The Sun. — London, England, 1867-04-23 00:00:00

said, " H I have to do it I shall not go upon the principle of satisfying those who think no more should be admitted, or those who • think that all should:be admitted ;" but I added, " What I should say, if I were a member of the Government ia, that in the arrangement of a Reform Bill you must take into consideration the opinions not only of the now nnenfranchised, but of those who are enfranchised ; and yOu must endeavour to ascertain what is the average view of the whole country, and to propose a bill which the whole country, with its general knowledge and intelligence, will honestly sanction." (Cheers.) I believe that that is a principle which, if Mr. 'Gladstone were speaking here, he would be willing to accept as the line of his own conduct. I come, then, to speak of the proposition which he was willing to make. First of all, he is against connecting the voting power in any way whatso ever with the question of rating or payment of rates. In the bill of last year he proposed to sweep away with all above £lO. At the same time he is altogether and most resolutely opposed to that monstrous injustice which it is endeavoured by this bill to perpetuate, in dealing with what is called the compound householder on different terms" from those offered to the man who pays his own rates. At the same time, Mr. Gladstone; as you know from his speeches, is altogether against extending the duration of residence from one year to two years. Perhaps you are not aware of the effect which a " two" instead of a " one" may have in making up a register. I will give you one fact with regard to the town of Rochdale, in which I live. The number of electors there is rather under 1,500 in a population of more than 40,000. How many pefsons would you suppose who live in pre miseio have houses, shops, warehouses, counting houses, or other buildings of the. Reform Bill value of £lO, and yet who are kept off the register because they have not resided in the borough the full time of 12 months? Not less than 300 persons out of 1,800. There are 1,500 now, and there would be I,Bod if the 12 month's residence did not obstruct thetn'; and if the figure were two years, I presume there would be 600 kept off instead of 300. You will therefore see the intense importance of the pro position of this nature. Mr. Gladstone is urgent against any extension of the time from 12 months to two years, and he can be no honest or earnest Re former who can tolerate a thing like that. (Cheers.) It would be better to have a bill that was clear, simple, and honest, and free from all tricks ; that did not look' with alavourable eye on all the men who pay their own rates at Sheffield, and look down with a forbidding frown and' excluding gesture upon the 36,000 honest men who occupy dwelling-houses in the town of Birmingham. Now the abolition of the ratepaying clauses above £lO, it is calculated, would add 60,000 votes to the register, and of these 60,000 a large proportion would be working men. Mr. Gladstone proposed an amendment that the franchise should be fixed upon a rating value of £5 ;- but he found that the rule of rating varies so much in different boroughs, that although in some boroughs a £5 rating would be as good as a £6 ren tal, yet there are other boroughs in which it would be no better than a £7, £B, or even £9 rental. Therefore he found that a £5 rating alone would not be sufficient, and he proposed in another form to substitute for the £5 rating a rental value of about £6, the result of which I will take the liberty of explaining to you. Mind, there are a great num ber of pergolas who treat the question as if we can do just what we like. Let us see what is the dif ference between the proposition of Mr. Gladstone, which we may approve of or not, and the pro position of the Government bill. The repeal of the ratepaying clause down to £lO would admit 60,000 voters ; a £5 rating or a £6 rental, from the Government's omen returns, would give to - 330,000 persons the chance of coming upon the register. You would require to deduct from them one-third to as certain the actual number that would come on the register with one year's residence, and that would give 224,000. Add the 60,000 to them, and it is clear that Mr. Gladstone's proposition, which in some degree was at stake in the division of last Saturday week, would have brought 284,000 new voters into the boroughs, whereas the bill of the Go'vernment, as it stand's on their own showing, would not have added 100,000 new electors. Now, I am obliged to admit, whatever anybody may say to ibe contrary, that the proposition of Mr. Glad stone, which would admit 284,000 new voters with out any excitement —without any contest about rating acts—without any fresh bargains with their landlords—without any long correspondence with the overseers—is a much better proposition than a bill which, according to the admissions of Mr. Hardy, the President of the Poor-law Board, would not admit more than 118,000, but believe not really more than 100,000 new voters in the boroughs. This is not all by any means. Mr. Beales comes from London, and he has there fore a particular sentiment in favour of the admis sion of lodgers. In London, without this, the bill of the Government is not an enfranchising bill at all, because as a rule all houses in London are £lO in value or upwards. The great bulk of the work ing classes do not really rent the house which they inhabit, nor occupy it entirely for their own families, and this is the reason which makes a lodger fran chise so all important in London, and to a certain extent so important in all the large towns. Some people think—and in the House of Commons those gentlemen to whom Mr. Scholefield referred as hav ing had salt put on their tails think—that Mr. Dis raeli is all in favour of a lodger franchise and would have no objection to concede it ; but when Mr. Gladstone spoke of it as having been conceded, he sprang up and said that he had never made such a concession. The lodger franchise will be of course —what shall I say—a violation of the principle of the bill, because you cannot expect a lodger to pay rates, as he is not rated, nor considered in that sense as an occupier. Therefore the principle of the bill, which is the present payment of rates, fails altogether when you apply it to the lodgers in a house occupied by another person. Mr. Gladstone would not only consent to the introduction of a generous lodger clause,but the bill of the Government with regard to three millions of the population in the metropolis will be almost a nullity if such a clause is not inserted in it. It comes, therefore, to this,—that Mr. Disraeli gives the franchise to 100,000 new voters only in all the boroughs of England and Wales, and Mr. Gladstone's proposal would h4ve admitted 284,000 occupiers without any trouble whatever, and besides these a great number under the name of lodgers, whose amount we have no accurate means of ascertaining. (Cheers.) There are gentlemen in. the House of Commons, and some in Birmingham—but I believe and hope only a very few—who say we are on the way to household suffrage. There is not one word in the bill about household suffrage. The suffrage given is nothing of the kind ; and the Govern ment, especially at the bands of Sir Stafford Northcote, have repudiated in the strongest manner the notion that the bill went in any way in the direction of household suffrage. If you want to get househould suffrage, you will have, if the bill passes, to repeal its vital and lead ing principle. If this is the principle of the bill, why should we set it upon its legs? It has never been a principle acted upon or accepted in any legis lation of this country with respect to the political representation ; and I ask you now, as sensible men, why should there be any honest man of any colour, who wishes to introduce so