Mr. Brotherton stated last night that there were at present ten thousand people out of employment in Manchester and its neighbourhood, and many of the mills were working half time ; and as a proof of the depreciation of property, he instanced a large mill with sixty-three acres of land, and a mansion worth four or five thousand pounds, and many dwelling-houses worth nearly 1,200/. a-year, the whole of which property cost 120,0001., and for which, on the failure of the proprietor, about three }ears ago, his creditors refused 75,0001. That property about six months ago was offered for sale at 40,0001, and hitherto no purchaser bad been found for it. In all the manufacturing towns there are a number of houses unoccupied, and other signs of distress. Disease, crime, and misery, as the Honourable Mem ber observed, were the natural result of this state of things. What do the Tories propose to themselves? The Ministerial plan recommends itself by its justice, by its necessity, to meet the demands of the crisis, and by its c rrespondence with the opinion prevalent in all classes not under the influence of sinister interest, that the springs of industry can only be re lieved by a substitution of duties for purposes of revenue for prohibitory duties. Mr. Hastie, as Deputy Chairman of the East India and China Association, slated last night that there was not a member of that body who did not fully concur in the principle announced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He added, that he believed " that a reduction of the im port duties would be most beneficial to all classes of the r (immunity—to the labourer, by bringing the necessaries of life more ,sithin his reach—to the merchant by facilitating the exchange of British manufactures for the produce of fo reign nations. But will the landowners relish one whit more his proposal of an equalisation of the legacy duty from which 'real property is at present exempted ?" Something must be done to supply the wants of the Exchequer, and late experi ments have proved that taxes on consumption can be carried no further. Sir Robert Peel has not yet delivered his senti ments on this question, and the public are looking forward to the mode in which he will endeavour to escape from the diffi culties of his position, with considerable anxiety. With all his dexterity, he cannot avoid taking a position of decided hostility to the people. He cannot profit by the league of monopolists, without giving himself over to them soul and body. The majority, whatever it may be, in favour of Lord Sandon's resolution, will be obtained by the union of monopolists, whose ground of hostility to Ministers is the honest determination of the latter to consult the interests of the people its preference to the interests of classes. Sir Ro bert Peel cannot say, I merely accept the aid of the monopo lists now, in order to turn Ministers out, but I shall be prepared, when in place, to propose the very same measures which have drawn down on Ministers the hostility of mono polists. He cannot throw dirt into the eyes of the people. However circuitously he may express himself, the plain Eng lish.of his propositions must be—common cause with the West Indians, the land-owners, and the timber monopolists against the people. TIMES.—On a point of form involving a new precedent in military discipline, the motion of Mr. Muntz, in the House of Commons, last night, for an inquiry into the conduct of Lord Cardigan could not, perhaps, be warrantably en tertained ' • but as far as regards the exigencies and inte rests of the public service, we cannot admit that the supposed existence of a merely technical difficulty is to be sustained as a sufficient excuse for the laxity of the Horse Guards in dealing with that noble delinquent. A strict adherence to forms, is, we acknowledge, an important safeguard of justice. In ordinary criminal eases which go to affect the liberty or life of the accused, we have always contended, espe cially in opposition to the recent efforts of the Whigs in favour of summary jurisdiction, that all the minutiae of legal process, from the empanelling of juries downwards, ought ever to be scrupulously observed, except in the most