The Sun. — London, England, 1841-02-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1841 MORNING _EDITION. save the whole subject before them before they ! those with whom h e h a d th e honour t o ac t, th a t (H ear , f rom t h e Mi n i ster i a l b enches.) If, however, it proceeded to d e b a t e i t, an d h e accor di ngly requested I he believed, on the contrary, they had every were to end in that, although he sh ou ld b e sorry to see the N o bl e L or d to postpone the consideration of the 1 wish to preserve inviolate the settlements mad e his countrymen despoiled by false pretences, he would one Bill until the other should be printed.—( Hear, in 18d9 or 1831. For himself he (Mr. Gaskell) was not have taken the trouble of rising on thehe sawmo most serioust that the character. n t t e ir r e . hear.) Thi s was a request so reasona b le in itself that an anxious well-wisher to the cause of Roman Catholic that occasion. he f e lt c onv i nce d t h at w h en t h e di scuss i on came on to- Emancipation long before he had the honour of a seat proceeding was one But of morrow the N o bl e Lord wou ld acce d e to it, and he in that Ho use , and long before that question was Statements were made i n a speec h l ately by a certain thought it wou ld b e muc h b e t ter t h at t h e Noble Lord carried by the Right lion. Member for Tamworth. Irish county M em b er , w hi c h h e (Colonel Coriolly) should at o nce sa y th a t h e wou ld not proceed with the But it was perfectly true that they did regret the course held it unworthy o f hi m to notice.—((Cries of Bill to-morrow. pursued by a certain party in Ireland since the settle- " Hear, hear.") He (Colonel Connolly) contended Mr. FOX MAULE thotght that when the ques- ment in 18 0 9. But they did net confound the great that it was the gross demoralization of the people, the tion came on he should be able to show the House suf- body of the Roman Catholics of Ireland with their monstrous striding of perjury over the land, that called ficient reason for proceeding with the second reading. then prominent and self-elected champion.—CHear,hear.) on the Members of her Majesty's Government to make Mr. HODGES obtained leave to bring in a Bill to For it they did, they might b e di spose d to return that show of legislation which they on the present ocea exempt inhabitants from liability to be rated, as such, to- to the settlement from which that conc e s sion was skit :exhibited. It was,- he insisted, but a show wards the relief of the poor, and to declare the effect made, to enact measures which would invite the of legislation. He spoke of their actions and not of and operation of an Act of the 6th and 7th Will. IV., epithets which the H o n. an d L earne d G ent l eman their professions. It was but a mockery to bring in a intituled, " A.n Act to Reg ulate Parochial Assess- had lavished of old on the Coercion Bill. Bill for the purpos e o f k eep i ng out that of his Noble ments," so far as respects tithes and tithe commutation In the present state of this co untry an d o f I re land, h e Friend the Member for North Lancashire. He (Col. rent-charges. (Mr. Gaskell) avowed at once that he would give his Connolly) was sorry to hear an Irish county Member, Lord JOHN RUSSELL obtained leave to bring in consent to no measure which he believed would tend fur whose opinions on most subjects he entertained the a Bill to make further provision respecting certain rights either to continue ag it a ti on i n t h e one coun t ry or t o highest respect, say that the meeting held a short tine of voting i n t h e e l ect i on of Members of Parliement, strengthen the influence of democracy in the other. ago in Belfast wou ld not b e so great if the object of REGISTRATION OF VOTERS (IRELAND) and it was because he believed the Bill then on the the Noble Lord's (Lord Stanley) Bill was not disfran- BILL. table of the House tended directly to effect those ob- chisement. lie thought that in almost every case re- On the motion that the Order of the Day for re- jects, because he saw in the Bill a fatal sepa. lative to Ireland that Honourable Gentleman's views suming the adjou rne d d e b a t e b e now rea d , ration from the principles of the Reform Bill. were w e ll ta k en, b ut be could not agree with Lord MORPETH presente d pet i t i ons from Castle- and not wi l y so , b ut a va i n an d f ru i t l ess at t empt to con- hi m i n what he stated on the subject. The blaney, i n t h e county o f L on d on d erry, i n f avour o f t h e c ili ate the determined enemies of the connection he- Bill never wculd hav e b een b roug h t i n „ t a ll b ut Bid introduced by his Lordship, and against that tween the two countries that he gave his hearty ()pp ° . for the goading of the Tories.--(Loud cheers and sition to the motion that it should he read a s econ d l aug h ter.) H e was delighted with the Right Hon. brought in by Lord St art l e! . Mr. SOMERS presented several petitions from tiare.—(Ciwers.) Baronet the Member for Pembroke last night, Skrteite and o th er places i n I n l an d , pray i ng . the House ne r , I,7ll,Ln:tits STUART sa id if a n y answ er when lie stated that it was merely a repetition to adopt th e Bill o f L or d o t t er/w ow, and reject that of was necessary to tiic charge of the Hon. Gentleman, of the appropri a tio n c l ause . N ow t h e H onour _ Lord Stanle who had just sat down, of undu e i n fl uence N av i n y g been abl e an d L earned Gentleman, the Member for . Mr. M. BELLEW presented petitions from seve r ;1 exercised, lie might refer t o th e s p eec h o f th e Ri g ht 1100. Diddle, said the voice of I7Clarld was raised agninst the places in Louth ith a similar prayer. Baronet ol last night for an answer t'i that cha rge . measure, b ut as personation was the order of the day, w Mr. KELLY s aid th a t, understanding the Orders of From the best attention he was able to give to the he, on the part of Ulster, would take leave to deny it the Day had b e en c„lled on , and that the N o bl e L or d ergu r e e nts of the Hon. Members opposite they seemed altogether. It was, in fact, nothing but a Bill to fill the the Secretary f or the C o lo n i e s had chosen which of the to him to ground their oppositi on to the Bill pockets of th e H on . and Learned Member for Dub Orders of the Day should have the priority, he (M r . on th e plea th a t it was a subversion of the great prin- lin.—(011, oh.) It was but a fresh stratagem to Kelly) would take the liberty of stak; that it had been ciples of the Reform Bill. They appeared to think fan the espirine b flame of liberality on th e p art o f t h e certainly his intention, in case the Order of the Day f o r that the principle of that measure veils th e es t a bli s h- f o ll owers of the Hon. and Learned Member, when the second rending 'A the B 1! for the Abolition of the ment of a franchise based upon a certain amount of t:thcs, and municipal corporations, aed all else had 'Punishment o f Death had beer, called on, to have moved property. Now, it appeared to him that they tuok failed.—(lronic a l cheers.) The Hon. and L earne d the second reading of that Bill, in the hope that it would too narrow a view of that measure, and that they were Membe r might deride what he had to say, but the -suit the convenience of the House, and to allow th a t turning details into principles. His view of the Reform story was not half told.—(Cheers and much laughter.) Bill t o h e read a second time pro forma. He wished, it-et , was, that it was passed for the purpose The Irish landlords would not grant lease s t o th e i r then, to ask if the Noble Lord th e Secretary f or t h e of remedy ing great ev il s t h at t h en existed tenantry, it was said, but why should they, when then Colonies h a d a r i g h t to fi x which o f t h e O r d ers of i n t h e constituency of Ireland,—that it was necessary found them arrayed in opposition to them at th e hue. ,) enlarge that constituency, and the great principle tine ?—(Lourl cheers.) No doubt he should be charged the Day should be pro( ceded with. Th e SPEAKER said, that according to the rules o f , cilibediad in the measure, was that a certain pro- with great illiberality of sentiment, but, thank God, h e the Route time Orders of the day fir Wednesday were Portidn of population and property shouhl be did not live within the limits of the g - re it p wentate— proceeded with in the replier order in which they stood ; brought to bear on the election for Members (Mach laughter)—and if the Hon. and Learned Mem. chat on Mondays and Fridays the Government Or-?ors of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Teat he took to be the her came to Dovegel his reception would not be better lied precedence, and twit there was no precise rule for teal principle ; but as to the reou'ation of th e amount t h an it heti been at Belfast. Why, when it was k nown Thersda y• lof the property, th a t h e cons id ere d mere l y a detail. that he and his brigade were about to go to 13elest • Lord XII N RUSSELL sa id th a t h e cou ld net With t h at v i ew h e s h ou ld endeavour to show that the to dictate what measures were to be adopted, and what' allow the second reading of the Bli of whi c h the lion. c'etAils then established had net answered the purpose, measures were to be repudiated, it roused the energie s Member (Mr.:Kelly) had made me n tion, to pass without sad that it was necessary that a new plan should be of the county against teem. They derided tee country making opposition to it. It, however, the second read- tubttituted. He should endeavour to show the gentlemen, they abused the landlord., and decried the jog was carried lie (Lord J. Russell) would give no op- Noble Lord the Memb er f or N ort h Lancashire that magistrates, ao 1, in short, everything tl,at. was cunsidere I positiou to it in its next stage. the plan which he propos e d f or th e registration of 10/. respectable in the country was the subject of their abut°. ADJOURNED DEBATE. freeholders could not be efficiently carried into effect. He The Irish peeple did not want leases from landlords The Orde r o f th e D ay h av i ng b een read, understood that the N o bl e L or d agree d w i t h th e J u d ges w h ose words they could depend upon, a, certainly as they Mr. GASKILL said, after the length to which the that the solvent tenant test was the one to be applied, could upon any document, and they always trusted to the debate h a d a l rea d y gone, and after so many eminent Now let them suppose a case of a far m o f 30 acres l et landl or d s , except i n some county where the spirit of in subordination had b een i ntro d uce d b y some club or some by a good landlord, who, howev er , w i s h e d t 3 get t h e and legal gent l emen w h o were much better enabled to agitator who endea voure d t o tet t h e people against their enter into its detail., it would be unpardonabl e i n him value of his property ; such afa would let for 30/. best frien! s , th e l an dl or d s . T te landlords her done the ir a year, or 1/. per acre. S u pp ose th e t enan t h a d to detain th e H ouse at any l ength. B ut a ques• duty to the c o u n t r y, w h en t h e G overnment had shrunk it on a l ease of fourteen years—he we n t t o th e tion ha I b een as k e d out o f