The Sun. — London, England, 1841-07-21 00:00:00

DISH intance a, wears cious as azheim liology. vastly ) Pari- rid the of th e :he re i° [cTipg a,i{;~~. EVENING SUN: ,C. 844 :I4^' l ~ ~~ t s„t,~o th`; _~ ft 00 1" . ork;v THE R.A J 'OF SATTARA. INDIAThe HOUSE.—TUESDAY. adjourned d e b a t e on the above case was come "L e need this day by Colonel Colonel SYKES, who said he did not intend long 0 ey the Court, but wished to make a few observations ru the charges brought against the Raja by some Proprietor who had taken part in ' the debate. It by w asimputed to the Raja as crimes that he was actuated tc o verweening pride of ancestry, and deep ingratitude those who had placed him on the throne ;---over seek.. "Ig. pride, which led him to entertain views ialra leal to the British Government in India. He trusted that many in the Court had seen a book lately published, t h en e tit ied " The Commoners of Great B r i ta i n ." In it Y would see that the people of this country had as teat a pride of ancestry as any people in the world. ,%s that, then, which in this country was thought a jus ',,attble 'pride, to be considered in India as a crime ? General Briggs had told them that even when the finds was a prisoner in the fort of Sattara, in the 1 h inter of his usurping servant, care was taken to that carefully ple. His servant, who was then upon , L itta ri te:t st : e h , rornte o ,kept him surrounded with all the sty of state. Nay, even the Peishwa himself was ,„ o ,qed to come to him as the descendant of the house 12tahratta for investiture. Nay even the Indian Gru a;:fment itself did him homage so far as was in their cr.er, for when they seated him on the throne, - it done w ith a ll th e pomp and pride of c iie tal 7 show. That was not confined to the period ; for a t. r,t or ten years afterwards, upon the occasion when 1 ,T; 44 ,1a paid a visit to Poona, at the time when he (the 1 0 3 - , °n e l )▪ was present, he saw the Raja received as a t or egn Prince. All the troops were turned out, with te • Llphinstone at their head, and the Raja was re thi!ed with royal honours. He said, therefore, that if i n e Indian Government had not promoted that feel fi of pride which the Prince had a right to b ee ert ain, they, had at least nourished it. But : I _ l _ 3 e he entertained those feelings, did it follow fee ,. matter of°° course that he must necessarily entertain ' t ags hostil t the Indian Government, and that he l atist c o , deeply imbued with ingratitude? Let them risider taj and the relation in which he stood with t es when he was placed upon the throne. The autho e,,? of his family had been usurped by a rebellious ser tts7t, who, having quarrelled with the English, as was did a + l' and would always be, failed in the contest. What P r e,""e Indian Government do then ? They set the lawful sph i ," i e e Upon the throne ; but did they give back the b ar i t e of his territories ? They did not ; they gave him aot A ° ,nlY a part of that which had been his inheritance ; ha: 4ll Y so, but some of the forts which were peculiarly le nt ' re sting in the history of the family were kept from Liaitt But so far from showing any ingratitude, he sub qtitked calmly and patiently to the tutelage impo sed u p on Elm. I the treaty—he submitted without a murmur to guidance of Captain Grant and those other officers Who e o followed him as Residents at the Court of Sat- If e k . 2,(Hear.) So far from showing any ingratitude, had always expressed the 'utmost good will towards ; his country had been governed with e kr ismanlike ability, with great financial prosperity, le k w ith the utmost satisfaction to the people under lat Ile would now come to the treaty entered of with t h e R a j a. Th e fi rs t ar ti c l e of the treaty it se ; the schedule annexed to it part of ' the treaty s k i In the schedule, certain places were named as ski F L granted " exclusive of Jagheerdars," and at the hose there was the expression 4. together with." Now, if etr,.expressions did not mean to include all the Jag- Th e (l „;trs, he did not know what they meant at all. t„ i taja was, however, a much better interpreter of he Z, s h than many in the Court appeared to be. Well, f er its seated upon his throne; one of our officers inter tkitV with his sovereignty. A reference, of course, was ecr " t e to the Government of Bombay ; the Government sup ed its officer ; an appeal was made to the higher (au a: t ies, and, much to the honour of the Court of Direct seiau order was sent out, as he understood (for he had not the y •,the despatch), di sa pproving of the proceedings of th e „'"u hay Gov ernmen t. H a d that Government obeyed tv o ePer orders of the supreme authority, that Court tent never have been troubled with the pre embarrassing question.