novel, so odious a principle in the bill, under the pretence of giving a great enfranchisement to the people? lam not in favour of pursuing phantoms. I have spent 25 years in public life on political questions, but those who are my greatest opponents, wherever they may be found, will say of me that I have always pur sued'solid and great objects in my political warfare. It was a solid and great object to strugg le for the abolition of the corn laws • it was a great object to labour for th e correction of the enormous and mul titudinousabus•.'s of our tariff ; it was a great object to strive for the emancipation of the newsplper press; it is a great object to extend the blessings of our ancient and noble institutions to the great mass of the people. (Cheers.) I, therefore, would rather not now begin to pursue phantoms which fly as fast as I can pursue them. lam not about to say that there should be no rental, no value, no limit; that there should be nothing other than absolute man hood suffrage, or a pure and simple household suf. T. E SUN, LON LON, VUES E v ENING, APRIL 23, 1867. frage. I ask any man wbs desires manhood suffrage to come with me and m.y colleagues to sit for a season with ns, and see what there is in front of us, what there is behind, and what there is around us, of rottenness and insecnrity—(cheers)—and when you have seen all this, .1 will undertake to say that you will be glad to strive for and to accept any real great and substantial, gain for the people, although it may not be the whole thing, or near the point to which your aspirations extend. As my hon. friend said in his speech, he could not find any sound por tion in the bill, as I might say figuratively, " from the crown of its head to the sole of its foot." I have spoken of the borough franchise; so in the counties. Mr. Disraeli tells us how many millions live in the counties. They live there no doubt by no favour of his ; they have been there, or their ancestors, much longer than he and his ancestors have been ; but of all these millions, he does not propose to enfranchise them—his affection for them is wonderful, but it does -not go as far as this. I recollect a story in an old French comedy, of a bear who was very fond of a priest, and so fond of him that he actually ate him up. In the same way Mr. Disraeli 'is wonderfully fond of the inhabitants of the counties. He tells us of their towns and their large villages which are not enfranchised ; but now, when he brings in this bill—although he himself in 1859 proposed to reduce the county franchise, al though the same franchise was proposed by the bill of Loid Palmerston's Government in 1860, and in the bill of Earl Russell and Mr. Gladstone last year —he now proposes a £lO rating, which is really, as I believe, little lower than a £2O rental in the coun ties. I would do rather more for. the counties, if I were what they call a great statesman introducing a Reform Bill, or else I would say rather less about them. (Cheers and laughter.) There is another proposition in the bill, by which everybody may vote by what they call voting papers. They have been introduced for the Universities, and 1 believe that the electors for the Universities, who are for the most part clergymen residing in differents parts of the country, may send in their votes by letter without its • being productive of any evil effects, and with great convenience to themselves; but when it comes to be proposed to do the same thing with the multi tude of voters, whether in the counties or in the boroughs, I say you are not adopting the ballot, you are adopting open voting, with all its evils, and omitting whatever advantages there may be in it. And I undertake to say, from an examination of it, that from all I have heard from persons who have seen it in operation, especially in elections for guardians, it would not be possible to contrive a system that could be more fairly styled bribery and corruption made easy than this system of voting papers. (Laughter and cheers.) And then the next point is that of the distribution of seats, in which there is the most transparent job atttempted to be perpetrated that probably ever was seen in a bill. There are 23 small boroughs returning two members now, and Mr. Disraeli pro poses to take one from each of them. That gives him 23 seats. He distributes them in this manner : he gives 15 of them to the-counties, seven of them to the boroughs, and one of them to the University of London. But he sees that this is a great inequa lity, which is likely to be found fault with, there fore what does he do ? He finds that four boroughs have been found out in doing what 40 others have done—found out in having resorted to a discredit able amount of bribery and corruption—and he proposes, without ever having the question discussed as a separate matter in Parliament, to disfranchise these boroughs ; but of the 23 seats which he takes from the small boroughs, because they are so small, he gives 15 to the counties and seven only to the boroughs. I believe that the proposition of the total disfranchisement of the four boroughs—with respect to three of which I hold the proposition to be altogether wrong—is made solely because it will enable him to make a large and unfair distribution of borough members to county seats in future. There are men still—l mean the gentlemen who have had salt put upon their tails—who fancy that this bill can be made a good bill in committee ; they would have to reject all except the preamble. The preamble says, " And whereas it is expedient to amend the representation of the people in the House of Com mons, be it enacted," and so on. We should begin thus—the borough franchise we should have to alter, the county franchise we should have to alter, the lodger franchise to introduce, the voting papers to extinguish, the distribution of seats to transform ; and from the preamble of the bill to the last word in it there is not a single proposition which any real, honest, earnest, and intelligent Reformer would consent to have in the bill. Mr. Scholefield has told you that it was the view of Mr. Gladstone that in a bill of this nature the only proper way to deal with it was to deal with it on the second reading. I was very strongly of that opinion, and I stated it at the meeting of the Liberal party at Mr. Gladstone's house. However, I don't set my opinion against the opinion of a large num ber of those with whom I act. It was no use fighting against a numerous section—it might be of the party ; and I am always willing—admit ting that we are not doing anything contrary to what is honest and sound in principle—l am willing in any matter of procedure to move cordially along with the party with whoml am connected. (Cheers.) Then we come to the instruction that Mr. Coleridge should have moved. There was a trouble about that, and it was said, " Oh, let us get into committee ; in committee every clause will come before us ; we are a majority of the house, we can make the bill any thing that we like." If that instruction of Mr. Coleridge's had been carried the result would have followed inevitably that the formation of the bill thenceforth would have been in the hands of the Liberal party, the friends of Reform—(hear, hear) —instead of being left, as it now is, in the hands of its enemies. (Cheers.) Well, we went into com mittee, I took the liberty of saying at the meeting at Mr. Gladstone's that the determination they were coming to was exactly that which, if Mc. Disraeli were there, he would advise them to come to ; and I said further that the exclamation that would pass his lips or come to his heart or to his head (laughter—the moment he heard of that determina tion would be this, " The Lord hath delivered them into my hand." (Laughter and cheers.) Well, now for the result. The bill has gone into committee, and the first vote in the committee has confirmed