d oors, an d had from theirs. The Government had shrunk befote and I to, the agitators, while the landlords' had Registration Court, where he would in all probability seeenntbe never yet been answered in that House—how did it be placed on the register as the solvent tenant test 'mope, that the Ministers of the Crown—that those boldly stood out and opposed them—had protected the could not be applied but on an a pp ea l b e i ng people against them, and bad asserted their own natural Gentlemen who pr ocure d t h e assent o f t h at Il ouse to made to the Judge, w h o wou ld app l y t h e so l - rights. They had done so in a manlier so effe c t ua l ,the R e fo rm Bill as a fi na l measure, now canto down and asked the assent of th e H ouse to a Bill that would vent tenant test ; h e cou ld not see h ow such that in a short time not even such a measure as this would totally change the whol e const i tuency o f I re l an d ? If a name could be re t a i ne d on t h e reg i ster, be sufficient to enable a Whi g G overnment to rest upon an they had been told du r i ng th e l ast S ess i on, that the for no man could swear th a t h e cou ld g i ve hi m 10/ . a I r i s h ma j or i ty f or carry i ng out their radical principles. The :1 eir beyond the rent, after paying for all his out- Irish landlords bad done themselves immortal honour by Government would come down with such a pro goings, without deducting from his own fair pro- resisting this despotism, while the Irish Government had position—if they had beea told, that in place of . set tits : but it might be said that the ambition of land. degradel t themselves, cb by prostrating themselves before the thug a disputed question—that in place of at_ tits would induce them so to act as to keep up 1 a G g it l i a lan o t " EoiOnel h a d rs) c [ o i n c c w lu a d s e s d ured tha t Hon. and tempting to remove acknowledged evils, by a Bill the constituency, but how was that to be effectee ?,MarndHocwonsred for that purpose alone—they chose to embroil quently several Members rose. Amon gs speech , Suppose an estate of ten thousand acres, divided into it with a question which would increase the evils, and there was a loud call for " the ne w Member." Colo s nel three hundred farms, and let at one pound an acre. and that by a Bill which they knew they could sever Conolly, however, amidst roars of laughter, turned to carry.—(Cheers.) Such an intimation would have Now, if the landlord of such an estate was actuated wards the Speaker, and said—" Sir, lam sorry that Hon. found leer to cre dit i t. H e was conf i rmed in that by ambition and a w i s h t o see hi s tenants upon Members are so impatient, but lam afraid I must detain impression w h en h e reco ll ecte d what took place the register, he could on ly grat if y that iambi- them a great d ea l l onger. "] The Honourable and during last S ess i on — ( H ear, h ear)—when he re• tion by lowering th e i r ren t s 101. a year on each G a ll ant C olonel thee went on to say—He had long - opposed membered th a t t h at same G overnment had op P farm, at a loss o f u p war d s o f 3,000/. a year. b een i n I re l an d i n a prcetical station of life.— the Hon. and L earne d M em b er ter Dublin, when He could not imagine how the co ns titu enc y cou ld ex i st (Laughter fr om the Ministerial bend:et. ) Yes, i n a prac he moved for leav e t o b r i ng i n a B i ll to make an alteration et all with the solvent tenant test. B u t th e N o bl e fecal station of li W. Gentlem e n m i g h t r idi cule the ex- in the franchi se , an d t h at f urther they had opposed a Lord had said that was the test he had i n t en d e d p f ress o l s o i n tie a e s I m eb u o c o h r as tiltiednd pleased. His life bad teen one b r e , e t n o s s p o waseyn,tliaomong the lowe r proposition mu c h l ess o bj ect i ona bl e and unreasonable, under the Reform Bill, and that his pre sent Bill o o rd P ers ; and he w • ould Teet 5 viz.—th e mot i on o f t h e H OD. M em b er for Bridport to was i nten d e d to carry t h e R e f orm A ct i nto e ff ect. The tuous it might appear, that no m w L o w r e e r e o P n r e v e s u r ii rn a P one et oesume the House when they were in Committee Bill of the Noble Secretary for Ireland was, with them than himself. If ever there eat anything hi son Lord Stanl e y' s Bill, i n or d er that a clause h owever , th e b est reme d y f or t h e ev il s o f which furious in the way of legislation fur Ireland it - was ;might be introduced for defining the franchise. they all so loudly complained.—( Hear, hear.) the 40s. freeholds. He had said it over and over The Right Hon. Gentleman the Vice-President of the He was no lover of unne cessa ry change, more especially again in that House, and the last time he said it Board of Trad e , w h o h a d conc l u d ed the debate last in such a Bill as the R e f orm B i ll. But if it was f oun d t h e pre d ecetsorof the present Speaker, Lord Dundernline, night, m a d e , as h e i nvar i a bl y did, a very eloquent that the object of th a t Bill, w hi c h was th e extens i on o f a pp eare d so struc k w i th what be said.—(Loud laughter speech, but h e was b oun d to say that speech contained the franchise, bad no t b een carr i e d i nto e ff ect, h e from the Mi n i ster i a l s id e o f the House.) When Hon. ' M thought it was n o i mproper c h ange to b r i ng i n a embers had done l aug hi ng , h e wou ld f i nish what he had no answer t o an y one o f t h e c h arges preferred against Lord Dunfermline called upon him, and said that ntetlhoolr the e o w hich .l Lord Chancellor the Government by the Right Hoo. Baronet the Bill for the purpose of carrying out the intentions evils re Ireland. f _(Hear, Member for Pembroke.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The of its friends. The Bill of the Noble Secretary for l' l oi ' os say. Lord h lore a preciselya tt ri Right lion. Baronet had adduced distinct and specific Ireland removed the greatest evils which now existed, bear.) Y Hon. Members, is tilcir charges against the Government. He had charged namely, fraud and personification , and it gave a fair test of great number of paupers, sought to s intr o odu e c e e r a aa s e u h b i d s i b vi s them with mis-applying the patronage of the Crown, the value of any claim that was laid to the franchise. sion of lands so minute, that no man who had a family to was one evil, however, which it did not remove : support could supply them with the common decencies wid and giving a direct encouragement to the agitation for Repeal of the Union in Ireland. He had charged that was the present objection to give leases to the necessaries of life. That would be the result of the sys them with conferring posts of honour and tenants, but that was an objection which he tern which was sought to be introduced. He had tat as a emolument on the disturbance of the public thought could be well considered in Committee. There Poor-law Guardian for one of the largest unions in Ire peace.—(Hear.) How was that charge repelled by the was one other reason why they ought to consider the land; and he was of opinion, that if the 5/. rating was Right Hon. and Learned G en tl eman, an d who was selec- Bill i n C omm i ttee. I t was well known that there was adopted as the b as i s o f t h e f ranc hi se, the freeholders would ted to repel it ? It was the Right Hon. and Learned a great demand and much competition for land in Ire- not be able to procure for their families the food necodary b to support them. He (Colonel Conolly) had always la- Gentleman—himself a Minister of the Crown—and who land. It was equally well known that there were had voted in his place in Parliament for the dismember- very many needy landlords—(A laugh)—and therefore h o e u h r a e d dLo e enlarge the holdings of every person with whom bcioenendeocr efforts to spr n ea t d o t u he ao h d ol pzund! would l elao n d o o t re didpa y him for a ment of the empire. That Right Hon. Gentleman the latter were anxious not to give leases, in order to make the most they could by the competition.— a larger surface.—( Hear, hear.) The n a g o s s in fr r eehold was r not deny the truth of the charges made, but merely contented himself with attempting to fasten a charge of (Hear, hear.) That, however, might be remedied in considered one of the greatest boons that had ever been inconsistency on two Members of the House. That Committee. The Committee might strike out conferred upon the people of Ireland. Hon. Gentlemen ebarge may have meant something as evincing such a sum as might obviate the difficulty, opposite said that Members on his (Colonel Conolly' s ) a soreness at least of the loss of their services on for he was not confined to the 5/. clause—(Tory side of the House intended to abrogate the Bill by which the other side of the House.—(Hear, hear.) But if cheers)—nor did he bind them ; therefore he was in- that boon was conferred. He would never have voted for s. the charge w ere t a k en as a %dedication of the Govern- duced to hope that some even of the Gentlemen op- the extinction of th e 40 freeholde r s, b u t ra th er would meat, it meant a b so l u t e l y not hi ng ; an d he might be p osi t s wou ld g i ve the i r support to the second reading he vote for their revival than for the creation of a worse permitted, with a ll res p ect f or t h e Ri g h t H onour- of th e measure . class of voters i n th eir p l ace. O a the Catholic question, on the Reform Bill, and on the present question, there had able and Learned Gentleman, to tell him that the Colonel CONOLLY rose to resist to the utmost been aplus pant Punic,: fides on the part o f th e G own , mere fact of his rising upon the ether side as the Bill of the Noble Lord. He objected, as the Noble went— ( Hear, heat)—who constantly roared out, attribut a Minister of the Crows form e d i n i tse lf a suff i - L or d , t h e M ember for North Lancashire did, in limine, ing motives whi c h never ex i sted, on these que stion,, ' t cient vindication of the cours e t a k en b y t h e N oble to t h e i rreconcilability of the measure itself with Gentlemen siting upon the Oppositi on s id e o f the Hous e, Lord the Member for North L ancas hi re , an d the t h e name of the Bill—that under the colour of de- —( Hear, hear.) The l an dl or d s o f I re l and had for some • Right Hon Baronet the Member for Pembroke,— fining the franchise, it rea lly an d pract i ca ll y ann i h i - time p a st b een en d eavour i og to improve and simplify the (Opposition cheers.) The Right H onoura bl e and fated the qualification. B u t he confessed that he tenure of land, so as to raise the co n diti on o f the °cm:- Learned Gentleman concluded his s p eec h w i t h a h a d l ong f eare d the Noble Lord would introduceon the piers; bat this measure wou l d throw them back u protestation of his loyalty, while h e accompan i ed some suc h measure, though the lowering of the franchise old system of d egra di ng the tenantry for poli spko there iitthke. o o r i , e I , re. o i n idi fl te i; l3 oa t utent upo n tiyel—l (en , Ireland h t e h a e r . ) g re a il ' t e s t wouldcvils, tical ld purpose f s.