(Cries of " Hear, hear.") at ta"sfied was the Court with the conduct of the Raja est tok ti tne, that they sent him that which was the great --karae,n of respect which a Prince in India could receive whi c h e t ,Y , a sword ; but in consequence of the disputes d id not utr,existed, it had never been presented. But sent, and R a j a know well enough of the intended pre- Gekeraltit tit had arrived in the country ? Colon e l , °n wtex—l told him myself. sentat "'rxEs—And of course the non-pre i apniy, on must have deeply influenced his mind z, p l a t ° Bombay Government. He corn bet of his grievances over and over again, oh te '"Lng a period of two years, he had been unable to In even an answer. lie then said to himself as an e ll ourable-minded man would, " I can get no justice de, al I will send my agents to England—l will make my d e , al to the supreme authority, and I cannot then 1 , - ;' to obtain justice." It was true the Resident -N ed him, but what was that warning ? It was of with for corresponding with deposed Rajas nor of,_ the Portuguese Viceroy. It was warning him t li e might run into danger by acting against t he advice e,,,he R es id ent . M a tt e rs went on this way for years. e e whole country was aware of the situation in which to stood, and did not that situation afford an opportunity th e . itti enemies of the Raja, which they were too cunning Auld to escape. It had ' been denied that any motives tvr a he assigned for the persecution of the Raja. He at at least. One was the fact of the t l i e er a'feelingg of hatred attached to him throughout whole Brahmin caste, because the Peishwa who was tl e l s° ,, se d was a Brahmin, and the Raja who ascended the ti ee ' , t e was a Mahratta. But there was another mo t ' 3 eale years after he ascended the throne there was ratent dispute between Purooes, who claimed to be lost rain s , and the Brahmins, who repudiated them. le sa s i t i unhappily for the Raja he took part against the and rendered them still more his enemies. wttts there was a still stronger motive. Unfortunately . it Anse personal personal feeling of revenge of an individual. of fours we put the Raja on the throne, there was an officer tn who had contrived to make himself peculiarly use nist Government, and he coveted the place of Mi tloi:r to th e Raja. The Raja, who was well aware of the th e y,s of that individual during the last twenty years in ;:seem, refused to receive him or to give him any of tt confidence. Here, then, were three distinct and 4 0 n g Motives for the movement made against the.Raja. d e s this time there was a general feeling, both in the th ere of the Government and the people of India, that t w as a movement of a very extensive natu re t hro ug h wer l a against our authority, and he believed inquiries hay going on throughout India, from Calcutta to Bom reetil;rens the Himalayas to —, and our agents were thin 41. 9 0 60nm/ekes, they were ready to swallow any iatog,against th e R a j a o f Sattara. He would not enter htit t he questio n o f the guilt or innocence of the Raja ; he ek s lPPose he had be( n guilty of all the charges that ha d foll o ,"; ( alght against him, what were the consequence s to " r He comic unicated with the Raja of Nagpore. tha t 1. ,"▪ " : as the Court aware that the audience chamber of t i, r inee was a court-yard 20 feet by 10--that he was of se rer in srch a state of destitution that the present i▪ i ee z ", air of shoes sent by the Raja was a welcome, if not "ia e r -ssa r . , gift ? Many denied that the natives of In the, ha persons of a high moral class ; they denied that d any magnanimity, fortitude, or n o bleness. ha , l o ' 'e Prince was in prison in . a state of utter desti kitip, when the Governor-General of India;' with .the him ne ss of disposition which had ever c aracterised in hoeffered to restore him to liberty and tain him ar e e ge Peudence. The answer of the Prince w. s, " There ton t l ,; t t" ways, a throne or a prison ; I prefer a pri tliat- Protection from those who have dethromd me." k) m an had since died in his poverty, and he (Colonel i m eo nsidered that he had shown as much magnanimity ti o4 Y hero of antiquity. With regard to the Goa ques e.o,„every one had a r i ght to t hi n k as h e pl ease d, a nd of erne every one's opinion would be formed upon hs im - W l % l of th e au thenticity of the documents. The ItlnZas a man of acknowledged abilities. Was it at arivrely that he would enter into a treaty with iceroy for the supply of thirty thousand troops, kith whole standing army was three hundred men ? e at . respect to the other charge, tampering . with the tiatL ve officers, he recollected two instances in which Ikk t e officers had told their superiors that they had h , ,tampered with. One of the cases happened to fole;tf, while in the command of a regiment ; and he, trP l ag, in the footsteps of a brother officer , refused ,Ilital n ee to the tale, until the money was brought which tiae „" n en paid as the price of treach er y . Those two men tiele n leceil each five thousand rupees , a nd the y were