trivial instances of juvenile misconduct. To countenance in any extensive de gree a discretionary departure from well-defined rules, would eventually lead to endless abuses; and accordingly the strictest possible adherence to forms has uniformly received our humble but zealons advocacy. But in regard to military irregu larities, we are decidedly of opinion that this nice atten tion to punctilio is by no means called for. Strong pre sumptive evidence, or the personal depositions of wit nesses, or the allegations of uncontradicted rumour, may often, even in the absence of charges requiring the interfe rence of a Court-martial, justify the proper authorities in as serting her Majesty's prerogative, and in assuming a plenary power to reprimand or remove the transgressor. Lord Cardi gan's is exactly a case in point. Admitting, what we must. somewhat demur to, that his Lordship has on no occasion ren dered himself amenable to the very letter of the Articles of War, his unhappy notoriety in disturbing and dis tracting his regiment, as well as in contracting a larger share of public odium than has ever attached to any unsuperseded officer, has so completely de stroyed his usefulness in the service, that his promo tion to a private station has now become a matter of urgent necessity. Nor do we argue this question with exclu sive reference to his Lordship's peculiarities. Many regi mental chiefs, though earning similar preferment in a less conspicuous way, may be just as deserving of a civil eleva tion as the Noble Earl. You cannot bring a Colonel to a court-martial for being an incorrigible puppy, nor for being an unpopular martinet, nor for being a despicable eaves dropper, nor for encouraging an over-expensive mess, nor for inflicting an endless 'series of petty and insupportable persecutions upon his unfortunate subal terns. Nevertheless, if we are to be told that no retributions can reach and rectify these improprieties, ex cept such as are formally administered by her Majesty's Judge Advocate—then we say, that the jurisprudence of the British army is an a very defective and inefficient state. But we cannot submit to be told so. Experience reminds us that under former Commanders-in-Chief, the discipline of the Horse Guards, even where no judicial process has been deemed neces sary, he has repeatedly been exercised upon obnoxious officers with the most salutary effect. In saying this, we by no means prejudge Lord Cardigan's case. If an address, to the Crown fur subjecting it to inquiry be thought objectionable—as per haps it is—let the responsible department proceed to deal with it according to justice ; and, an every account, let his Lordship have ample opportunity for establishing his exculpation. Should any of our readers be disposed to think that this procedure would expose the service to great injustice, we have simply to remind them that every military commission is purchased under the perfect consciousness that such a lia • hility exists, and may be enforced at pleasure. To suppose that any serious evils might thus be likely to arise from the indulgence of capricious enmities or undue favouritism, were just to suppose that the superior authorities would be insane enough to disregard their official responsibility, or to set at de fiance the powerful checks of public opinion and Parliamentary cognizance. That Lord Cardigan's case demands the in terfererence of the Horse Guards, in some form more exemplary and effective than has yet been exercised, is the common conviction of all England. We are no advocates for a tyrannical absolutism ; but neither can we be satisfied with an unmerited official lenity. The Noble Lord has rendered himself universally obnoxious. The public welfare demands that he shall be subjected to a little of that discipline which he so mercilessly inflicts upon others Nay, no furthe r f enc i ng , my Lord,—the thing must be done. As for Mr. Muntz—bless his beard—be must be made a Vice-Presilent of the " Sabbath-Observance Society," without a moment's delay. The co-operation of such a pious and learned Rabbi, against the 'Sunday trading of Lord Car digan, must be really invaluable. But seriously, his Lordship's desecration of that sacred day, for such a questionable purpose, cannot be reprobated with sufficient severity : it was disgrace ful in the extreme. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS. FRO3I THE 31ORNIAT9 PAPERS OF THIS DA!. CHRONICLE.—The funds displayed more firmness tc-day although the demand for money still continues in the Stock Exchange. . _ _ The effect which the election of Espartero to the sole Regency of Spain would produce in Spanish finance has not as yet had time to operate. The proceedings, however, are extremely creditable to the Spanish people, evincing great prudence and moderation under trying circumstances. Arguelles is one of the highest families in the Asturias, and extremely pop u l ar . The first vote in favour of a single Regency appears to have been carried by a majority of seventeen. The next, which was between Espartero and Arguelles, was carried by a majority of seventy-six in favour of the former, the numbers being 179 and 103. TIMES.—The inquiry into banking affairs by the Select Committee of the House of Commons appears to have been brought to an abrupt termination. After examining one wit ;less on behalf of the Bank of Ireland, and another from the Provincial Bank of Ireland, it is understood that they have now adjourned sine die for the Chairman to prepare a'report. In what degree this can be justified by the completeness of the evidence laid before them can only be ascertained when that evidence appears in print, but it is strongly suspected in the City that in the main object of the inquiry —viz., the cause of the pressure's and panics in the Money Market, and the proper remedy for them, little if any progre=s has been made in the present session ; and hence itis anticipated that this committee, like many which have preceded it, will turn out to be a complete failure. This would be, perhaps, the conclusion generally drawn, taking into account the cha. racter and constitution of the Committee and the names of the witnesses examined, but it is lamentable to state, as the almost universal belief, that this hasty termination of the proceedings of the Committee, and disappointment, as it most likely must be, of the whole trading interest, are the result of the present contest of parties, occupying. as it does, the almost undivided attention of the members of the Legislature, and to which, as usually happens in such cases, the public good is sacrificed. The English stocks were quiet, and there was no alteration in prices except in Exchequer.bills, which, in consequence of money being yet in some demand at 5 per cent., declined Is. SUN.—The Funds closed with rather a heavy appearance, but there was no actual decline in prices. Consols for imme diate transfer brought 896 to 891, and for the 25th instant, 891 to 891. At the close of the day the quotations had a down ward tendency. The unfunded debt went lower again, viz., to 3 and 5 prem., and East India Bonds dropped to 1 and 2 dis. Bank Stock barely supported its value, being at 168 to 167, but India Stock remained at 251 k. The New Three-and-a- Half per Cents, were worth 984 to 98k, and the Three per Cent. Reduced 881 to 884. The Spanish Bonds were not mush influenced by the election of Espartero, upon which the speculators have confidently cal culated for some time past. The Active Stock was quoted to day 24 to 24*, being a per cent. above the highest price of yesterday. The Deferred Bonds were at 114. Portuguese New Five per Cents. improved to 34i and 341 for the next Account ; and the Three per Cents. were at 201. Mexican Bonds were at 281 to 4, and Colombian 221, being the previous rates ; but Brazilian receded to 671, and Buenos Ayres rose to 23. The Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents. were at 521. The Share Market is in rather a feeble condition, and the operations have been very limited. Great Western Railway Shares' were 274 to 28, the New at 14i, the Fifths at 71, and the York and North Midland at 73 premium ex. new. North Midland Shares were 241, the New 31, Brighton 31 to 2%, Blackwell 7, and Manchester and Leeds 14 discount. London Joint-stock Bank Shares were 21 premium, and National Pro vincial Bank of England 1 premium. IMPERIAL