—(Crivs of " Hear, bear.") The measure that protestation with a significant intimation, that would be most injurious to Ireland. When the while France was arming, the popular demands in Noble Lord opposite (Lord Morpeth) replied to the moral, ve l s o o u a Ireland, however unreasonable, should be conceded. Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, upon his mb f ers rether they would The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman did not, application to bring in a BM for the purpose consent to degrad i c s, however, tell them what had been the effect of th e of assimilating the franchise of England and they had bean elected, and l et ass in o a Id0oodvootfe?" by whom persons s the o n s w ho 40. concessions made to the popul ar p arty i n I re - Ireland, he (Colonel Conolly) then fearfully would be many degrees more dependent than land during the last four years. The Right Hoo. apprehended, that though the Noble Lord resisted freeholders, and who would be in a worst condidon by . Gentlemen had not told them that extorted concessions the application, be would be borne down by that the possession of the franchise thee they were before ? had been the means of quieting and removing the agi- powerful pressure to which he was obliged in all The object of the Hon,. and Learned Member for Dub tation. The Right Hoe. Gentleman did not tell theca cases to submit. Sorry, indeed, was he, that those lire was to destroy eYeeything constitutional and conserve bow.vo wh ile . attempting to bolster up a decrepid and totter. the assurances of contentment and gratification, fears had been realised,—sorry was he that the Noble The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was " l ig l'iltl e si l ls ro tr u Y s • o extinguishing the Orangemen ; but he made by himself and others in 1829, had been realized. Lord had not been able to bold his own ground against He (Mr. Gaskell) was glad that her Majesty's Minis- his powerful master ; and that he ha-I been obliged a Colon el could not account for tal e anxiety of ters had been compelled by the pressure of their Par- to concede those very principles he then so file Hon. Conolly)1e Member on that su'ectas s h liamentary supporters to unfurl the standard of dome s - manfully upheld•—(Hear, hear, hear.) Much as an event would reduce his own stock in t r ade ' and u d h c ei; tic change in this country.—(Hear, hear.) It would he respected the Noble Lord's character his prive him or a subject for constant deciam - ation' enable them to fi ght the battle of the Constit tio rank, and hi s st a ti o n, h e was sorry for him ' as a opinion, the measure before the House would degrade the voter, and endanger the integrity of the empire; and he plain and intelligible grounds ; it called u upo u n uP tl n ie n man, as a Member of Parliament, and as a . Mini- House to say whether they would consent to tamper stem of the Crown, that he had placed himself should, therefore, give it his decided opposition. , that in rising for the first time with the franchise that was con fe rre d. b y the i n suc h a humi li ating position. He said that with pain, Reform Act, and to reopen, at the exiration of 10 Mr. HOWARD sail to address the Howe, he hopO , l that Hon. Gentlemen but he certainly did not think it possible for any would extend to hina that indulgence of which ho stood years, the old question of Parliamentary Reform. It human being to be subjected to a more degradin also drew a line betw een t h e G so math in need. It was not his intention to enter ovenament of the situation.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition, an d into matters of detail, which he would leave to Gentlemen present day and the Government of Lord Gr ey , and fur- laughter f on the Ministerial benches.) He had great Dished an opportunity of testing the sincerity who were bete; acquainted with the country for which it re a s e pec b t i. for character of the Noble hotel ) but he proposed the finality principle. It had beea said tho s e who was proposed to leghlate • but, as an gnelitihrhan, he ige to say that.--(lronical cheeeick.) He was would briefly, but deeidedly, express his opinion in favour Hoe. Member for Drogheda, that the franchise y was s w orr u considerably narrowed. He (Mr. Gaskell) believed which y i that h t h e Noble Lord had brought in a Bill of the measure:—( Hear.) Ile believed that the Bill the truth to be that the nu:fiber of supporters of her was adding wt his knowledge eb of Ireland he must know would be acceptable to the country at large. During the and not and that usra w s rners to an expiring flame, last session, when the abuses of the present registtatiye Majesty's Ministers had been narrowed ver froth the I re l an d tegistrat'oo r agitation Ireland W i n s s so beg . inning to recd . s t yt o t e -m i, l i s n Ireland had been exposedewosho n tbie frauds end to p a ro to tr v a%te w d ht t ieg i a l r l t to w b bieli N it gave rise had the number of the electors . —(Hear, hear, hear.) been e h expo ° Ho doubted whether a majority of that liouse would be was beginning to express its own thato pini on n stas he believed, now that the Dill at e t Lord ;le found to support the second reading of that t Bill. t Would was injurious to the country, and the ordinary relations Member for North Lancashire had a t equired ebl a n a lt : r it n i i S te r) r any man doubt what w ere the wishes anexpe i e expectations of of society were beginning to resume their force—the popularity. But the people of England upon this sub j ect any Governmeut that ought to have resisted turbulence and understood, that the difficulti ei which it would throw in the pest& to perpetuate the disc de la! i . he jeopta!arity w..h.:i.,celainietnoonpeop way cf independent utters hid become a I cll. 7,earever might be the man doubted that let him look a t the late elections, opposed. agitation were the men to renew, and h Pneehti It had nesn'itje°l:itili r t es i P it ec l t til to l a t i e ° let him look at the election for Monmouthshire, Wal- would say if this Bill 0 left i 4 t io h t e s franchise , u ndo ln ed JPudtoa. ;' was notorious that in Ireland a great diffetence call, Carlow, and Canterbury . Making every allow- and agitation which bad been so interestedly, des ign . ante for the solitary victories which he': Majesty's , Go- edly, and injuriously carried on in that eountry.gU he wohli speak n vernment had achieved a t Ri c h mon d an d St. Alb a n 8— i (Hear.) He spoke with pain, but with the bless - * --- g o f Cg i h n e foi e t xist f ed th on ri th b l ae t nci tss on hi m e t e to t, pit,ilit tieoWetratidlalosttybethdaitffii.t (Ironical cheers from the Opposition benches)— lof God he would speak . his own mind ;he would teL t ill ' truth, and though he might be in error, culties of u th y at u dttes e tion e there were sufficient reverses in other places to show pretty distinctly that the tide of public what he thought.--{heir, hear, from Mr, i.reontiell ) thinly which Was the fruitful codeso c o lVe h it in that uneer pri•isent Abuses opinion had set strongly against them, and against The . policy of the Irish Government since the last of Irish teittistralw e He heliettedethat the te measure intro- The measures which they supported.—(Hcar, hear.) Session of Parliament had been of that wretchedly a mt aby t ad Government would obviate that incon- The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire biguous character that the newspapers) arwi eVery - veeleace and would , by per- an ' .. ,defining the franchise, put had been taunted during the debate, because he bad not son in that country, had been constantly inquirin cod to litigation. Ho thottght gait such ti 1 , o mum g stance should have inder te 4 lin Utt I" - n. tnt emu opposite chosen to grapple with the question of English •whether th •were the advocates of repeal or re they not. to assent t the t il tion, and co • Wined himself to the registration system The measure before the House answered the question. Oifferencheo tct: ad tea mg of the Bill, and that any of Ireland ; but surely it might be asked with at le a st H e believed that if any measure could secure the EON of the qualifica tion which might be felt as to the amount , non should b'e reser heti far ditettstion in equal justice, of the Government , repeal perty, it was that which was then Committee. Such was th • t , ent, why they had not vices of the se phrsued on the Muni grappled with the question of an extended franchise under the consideration . of the House, and which cipal Bill s and Hs (Mr. H e eekir oward) was at a le-s to co • sconceive in this country as well as in Ireland:l—Meer g ave the elective franchise without any qua,. why it had been departed from • as the present instance. The reason was obvious. Th e p 4 l - ' h ear .) - _ _ _, _,. o._ A s it appeared that the 5/. e of England lification. —(Hear, hear, from Mr. 0 Cruel! ) He rating clause we tht • • principal would have repudiated and disowned . e• cause of the opposition given to tho B . ' it, and Ireland saw that there was virtually no qua lifi cation and ill be the Hen. was the only country in which the oli • • • q d Member f or Gentlemen opposite, he dew glad t b (c ,P eor ey of innovation he appealed to the Hon. and Learned of ucciaring t h e reasons to n - ° t ee;apitortonir could be hoped to prosper.— ) , let *nitro:to ait They o b ) They had Dubli to if were not so. He objected to Dublin sly it heard charge, of injustice and tyrann circumstances y preferred the measure, because he was persuaded that It would of the country. Ibe •re was, 'enroll 0 against all those gentlemen who pres unlt.ly s there no mat tuned to differ perpetuate the Learned Gen- tmatian of claste • empire of the Hon. and gd _ 3as in Engand , Thit Zoantry wa s &- from gentlemen opposite on questions of Irish po licy , He had seen letters in the public newspapers addre ssed civil war or a repeal of the Union.—(Hear, hear, owners an d ,ei the cultivators of the soil. Those classes were, to a gentleman named Ray, in which Members of t h at hear.) He could not doubt but the Noble Lord f un . erunad y,opposed to each ethet ild litany etseetial House were spoken of as fools and miscreants, f or points. The former class *as Tory in politics • their th lrelandmust himself be e Secretary for . and Pro opposition to the Bill of' the Noble Lord (Morpeth .• • t:stant in religion —the latter el aware that by this measure he would give fresh pinions ass generally professed He confessed that he viewed the use of that ) the Ro m an Catholic faith and were Liberal ih polities. language, to the Hon and Learned Member's fli g ht. The with which the Hon. and Learned Mena- * He would not now go back into the his tory of fact was the Ministry had brought down the it lreland to her for Dublin was so familiar, and the application of show the causes of this estrangement • was sufficient for great despot on their backs, and while they denounced his argument that it existed, and he' skew epithets, without the sli la f rof ' g test ee ing uneasiness the repeal in thought it essential efr r,. words, they were furnishing the Hon. that they should have the opinion of the lower as well as to e t, though it convinced him that they and were .._„__:___ . . 1., arging their public duty in that House, and i plishing hi Alkilli .ch •Learned Membe r w i th the best means of aecorn- the higher classes.