te,„ - Y rewarded. Now was it not just age that the It a , n ative officers who brought the charge inst the 'night be stimulated by the hope of reward ? tle- r , v er, in spite of the absurdity of the char g e, 'tlQ.,, - `aja was deposed. He ha d the hi g hest re g ard fer -e Vect for Sir James Carnac. • No one could doubt nlonient his integrity of purpose, and his kindly le t ,, n t gs towards th e natives of India,_ but upon this t° l l he thought him wrong ; and he regretted that had not shown as much forbearance towards the ./) 1 "; 1 4" he h a d t owar d s ano th er p o t e ntate. It was quite ti teat :nt that Sir James had never contemplated the ul %how„ measures which he bad recourse to, as was . clearly hy his minutes. The memorandum which the Ja :v whlah called upon to sign contained a preamble, in was set forth all the charges .brought against the si , a4 a e truth of which he was required to confess. It ti ns which no man of proper feeling or sen thn Soh sign, without acknowledging his guilt. But R as - article had not yet -been alluded to, and it It e s a l- c rh a monstrous one, that he was astonished propounded er found its way into a document he by an English Government. By it wa rds had to guarantee the property, pension, re the t ,: B, e, not of his friends and supporters, but of toe ti e s onable eoncoctors of those plots. It was an as was i_ng proposition, and one to which no man who tea d:nocieinsttheorounlde ; possibly agree. He could not sign to ve c ei e r le.nt- Only one alternative was offered to him, sett:t t and he did it like a gentleman, the o aside his being a Prince. He was now come to taxa:rest:ion of the deposition. A body of soldiers , t eere - e ed ° lii his palms in the middle of the night, and r ttkin m off without any preparation, yet not one 1 'ear.) 1413 ,, r 3', document was found behind him.—(Hear, 'euih krr he whole subject had been very considerably tete irt assed by the substitation of another in his place— titled whitely, t oo , that other was not one who was en 11r43,11)itoutelae distinction, for they had it upon the autho ral L "Fru Briggs, General Robertson, and of Ge eOurt udw iek,—that, while they were Residents at the I th l e tk tlif Raja, he made distinct overtures to supplantnot his brother.—(Hear; hear, hear.) Ju i s Jell. was agree in the latter part of the resolution v e d , oposed, because the proceedings having re `o"f Control, nction of the Board of Directors and of the ea fVirto that 11 o.l,thor eotilodntirioel, even if carried, would be nugatory. because it agree to the amendment, al it, he a the proceedings were ended. By voting 4 th o , a would be placing the question in the tomb of mots, wtuch he was not at all disposed to do. "*" Azious that room should be left for, if not re. storing, at all events ameliorating, the condition of the Raja. He thought that the arguments advanced in fa vour of the Raja had been untouched. He lamented what hal occurred, but being called upon at that mo ntent to pronounce a- verdict upon the conduct of the Raja, he would say, "Not guilty, upon his honour." — (Cheers.) Sir R. CAMPBELL, from the declaration made by the Gallant Colonel during his speech, that he would abstain from the consideration of the guilt or innocence of the Raja, had not expected such a declaration as that with which hb finished. As to the fact of no criminatory documents having been found after the Raja left his palace, it was to be recollected that Sir James Carnac had distinctly told him what would be the consequences of his refusing to sign the memorandum. Knowing as he did what would be those consequences, it was not likely that he would I leave behind any documents that would prove his guilt. He wished, with all his heart and soul, that the question had never been brought before them ;,but it having come under consideration they were bound to meet it fear lessly. If there was anything more than another that he regretted it was the proposition made by his esteemed friend Sir James Carnac to leave the Raja upon the throne, convinced, as he must have been, that he was guilty ; but, of course, that arose from the extreme kind ness of his heart, of which they were all aware. He would now give them the opinion of General Robertson upon the probable guilt of the Raja. ." The re N)rd of transactions, and the correspondence of the successive Residents, however, show that the Raja never did, in fact, abandon the pretensions against which so much pains were taken to guard. It was not very long after taking the management of the country into his own hands, that he exhibited by overt acts his assump tion of the character and functions of titular head of the Mahrattas, and violated the restrictions expressly framed to restrain such assumption. That the conduct of the Raja, in these respects, was regarded by the suc cussive Residents as of a nature to lead to the loss of his dominion, is shown by the