the very first feature of the bill ; and the Liberal party has, by the treachery of some of its members, abli cated its functions, made it impossible for it to con trol the future fortunes of the bill, and have handed it over just as it is, and in all probability just as it will be, to the friends of the bill, who are not the friends of Reform. (Cheers.) I am sure you will wonder how it can be that such a thing could happen amongst the Liberal party. I will tell you. This House of Commons, I will undertake to say, is by far the most corrupt that has been elected and assembled since the Reform Bill. I am not able to say what it has cost to seat these 650 members in that house, but if I said it had cost them and their friends a million of money I should be a long way under the mark. I believe it has cost more to seat these 650 men there than it has cost to seat all the members of all the other representative and legislative assemblies in the world that are now in existence in different countries of the globe ; and without a man's intending to be corrupt this state of things makes him inevitably corrupt. Mr. Scholefield and I are in a position to take what some would call too favourable or too severe a view of this matter. We come here and don't meet with a contest, and are not asked to pay expenses, but there are many members who ply al ways from £l,OOO to £1,500 for their election, and although there are men in the House of Commons who are too honest, I believe, to be swayed by that consideration, still there are great numbers, I am satisfied, who are willing to take almost any kind of measure on any subject from any Government rather than go back to their constituents with the chance, first of all of not coining back to the House of Commons at all, and with the certainty that if they stand a contest they must lessen the balance at their banker's by several thousand pounds ; and so they are willing to tolerate a Tory G overnment and Tory Reform Bill, to break up the Liberal party, to do. anything whatever, as tliey say, to settle the question in the House of Commons, in the Commons • style and fashion, in this Farliatnent, and during the present session, and not as the great body of the people wish it to be settled ; and they are ready to bear all this rather than have a dissolution of Par liament. There were many honest meu amongst those who met in the tea-room, but there were some of whom I should not like exactly to say that, There wire some who were ignorant of party tactics, and who fancied that if the bill could be got into committee we might somehow or other manage to improve it better than in the whole house ; and the men who met there are responsible for the division which took place subsequently, for if the instruc tion of Mr. Coleridge had been put I believe it would have been carried, and if it had been car ried the disposal of the question of Reform would have been i❑ the hands of Mr. Gladstone and the Liberal party, instead of being, as now, in the hands of Mr. Disraeli and his reluctant followers. Now his position is enfeebled. Mr. Hardy had—what shall I say?--the effrontery to taunt Mr. Gl ldstone with being the leader of a portion of a party. There are little difficulties on the Government side to which I need not now refer. Mr. Disraeli the other night spoke of Mr. Gladstone as the one person in the house with whom he would not deal on this question. (Cries of "Shame," and hisses.) He treated him as the representative of a faction and of party strife; and said'he would discuss the matter with him in a different manner and on different terms. And these renegades from the Liberal party, some of the men who met in the tea-room, some Radicals who voted last Saturday with the Govern ment, heard this taunt of Mr. Hardy ; they heard the insulting observations of Mr. Disraeli, and al lowed their leader, in the face of the country, to be thus insulted without having the self-respect or the manliness to resent it. What shall I say of that leader ? Is it not, as you know, my practice to speak of the official politicians and the statesmen of this country with exaggerated eulogy ; but I will venture to say this of Mr. Gladstone—and there is no man in either house who undertakes to deny it— that since 1832 there has been no man of the official class ()frank, and no statesman who has imparted into this question of Reform so much of conviction, so much of, earnestness, so much of zeal, as has been imparted during the last two years by the present leader of the Liberal party. (Cheers.) Who is there in the House of Commons who equals him in know ledge of all political questions ? Who equals him in eloquence ? Who equals him in earnestness ? Who equals him in eloquence ? Who equals him in courage and fidelity to his convictions ? (Loud cheers.) If these gentlemen who say they will not follow him have any one who is his equal, let them show him. If they can point out any statesman who can add dignity and grandeur to the stature of Mr. Gladstone, let them produce him. (Cheers.) It is a deplorable thing that last year a small section of 40 men, or thereabouts, of professing Liberals destroyed an honest and acceptablel speak of the people , — an acceptable bill of the late Government,and with it theyalso destroyed the Government which proposed it. About an equal number have this year to a great ex tent destroyed the power of the Opposition; and may assist an anti-reforming Government to.pass a very bad measure on the greatest question of our time. And having done all the mischief which they could, they begin to write silly letters to their con stituents. What can 'be done by Parliamentary parties if every man isto pursue his own little game ? A costermonger and his donkey, although they would take a week to travel from here to London, running athwart the London and North-Western line might bring to total destruction a great express train ; and so very sm ill men, who during their whole political lives have not advanced the question of Reform by one hair's breadth or by one moment in time, can at a critical hour like this throw them selves athwart the objects of a great party, and mar, it may be, a great measure that ought to affect the interests of the country beneficially for all time. (Cheers.) Now, I believe that when I see men leave their party in this way, not because the party is going contrary to its acknowledged principles, but not going with them, that there is not much of principle and not much of patriotism, and not much of love of Reform in their conduct. I suspect there is something worse than all this, smaller and meaner, concealed under a conduct like this ; and I say that it becomes the constituencies of the kingdom to as- certain what are the motives of their members, and whether this question of Reform is thus to be baffled by them in. future. But whatsoever is true, or whatsoever is false to the question, it remains for the people of England to demand its honest settle ment, who will, I believe, never withdraw from that demand. Last year, - when • Mr. Disraeli and his friends - rejectea Mr. Gladstone's bill, on that very night . of that last division I said, " Destroy this bill, destroy the Governtnent—but there remains yet the question. of Reform, and there remains out side a great, an. earnest, and a noble people, who :will still demand that this question shall be settled." I believe so now. Ido not believe • in the passing of this bill in the shape in which it is now before us. I believe it is a fraud of the very worst and of the most insult ing character. I say, try it not by the " unerring instincts" of a corrupt House of Commons, but by the " unerring instincts" of an incorrupt people, anti you will, I believe, ascertain its true character, and you will insist upon its rejection. Why there has not been throughout the country—though after what I am about to say, doubtless