BRAZILIAN MINING COMPANY► The general meeting of the Shareholders of the Im perial Brazilian Mining Company was held yesterday, being made special in consequence of a requisition dated the 4th ult., for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of emancipating the slaves held by the Company, and securing their future freedom. A circu lar had in the meanwhile been sent to the Shareholders by the signers of the requisition, greatly deprecating the system of slavery as carried on at present. The feeling . of the Directors was, however, opposed to the emancipation ; and in their circular letter calling the meeting, they stated as their opinion, that the adoption of the measure proposed would involve a winding-up of the concern, and be injurious even to the negroes them selves. This opinion was advanced to show the neces sity of attending the meeting, which was indeed most numerous. Far from the object of the requisition being carried into effect, no more than six voices were in sup port of the emancipation, while all the rest were against it. This circumstance, together with the attention drawn to the slave question pending the debates on the sugar duties, will justify a reference to the last file of New York papers, which show much of the present feeling of the United States on the subject. A point that is con sidered with the utmost interest is, whether Congress possesses authority under the Constitution to prohibit the sale of slaves from one State to another, and some of the papers of the last arrival are employed in sifting the opi nions of Mr. Daniel Webster on this point, conceiving that the sentiments of one so high in office are well worth ascertaining. Mr. Cuthbert, the Senator for Georgia, ad dressed a letter to Mr. Webster last March, with the view of learning from that Senator himself what his views really were, but receiving no more than a denial to correspond on the subject, has published extracts from a debate in the Senate in the year 1837, and also from the report and resolutions of the Massachusetts Legislature of the same year. These resolutions were to the effect, that Congress has, by the Constitution, power to abolish the traffic in slaves between the different States, and that humanity and justice demanded the exercise of this power, and seem to have been founded on the argument contained in a memorial presented to Congress as far back as the year 1819, and signed by Daniel Webster, and others. In these arguments reference is made to the 9th sectionlof the Ist article of the Constitution, clause 1, which provides that " the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808," and the infe rence drawn from this limiting clause is, that it neces sarily assumes the power of prohibition to be vested in Congress, which, though limited for a certain definite time (that is, till the year 1808) has since that time come into full effect. Another clause in the Constitution (Art. 1, sec. 8, clause 3) empowering Congress " to regu late commerce with foreign nations, and among the se veral States," is interpreted in the same memorial as like wise giving Congress power over the slave trade in ques tion, for that clause has been considered ever since 1808, as giving power over the foreign slave trade, and it may be applied with equal force to a slave trade between the States. As this memorial, signed by Mr. Webster, was in 1838 cited by the Massachusetts Legislature in promulgating the dootrine, and he made no attempt to re tract the opinions it contained, it is argued that it is perfectly fair to assume that his opinion of the power of Congress in this matter remained unaltered in 1838. Aware, however, how unpopular such a doctrine would be in the Southern States, the advocates of Mr. Webster say that during the Presidential canvas last autumn he manifested a change of opinion, but to this it is objected, that such manifestations are but general, while the interpretation of the Constitution in the memorial was most specific, and can only be removed by a specific re traction. In the Senate of the United States, in 1837, Mr. Webster gave it as his opinion, that as Congress had the right to regulate trade and commerce between the