warnings which each of them had occasion to give him. Colonel Briggs, in making known to Government certain reports he had received of the .Raja's secret communications with the Raja of Kola pore (at a time when the local Government was in a state of collision with that chief), and of his encouraging some of the Jagheerdars in their apparent disposition to recognise his supremacy, writes prophetically of the tendency of his proCeedings to produce the calamity which has actually fallen upon him ; for, after adverting to the above-stated information, he adds T. " These reports are very likely to be true. They need, however, create no suspicion in the mind of the Government as to the fidelity and attachment of the present Raja, who, I most sincerely believe, has too much good sense ever to be engaged, directly or indi rectly, in a war with this Government. He is, however, extremely tenacious of his prerogative, and will every day more and more resist our control. He has lately been flattered by those around him with an erroneous •estirhate of his own importance, and he has clearly evinced strong inclinations to extend his connexions beyond the limits prescribed by treaty. It will be for tunate, perhaps, for his Highness himself, if events afford to .the Bombay Government an early opportunity to give him timely warning, or I should be very appre hensive that he may succeed in involving himself in secret communications with those who may, at some future period, provoke the resentment of Government, when it is likely a development of a system of intrigue with his Highness may take place, which will altogether shake our confidence, and may tend to his ultimate ruin." And again in section 14 were these words : "It appears from the correspondence, that when the Goa intrigue was made known to the Resident, Colonel (now Major-General) Robertson, that officer, although he attached no importance to the intrigue itself (no doubt from its manifest absurdity), and entertained no suspicion of any hostile designs on the part of the Raja, yet deemed it proper to represent its impropriety to the Baja, with the warning, that the prosecution of it would involve him in great difficulty, and be the ruin of the Maharaj and the Raj : and a similar warning was subse quently conveyed to him by General Robertson's suc cessor, Colonel (now Major-General) Lodwick, who in timated to him that the fate of Bajee Row would be his own."—(Hear, hear.) Now it was clear that these gentlemen were convinced of the guilt of the Raja, and he would ask Hon. Gentle men whether any other inference could be drawn from the extracts he had just read.— (Hear, hear, hear.) And Mr. Grant Duff, who called himself the friend of the Raja, stated in his despatch of the 21st March, 1819, that he was even then an adept in intrigue. Such was his character when even a very young man. It was evident that the Raja was aiming at an extension of dominion—that from the time he had been placed upon the throne he had wielded his sovereighty to the best purposes, he was willing to admit; but any persons who carefully perused these documents must come to the conclusion that he entertained designs inimical to the British Government which had placed him on the throne. These were his conscientious convictions. It was alleged that the Raja had not had a fair trial, but although he had not what might be called a judicial trial; every opportunity had been afforded him of re butting the charges; and, looking at the high character of the men composing the Council of Bombay, he could not for a moment suppose that they would have acted or decided without the fullest conviction of his innocence.— (Hear, hear.) It must be assumed also that these gen tlemen, being on the spot, had better means of judging than themselves. He regretted that a man who seemed so well disposed to promote the interests of his subjects should have been led into these treasonable designs. With reference to the Government of Goa, it was of little importance that the force was contemptible—the Raja had evidently become the tool of cunning and de signing intriguers who cared for nothing but their own emoluments ; but it was clear that these men had in duced him to believe that he could effect great objects. He held in his hand a letter from Dr. Wilson, a highly respectable resident of Bombay, who was connected with the Missionary Society, and that gentleman, who was known to some of the Hon. Proprietors present, writing to the Surveyor-General, said that when he was in Goa in 1837 he had seen the Governor and his staff riding on splendid horses sent him as a present by the Raja of Sattara, with a message requesting his aid in turning the English out of his territory. Now he be lieved that gentleman was incapable of stating anything erroneous. But the simple question the Court had to decide was, was the Raja guilty or not ?