an effort will be made to disprove what . I say—:there has not been throughout the country a single meeting of any kind at which there has been any record in the papers that I see in favour of this bill. Last year there were a thousand.ineetings in favour of the bill. There has not been this session a single petition presented to the House of Commons, so far as 1 have heard or read, in favour of the Government bill. Last session the petitioners came there in one single fortnight by many hundreds of thousands. It , is the bill of the Tory party, fo r th e ph rpose o f th e 'Tory party. It is not the bill of the peiege of Eng land, nor is it intended . to consult thelr wishes or their interests. (Cheers.) Mr. Scholefield said he would leave it to me to say what should be done — his modesty rose with his lengthened experience, and he left it to me to give the advice which, I will not say he was not disposed to give, but which per haps he thought might in some degree have more weight with some persons if I were myself to give it. But really the advice to give, whether from him or from me, is so clear, that it does not require to be given ; for the sense that would make me give it is the sense that it would make every one of you accept it, though I did not speak. What has hap pened during the last ten months—what happened from the Hyde Park meeting, and your own meet ing, the South Lancashire meeting, the meeting in South of Scotland, and a thousand oilier meetings ? They have driven the Tory party from its anchorage as the professed and open opponents of Reform ; and you have only to do now what you have done hitherto. 1 will advise no course which might present a difficulty to the minds of ear nest and enthusiastic men, but which in this country probably never will be necessary, and certainly cannot be necessary now. I said before in a speech in St. James's Hall in winter—" What comes in every country where there is a manly spirit if justice be perpetually denied ?" But the question of force was settled in this country in the year 1832. There is no power in Lords or Commons to resist your peaceful expression of your opinion—and there fore that which you have done during the last year, and which has produced so great a result, requires only to be continued, and a further and more com plete result is certain. The richer classes in this country—the comfortable Classes—they are not bad men; they don't want the country ill-governed; they like political power in their own class, which "is not unreasonable or uncommon ; but at the same time they do not want, either as individuals or as bodies of men, injustice and oppression to be felt, or to be believed to be felt, throughout the country. The rich people of this country, as a mere matter of wish ing, would desire that everybody should be satisfied and cveryb ,dy should be comfortable. But the rich people in the west-end of London cannot stand per petually the exhibition of 50,000 or 100,000 or 150,000 men coming out and saying, " We are shut out from the Constitution of ourcountry. We are not seeking to injure you ; we are not men of violence of whom you need be afraid ; but there is the Constitution, and we claim under that Constitution to have tl4 right to vote for members of the House of Commons." Let Mr. Beales and his friends in London—let the work ing men everywhere, by great meetings—the greater the better—peaceful and orderly meetings—pass sound, rational, and firm resolutions ; let them make it appear to every person, from the humblest in the land to the Queen upon the Throne, that there is a general, a wide, a universal, and a strengthening sentiment that what exists is no longer tolerable, and that something better must be estardished, and I give you my word—l never said anything with a more perfect confidence, and I speak the truth—that you have only thus to meet, and thus to speak, and the barriers which stand before you will fall at your words, and before long—it may not be this session, it may be next—you will be admitted to a frank, and generous, and liberal, and satisfactory exercise of the electoral franchise, guaranteed by the Constitution of your country. (Loud cheers, in the midst of which Mr. Bright resumed his seat, having spoken • for exactly an hour and a half). The resolution was unanimously agreed to, and the proceedings were soon afterwards brought to a close. 1111?. COLERIDGE'S UNIVERSITY BILL. We hope, and, indeed, there is every reason to expect, that this bill will be thrown out by the House of Lords. An English Catholic must ever feel the keenest interest in the state of religion among English Protestants; and it would be deplor able-if the great Protestant universities were sunk, more deeply than they are even now, in the mire of rationalism and indifferentism. Already Mr. Mill is able to declare them " the great foci of great and manly inquiry ;"and we know what is meant by that eulogy proceeding from Mr. Mill. But what would be their plight if they were assimilated—as Mr. Coleridge avowedly wishes— to the godless universities of Germany '? In every age of the Church there is some one doctrine especially imperilled for the moment ; some one doctrine which evil men are conspiring to assail, and-, round which supporters of the truth cluster in its defence. In one century the doctrine thus assailed is our Lord's Divinity; in another His perfect humanity ; in another the true nature of Divine faith. At this particular time misbelievers hardly care to assail any par ticular dogma ; rather they despise the dogmatic principle itself. But there are two great verities which God's enemies attack with every weapon both of violence and treachery; while good Catho lics unite in struggling for them as for a matter of life and death. There are (1) the dogmatic principle, and (2) the intimate and indissoluble connection between things sacred and things secu lar. Intellectual education divorced from religion tends directly to the overthrow of both these veri ties ; and you can well understand,. therefore, why it is that the Church seems to express herself on this particular matter even more energetically and (if we may so speak) more clamorously than at any preceding period. Resistance to mixed education, in every imaginable shape, may just now be , called the badge of a good Catholic. Now, in proportion as Protestants are trained in the dogmatic principle, they are really, however unconsciously, moving towards the Church ; in proportion as the opposite takes place, there ensues the opposite • result. Dr. Newman says most truly that the National Church has hitherto been a. serviceable breakwater against doctrinal errors more fundamental than its own, and the longer it can in any degree so continue, the better for the good of souls. _ _ Those converts who remember the state of Ox ford some .twenty-five years ago will emphatically testify how singularly beneficial were the dogma tic influences of the place in helping them forward towards the Church. • On this head, again hear Dr. Newman's testimony : " Had I not come to Oxford," he says, 4 , perhaps I should never have heard of the Visible Church, or of Tradition, or other Catholic doctrines." How, then, can it be otherwise than a cause of great grief to Catholics, if that large number of young men which will ever frequent Oxford and Cambridge, should find those universities simply saturated with a worldly and a profoundly anti-Christian atmos phere ? Yet such is the miserable issue to which every year brings us nearer, and towards which Mr. Coleridge's Bill would frightfully accdle rate the progress. _ _ We have been very glad to find the Times writ ing with really much 'sense on Mr. Coleridge's project. It points out that the university is a place primarily for education ; and that the at large, but question for practical men to consider is not how it may be made