States, it had necessarily a right to regulate a trade in slaves, which are one of the articles of commerce, while, at the same time he de nied that Congress had any power to interfere with slavery in the States, two statements which his opponents find very diffi cult to reconcile. Although the object of the allegation that Mr. Webster really believes in the doctrine mentioned above is only to place him in an unpopular position, there is enough in them to show that the slave-holding States are beginning to feel serious ap prehension respecting the continuance of their traffic. The question at issue is one of the many so frequently brought for ward as to the amount of power given by the Constitution to Congress ; but so much importance could scarcely be attached to the assertion of a mere power possessed by Congress, with out reference to the expediency of employing that power (for on this Mr. Webster; gives no opinion), were it not felt that there is a strong party who might use their legislative influence to destroy the slave trade in every form. BANKS IN GREECE PATaAS, Arm 24, 1841.—The Government has at length published its law for the establishment of a National Bank by shares, with a capital of five millions of drachmes, of which three are to be hard cash, and two paper money. This law is sent round to all the capitalists in Europe, in the hope of in ducing them to furnish the funds requisite to put the Bank in operation, for not a single share is yet taken, nor likely to be taken, so long as the affairs of Greece are in the hands of a swarm of hungry foreigners, who alone possess the King's confidence. But the Commercial Bank established by our countrymen at this place and the Piraeus, with two millions of drachmes capital in cash, and conducted on honest and independent principles, free from all political bias, and asking no privilege of the Court, is in active operation, although scarcely two months have elapsed since the Royal charter was signed. It is both poputar with the Greeks, and will become highly beneficial to the country and pro fitable to the shareholders. The success of this British bank has ex cited the envy of M. Eynard, the ci-devant banker of Capod'ls trias, and of the Intendant of Finance, M. Regny, both of whom hoped that King Otho would have granted them a monopoly of banking in Greece, by which they might inundate the coun try with paper money, and have an opportunity of converting the old Greek bonds (of which M. Eynard is a large holder) on favourable terms. I will not recount all the intrigues practised by M. Regny and the Court clique to bring about their views. M. Eynard at length, unable longer to stifle his ill humour at the Royal charter to the Commercial Bank, accuses the Piraeus manager in the Journal des Debats of being an usurer, to which caluminous attack that gentleman has given an ab!e contradiction in the Greek papers. Mr. Eynard and his Bavarian, French, and Russian friends in Greece, cannot bear to see British enterprise successful and popular : they hate England and Englishmen, because we will not quietly put up with their impertinence. They will do us all the harm they can, but fortunately their power of doing harm is dispro portionate to the will. LABOURS OF THE FRENCH CHAMBERS.-- " The Chamber of Deputies," the Debuts observes, " assem bled in its Committees the day before yesterday, and this was probably for the last time this Session. The subjects of their discussion was the Bill for regulating the duties on beet-root sugar, the principal provision of which is a heavy penalty against fraud upon the revenue, the fines being put down at from 100 f. to 500 f., and the Bill for continuing the privilege of the Rouen Bank until 1864. This bank has been in ex istence from an VI., 1797-1798, under different forms. Its primitive capital was original} , 100,000 f., but has since been brought progressively up to 2,500,000 f. Its prosperity has gradually increased. During 1840, the number of bills dis counted was 27,610, amounting in value to about 52,500,000 f. The Committees seem to he generally of opinion ,that these measures cannot be brought into discussion before the recess, but they intend to ente r i mme