— ( Loud cheering.) The measure of h a purpose. He (Colonel Conolly) had the Noble Lord opposite was calculated to throw the fran ~. ottogoo , found an inconvenient obstacle in the way of I himself card the Honourable and Learned chile entirely into the hands of the higher classes. Ava . 7. 1„,}7.7, .. es of aggrandisement and re lwh ich • G 1 pea to ent ealan d • et t • tAtlsitill't Ws Gover deride the threats of Ministers ;it one diminution had already taken place of the electoral body st to , t . ~ than tame were unable to offer :of his meetings.—(e --1,,,L-11,seju - Ise than tame • Hear hear, "f Mr. O'Connell and the Noble Lord had himself admitted the - ' d , from .) .disincline_: '.*: r :'•-:*;.,, as he from resis tance.—(Cheers.) And 1 The Hon. and Letwat of the landlords to grant leases. That showed that .., erne Gentleman knew what he acknowledging the 'u tic of alluded to, and : 7 4( 1 03 Putations : - t 41a, . • r' . - - Upon the motive js e that Gentleman knew that Repeal was some alteration. of the franchise was necessary, if they s or conduct of nothing but an wished Ireland to be fairly represented in the House.... opts strgagem to fin his pockets.. (Cheers.) Ho knew it bad been said that II class of Total f, anti dee, the facility of retaining that right when once es tablished ; whereas the measure of ifs Noble opponent threw obstacles alike in the way of the fraudulent and lice -nest claimant, and left both at the mercy of vexatious op position,—( Hew, hear.) On this account elope he thought the Bill eraiilei not merely to the preference, but to the cordial support of every Membir who wished to see the re gistration of voters placid upon a fair and satisfaetery ireie But he was ready to admit that the main principle of tho Bi I was the eeari i is, or (if they pleased) the Dew arrangement, of the eh ale franchise in liclaud. He did not think that Hoe. Members did sight to complain of their uniting the two questions, for it stood admitte 1 that the bulk of the evils complaiued of in Ireland had arisen from the misunderstandirg and doubt %tech raised as tr the definition of the elective franchise, on which, notwithstands ing all that he had sai 1, it certainly did not ap pear to him (Mr. Morgan John O'Connell) the Noble author of the Ref.:r.n Act had thrown any great light, for he had never yet beard him tel exactly what he meant to have been the franchise by the Reform Bill.— ( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lod had not thought right to do so, but in the words quoted the other night by the Right lion. the Attorney-General for Irelaed, the Noble Lord said—" But the great eiil, except the minor one of names remaining on the roll after the qualification had ceased, with this exception the great evil consisted in the ambiguity of th, franchise, and whatever test you take, whether the definition of Sir Michael O'Legelin, or the definition of the solvent tenant test, in either case it was liable to great ambiguity ; it was liable to all those evils, so fully described to us, the putting men upon their oaths as to matters of opinion, and opinion on which oppo site parties may vary." It was then, as admitted by the Hon. Member for Wakefield who, upon such just pren - iises had come to such an unjust conclusion, Frost important, if they adopted the test of rating, that they should take such -a test as would extend, instead of narrowing the franchise. In the first place then, the plan proposed wool I under pre_ tier cope:alien, give a I.beral and ex;ended franchise, but it was still more valuable, because it introduced a test on which men of fair minds could not by possibility mistake. A great deal had beez said about the low rate at which the franchise was fixed. He begged to remini the Hon. Gentlemen who had made this objection that if they looked to the table, which gave the returns laid before the House, they would find the test in the rating proposed by the Bill would not exceed the number of those who at present formed tee constituency of Ireland. He knew it was said that if the premises were act valued at 54, what right had the owner to be registered ? And the answer was, be cause the beneficial interest, and not the solvent-.enan* test, had been adopted by the Judges/. He would not ar hell to the evidence of Mr. Leslie Foster iu 1829, but to an authority which the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire could not repudiate—be meant his coadjutor in bringing in the Reform Bill, Mr. Solicitor-General Crampton, who in the debete on the Irish Reform Bill, in reply to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, said—" I do not hesitate to say, that by the passing of this Bill Ireland will have a constituency far b lend anything of which Scotland can boast, and certainly not much !whir d that of England."—(Hear, hear, hear..) How the Noble Lord could, after that declaration of the intention ef the Reform Bill, say that the present consti tuency of Ireland was extensiee enough, he (Mr. Morgan din O'Connell) could not understand. But it WEIS not for him to understand the reasons of the Noble Lord. It was sufficient for him to see how completely the Noble Lord had departed from the principles he aim held, and to remind Hon. Members there were a number of restrictions upon the franchise of Ireland, with regard to occupation. But still, with r egard to the number of voters, the Noble Lord brought forward an argument which he said he thought would utterly overthrow all that had been ad vanced as to the small number of the Irish constituency. " Here," said the Noble Lord, " is a return which shows that the consti-ueney bas increased in number since the year 1835. He could account for the Noble Lord's ignorance oa th's question ; but why ho consulted nobody on the subject, he (Mr. Morgan John O'Connell) could not conceive. These returns quoted by the Noble Lard said that in Cork there were 5,73 e voter., in Dublin 4.167, and in Mayo 2,185, and yet the Noble Lord had heard the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland state that at the late election for Mayo one reason why there was no contest was that the constituency did not much exceed 700. Now any one who knew the state of Ireland knew that the returns quoted by the Noble Lord contained the names in the registry of 1832, and that a great number of those OR the old registry were included is the new registration. Now from these returns must be deducted the number of those registered at the first registration after the Reform Bill, and consequently although Antrim was registered at 5,263 the number must be diminished 3,827 ; Armagh 5,654, must be diminished 3,842 ; Cork 5,738, must be diminished 3,835, leeving not 2,000 voters in a county containing 700,000 inhabitants; and Mayo 2,185, must be diminishel 1,350 reg s tored in 1832, and whose title had since expired. It was sure to excite ill-feeling in Ireland ashen they saw such ignorance of the stet, of the country exhibited by those who came forward to lead the legislation of that country, but they would willingly forgive the )geteratiee f they saw a disposition for acquiring knowledge, or of using it generously towards them. But the Noble Lord made use of another argument, at which he (Mr. M. J. O'Con nell) confessed he was astonished. He knew not whether the usual caution of the Noble Lord had fled when he made use of it, but the Noble Lord had said in his speech the other night, " I will not press upon the House the argument how inapossi..le et is to sanction the application of this principle to Ireland alone, bee tun the argument aid red-lily suggest itself to the mind of every one who hears me, how impossible it is to withhold the same extension of the elective franchise to the other parts of the United Kingdom." Now, the Noble Lord should remember that this was a two-haode 1 argument, and that if it was good For extending Irish privileges to England, it was equally good for extending English and Scotch privileges to Ireland.—( Hew., hear.) Di I they remember the application when lush franchisee were under discussion ? He would not go back to the period of the Irish Reform Bill, but ou the late question of the Municipal Reform Bill, rights which were conceded to England and Se-Vend ware resisted when sought to be conferred on Ireland, and were conferred at last in a manner even more ungracious than they had been resisted, and with so many obstacles to their application, that, al though the Act passed last yea-, it was not until the next that it would be in operati in in Ireland. —( Heir, hear.) Was this, he askel, the way in which the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, and the Hoe. Gentle men opposite, thought equal rights were to be extended to Ireland ? Was this their notion of the union between the two countries, which they regarded as so advantageous, that the Noble Lord declared he would resist any alteration even to the dea th . He did not know whether the Noble Lord had exactly spoken of Ireland as the writer of a pamphlet, who called himself a Conservative Member of the House of Commons, had spoken of it, and who, by the way, was a great admirer of the Noble Lord, and who wrote that " England is the Roy al mistress, and Ireland is her tributary," a phrase certainly not implying equality or even a moderate degree of inferiority, but character istic of the most reckless spirit of intolerant domination. But whether the Noble Lord would use these terms or would be created under the present Bill who would be cc tirely dependent upon their landlords—a pauper consti tuency living from hand to mouth—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) The lien. Gentlemen opposite else oed, but he thought that objection would have come with a better grace from his side the House, for he did not think that lion. Gentlemen opposite would look upon the de pendence of voters as a very great objection—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) If the votes were avail. able for no other purposes, they would, at least, save the landlords what he must consider the pain of cap: Ilirg vet:Lrs from their homes on account of a difference of opinion.—(Continued cheers.) He was told that such a system of voting was undreamed of in Scotland, and unheard of in England. He woul .1 not now stop to inquire whether the English 40.. free hold franchise would not give a greater constituency to Eng land than the proposed measure would to Ireland. Ile knew that such was the opilien of the Noble Lori the Secretary for Ireland. But he thought it had nothing to do with the question. They saw the Irish constituency constantly dimini.hing, and a measure was proposed to throw increased difficulties in the way of the voter. Us der such circumstances, wag it a wise course to consider what would be the effect of such a system in England? It would be lire dashing from the lips of the fainting man the cup that was to bring him nourishment, becaese it might he too stimulating for his neighbour.—(Cheers. ) But some Members on the other side had said tha t they should not wish to see the constituency greatly dimi nished, and that if Lord Stanley's Bill should have that result, they would Le willing afterwards to endeavour to find some remedy. But would it not then be tee when the Tory Members of the Nosh would be added to the Tory Members returned by the landl aids from the South of Ireland ? Ile did not teinis such a course a wise one.