most se r viceable towards the ac tqouwisairtidosn trainingo of truth a f n o d r the world disciplining the youthful mind jwithin its walls. For ourselves, of course, we think that the method of free and independent inquiry is as fatal to the former purpose as to the latter ; but, as we cannot expect the Times to agree with us in this, we are at least grateful for that amount of concurrence which we can obtain. If any ordinarily pious Protestant would have a still stronger conviction on the odiousness of Mr. Coleridge's bill, let him read the Pall Mall Gazette of last Saturday in its defence. a The various considera tions which wehveex pressed imprint a deep and p eculi ar brand of tur pitudelvho (incredible e t d h i e b lconductof mightti os appear) unhappy send their Catholics sons to Oxford in defiance of the Church's warn ing. They arc in quite a special sense traitors to their religion ; for they are abandoning that one principle of it which at this moment is bearing the whole brunt of attack. They are deserting to the enemy in that very manner which will give the enemy his greatest possible advantage from their adhesion. debt of the United States. On the Ist January this debt amounted to $2,675,062,505, and on the Ist April the debt was— Debt bearing coin interest Debt bearing currency interest Matured debt not yet paid Debt without interest ... , $1,499,381,571 ... 734,210,780 ••• ... 12,825,658 ... ... 417,225,343 Total $2,663,713,374 The actual reduction, therefore, was for the quarter $11,349,131. This would give less than four mil lions a month on the whole quarter, which is a considerable falling elf from the quarters of the preceding year. The redemption of the green-back currency lessens the ability of the people to pay taxes, while bringing financial afT.tirs into a mare healthy state. During the quarter, trade has been unusually slack, and few look for any large reduc tion. The policy of the Government is towards lightening the taxes in preference to a rapid dimi nution of the debt; no doubt a wise policy, which gives the country time to breath and grow strong after its exhausting warfare. Slackness of trade has caused a marked falling off in the last quarter. Indeed, the only surprise is that the receipts from the Customs continue so large hi the face of the prevailing dulness. The Inland Revenue has been even more strongly affected, the depression in the manufacturing districts being the cause. The " strike" mania has extended to the United States. Strikes have taken place at Brooklyn, and at one or two towns in New England. In Lawrence, Massachusetts, the mule-spinners struck on April Fool's Day ; in Manchester, New Hampshire, a similar strike was arranged, but abandoned. In New York the agitation was more general, em bracing nearly all the trades. Their chief griev ance is the enormous height to which rent has risen, with which they desire the Legislature to in terfere. The mechanics receive from $2 50c. to $4 per day, which they demand to be increased by half a dollar. The exorbitant rate for house-rent is mainly owing to municipal mismanage►nent and corruition. If rents are to be lowered, the city government must be reformed. While house pro perty is subjected to taxation to supply the misap propriations, the occupiers must bear the burden. The correspondent of the Standard states the fol lowing case, which shows how the money goes : "A few days since the New York Common Council adopted a resolution appropriating $2,000 for a tile of the New York Herald, covering 25 years. The Mayor has vetoed the resolution, the fact being that a similar file could be obtained for $2O. Of course the councilmen had a bonus to some favourite in view when they adopted the resolution." The Hon. David A. Wells, who was last year appointed a special commissioner to report on all questions connected with revenue, is directed, it is said, by Mr. M'Culloch to visit Europe, there to study the statistics on customs, labour, wages, and others connected with industry and revenue, and to ' prepare a report to be laid before Congress when it meets next December. Pennsylvania has organised a special armed patrol to maintain the peace, in answer to the petition of the peaceful inhabitants of the mining districts. Great lawlessness prevails in the coal regions, and more than fifty persons have lately been murdered. Gangs of ruffians have introduced a reign of terror, interfering with and coercing the miners, and the State Legislature has been compelled to take action on the subject. Again the inundations of the Mississippi have caused great damage and loss of life, and the levees are attracting public attention. During the war the banks which confined the waters to their channel, were neglected, but the States interested had been re duced to such poverty that they could not execute the necessary repairs. An attempt was nadde to . induce Congress to vote the sums required, and re ports by engineers were called for, but we are not aware what the action was of Congress in this ' matter. The destruction in Louisiana has been immense, and unless the south-western portion is to be abandoned these levees must be effectually re paired. ' The market for mulch cows is unusually brisk I I this spring, and, we are happy to add, also the prices are sensibly on the decline. H. G. White, of South Framingham, a well-known and success ful short horn-breeder, has of late beenluying and selling first-class dairy stock of every breed, for which past experience has admirably fitted him. His sales of mulch cows in the last ten days have been rising of $2,700, and nearly $6,000 since the beginning of the year. Dr. Nathan Durfee, of Fall River, has proved his fitness for his position of president of the Bristol County Agricultural Society, by lately fattening a 4,830 pounds yoke of cattle. A two-year-old steer of William Nelson, of Wales, which was recently killed, had two beasts enclosed in separate apartments, with arteries running from each. This is said to be the flr instance of the kind on record. The directors of the New Hampshire State Agri cultural Society have voted not to accept the resig nation of Gov. Smyth, as president, and will at tempt to prevail on him to withdraw it. The next annual exhibition will be held at Nashua, Sept. 10-12. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. (From E. F. &Wertltumte and Co.'s. 11'eckl~ Circular, April ii.) • Per Australasian we have advices from New York to the 2nd inst. 'flu demand for money had become more active, and full rates were demanded, 7 per cent. being readily paid on first-class securities. Government bonds, however, were well supported, and in good demand for investment. in railroad stocks thefe had been less btu:i ness than for some time past, but prices were well sus tained. State stocks and railroad mortgages were without any material alteration. The weekly return of the New York banks exhibits a decrease in the loans and deposits of about four million dollars. - . VIRGINIA STATE DEBT. We regret to find that the complete settlement of this debt seems to be still iu abeyance. - There appears to be every desire on the part of the Legislature and the people generally to submit to almost any sacrifice rather than lay themselves open to s charge of even partial repudia tion. The chief obstacle now seems to be the unwilling ness of Western Virginia to assume any portion of the liability. What may be their reasons for declining to do so we are unable to say, but it certainly appears to us to be unjust, that the old State should lose half its territory, inhabited by one-third of the entire population, owning 25 per cent. in value of its real estate, and yet be burdened with the whole debt. „West Virginia was invited to appoint commissioners to examine into the debt, and make a fair appointment to each section, but hitherto, as far as we can learn, they have either declined or omitted to do so. Under these circumstances, the State Legislature has passed the following Act to provide for payment of a portion of the interest on the debt.. Whereas from the universal loss of property sustained by the State in the late war, it is found impossible, under present circumstances, to pay full interest on the public debt ; and whereas it is the desire and purpose of the General Assembly to make provision for paying the same as fully as the resources of the State will warrant, there fore Be it enacted by the General Assembly, that the ac counting officers of the Treasury pay, on the Ist day of July, 1867, and January, 1868, 2 per cont. interest upon the principal of the public debt of the State, excluding therefrom the bonds given for interest on said debt under the act of the General Assembly passed March 2d, 1866, that being the interest which this State feels obliged to Pay until there is a settlement of accounts between this State and West Virginia. 