—(Hear, hear.) He gave every Hon. Gentleman who had spoken credit for his conscientious convictions, and he hoped he would be allowed the same ; and when he saw such men as General Robertson, General Briggs, and General Lod wick, all concurring in opinion that the Raja had been intriguing, and that it was necessary to remove him— when he knew that the Raja had some reason to com plain of the conduct of the Bombay Government with respect to the Jagheers, he could not doubt that such was the case. It was unnecessary for him to occupy the time of the Court by reading extracts to establish that point. They would all, he was satisfied, bear testimony , to the calmness and deliberation with which Mr. Elphin stone had reviewed the whole question, and his conclu sion was that the Raja was guilty. Under these circum stances he should feel it his duty to vote for the amend ment. His Hon. Friend who had last spoken was neither for the motion nor the amendment. He was neither one thing nor the other; and although he did not like to make use of such a comparison, it reminded him of the pre dicament of the animal between two bundles of hay. — (Hoar, hear.) Ho should conclude by expressing his determination to vote for the amendment. Mr. TWINING said, after the great length to which the proceedings had extended, and which was unprecedented except on the question of the renewal of the Charter, he was strongly induced to compress his observations into as small a compass as possible. It was difficult, however, to abstain from quoting the opinions of gentlemen who were so well acquainted with the subject, and who had so closely investigated every point. The question they had to discuss was nothing less than the deposition of a Prince who was believed to be inimical to them, and he deeply regretted that there should have been any neces sity for such a step. There had been a variety of argu ments used in that Court to prove the innocence of the Raja—much more than had been advanced to establish his guilt. The deliberate opinions of men who had coolly and calmly investigated the matter were recorded in these documents, and among them was the name of Mr. Tucker, a tower of strength in himself, who entertained strong doubts of the Raja's guilt. Such opinions coming from such men might well make them doubt. He would, however, refer them to Mr. Edmonstone's evidence—a man for whom the greatest respect and veneration was entertained by all pasties. Mr. Edmonstone says— " That he did assume such pretensions has been con clUsively shown by the record of events and transactions; and that he violated the letter of the restrictions of the fifth article, declared to be fundamental, and to the breach of which was annexed the forfeiture of his domi nion, is unquestionable, and indeed is not denied by him self : he only strives to vindicate it." Now, however, he regretted the necessity that existed for the steps that had been taken, he did not think, under all the circumstances they could have acted otherwise. If he had reason to think any hostility to the Raja ex isted in the mind of Sir James Carnae, he should have regretted it ; but on the contrary, Sir James had taken no steps but those of kindness and consideration for the position in which the Raja had placed himself. After the decisions that had been come to by , the Government of Bombay, and the Governor-General. of India, upon the question, it appeared to him that it would place them in a very extraordinary and difficult position to come ftirward now, and upset their proceedings. It was right also they should bear in mind the great responsibility that attached to the Governor-General. They all knew the blfitne that would attach to him if he neglected avaiiitig him self of the information that was laid before him. Now the charges and allegations that were made being of a political character, and involving the stability of the British Government, there was the same reason for ex ercising the greatest caution. It was said that the wit nesses had not been cross-examined, but he believed such a step was not suitable to the character of the natives of India.—(Hear, and cries of " No.") He had no wish to find the Raja guilty, but they were all entitled to pro nounce an opinion as to the policy and justice of the course that had been pursued. It was a matter deeply to be regretted that the question of the Jagheers had not been taken up and probed to the bottom when discontent was first evinced by the Raja. But as to treating schemes and plots with indifference, because they were absurd and disproportioned to the objects aimed at, was in his opinion extremely injudicious. Even in that country they had seen instances of men bringing forward the most absurd plans with very inadequate means, and that did not appear to him to be a sufficient ground for acquitting the Raja of any breach of faith, As to the question of the Raja's jewels and revenue he did not pretend to understand it fully, but he thought that whatever was necessary for his comfort in his pre sent position should be allowed him.