—(Cheers.) It woull be a dangerous state of things if the real represe itatives of Ireland w' re no longer to possess a seat in that House, but acre to be compelled to carry on their deliberatiens elsewhere, where the attention of tne people would be fixed en them instead of on that House. It was irnpesdn!e: to say what would be the event of such preceedings, but whatever it might be, it could not hut be detrimemal to the be!..t inte rests of the Irish people. Belicving that the Bdl of the Noble Secretary for Ireland would establish tie franchise upon a ea iefectory basis, he would give it his he irty sup port.—( Cheers. ) Mr. LASCEL L ES admitted that it was necessary to define the franchise. He was disposed to establish it on a larger basis. lie admitted that the Poor-law rating might preperly be applied as a test of the right of voting (Cheers from the Ministerial Benches.) And yet, ad mitting what some might be disposed to consider as the principle of the Government measure, he felt bound to op pose its second reading. There was nothing more diffi cult than to distinguish between what censrituted the rin ciple of a Bill and its details. It was v, ry commonly the ease that the princip!c of a Bill was involved in its de ails, but he was disposed to leek at the amount of the franchise as involved in the princip!e of the B 11. —( Hear, hear.) Was there he would ask, no danger in throwi .g out to the people of Ireland a eil. franchise which came be fore the House recommended by no details? and he could not but look at the Bill as containing eteential princip'e3 that might le applied to this country. lie thought the strict application of the solvent tenant test was rather too :tries a restriction of the franchise, fur he thought a good qual•ficition might he founded upon the rate.—(Loci cheers.) He was sorry Bret they were again embarked in these party contentions, for he was in hopes at the conclu sion of the last Session that Ireland would have been al lowed a little more rest. He was fully aware that his Noble Friend would be charged with this, but he felt convinced that he did nut deserve it, his object being to put registration upon a proper footing. That, however, did not sanction the Government in con ing down to that Hou e and proposing the present Bill. He should there fore give his opposition to the sec and reading of the Bill. Mr. GISBORNE the' rose to address the House. Great evils had grown up iu Ireland from its present system of registration, and those evils acre calculated to impress every man with horror and disgust. To those evils the Bill of the Noble Viscount proposed a remedy, and he had not heard it sail by any one thet that remedy which the Noble Lord had applied woul I not be etTectuel. The Noble Lord admitted that the remedies were effee tuel, but he complained that the same remedies were op.. posed when he recommended them to the House. With respect to the evils which existed, and the efficiency of the remedy proposed, there was no difference of °pi- I ion. There was in Ireland great uncertsi .ty respecting the franchise. Several gentlemen on the other aide hail said that there could be no legal doubt ; but even though there were no legal doubt, no one would deny that there were practical difficulties ; that in our country a man was registered because he had a beneficial interest, and in another refused for the same qualification. They might say whet they pleased about the Irish Judges, but that did not at all remedy the evil.—( Hear, hear.) It was a marked distinction between the two Bills, that one of them proposed a remedy for this evil and the other did not. It had been said last sea-, and was still slid, that the Judges ought to agree. What progress had been made towards such an agreement? Al: that he heart was that two more Judges had jninel the diseentients. They had no means of compelling, and none of producing an agreement ; and yet it war proposed to bring in a Bi 1 to remedy the abuses of registration, and leave wholly untouched the evils arising from the rancor.. tainty of the francbi e. That alone was sufficient to show that the one Bill was decidedly superior to the ether. The Hon. Member for Exeter said that he could very well un derstand why this Bill should be acceptable to °Le section of the supporters of her Majesty's Government; and another Hon. Member had tauntel the Radical Members for giving no opinion upon the subject. But although they had not indulged in loquacity in that debate, ha could as. sure the House they thought that impartial legislation could only be secured by impartial representative, and were therefore fully prepared to support this Bill. If lion. Gentlemen tvould on that occasion allow him to act as the organ of the English Radicals, he had no hesitation in making that avowal on behalf of that great body.—( Hear, hear.) The principle adopted in this Bill with respect to the franchise was that of an independent test-ti test made for other purposes, and with respect to which therefore there could be no dispute. On this point he must be per mitted to say that the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, had hardly done himself justice ; for he believed that if that Noble Lord had introduced the Poor-law valuation as a test, the Noble Viscount, the proposer of the present Bill, w ou ld h ave b een far more disposed to joie him. He (Mr. Gisborne) had no very high opinion of what was called the "beneficial interest." He thought it led to a great deal of perjury and confusion. The solvent tenant test, whatever it might be as a fran chise, was certainly a good test; if applied to a valuation made for other purposes, it was as good a test as could be found for the registration. But a solvent tenant test of Id was an exceedingly bad franchise for Ireland. It the constituency was found to be on the decline, it Wail said that they might come to the Legislature for the purpose of having it enlarged. —( Hear.) He felt a deep obligation to the Noble Member for North Lancashire for the course be had taken. They were not sorry for it—on the contrary, they were rejoiced, because now they Could go before their constituencies and mint out the advantages of a Liberal Government over that of a Tory one. The violence of the Tory party was the sal vation of the Liberal one. The la ter had fallen into apathy, bet this would rouse them. He would not detain the House further, but he would give the Bill his cordial support. CHOLMONDELE? stolid almost in the same posidon as the lion. Member who spoke last but one, It was the first time he had taken any part in a public de bate, and he trusted to meet with the same kind indulgence. —( Hear, hear,) He had attended closely to all the argu ments put forward in that long deb.te, :Ad he was stars prised to find that the most important point, viz., the (ran. chive, wits either thrown overboard entirely, or touched as lightly upon as if' the t*o questions df registration end it farmed the substance of two distinct Bills. HO gave the Bill his decided opposition, on the ground that, under the guise of a Registration Bill, they found tacked to it a clause called by a lquble Lord a eollateral means for some addition to the franchise. That was a mild phrase to use wheft speaking of a clause thSt would double the franchise.—( car, hear,) the Noble Mettler fur North Lancashire had well denominated the Bill as a near fie. form Bill for Ireland. It was a Bill that was more likely to be like the dragen's teeth—being sown there, it would be more likely to apflag tip a hafvest of woe such as even that Country bid nevi(' sem i thin be, is It was Saki it would be, a blegsiirg td I eitind,—( ar, hear; hear. ) They had heard of the ei!elit Qt t 9; newer of the n Cstho, . . iie priesthood in Ireland. He wolli say very little c them, farther than that be was sorry to see re:sons of their sacred eliaract4E inted) , ,lfing hi politic,' matters, He re grett3i also to find that there existed a great syfitem of intimidation; and the Suter knew nut bow to act';, being placed te'we.:n tit§ eppoileg patee-: if he ao.ted. for. the itilen4iiiee cafi iddte; lie it'ai ceded with if midnight no'ree that his heu:e would be burned over big head. He feared the Bill would create a class of voters who would not hive the pdvief of Moral influenez to resist such lett midation. U.e great argumeet PM been tiniest was the disproportion existing between populaioa and the constituencies: lf that were good for anything, it was but ltlf3lc sib a tined t hat pfefr4crty wtls coneparatively valueless in Ireland; and .it showed clearly the 'he:onions efforts of poli ical agita•ien; But teat was no reason for lowering the franchise—it was,rether a ground for rising tbc standard df the toter: It firil their saiil ld that they were on the fella of wars ilntl th i pt )14y con net rely upon the assistance or support or the .rshi p&aplee if their e sow be demands were not conceded:—( Hear, hehear.)i. wishe4 that tdeJ stn ariumint wpuld have no weight with that house, atm gig Lii4 tit all, e+ents IS:or:aid resist inti midation: The question was:an importune erre; kid preg nant with good or evil, and it behoved the House to decide upon it would it c ai to force what they refused t? rseson: b •, 0 ei , a 'uticids kirsow whether, s ' y no a t n a d it d a i e s u pTii t o b r o m in te of ly and granting tbat at !else the Majesty's Government to carry our the Ferree principle with regard to En4land and Scotland: Ilk object, would be if the theasure were ea-ric'..; it was ititetitiott ttf bar i a eimviiicing the gained House of i e h ir e a d g r s e u e t c eed c d , importancein e n to opposl the feeditre of the Hear.) ghoul I therefore &fly say far t a tr nY t o U tf a (i t tYh i i t e w s a u s bj h e i c s t i n a te n n d t iu h length to which the Mr. M: J. O'CON d N et E ,at L e any greet length into the WI dal to go et said, that after the great details of the measure, tfidiio hard been trca'ed of [' had extended, be should not t feel it cedel him: fie thought these bad better would e• the Committee, to *hleh he hoped the Bill I g ris , but he would briefly take that opportunity, as a e n it hisll at great length by some Hor. Gentle-maco b w e b r o ese h r ta v d ed pr fe e- r representative, to express the reasons view be g the measure of the Noble Lord the Member himself as Lancashire, but, however, be would confineof consideration. much as possible to the subject matter support. He could not altogether vimewyibtedristfieanrvetNforertmh to comprise two questions —registration Hear hear, hear.) pert, and franchise on the other.—( and here ho In the first instance it bad grant merit, The Bill appeared to hint divisible intotwo o po n in th ts e , a o n n d e could not avoid contrasting it with the measure of the Noble L or d (L or d S tan l e y) for the his right, afforded to every To t er o f pro v ing his title, and obtaining facility . t not, he appeared to act much on the spirit of such l an g u a ge . P would ask Hou. Members what had the general cry fur the Repeal of the Union sprung from ?