di ate l y upon th e i r examination, so that they may he in a position to make their reports before the closing of the Chambr‘rs." A Correspondent writes from Naples on the 26th ult., that Lord Brougham, who had been stopping there a fortnight on a visit tQ a relation who was ill, had returned to Rmle. During his stay his LadshiLi ioet with the most marked attention from his fellow-countrymen, and was received at . Court with every distinction. Lord Ipswich, newly a tt ac h ed to the British Embassy at Naples, had arrived, and was a b out to be presented to the King of the Two Smiles.. Per Quarter Bath Rlandford Bridport Chard Exeter ...... tiloucester Guildford Newbury Reading Salisbury Sherborne Sluipton Mallet Uxbridge Warminster Winchester.., Ccovil ....... •..•.I I. to a. 60 72 52 62 56 6.a. rio 70 56 1 8 62 77 48 69 50 'l5 a 62 50 58 54 64 e• to e. 30 40 31 32 '29 32 27 34 25 32 30 5 26 96 27 34 28 31 28 36 37 43 2g 39 I. to I. 25 35 26 26 22 26 21 t , :t 21 32 24 30 24 :12 20 30 20 28 24 28 21 20 23 28 25 27 S. 0 ~; 44 50 46 -- i 42 - 47; 50 40 45 yV ; 40 45 40 Pi 40 41 33 b 0 45 63 45 66 • 43 56 LEEI Wheat, Norfolk and Suffl —.....- York. and Lincol Bsrley, Norfolk and Suitt Yorkshire and Lit Grinding Beans Oats, Potatoe —Meeting, For. —d. tl Shelling DEVIZES CO, Per Sack. 5. d. a. d. First 1% heat 2) 11 to i'.o 0 Feeond ti 0 28 6 Third Barley 25 0 33 0 CHELTENH A 4 , d. Per Bushel. s. d. 4o s. d. Per lb. d. 9 Wheat 7 0 9 0 Beef 7 / Carley 3 0 4 3 Mutton • h 9 Oats 3I) 3 9 V ea l 9 1 Beans . .... '5 0 7 Ir Pork Pease 5 0 8 0 Lamb lO i g Hay 4l. 103. to 5!. Os. Oi. per ton. CHELMSFoRD P.1.....11KET. , y 3 3 0 Wheat, White lO to 70 1 Oats - t° 40 Red Barley Chevalier 15 36 Beans, Tick 3O sg Grinding CANTERBURY MARKET. Wheat, white.................. 130 s. to m 55...,... 01d............, —a. 10 --- 5 -- red..........,.......... 593. to G 15..,..... 01d.,,. . —s. to --s. Barley, Malting ..... 2•41. to 3 , 5....,,. Grinding.. ..-s. 10 ..4. Oats ................. 245. to 298. ..,—.. Old. —s. to -... 4 * 8ean5...........,,...—........ 3ls to 40s. ..... 01d............... -...i. to r. Pease ...............—,.. 425. to —a....,. Grey........ 39.6 to --s.___o, 40 45 28 St )8 CORN )Ik, 0a1b.., In. 601 b... 1 14 24 MARKE' keolns hire ... 631 b. 42 1,0 Yo - d..... 11 - PLATE.—A. B. SAVORY and SONS, Leturing Silversmiths, No. 14, Cornhill, London, opposite .i .ll Bank of England. The best wr oug ht SILVER .SPOON and FORKS, Fiddle Pattern, 7s. 2d. pe r ounce . nl' The Dri s Pattern, 7s. 4d. p er ounce . Th e f o ll ow i ng are the vlelg recommended, but the articles may be had - lighter or Mol e at the same price per ounce : Fiddle Pattern. King's Pattern. 2 d oz. s. d. £s. d es. s. d. 3 4 12 Table Spoons 30 at 7 2...10 15 0 12 T a b le Spoons 40 at 7 4...1! 1,, 8 12 Dessert ditto 20 7 2... 7 34 1 2 D essert ditto 26 7 4... is 4 12 Table Forks. 30 7 2...10 15 012 Taiste Forks 4e 7 4...1 4 . g 12 Desseittlitto2o 72.. 7 34 12 Dessertditto 20 7 4... 1 , / i g 0 2 G ravySpoons 10 2... 311 8 2G ravy S poons 12 7 4... g 0 1 Soup Ladle...lo 7 2... 3lt 8 1 Soup Ladle. 12 7 4... 714 0 4 Sauce ditto... 10 7 8... 310 8 4 Sauce ditt o ... 12 7IC g 0 4Salt Spoons (gilt strong) I 0 0 4 Sat Spoons (strops gilt). 9 00 12 Slice 2lO 0 I Fish Slice 12 Tea Spoons. 10 7 8... 3188 12 Tea Spoons. 14 710.. ,j 0 1 Pair Sugar Tongs Ol3 0 1 pair Sugar Tongs •. tea N.B. A Price Current, stamped as a Newspaper, illu _t o rlt he by drawings, and containing every information relative t_ ii ` ca . purchase of silver or Sheffield plate, may be had on sr: sicer tion, or will be sent into the country, free of postage, In " to a paid letter. TABLE CANDLESTICKS, superior to Silvl for durability, equal in appearance. Table candlestick,' inches high, 7s. per pair ; 9 inches high, 9s. ; 10 inches, JD per pair , ditto, with rich shell momitings,9 inches high, 13 5 ' per pair; snuffer trays, with shell mountings and chased een" tre, 4s. each. The particular metal of which these and great variety of other articles are made, can only ho told fro° silver by reference to the stamp. Catalogues gratis. RIPPON and BURTON, \Veils-street, Oxferd-street. _ - 818 TH S. On the 9th inst., at St. Osytb, Colchester, the