—(Hear, hear.) It was satisfactory to know that as far as regarded the disc eussion of the question in that Court ample justice had been done to the Raja. Even in the absence of the HoU, Baronet (Sir C. Forbes), by whom the question bad been brought forward, it had been ably and powerfully advocated. There was one point, however, connected with the discussions that had taken place which might be attended with inconvenience hereafter—he meant the publication of despatches and documents of a private and secret character, and which were circulated, not only throughout England, but would be transmitted' to India.—(Hear, hear.) If he was called upon to tn-o flounce an opinion, he must say that he felt himself jus tified in supporting the amendment of the Hon. Deputy- Chairman. The act had been done after due delibera tion by those upon whom that responsibility rested, and to disturb it now would only be to increase the evil. In conclusion he would observe that if the question of the Jagheers was still unsettled, he trusted that it would not be lost sight of, but that it would be brought to a speedy and satisfactory termination, by which they would guard against the chance of these evils again occurring. The measure having received the sanction of the Court of Directors—not unanimously certainly, but still by, a large majority—it having also received the sanction of the Board of Control, he thought, as a member of that Court, he was bound to vote for the amendment.—(Hear, hear.) In answer to Mr. POYNDER, . The CliainmaN said it was the anxious wish of the Directors that the debate should close that night, and he had_ no objection to sit till twelve o'clock for that pur pose. Captain COGAN said, so far as the decision of the Raja of Sattara was concerned, in regard to the propositions that had been made to him, he fully approved of hia Highness's conduct, and was proud of the part he had acted. 7 - 7 (Hear,) He thought his conduct in rejecting these terms was highly honourable, and was strong evi dence in itself of his innocence.—(Hear, hear.) There was one matter of a personal nature which he was anxious to clear up. It had been stated that a present of 2,500 rupees had been sent him by the Raja, but the fact was, he had obtained a statement from the parties in Bom bay, to whom that money had been transmitted, show ing how it had been disposed of, for so far as he was concerned, he had never touched it. An application had been made to him to go to Sattara, and the money had been sent by the Raja to pay his travelling expenses, but he had declined to receive it, expressing his determina tion to pay the ',expenses out of his own pocket. The money was then lodged in the banker's bands at Bom bay, where it still remained, and the original letter con taining these statements was in his hands now, and was at the service of any Hon. Proprietor who might wish to look at it.—(Hear, hear.) Again, with regard to Dr. Milne, whose name had been most unwarrantably mixed up in these despatches, and who had been most unjustifi ably attacked. A PROPRIETOR said the attacks had not been made in that Court, and therefore it was unnecessary to allude to them. Captain COGAN proceeded. He had been the bearer of a letter from Mr. Hume to Don Manoel, who it was understood was in correspondence with the vakeels of the Raja of Sattara. The answer of Don Matioel was that he did not believe the British Government could be seri- ous in believing that any treasonable correspondence existed, and as to the 30,000 men to be furnished by him, it was well known that he could not furnish 3,000 or 300.—(Hear, hear.) He had shown Don Manoel copies of the letters supposed to be written by him and he had laughed at them, declaring that they were fabri cations, and that he knew nothing whatever of them. That was the substance of his interview with Don _ Manuel, and there could be no doubt of the truth of the statements made by that nobloman. He had perused the documents tluit had been laid before the Court with as much deliberation and attention as any other Hon. Members, and his decided conviction was that the Raja was as innocent of any treason against the British Government as any of the Hon. Gentlemen who had signed his condemnation.—(Hear, hear.) Now the opinions of the Government and of these gentlemen had been quoted, but it should be remembered that they were sitting as a Court of Appeal, and that the judgment of the former Judges had nothing to do with their decision. It was upon that evidence they were to decide, and he would ask where was there any evidence of the Raja's guilt ? —(Hear, hear.) He regretted to find that Sir J. Hob house had made up his mind before hearing what the evidence was, and had declared his determination to support the East India Company and the Government of India, whether right er wrong.