—(H ear .) From discontent, with misgovernment, and the avempts of those who wished to take away the rights provided by the people of Ireland ?—( Hear. ) Did they think that by resisting the measure now before the House they would lessen the discontent and put down the cry ?—(Hear.) They eould nut do so.,but they would exasperate the dis content, and make it show its,lf in more menacing shapes. He would be the last man in that House to make use of, threat or menace, either to that House or to Great Britain, but if the Hon. Member for Pembroke were in the House he would tell him that they who were loudest to declare that they would not yield to menace were often the first to he intimidated, and those who were the most ready to boast of their courage were often the most tardy in ex erting 4s-40:leers.) Is was absurd to suppose that Iri,hmen would in these times rebel against their Sove reign, but if dangar were to be apprehended from abroad, he asked was there anything metre desirable than that the whole people should be waited, and that no part of the empire should be in a state of elle. nseien and discontent ?--( Cheers.) Every concession to Ireland had been made when Great Britain was labouring under elreurosteacts of difficulty and danger; and concessions so made are always reeteived with a bad grace.—( Hear, hear.) At present the ways of England were Elrefy where victorious, and it was therefore g happy time le make Concessions to the people of Ireland,— I (Che'ers:) By conceding now, they would fir the first time he cox noels to Irehend its the time of their success; and they would excite in the b'r'easts of the Irish people that gratitude which their past cotidect had not been cal culated to instil.—( Cheers.) Although be rejoieed for cthe success of his countrymen in arms, and fir the triumphs of Brlelib diplomacy, yet Le most rejoiced in theta, beeriest they gave this opportunity of conciliatiag the afLetion, and wincing the gratitude of the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.) With that leAing, and in the hope of its being realised, he would gate for the second reading of the Bill. Mr. Es TENNENT said that as many Hen. Members on the other side, wbo were opposed to the 51. fren i chile, still of opinion that the rest o f t h e Bi l l might he earned into effect without that clause, he wished to assure thorn that if that part were omit ted, the rest would fall to the ground. The I effect of the 51. clause would be to give the guardians of the poor the means of determining who should have a vote and who not—(Hear, hear)—and in one parish the clerk to the gnardems had actually made out, in antici pation of this mu becoming law, a list of those who would be qualified to vote under the present rating, distinguishing the Liberals from the Tories in seearate columns.—( Hear, hear.) 'Undo the clause two shillings and a penny eer year would purehase the franchise, and five hundred voters would be had for an annual capenditero of 501.—( Hear.) The Hon. Member then read some statistical returns to shun that the Reform Bill had not failed in the town which he repre-ented (Belfast). Now, what i would be the ettett of the Si rating in Belfast. According to th s Poor-law returns there were 6,365 houses rated abuse 51. in Belfast ; from that number they were to deduct the amount of the present constituency, 2,105 ; they would find that tl e effect of the Government measure would be to add 4,260 elec tors to the present constituency. —( Hear, hear.) Now it had been admitted by th- Noble Lord that property, and net numbers, ought to be the Lasis of representation— that those alone ought to possess the franchise who 'chew the value of property, and yet by this measure the men et* property in Belfast would be ostvoted by two to one by the men of no property. The absurdity, the inconsistency, and the danger of the Government, measure was such, that he could not help thinking that some of the Geatlemenon the other sid e , w h o were usua ll y i n the habit of supporting her Majesty's Government would refuse to lend them their aid on the present occasion.—( Cheers.) Mr. WILLIAM ROCHE, as an Irish Member, thought he should be scarcely justified in giving a silent vote on a subject, and at a cr i s is, affecting so deeply the liberty and the tranquillity of the county which had sent him there Although the Member ,vho hardjust Sat . down rind spoke, disparagingly of the rating test ut the franchise, he thuuglrt it the moat precious part of the Bill.—(Cheers.) Ho iii; tbouglit the adoption of the rating test as lii principle most unexceptionable—with regard to the amount, that was merely a question of detail. His own opinion was that asl franc chise would not add to the present number of registered vo.e-s irt Limerick, and he bad a lett I- from the Chairman of the Board of 'Guardians of the Limerick Union, which confirmed that opinion. With reg ard to the question of the constituency as comp ete d to th at of England—the dis parity was so great that he thought something must be done for Ite'and. With regard t 3 the observations of the lion. and Learned Member ft r Bandon on the conduct of the Catholic clr rgy—he did not think it desirable that such a at de of things should exist as should call upon de clergy if any religion to enter the a ena of politics, and be was convinced it was not from their own choice, but from ne ces,i y, ;that the Roman Catholic clergy interfere with elections. No body of men could he more assideous in their duties than the Catholic clergy of Ireland, and Cley were most disinterested in so doing, as they depended solely on the pittance granted to them by their flocks ; aid should a hostile army ever appear on the shores of Ireland, no persons would be found more willing or ener getic in repelling au, h attacks than the Roman Catholic ,clergy of Iril Ind —(Heap, hear, from Sir R. Peel, and loud chrers.) As a eroof of that, be would appeal to the conduct of the Roman Catholic clergy in Canada, who, throughout the late troubles, had exe.tcd themselves to p event their flocks joining the late insurrection.— ( Cheers. ) With regard to the Bill of the Noble Secre tary for Ireland, it had diffused general satisfaction throughout the country. But he thought if it should be divested of its provision fur settling the franchise, it would be divested of one of its most valuable portions. Be lieving that the measure would be beneficial to Ireland, he should most cordially support the second reading of the B11._( Cheers. ) Mr. SHAW gathered from the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, and from that of all those who had preceded him, that there was now scarcely on either side of the House any Gentleman who was not prfectly aware t':at the question they were discussing was a question on the principle of the franchise, and not of the method of registration. Let it be granted that it was, as his Noble Friend had described it, a postscript to the latter, yet still it was like the postscript to a lady's letter, which contained the gist of the correspondence. Whether it was to be considered as a preface or a text, as bad been al lowed by the Noble author of the Bill, no Gentleman in that House could be unaware that the question they were discussing on the second reading of that Bi I was the ques tion of the franchise, and not of the registration of voters in Ireland—it was whether they should substitute a 61. occu pancy franchise in Ireland for the present 101 profit trait eldse in counties, and for the 10/. occupancy franchise in twins. The argument was admitted to he that by the Right. lion. Gentleman the Secretary at Wet in his speed:, and .ti 1 . more was it admitted by two Right Hon. and Learned Gentlemen who had spoken on the other side—he meant the Right Hon. and Learned Attorney - Geeeral for Ireland and the Right Hon. and Letrned Vice President of the Board of Trade—by the entire absence of all refe-ence to it in their speeches.—( Hear ) Ho believe I that Hon. Gentleman opposite thought it much wiser to entangle English gentlemen in the details of the Bill of his Noble Friend, is ilia 'was not then before the House, than to bring their minds to the real question, which was wh tiler thee were prepared to depart from the Reform Bill.—( Hear.) If they gushed to test the sincerity i.f the desire c f Ministers to amend the Irish Registration law, they had only to look at the history of their legislation fJr the last few years. In 1835, and at other peri ids since, the Secretary for Ireland and the Law Officers of the Crown in that country had brought forward mea sures on the subject which they had introduced reluctantly, and ca - ri:d on sturdy. They bad ultimat:ly abandoned them all, although, instead of being opposed ou his (Mr. Sbass's) side of the House, they were sti mulated is the ir drills by Honourab le Members wound him. At length his Noble Friend, the Memb. r for North Lancashire, determined th it the admitted evils of' the present system should no longer continue. He had ac cordingly brought forward the measure which had since caused such excitement within and out of the House—a measure, how ever, which he (Mr. Shaw) sincerely believed deserved the character which the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War had given of that introduced by the Noble Lord opposite, namely, that it would admit good voters and shut out bad ones; while, on the other hand, the Bill of the Noble Lord the Secre tary for Ireland would only tend to put bad voters on the re gistry, and keep them th ere ._( H ear , h ear .) Th e measure of his Noble Friend had been met by much personal abuse. But he should say by very little argument directed against the provisions of the Bill. How had it been met by the Irish party ? Last year the Noble Lord the Se cretary fur Ireland, had introduced a measure very appropriately called by a leading Liberal journal in Dublin, and by way of compliment, too, " an embarrassing Bill." The Noble Lord now said, that his Bill was bold and open, and manly. He (Mr. Shaw), admitting that the Bill sv.-s bold— it was even reckless as regarded its real object. but he should say it was a covert measure, and that it was brought forward under false pretences as regarded the purposes it professed to have in view.