2. Nothing in this act shall be construed as intending to affect the constitutional requirement providing for an adjustment with the State of West Virginia of the propor tion of the public debt of Virginia proper to be borne by the States of Virginia and West Virginia. 3. All necessary expenses incurred in carrying out the provisions of this act shall be paid upon the warrant of the auditor of public accounts drawn upon the public Treasury, out of any money therein not otherwise appro priated. 4. This act shall be in force from it) passage. lii II& it will 1)0 seen that repudiation, as generally connot with j;istice be chr;rg: , able on the eastern portion of the Kt:tte ; they arc assuming their fair proportion of the indebtedness, and as soon as West 'Vir ginia is willing to take the responsibility of their propor tion, we have little doubt the whole can and will be satis factorily arranged. It appears to us, that not only principle, but policy, dictates a speedy and entire settlement of the whole ques tion, as there can be little doubt that, for both State pur poses and private enterprise, large sums will be required, which must be drawn either from New York or Europe, and which would be obtained on much more favourable ternts if the old creditors' claims . were previously ar ranged. in January last a propositiou was ma& by the auditor of the State to resume payment ,;f interest oil a gradttat §Ole, comilwaying at per ceut. and xi, ing at 1.)(..ei- MISCELLANEOUS AMERICAN NEWS. The. Cunard steamer Palmyra arrived at Queens town on Saturday last from New York. The North German Lloyd's steamer New York arrived at Southampton on Monday. The Inman steamer City of Paris reached Queenstown the same day. The Hamburgh and American steamer Saxonia reached Southampton on Tuesday. The Trans- Atlantic Company's steamship Europe arrived at Brest on Wednesd iy. The Great Eastern had been detained at New York by fogs and heavy weather, but got away on the 17th. The Manhattan and the Asia arrived at New York on April 12. The Allenzannia on the 15th ; the North German Lloyd's ship Deutschland arrived on Saturday, 13th; the City of Boston and the Alleppo on the 17th. The Inman steamer City of Boston is thus again back to New York. The speed with which the powerful steamers of this line cross the ocean is marvellous. The Cunard steamer Scotia reached New York on Thursday. The Fulton embarked at Falmouth, on the 18th inst., 64 passengers and 31 sacks of mails, and sailed at 10.15 a.m. The first and second-class embarked were—Mr. John B. Creary, 11r. James Hill, Mr. John Collins Tippett, and Mrs. Smart and two children. The few items of news this week from America by the Atlantic cable are unimportant. The Senate agreed to adjourn on the 18th inst. Numerous strikes are taking place among the working classes throughout the North. An explosion occurred at a c)al-pit in Pennsylvania, near Pittsville, by which 12 persons were killed. The Supreme Couit has ordered the Peterhoff, ar.d all her cargo not being contraband, to be given up to her owners. The ground of the decision was that the Rio Grande, being partly neutral, no blockade could be main tained. The Supreme Court has refused to allow Misissippi to apply for an injunction to restrain President JOHNSON and Others from executing the Reconstruction Act, because the President is made a party ; but in compliance with an applica tion from Georgia, Generals Grant and Pope and Mr. Stanton have been subreenaed to answer the complaint of that State next September. By a telegram from New York, dated 6 p.m. on Thursday, we learn that gold had suddenly risen to 1371, and that the market was excited. It was said that several cotton failures had taken place. 5-20's remain steady. . . . _ _ 'The large sum of $26,873,915 was paid by the Treasury during fast Dioth in liquidation of the fled intervals to 9 per cent., the whole payments averag ing 7 per cent. for the thirty years for which the new bonds would run. This scheme, however, was rejected. Under all the circumstances of the case, we incline to the opinion that English holders would not be in a worse position by waiting the course of events for the next few months, as neither the new interest bonds, nor the old bonds, cx over-due coupons, aro at present marketable here. The market in London for American securities since our last of this day week has been firm in character, par ticipating only slightly in the disturbing influences which have affected home securities. United States Six per Cent. 5.20 Bonds are being steadily absorbed in moderate amounts, the regular payment of each succeeding coupon, and the flourishing state of the United States Govern ment exchequer tending to increase the popularity of these bonds for investment ; they close at 714 to 4 ex coupon. Massachusetts Sterling Five per Cont. are rather firmer, some considerable purchases having been made in view of securing the May coupon just accruing. The market for Erie shares has been very strong, large purchases being made at about 38 ; they close slightly easier at 37-} -to 4. Illinois have remained steady from 71; to 77. Iu Atlantic and Great Western Sectional Bonds there is little or nothing doing, but transactions daily take place in Consolidated Bonds—they have somewhat improved during the week, closing at 22 to 1. 7HE UNION PACIFIC RAILWAY. (From the Anglo-American Times.) On the 29th of last October General Palmer, with a party of ten gentlemen, left Philadelphia for the western end of the Union Pacific Railway, which had then reached Fort Riley. The account of this journey is given by one of the party in a series of letters which were published by the American newspaper press, and have now assumed the form of a pamphet. There are two striking points of interest about the journey, which extended, from first to last, 3,000 miles. First, that it was per formed in the same car, which we believe to be the greatest journey ever made in one railway carriage ; second, that it carried the party to a prairie post which but a short time before was known as a mere Indian fort —more suggestive, as Mr. Leland says, of scalps and treaties than of cheerful jaunts and treats—while this point is but a station on what will soon be, par excellence, the high way of the world. From Philadelphia the party proceeded to Pittsburg, by the splendid line of the Central Pennsylvania, a distance of 355 miles ; to Chicago, 468 ; to Quincy (Illinois), 265 ; to St. Joseph (Missouri), 208 ; to Western, 37 ; to Lea venworth, 6 ; to Lawrence, 30 ; to Fort Riley, 100. This was the direct railway portion, making up 1,469 miles, without including a divergence from Leavenworth to Kansas city, a distance of 87 miles, or the onward progress to Fort Ellesworth, tra versed in ambulances or on horseback. In running this car over so many lines one difficulty had to be overcome ;• the gauges