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Proprietor then referred to the refusal of the Sat tara Commissioners to allow the witnesses to be cross examined, and contended that such a proceeding was a gross violation and outrage of all justice, and that it was the duty of the Government to direct the suspen sion of the two Commissioners, Mr. Willoughby and Gen. Ovans, till an investigation into their conduct had taken place. After some observations upon the conduct and character of Ballajee Punt, and declaring that so far from his (Captain Cogan's) having been a paid agent of the Raja, he had never, until the last two or three months, when he had assisted the unfortunate Vakeels who had come over to that country, touched a single ' rupee of the Raja's money, Captain Cogan concluded by expressing his determination to vote in favour of the motion of his Hon. Friend. After a few words from Mr. WARDEN, in explanation, Mr. SALOMONs rose to speak to the amendment. Mr. WEEDLNG rose to order. The Hon. Proprietor had already addressed the Court, and, therefore, he con sidered him out of order in attempting to make a second speech. The CHAIRMAN said the Hon. Proprietor (Mr. Salo mans) was perfectly in order. His former speech had been on the motion, and he had not yet spoken on the amendment, which, according to the rules of the Court, he had a right to do.—(Cheers.) Mr. SALOMONS had no intention of again going over the subject,- but would confine himself strictly to the amendment. With regard to the allegations of the first part of the motion there could be no doubt. There could be no doubt that the allegations contained in the first part of the motion were undeniable. It was undeniable that the Raja had not had an opportunity of defending himself. It was not denied that he had been called on to sign a document acknowledging that he had been guilty of the crimes imputed to him. It could not be denied that he had been dispossessed of his throne on his refusal to sign such a document.—(Hear, hear.) These facts had been so clearly admitted, that it was a work of supererogation to make any remarks upon them. He believed the fact was, that the reason why the Raja had never had an opportunity of replying to the charges against him, arose entirely from the unfor tunate death of Sir Robert Grant, because Sir Robert Grant's minutes proved that he had;always intended that the Raja should have an opportunity of replying to the charges before proceeding to punish him, and it was only owing to the accidental appointment of Sir James Carnac to the Presidency, who was presumed to be in possession of everything relating to the case before he left England, that the Raja had been deprived of that op portunity. The Governor-General intended that he should have an opportunity of replying to the charges. Sir R. CA.MPBELL was understood to deny this state ment. Mr. SALOMONS would appeal tb the minute of Mr. Shakespear. He really must say that they were quite as capable of judging of the evidence which had been so handsomely placed upon the table by the Court of Di rectors, and he thought the Court would be deviating from strict justice, if they did judge according to that evidence alone.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the placing Appa Sahib on the throne, there could be no doubt but that the Governor-General did not approve of the proceedings, but he threw the whole responsibility upon the Government of Bombay, who, he imagined, had obtained the opinion of the Court of Directors upon he subject. The Government of Bombay had two courses to pursue. The first was to put Appa Sahib on the throne ; the other to abridge the military power of the Raja. Sir James Carnac did not adopt the mild punishment, but when the Raja refused to sign the do cument, he proceeded at once to the heaviest punish ment which it was in his power to inflict. He now came to the amendment. If the Directors had said that there were great State reasons, which had induced them to depose the Raja without giving him a trial, which reasons they . could not publish, as the publi cation of them might be detrimental to the public service if some such amendment as that had been brought forward, it might have been a most unreasonable mode of proceeding. But what did they say ? They said that it would be inexpedient for the Court of Proprietors to interfere with the decision of the Court of Directors. A more uncourteous amendment had never been placed before the Court of Proprietors. When the question was first brought before the Court of Proprietors in February, 1840, supported only by un official documents, it might be very fair for the Directors to say to the Court of Proprietors, "You have not yet seen the evidence in this case. We have seen it ; we are at pre sent engaged in 'the investigation : we ask you to trust to your responsible Executive, and therefore consider it inexpedient for the Court of Proprietors to interfere at present." But, after the Proprietors had had an opportu nity of looking over all the documents, on which the Court of 'Directors had decided ; after seeing the diffe rence of opinion which existed among the Directors themselves on the subject, it was rather too much for the Directors to come forward with an amendment, not stating any public grounds, but merely declaring that it was inexpedient that the subject should be entertained by the Court of Proprietors.