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard the proposal of the Noble Lord, when he asked for leave - to introduce the measure with astonishment and alarm. It was not that the Noble Lord was over-squeamish in party . pelitic3, or that he did not consider the Noble Lord a promising disciple of the Movement. But still he did not think that the Noble Lord coull have been induced after his own profession, to have lent h mself to a project which would unsettle the mea.ures of 1t329 and 1832. He believed that the measure was fraught with mischief to Irel.vd, and that it_ would de stroy the hopes of th e "'permanent prosperity and peace of that country. The peculiar position of Ireland, in connection with the Bill, had already been touched on, but he wished to add a few words on that subject. There was no Hon. Gentleman, he apprehended, would deny that the great source of the evils of Ireland was to be found in the subdivision of laud, and the imperfect state of agriculture there. t he Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Vice-President of Trade, had said last night that it was the efforts of the Irish landlords which abolished the forty-shilling freeholders. He believed that the Right Hon. Gentleman was altogether mis taken in that opinion. It sa id, h e remem b ere d, that Committees of that House were held in 1825, before which the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, together with Mr. Blake, and many other gentlemen of the same party, were examined ; and those Hon. Gentlemen were the principal witnesses for the expediency of abolishing the 40s. freeholders. Mr. Blake went so far as to say that he considered their abolition and the establishment of a higher franchise to be essential to the peace and prosperity of Ireland, as it would tend to a better division of land, and to the establishment of a substantial yeomanry, and still more because it would tend to give its due weight to property , in con stituting the basis of political power in Ireland. A Report of the Railway Commissioners had been published in 15,32, and the late Mr. Drummond statal in his evidence before them, that, in hisopinion, the division of land into small farms, and their subdivision again into smaller portions, was the prin cipal cause of the present impoverished condition of Ireland. He stated that the landlords had two motives for adopting the system ; first, the desire to swell the amount of the rent-rolls, and next, the wish to possess themselves of political power and influence at elections. Mr. C. Lewis spoke also of the effect of the 40s. freeholders in this respect, and all the wit nesses agreed that from the abolition of the 40s. freeholders the condition of the country had improved. They said that if that system continued, it would have reduced the tenants to the lowest state of degradation. Mr. Nicholls said that the Poor laws, if established, might not at first work well; but they would, he thought, help to aid the country in getting overits present state of transition. He said he meant by that state of transi tion the period which elapsed between the system of small holdings and the subdivision of lands Which now prevailed in Ireland, to the better practice of large farms and more scien tific husbandry. That period, he said, was always attended with difficulties and struggles, but he added that the Legislature helped as much as possible to shorten its duration. He (Mr. Shaw) would try the Bill of the Noble Lord the Se cretary for Ireland by that test, that landlords of Ireland were now lending themselves to shorten the duration of that state of transition described by Mr. Nicholls. It was but a few days ago that a meeting was held in Dublin composed of gentlemen of all parties for the purpose of forming an Agri cultural Association, and with the view to intr o d uce an im. proved state of husbandry into Ireland. He was sorry the Hon. Member for Liikeard was not then in his place, for he thought the observations of that Hon. Member in his speech of last night in regard to the Irish landlords were most unjust, most uncalled for, and unfounded. He admitted th a t th e Irish gentry did not in general possess the wealth of the gentry of this country, but they were compara tively poor, and more thinly scattered over the coun try. But he must say, that as a body there did not exist anywhere a class of men more benevolent, more charitable, and more indulgent in every way to their tenants, and to the poor of their neighbourhood, or at the same time more anxious to promote their comfort by every means in their power than the landlords of Ireland. But was one of the evils which Irelertd had to complain of, that gentlemen, like the Hon. Member for Liskeard, talked of that country in respect to matters of which they were profoundly ignorant. The Hon. Gentlemen said that there were two parties in Ireland—that all were either Orangemen or Radicals. In that opinion the Hon. Gentleman was entirely . mistaken. He (Mr. Shaw) be -li:eyed there was a large class in that country composed of men of all politir•,s and of all religions, who were sincerely anxious for peace, and were desirous of co-opera►ing for the improve ment of the country, if they we e left free ft om agitation and from legislative experiments such a. the Bill then before the House. The lion. Member for Liskeard must have derived his views 'coin his new instructor the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. That Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said the other day that Mr. Blacker went the circuit wearing an Orange badge : there( was not, however, a word of truth in the state ment. Mr. Blacker had given it his most positive denial, stating that it was contrary to all the opinions and practice of his life.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member, however, had made no apology, and had expressed no regret at the error into which he had fallen. The statement had nerved his toryose for the moment, and there was afterwards no de nial of it.--( Hear, hear.) The ideas of some Hon. Members with regard to impend were completely one-sided. He would tell the Hon. Member fur Liskeard that the Irish landlords were as honourable a class ss any •in this country, and the Honourable Gentleman should have been more cautious in his statements respecting them.--(Hear, hear, hear. He would not deny that the excitement, the political excite ment, of the last few years, had caused the want of leases in IrelancL The introduction of the N ew P oor -l aw i n t o Ireland had been a vent experiment, and all these things were matters for the consideration of the landlords, and operated upon them and prevented leasing. But supposing that was not the case, did the Bill of the Noble Lord apply any remedy? What new impression, he would ask, had come over the Government since 832, or over the Noble Lord ? In the debate of 1839, Mr. O'Connell, in introducing the measure, stated, that what he propo•ed was to reduce the franchise to 5/. Now, what did the Noble Lord say to that? Why, he refused even leave to the Hon. Gentleman to lay the Bill on the table. He. said he could not but think if the motion was assented to, it would be in direct contravention of the settlement that accompanied . . the Emancipation Act in 1829, and the settlement made by the Reform Act in 1832. And the Noble Lord having expressed these sentiments in 1839, and repeated them again in 1840, he introduced the Bill now before the Howe, sihich contained the very provisions he bad so much deprecated. Much had been said on the question of population. Now, he was free to admit that population ought to be fairly represented, and he thought, looking at the population in Ireland, that. it was fairly represented. If he thought the present Bill would prove a blessing instead of a curse to Ireland. he would give it his support ; but the mass of the freeholders that would be introduced by the present Bill would be worse than the 40s. freeholders. The Bill of the Noble Lord, in his opinion, would be found to be insufficient for the purposes for which it was intended ; its provisions were simple enough, but it pro vided an insufficient test. He was persuaded that no Act cf Parliament could curo the defect ; differences must continue to arise, and to whom could they be referred, if not to the Judges? Upon what ground did the Noble Lord change the opinion which he had expressed in 18.,9 ? He (Mr. :t•haw) contended that ,at that f1),.r. , a ;he retaeseuta Lion of Ireland a preponclorail. c iu fa‘oar Of population over property.—(Hear, hear.) lie entertained great respect for many of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, the representa- moRNINtg- EDIW agitation n e i t e a b t t i e o d n for their lo ° P e r 13 „ . s ? oble ‘ if: tivcs of Ireland, but he would ask if they• rather ''' to the sea in s flue i n a ce What was it, then, which induced the to bring forward this measure ? Was it not because the 1:4 ) Lord was threatened with the withdrawal of the support to' Hon. Member for Dublin, and of the more Radical Mewl, who acted with him, unless he brought forward some 5 , 1 , e 0. , , ,il sure as that which was then before the House ? he l' e ° _, 6 thoaft House ra,ibile, Learned Member for Dublin its writing to his constituen , ~„,, the introduction of the Bill, had used expressions in redie2s:o; to his Noble Friend, which he (Mr . Shaw) would 02 t bi ,1,( 0 the House by repeating, and the langu a g e of the il° tei o and the Right Hon Gentlemen the SeCiefasY at % ,r e ' i ssd, to encourage such language. The Right 0011. Gev, ore 0 Secretary at War, had:referred to the arming of kr ;, , s 0 , reason for the passing of the measure ; his langua,", :'‘ v France was arming while they were disfranch,ooi, pulling down bulwarks. Perhaps some Hon. Gentlenwo i think that that was not strong enough for a Member ref Majesty's Government. But the sentiment was inIPT A e h a t at the Corn Exchange in Dublin. M Barret sa'' t hat r. "sh r- Lord Stanley's Bill should pass, eight millions of Iri a fp' would exclaim " France and the people, not England a:' d o tion. "—( Hear, hear.) Circumstances may make gre% 10 rence in the language of Hon. Members, particularlY ' 1, 6 , of the Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of War. 12°112er ' was—. ,17 " A patriot bursting with heroic rage: he had since been of " A placeman all tranquillity and slu il T eit the ,feet/ d ee o ll p Now when danger seemed to be appreheteded , w be oce jan' j a c of office were about to recede from his graq' on es, 2 ' dangers to Ireland, he east his eye back to old s told them of " wars, and rumours of wars," " With all the prettiness of fond alarm, And anger insignificantly fierce. e etlel' a t —(Cheers.) He believed, however, that those . g reckoned without their host. He was persuaded ttlT„, insai.e attempt were made, there would be found a p Ss; jority of every class in Ireland, including Protestantsar',"to man Catholics, who would be faithful to the laws i, Z ta Crown of this realm.—(Loud cheers. ) hat was viction.—(Continued cheering.) The Bill befor...f.. de par was a violation of the Catholic Emancipation ture from the principles of the Reform Bid. Th ' l l O O Gentleman to whom he had already referred had ortioabtt'4 a warm eulogium upon his own loyalty. H e didn n, but the lion. Gentleman was now a passing loyal In a d . ar id b r i :; l had been other times. There was a disting u ishe y o n liant orator, who, when a Royal Prince was 13 r i : t ter death-bed, had used a fi gure of speech t he s pungent than the swamping of th e House of Lords_ e °' „off' , ft mersion of the Royal George.