of the different tracks are not uniform. Both the Union Pacific Railway and the Union Pacific Railroad, the Northern and Southern lines from the Missouri to Denver, have the same gauge of 4 feet 8/ inches; as likewise the Pennsylvania Central, and all the connecting roads between Pittsburgh and Omaha. But the Pacific Railroad of Missouri, being an erratic flight of genius like the Great Western of England, has the remarkable gauge of 5 feet 6 inches. Experienced engineers believe that the 4 feet 81 inch gauge will be that generally adopted by all railroads through out America. The Missouri line will be compelled to lay down a third rail in the general gauge, pre cisely as the Great Western has done. There are two other differences of gauge on the intermediate and connecting roads which necessitate the running of cars with the broad tread wheels, and by the use of these wheels the party was enabled to get on without change of car. Mr. Leland likens the railroad scheme intended to connect San Francisco with the Mis souri, which means, to the Pacific States, the whole Eastern World, for our West is their East, and our East their - West—to a pitchfork, of which the por tion west of the Rocky Mountains, the California branch, forms the handle, and the other roads the tines. The lines already in active course of forma tion are from Omaha westward, forming the Union Pacific Railroad, and from Wyandotte westward, forming the Union Pacific Railway (Eastern Divi sion), of which the former has made most progress ; and, as we learn from a 1 tte statement in Congress, is moving on at the rate of two miles a day. This line is principally owned in New York and New England, the other, in Pennsylvania and the ad jacent States. The President of the former was General Dix, the Minister at Paris. The routes East of the Missouri, with which the Omaha road is in connection, are five.-1. The Cedar Rapids and the Missouri River. 2. The Mississippi and Missouri Railroad, which is the lowa arm of the Chicago and Rock Island Railroad. 3. The Burlington and Missouri River Railroad, which is the lowa arm of Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad. 4. The Council Bluffs and St. Joseph Railroad, connecting with the Hannibal and St. Joseph, and Northern Mis souri from St. Louis. 5. The Dubuqne and Si o ux City Railroad, which is pointing that way. Two of these connnections will probably be made during the course of next summer. In addition the American Central Railway has been projected, which is to run on an air-line from Fort Wayne to Omaha. This is the Northern line, which will pro bably be in some slight degree impeded by the more severe climate during the winter months. The Union Pacific Railway, although starting from Wyandotte, has its real terminus in St. Louis, which is now connected with Wyandotte, by the Pacific Railroad of Missouri, built by a State organisation, and which will, we believe, be transferred to the company forming the Union Pacific Railway. That li ne is complete and open to Fort Riley, and the rails laid fur 30 miles west. Fifty miles were to have been completed by the close of last year, but though only 30 were actually finished, 60 miles further, had been graded. The road was working for a distance of 172 miles, extending to Junction City, three miles west of Fort Riley. Messrs. Shoemaker, Miller, and Co., have contracted to finish 250 miles by the 31st December next, which will leave less than 200 miles to finish the line to Denver. The following are the distances of the Eastern Divi sion. From Wyandotte to Lawrence, forty miles ; Lawrence to Topeka, twenty-seven ; Topeka to Manhattan, 51 ; Manhattan to Junction City, 20 ; Junction City to Denver, 463. When this pamphlet was printed last January, the railway had, as before observed, been opened for 30 miles beyond Junction City, which would leave 433, to complete the Es stern division ; and if the contractors can accomplish the undertaking in the time to which they have bound themselves, more than half of the remaining dis tance will be finished, by the end of the year. The country ovei which this line will pass, is a bald prairie, unlike the level lands of Missouri ; Illinois, and other Central States. The latter are generally level, while the country through which the engineers are now penetrating, consists of gently swelling lowlands, gradually rising in many places to a high expanse called a divide, which again settles down into numerous waves of small hills. The sides of these hills have in many places been washed away, forming ravines called caynons, where pools or streams are found. As the Smoky Hill Fork is neared, patches of the crisp, moss-like grass become frequent, on which the buffalo loves to feed. The quantity of this grass in the neighbourhood of the Smoky Hill has made that district the best hunting-ground of the Indians, and the Cheyennes and the Kiowas are believed to be banding with other tribes, to prevent the forma tion of this line. The greatest activity, enterprise, and energy are developed as the line progresses. Those who are forming the road have not to wait to see the substantial results of the capital embarked. Already, the Eastern Division, from Leavenworth and Wyandotte to Fort Riley, is unable to supply the demand for freight and passage. Every pe rson settled along the proposed route believes that the line will be the making of his fortune. As it moves on towns and ranches spring up by its side, giving the best guarantee to the proprietors of their own gain in the work. Thi s i s the • mere local traffic, as yet unconnected with the magnificent commerce destined to glide over this highway. The intense activity and inte rest excited by the formation of this line, springs from t deeper source, than any mere local causes. Both the people forming it, and the people settling along the route ) believe, that they ,are grouping r --- themselves on the world's great highway. " don't call it being out of the world," said a gentle man to the writer, " when we are on the world's great road." While the work remains un finished, they may be out of the world ; but they know that the time is rapidly ap proaching. when the traffic between the East and West will pass backwards and forwards through the group of huts now forming, the sites of great cities, in the not far, hereafter. Where the Cheyenne now raises the scalp of the solitary traveller who presumes to penetrate through the buffalo grounds of the Smoky Hill route will stand stations, at which the citizens of all nations will pause to refresh. From China and Japan, foul Cochin China and the Straits Settlements, from Manilla and Batavia, from the Society Islands and from Australia, from New Zealand and the islands of the South Pacific, will pour a continuous stream eastward, while the reflux from the wes t will be even greater, as the densely thronged na tions of Europe discharge their vast multitudes into the western currents of emigration and travel. After the saturnalia of waste and folly, to which joint stock enterprise has led, capital is again accu mulating at the great centres, and it is in the for mation of such works that it must find its outlet. This railway is not American ; it is cosmopolitae• It is a route belonging to the world, which happens to pass through the centre of the United States. The single lines now being laid, are a mere segment of the enterprise—the pioneer of the road. It is positively ridiculous when we think of what this route is, and remember that a few tribes of Red Indians are assembled in council, and discussing their means to prevent its completion. On the whole they may have more sense than the enlightened city of Oxford and other English towns, who were so long successful in diverting railways from their own strongholds. If the Red men remain, as remain they will, wild Indians, whose food is the buffalo, whose