wife of th i Rev. F. Sterky, of a son. On the 10th inst., in London-street, Fitzroy-square, 05. Frederick Richardson, of a son. On the 11th inst., at Gloucester-terrace, Regent's-parks the lady of H. W. Eaton, Esq., of a son and heir. On the Ilth inst., at Lewisham, Kent, Mrs. W. M. 1 1011 of a daughter. On the 11th inst., at Dorset-terrace, Clapham-road, M fg. Cunningham, of a daughter. On the 11th inst., at Roehampton the lady of A. G. 11°- barts, Esq., of a son. ; r of On th., Bth inst., at Brocklarn ; near D or ki ng , the 'l9%e Hastings Nathaniel Middleton, of a son. ...Ay of On the Bth inst., at Impington H a ll, C am b r id ge , the the Rev. Henry Hutchinson Swtnny, of a son. ett I Oo the Bth Inst., in Bedford-square, the lady of Son Richards, Esq., surgeon, of a son. On the Bth inst., at Norwood, Mrs. J. H. R ow l an d, of I so ot still-born. On the Bth inst., in New Bond -street, Mrs. C. Wriotbosiel Digby, of a daughter. On the 9th inst., in Upper Seymour •street, the Hon. Henry Spencer Law, of a son. ' 3' On the 9th in s t., i n Abi ngdon-street, Westm i nster , the of H. M. O'Hanlon, Esq., of a son. On the 9th inst., in Portland-place, Mrs. A. H. liall, o _,,,ft i r„ n o ; On the 9th inst., at Denmark-hill, Camberwell, Mrs. vv"'""" Henry Fleming, of a son. MARRIED. On the Bth inst., at Middleton Cheney, Northampto nshire ; Benjamin William iAplin, Esq., of Banbury, to E y daughter of Charles Bricker('ll, Esq., of Overthorpe No rthamptonshire. ft G. On the 11th inst., at St. Mark's, Kennington, bfr."' f White, of High -street, Camberwell, to Eliza, eldest daugh ter the late Lieutenant J. th R. V. Battalion. 10 On the 11th j es t., Augustus O'Brien,'Turner, Esq., Bengal Army,' ii- Matilda, daughter of the. Rev. Richard Pain, Rector of sell, and of Little Wigborough, Essex. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG , is No. 112, Strand, at The Sun Of fi ce, No. IP, Strad the county of Middlesex.—Friday, May 14, 1041. EVENTING EDIT! O_N vanilla. 011111. SPORTING INTELLIGENC E. TATTERSALL'S—YESTERDAY. The betting was confined to a small number of . ..Derby horses, and in three or four respects varied from th e. New market quotations of Wednesday night. Ralph was fast fa vourite at the commencement of business. bat the V inn Am burgh partly rallied about five o'clock, and both wer s backed freely at 6to 1, with offers from the takers to go on ~, Mar.; shal Soult was also in ,great force at 12, 10, and lastly .„ 8 to 1, leaving off third favourtie, 8i to 1 having been laid r d after wards offered against Core: nation. Prince Caradoc w; as backed for 1501. at 14 to 1, and Galaor and Belgrade at 1,4 to to 60 and 17 to 1, the last biddings exhibiting an improw ment in each. Sir Hans was entirely out of favour, and the d Ters agst Eringo and E. 0. did not sustain the Newmark t prices. Nothing done on the Oaks. DERBY. 6 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Van A mburgli —taken 6 to 1 agst Lord Albermarle's Ralph—taken 8 to 1 ag.t Lord Westminster's Marshal Soult;.. —taken 8i to 1 agst Mr. Rawlinson's Coronation—ta! te n 14 to 1 agst Mr. Mostyn's Prince Caradoc—t tk en 16 to 1 agst Mr. Goodham's Belgrave 16 to 1 agst Mr. Vansittart's Galaor 22 to 1 agst Colonel Crawford's Ermengardis 35 to 1 agst Duke of Rutland's Sir Hans 50 to 1 agst Mr. Thernhill's Eringo • 100 to 1 agst Mr. Thornhill's E. 0. 700 to 200 agst Van Amburgh and Marshal F cult—taken 1200 to 1000 on Ralph and Coronation agst V an Amburgh and Marshal Soult—takey NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING M . FETING. (FURTHER PARTICULARS OF WEDNES Suffolk Stakes.—The three started nearly abreast and kept so to the plantations, where Bob Peel fell astern ; the other two went on and made a fine race, Langolee winning by a head. Plate.—Joujou made running to the end 'of the T. Y.C. whore Jelly went in front, and made strong pi; lay, Joujon and E. 0. lying up ; Jonjou declinedat the oord., and E. 0. chal° lenging Jeffy, a few strides from the chair, defeated him eleverli by a length. The third and fourth were beaten off. BETTING AFTER THE RACES DERBY. 