—( Hear, hear.) of the believed that on that occasion the excited passions ,_„„se ° 1 t h e Gentleman carried him beyond w h a t he would °` the o'4 expressed, and he w o u ld f or b ear , t h ere f or e, to ( P e by 541 ',1 —(Hear, hear.) Th e H on. G ent l eman co ncluded tott elo that it this Biil passed it would confer the e lectir_ e er e ater upon thousands and te ns o f t h ousands w h o were ne v plated by the Reform Bill. bleb 11.0 Mr. O'CONNELL said th a t t h e so l emn duty ti to perform would not allow hi m t o en t er into auY - ou l e ces discursive commentary u p on t h e speec h r en d - e rg o t the the Right Honourable Gentleman. He Ivo& t 0 , the House to recollect his allegation one half of the population of Ireland, more than i ° , le ,titst i of peopls, were in a state of po ver ty a pp r o a ching t ° a s se t ,/ He stated that fact, and he read documents to lir° s sitO re e raey ; and that he had also indul g ed i n a very wa rm n ,' e st e l if y and elegant eulogium upon Irish l an dl or ds. The I,a°' be lent landlords in the world, and fo u r m illions and a caeca 14, population in a state of poverty ! Let them retitle'o these two facts were stated by the Right He° . r Whether they were quite consistent with each Mil ton lie 3 fs leave the English people to determine.—( Hear , me of t a t The Right Hon. Gentleman had introduced the t' a ce lbf Richard Barrett, and h a d re f erre d t o a spee ch Ormu i , al % gentleman. Mr. Richard Barrett was a Prot es e ssidt'k man, and his (Mr. O'Connell's) friend; he P 11.' 0 0 19 ,0' talent, and when h e was assa il e d h e was a ble to be He (Mr. O'Connell) did not shrink from avowing "T s ifeu o i his personal friend. Before he proceeded fu rther o; seeig refer to a petition whi c h was p resente d two daft ag f r ere be e , the most successful methods of preventing a petit le i n efeare" r attended to was to get it read from the table. -- .) 0 0 reit hear.) He would therefore read two or ' t ito a r rl , o 4 graphs to the House, because be thought it mee t Yoe that English gentlemen and Scotch gentlemen , ,e' s r t i - oc tlS as were opposed to them, should understand oi ati a tl: were the feelings and opinions of' the Iri n ation , Mr. Barrett might, perhaps, have been "Infer! „0 length that he went, let them take care that thers ch tt or i, others, and many of the same opinion, in ir e i la t n the se s , much more important for them to understand w° ceis f y nions were than to comment upon them, or eve u te e them in that House. This petition was Orl en Hon. Member for the co un ty o f Li mer ick. " u, II iir t et° stated that although they we r e mos t true and loi, ea t , legianee to the Crown, they cou ld no t f o rget that I s r $ the country had been held and governel i , quered ar.d enslaved province ; that the ,IP" s 0044; endured every form of wrong, studied insult, alt,egiew i f oppression that the most sanguinary and unhollis t i ee lscl secution that ever disgraced a Christian land had °F la* 4 1 sternly upheld by English ru l e aga i ns t th e Irish Pea,,,eoetss petitioners then went on to state that they b, a ta i e ing,e , " portion of their rights from their governors by 0 l . ” - ti lt liamentary Reform. That notwithstanding the ins Infe justice of the Legislature to the people of Ireland, t .ii iesPot ercised their political privileges for the interests of a nd for the securing good and impartial governroc e The l it peace and prosperity of the whole empire. stat ile/l t er limners stated that the plea used by Lord k i e ss „pee' introducing his Bill, was a wilful and I, ee , et e W l hood, and implored the House not on nu' t i erit s ;ler to deprive the Irish people of their rights au . ,„jeenl. and in conclusion called upon the House to pause fai,t/ whether, in the present s t a t e o f th e poore r classes I ra Sel o te and the general political aspect of Europe, it w . ,a'„ 1 :01 1- , a formal and insulting denial of equal laws a n i " to force every man to admit that his country anu c r og ian d t te ' have no hope of justice or protection from (Mr. O'Connell) perceived at the foot of this. ray e'e name of a gentleman with w h om h e was excess ( pee se• t o p quainted, he was, in fact, Vicar-General of the more more exemplary clergyman did nut live. He ` c . .„ 3 ; le; the highest intellectual and spiritual at'aitr e :seLf' - o ascetic piety. That gentleman had called upol!,'" - 0 4 "%e ° , pare a petition of that description, and he Oi r s ' brought it before the House, and read it to t' ",/ the se ti', order to give them a notion of what the s entimeny n t ' o " pee, ' r eet people were . re , pecting their present position. up ton was from a different part of the country---"` SO"' IV but. two paragraphs. It appeared also to h i e teae .) beaf by a Catholic cle rg y man .—( Hear, hear , , t W O , l had performed a task w hi c h he thought it el'if upon him to discharge, i n or d er to s how that c ate rta ed' were not those of a solitary individual, but wer e o r Ir e , generally, he might almost say, by the COp% eere e d They were well aware of what was going on, 1„ ear. aft ignorant as they had been represented by t seU l- t el/ P corder, whom he was glad to see in such excelleni o f I or his recent misfortunes.—( Laughter. ) The P e°P ft tipl e; understood the question perfectly—they knew tha t . c e the Thai ther that House would pass a measure to e xting ° l l - c i it• t oise_ t chise in Ireland altogether, or one that would ex t f ous ee°.. that was the real and solid question before the h anv c leP o ole be disguised from common sense, and it was el t far en tl o ; this Bill would extend the franchise, though e ° nieb t o rt', and that would extinguish it for ever. I le s alon Baronet said, "Fight your battles is the regis tr k ., it', t' t The Noble Lord, by hi s Bill, i n t en d e d to in 3 `siellt f o re., ble for one to register, and well might t he a ll ' 1 ; 1 , 01. ) Baronet say, " fight your battles in a field wher t hi eed. ch eer'' .o ', are ready, and from which our enemies ire sre d : was an English act of hostility towards -Ire''' . fOr, 3r,3 The Hon. and Learned Sergeant, the Mei x)herra J elergelciia _, boasted that a majority of the E ng li s h 114 00 `' e Ti e 111 ;t the Bill—he made that a bo as t, an d yet he ere se- sa)' Irishman.—(Loud cheers.) H e wou ld Make 3 $ O r " to any one who would take the trouble of runn i t'W e sn , eer e , Ii m.--(Laughter,) The people of Ireland 10 14 siss 4 ,0 / long enough and often eno ug h, b u t th e present v and jit)' et insult than any, for it mixed up religious feelingri o f lors? along with its polities. Th a t was no t a quest ie tr ies w so u s the world was listening to them—foreign cou u n , theY ef ser, is paying the regard to the details of registraimor eb o fte .. ; understand the question itself—they would t ot 0 4 ee l :{ was discussed under pretence, or whether it wasrtb, • sce,,t and like Englishmen. All the nations of the earth, certainly deeply interested in the welfare of th i ' s aets t ! li s 0" ° `:„1 fully understand the question. France would u- 110 0 . 1 ` c ts t present position—Spain would understand lts'i - ta °b e" understand it—and America would understand,: but o f its termination.. They had heard it whisperen it aisl at cou, , to speak out boldly, for . he stood there the stiEe ee e ta d, 051, Irish people—he stood there proud of having eVioisl' e ( gesrS; tidence for forty years, and that it was not oei Eli probably at that moment, it was being strength ~ 7 0 . ac k si v . The Vice-President of the Board of Trade, "P 4 lin e :a I . o t lishman—( Laughter)—he begged his pardon T o seta r l ot a b' h e Irishman—had given them a distinct hint—the.% distinct yet 0• had given them a very distinct hint, almos t " - jo s _„a ° tail:jo ss he (Mr. O'Connell) could have wished t e nt Sec' coo e t was taunted for it.—(Hear, hear. ) Was he o /0 tul e eo il i t ' e t, War, and was . it not his business to prepar e s t be" se e " er geney ? — (Laughter.) They might sneer, bee°, t he, ot e might be at war, and then his advice, which na t oigy 0 ,, he e would soon be followed. He cared not how arire nth , lumniated. He stood there as sincerely to pre - oi ong - to th , nection between the two countries as any r ° , l'e test ace to i s s ee' convinced, as he was, that it might of the g-- dang e r eV° 0' and that it could not be severed without gr e :" oh de,' c o: of He differed with them as to the mode in s , ratlir t sa for tion was to be carried—he thought that ch s tio_ a er it e not the proper plate to legislate for Irel an „ .;‘11) of abundantly proved by the speech of the IV t he Pore 0 . ( Wakefield, who spoke strongly in favour 0 1 t it.~( co l'le Noble Lord; he had stated he wouldvote sea in ' ts the si P it' o at He admitted that enfranchisement was du e ' se the:, it 1 , , Ireland, but he could not bring his mind to c g ro t wo , 1 . f .0 the House were true in its allegiance to the 0 .100 1 to ' ser, , 0 their first duty to make Ireland the arm of ) le , frer",,v and her firm friend in peace? Did not the .s ers. e se Liskeard tell them last night that no country („'? P o ' iot ise a , 0 much from another as Ireland had from Englae c u or ies..l ple a t of Ireland knew that they had suffered seven 9 01 1 val' ar d u` o , pi t f h l four ea a a t dm fo tah r natw tash eccephnaatrrugt party d e h w a a nm s hluerrlid:lehr,lrishman' as a in a t %gi g s ~ioid tiesaecfn i hrios e t,htt., l llol l ;a e pagot : l , lo , ,ai r of t olv befe b i_s l ,tibii: e :bit any Court to plead that the plaintiff was an , r_ oti gh ,a v n or t felony, and that the same price was paid lu bo r.) th ee , 4 ) tholic as for the head of a wolf.—( f o rget (Cb e ` t een never,people w k h n il e e w th al e l y t w he e s r e e ttrheiantgeds as; the}' n wts l as i ai. er feet Pan they ,ore When the popular idol succeeded, and the English were more sanguinary towards tti c e:_ o i t i co to aid ever been under any regal tyrant. But he Zig, pelf teeln,as modern times. He would ask whether the 1 ' p A know the financial robbery that was C omo the Act of Union ? At that time thede h t t bs n i ' h oish i four hundred and forty-six millions, wil d the io only twenty millions. They had douhiebt was tio olo to ;10 4 piece. Then, suppose that the Irish deb be !l it lin e r be that would give forty millions she c sto • a f nev e r place of being mortgaged for the , i t won' est millions. If Ireland ever became vreal l n ) : pests' lessU'',e for herself, but for England's taxes a t nd,,, l e rn „ the . b fry`` h• allow, at soy rate, that they had no . _f i l l ' of thelr die t ' lty , prosperity when they were robbi" id g r.e,thi. tn ., e bse , iti e i l l ted iet ol t: on the ground of their poverty. H e I, P , Pr eid to t t he l e f r th e ?hero at obtained jest with more of reluctance, but _ e _ eiabt e o f . o ,t i o Could the people be contented wit" 7 1 l oh d fieo ll re :i wtihonoleh?a_d(aHeraicrh, hear.) They T e h s e ta y b h li a s d li rn iate‘ • of one.' mirth, and since then therefor ;a. long „ r t hef quillit.y in the country threw would d h e t y bheat werea,i whiled n i toia.t:nyaip agrievancer contented,toftthhaena iilinid,nlhpte,ol,yiseit.hthtialnde ebiaaoLutsi:ioldeenirittleo:roop,aftrtti,,iihrt:oei;;lt.ite:6:: thank themselves if it boiled over. clergymenrequisitionthem o o i k n f f • er r t Reform Pill equal to Englan • , Re f er rn 111 : 4 ,i, I rayed against t fta h ahtv e eo l uiibEtre;:rtftaitbethhlseiesohyfiletidahlv‘lelPCpi n h 're a n ' e l ' e t llN ; 1 ; 1 . tilt i. the way to convey the Again, cmr,h recollectiue,tetah e fh l e r n i from ) In England every person to them. Eneland got lrish ae people pe a C l : e ( e P i Corporate n -o t h r em o a t a° , I 3, the people of Ireland scene insubettaLiti:ger....:}:to. 00 7 , o 0 I