excitement is the war-path, and whose triumph is to raise their enemy's or anybody's hair—this railway can only work to them un mixed evil, and these dons in council, could they divert the line, are not likely hereafter to petition for a branch to their own wigwams. But , alas, for the Red Man, the work is the greatest of this, or any other age. To its importance we are beginning slowly but surely to awaken. We think it may safely be predicted that the time is not far distant when an intense interest will be excited which in this undertaking throughout Christendom, however feebly will be taken up and responded to by both Mahommedan and Pagan nations. As yet we have only dealt with the Eastern Divi sion, and in our next we shall have something more to say of the Central and Western sections. The Contemned Convict in Newg ate. Efforts are now being made in the proper q uarter to procure a commutation of the sentence of death passed upon Karl Anderson, a Swedish sailor, at the last Sessions of the Central Criminal Court, for the murder of a fellow-seaman, named Marnchein, on board the ship Raby Castle, on a voyage fro m Penang to England, in November last. On Satttr; day, a memorial, with that view, was prepared an d forwarded to the Home Secretary by Messrs. Won tner and Sous, the solicitors, who, at th e instance of the Swedish Consul, conducted the de fence of the prisoner on his trial. The facts, n 8 they were brought out upon the trial on Friday week, will be still fresh in the public recollection , and it is only now necessary to state, what NO abundantly proved in evidence, that the prison er shared in a superstition said to be common amo ng sailors, that a ship with a Russian Finn on board was always more or less in danger of being lost; and that he was possessed with the belief that th e man Marnchein, though in fact an Indian mulatto, was a Russian Finn, and must be got rid of for the safety of the vessel and all on board. The memorial states that the case ou the part of th e Crown was perfectly clear, and could have left no doubt in the mind of any person who heard th e evidence that the prisoner put the unfortunate Inn to death, but it is submitted that the attendant cir cumstances show a state of mind of the prisoner at the time of the alleged murder which takes th e crime out of that category. The memorialists sal' from the evidence both on the part of the proven" tion and of the defence, it appeared that for some time past the prisoner, although in a general teal accountable for his acts, is a person of w et ' mind, and the officers of the ship Progret in which he sailed in 1865, went the length '9' calling him " a harmless idiot." He used to walk about the deck talking and muttering to himsel f, and if addressed by a superior and told to do ea' thing he would laugh in his face. He inTariabli took his meals apart from the other men, ate raven; ously, and though capable of understanding t h , orders given to him, the general impression on boar's' was that he was a person of very feeble intellect' The memorialists say that a superstition clearly e xists among sailors that the inhabitants of Finland 1 13/e the power of witchcraft, and among no people more strongly than their neighbours, the Swedes, of vvh° l/1 the prisoner is one. No sooner did Marnchein, th e deceased, join the Raby Castle, then the prisoner, who believed him to be a Rufsiau Finn, was repeated heard to say that the devil was in the ship. T he % remarks were not addressed openly to any one, 19110 were muttered audibly to himself as he walked tn i, deck. The memorialists also say it was clearly nu,. 1 - flitted on all hands that there was no personal on the part of the prisoner which conduced to th e act. They recount all the facts elicited in e viden c it on the trial, and say those facts establish to h,.r mind a perfect instance of a murder committed under the pressure of a strong delusion, and from the snore ming up they are of opinion that the learned Jil dg # (Mr. Baron Chanuell) who tried the prisoner elite', tamed the same view. The jury, however, after con' suiting sulting together for more than an hour, found the prisoner guilty, and he was of course sentence d death. The memorialists say that in spite of that a t verdict they still adhere strongly to the opinion the view taken by the jury was incorrect, it bt; admitted on all hands that there was no other innt l o which could have influenced the prisoner beyond the superstitious delusion which the evidence of all ~ witnesses showed to have been the cause of th e inul of der. Nothing, they say, but the strongest sense , the injustice of the verdict would have induced itvhes; to move in the matter, and they trust that Mr. to pole will be induced to reconsider the case, an cl i o consult the learned Judge before allowing a von) ; so much against the evidence to stand. In the m ean time the Sheriffs of London have fixed the exectiti°o, unless respited, for Tuesday week, the 30th AP r t o and an intimation has been made to that effec t the convict. THE CONDEUNED CONVlCT.—Yesterday the 6 1; vernor of Newgate received a communication fr° l3l ha Secretary of State for the Home department respititicio sentence of death upon Charles Anderson, the SW e " sailor, during her Majesty's pleasure. • Births. ,boo ATIIOLE —On the 20th inst., at Blair Athole, the Du of Athole, of a daughter. w ife STROUD—On the 22d inst., at Tunbridge, Kant, the of the Rev. John Stroud, of a son. ti cei GREEN —On the n 22d inst., at 5, Woodlands -ter of B'aekhoath, the wife of Samuel Green, 8 40 1 .1 daughter. Marriages. , fire th Tnyy—cowNs—Ou the 18th inst., at St. Pancras Nig] Thomas Alfred, youngest son of the late Thoaaa 6 „ c oil° of Gloucester-crescent, Regent's-park, to Jane, daughter of William Collins, of Notting:hill. DACTZIGER—SUMNER-011 the 20th hat., a t St• D gbi Kennington, Harry Dautziger, Esq., to Su, s , a- a , of younger daughter of the late Robert Sumne r, Priory-road, Glapham. James ..„Deats. KENT—On the 21st inst., Mr. James Kent, of vv e " - a. 0 14 Hampstead, aged 74. P . ' ROMER—On the 22d inst., at Lamb's Conduit -stree., Jon Romer, iu his 81th year. w ho,eo BOWMAN—On the 10th inst., at Walton- 012—i- James Bowman, Esq., aged Clii i" CHILDS At Clap on, tho Rev. Thomas Cave ifo itolit rector of St. George Plympton, near South '''' Dovon, aged 47. -....**--'‹ London: Printed and Published by WILLIA3I AN D / 4 0 . I . l f of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUE SUN °Ri ce ' ~„t,y °- Strand, in the Preeinc , t of the Savoy, in the Co“— Middlesex.—Tuesday, April 23, 1867. A FTF 4.-s- SU After After After After After After After Alter Won 8 ~~IV Dublin P It i s I enure. 5 01 , 1 in by thn R cp• , 01),-;,;;;; " Kinn.ll3 ~_- CwU PURNI month n t AID 6, kr:al i ~~ UZ i kilsa 40 V Vsti Freehold r 2 B D o aYabl( ounte Trim e w - 0 bE ?f NN TF tita Elgin w J enahme eouß le 4 , 111e. L1 this EvP • itr. It( an robAats ARG These decorate( and th in GREN WE Grand LUOI, Edgardo, Me nr i co a select; TORE t, bou g ,];, Mis s A t costum e Nash Nas A t), F Bensatio EiNy 3 1 1, inclu b ßoyal ,a n d of - fro m b et Musical Prices 64 .; Pri , ° Mee, IN eve,, Alp 118, :110e1CA::: nuke s ti ....,u .... gUre 01 ni ralrlegi XXhibitii Adniti t morns, g( IVEA e (corner f Who' roar 0 IN A I£o o Co..na, tenlicelv , 4 Cale 3' '').. ° tree% 3. T i n of sip, Thdeli^e no Q. Gras Jim tiCrL th e a de Loadl o l g e SPA. prodn t L es m elit b W 'lll9 Pre r ettiovinc --218, tUAI Lovilea, c Rt As -- Rad of RE 114 AI Immetila Oral in for 54, 81 1-TAT L BODerfitu to the q And lii E Ofhce s ttitnteci P. t , Ain l°e°retar l itiF , e all the e lAtit is _ t h dra ' tlif‘ rn Pre "Sel A Area IriliJi i of 4,0 0 11 , i Th i s; , 1 t a l ‘ A t An ant ~hip w ;. „, ` charity The c ur e " laNt ye a I)^tilt Tither LI tiar a 45; be n ° f I The t?, 4 enng "e hec Co Vau nte BarolAp r ~~ . NO. 52