3 to 1 agst Scott's lot 4 to 1 agst Coronation and Marshal Souk. —taken 11 to 2 agst Lord Westminster's Van Ambtrgh 6 to 1 agst Lord Albemarle's Ralph 8 to 1 agst Mr. Rawlinson's Coronation— -taken 10 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Marshal t ;omit 14 to 1 agst Mr. Goodman's Belgrade 16 to 1 agst Mr. Vansittart's Galaor 25 to 1 agst Duke of Rutland's Sir Hans 50 to 1 agst Mr. Batson's Potentia 1000 to 15 agst Sir. Thornhill's E. 0. Offers to back E. 0. agst Cameleon, and tc take 50 to about Eringo 2000 to 1000 on Sir Hans agst the Duke of Ai ►,allington 500 to 400 en Mongolian agst Eringo 1000 even on Sir Hans agst Eringo and Duke- .of Wellington OAKS. 17 to 2 agst Mr. Batson's Potentia Sr. LEGER. 9 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Van Ambu rzh—taken 500 to 30 agst Mr. Bell's The Squire—taken NEWMARKET SECOND SPRING MCIETING. THURSDAY.-Mr. W. S. Stanley's Minx, Bst , 71b (Robin' son), beat Lord Exeter's Syria, Bst llb. First ,half Ab. $• 501. 5 to 2on Minx, who made the running, aea d won by I length. Handicap Plate of 501., given from the Town Rae ing Fund.l for three yrs old, &c. T. Y. C. Mr. Petit's Langolee, 3 yrs, 7st 71b Col. Peel's Hawk's-eye, 3 yrs, Est 71b Mr. Beresford's Bob Peel. 4 yrs, Bst 101 b.. The following alio started, but were not placed.::—Mr. Ridsdale's Yaratilda, 3 yrs, Est 61b; Mr. S. Coop e :'s Cuiras sier, "3 yrs, Est 71b; and Mr. Stephenson's Blau. a 3 yrs, 6st lblb. 13etting-5 to 2 agst Langolee, 3to 1 agst Hawk !s-eye 2to 1 agst Yaratilda, 3 to 1 agst Bob Peel, and 4 to 1 ag st Blancbe* Won by three parts of a length. DERBY.—The only bets we beard during the mo "ming Wer e —l6 to 1 agst Prince Caradoc (taken), 25 to 1 at rst Ermee' gardis (taken), 30 to I agst Sir Hans (taken), an d 1100 t° 800 on Soult agst Galaor (taken). BEVERLEY RACES.—Wzmitsismr. The Holderness Stakes of 10 sovs. each; T.Y.O . Mr. S. K'in , r eo Cattorite 2 Mr. Singleton's Smike . The following also started :—Mr. Bell's Free : Mr.. Robur son's f. by Belshazzar, out. of Melbourne's dam ; an d Loni Chesterfield's All-my-Eye. 'I he Gold Cup Stakes of 15 sovs. each, 10ft., and 5 °nil declared, the second to save his stake. (2 ) Mr. Richardson's Kingston Robin, 4 years. (Temples n an) Mr. Wormald's Millepede, 3 yrs The following were not placed :—Mr. Allen's 4 6 L..ntigli a, 5 yrs ; Mr. Fox's Satdy, 5 yrs ; Mr. Robinson's Ne' truch . ,st nezzar, 3 yrs ; Mr. Peek's Tournament, and Mr. Ha ,wort , " Hull Bank, 3 yrs. plate of 60 sovs. Mile and a quarter heats. Mr. Hobson's Cainby, 4 yrs (Marsden) 0 , 1 1 Mr. Robinson's Cato, 3 yrs Mr. Collinson's mby Falcon, dby the Phantom 0. 0 Lord Chesterfield's Henri Quatre, 3 yrs 2; dr Mr. Bell's Mary O'More, 3 yrs KELSO SPRING MEETING.—TUxSDAY. The Border St. Leger Sweepstakes of 20 soya. each : , h. ft" with 50 added. Mile and half. Mr. Ramsay's Sheriff and Fulton (N01 .1e) I 9 M. Daw.on nd Euterpe Kith 5° Two-yrs-old Sweepstakes of 20 sovs. each, h. ft., t added. Half mile. Mr. Ramsay's Whistle Ilinkie ••• Sir J. Boswell's Monarch (Noble ); 5 Sir W. Scott's Tafilet The Jerriswolde Plate of 155/. Heats, two miles.. Mr. Ramsay's Neptune, 4 yrs 2 Mr. Lambert's St. Bennett. aged ........................... Three others s a-ted. The Oats Stakes were won by Sir W. Scott's Lilliard. THE MARKETS. COUNTRY MARKETS. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans. ." S . to m /. 40 B .... 40 42 SS 4 ,1 4 Sw .4 41 38 45 ... ....., 40 5° ..,9 ~ " - - . . •• - - . _ - 6. 0 mew 58. to bis. to 10s to .1111414. 275. lu r t to 7. 3 -tr.. to 2tig• ....Eng. 11, 1 4 d. to 12).i0. per 511 4 e 28:. to 20s. Per ie RN MARKET. Per Quarter. s. d. , J• 0 Oats lO Ifl f 2 0 (' Beans (per sack) lB 0 2 0 Flour (per bag) 0 44 0 Bread (pergallony. .1 ,M MARKETS. _ iad of .6▪ ti n/vc • POr 4ED 14A Eo FIT y °et ,r e W ill be Will c o ‘ , I JII I , e I ers fully I'LYA th e y e °f_ the I u nt pc In d 81.4 %Infer The JUNC the poe for the oath, a AlOwl dertitkii of. Five Inter the Coi deliver( The,' , ;OP wh;, to the, torton. Pearce, tiuG na ° Penh oth er t ttus 144 )' be 1 441 14 ut ▪ evo If e, tte L 4 r t. % i ik n g of e wki eb ove " *it), ,g Ak e . : .," e l* -rx ?"toni:it Tr for ral nu lot TH thr, into Riad L Ed u for IL . byT Sll Can roon Coll, conti and Crew him situat shirt R 9 0,1 EI S st