----(Bear, hear.) He had a 1 ways stood up for the rights of the Court of Pro prietors-=(Rear)--because he believed the maintenance of those rights was necessary in order to enable them to give that support and assistance to the Court of Directors which they might require ? But he would ask had the Court of Proprietors no duty to perform ? What constituted the East India Company ? Not the Court of Directors but the Court of Proprietors— (Cheers)—and he was convinced that their harmonizing together was the best security for the peace of India. Had the Court of Proprietors ever shown a disposition unduly to interfere or intermeddle with the Government of India, or with any other matters beyond their cogni zance ?--(Cheers.) But in a case like the one under dis cussion he would ask if it was not the duty of the Court or Proprietors to interfere, and he thought that the in terremlce o n 04airt of proprietors could not but produce a great effect, not only on Court of Direc t tors, but on the Board of Control, -ant: even on ar . , meat itself.—(Loud cheers.) Their opinion shout (' -e listened to, and he trusted it would have due weight,: (Cheers.) The Directors said that the Court of I'ro prietors could not altei any of their decisions after those decisions had received the sanction of the Board of Control. That was perfectly true, and it would be exceed ingly wrong to attempt to overrule their decisions, but the motion attempted nothing of the sort ; it simply recom mended the Courtof Directors to revise their decision, and the Court had the power to express its censure or approval of the conduct of the Court of Directors, or to recommend to them any course which the Proprietors might think should be adopted.—(Loud cheers.) What had Mr. Charles Grant, now Lord Glenelg, said, at the time of the renewal of the Charter ? He referred more o particularly to his celebrated letter, 'which 'would be fo und among of Charter pthapeercs,owinpvitt.nh),i.chwNetrre taken . C. Grant, t ra n nt e , at . utnhde India, said that such a measure was most desirable, hias- -r" THE SUN, LONDON; WEDNESDAY, JULY 21, 1841. much as it would make them the more watchful in their proceedings, because on the good government of India their own prosperity would depend.—(Cheers.) Those were the words of Mr. Charles Grant, when laying down in his celebrated letter the arrangements for the future government of India.--(Cheers.) The Board of Direc tors called themselves a responsible Executive. Now to whom were they responsible ? Not to the Board of Control he hoped—(Hear, hear)—they had thrown oif their responsibility to the Court of Proprietors. To whom, then; were they responsible ? He supposed they were responsible to God, being bound by their oaths to administer justice. But the' Proprietors had also a re sponsibility. They had never shown any desire to wrong the Court of Directors, or weaken their authority either in this country or in India ; and he would say that their interference in this great question was more likely to add to the permanence of our power in India than any othe r course which could have been adopted, because it would show the natives of that country that-whenever questions arose in which they might conceive that they were wronged, that there was a power in this country which would interfere to . remedy those wrongs, and make the public aware of' heir case.—(Cheers.) This ought to 'be done in a kindly spirit, and he would refer to the whole course of the present debate to show that it had been done in a kindly spirit in the present instance. There had not been a single reflection cast on any one individual behind the bar—(Hear, hear) —and never had a debate been conducted with less of personality. —(Hear, hear.) Not a single reference had been made to the Indian Government calculated to create a prejudice against it ; on the contrary, full credit had been given them for having kept strictly to what they thought their duty. But here was a matter requiring correction. Here was .a native Prince who had been many years the object of our care. He had not been heard in his defence--he ought to have been heard. They should endeavour, so far as possible, to retrace their steps, and place him in that situation 'which he would be entitled had he been the meanest subject in stead of a sovereign Prince.—(Hear, hear.) Should the original motion be negatived he hoped the of fensive amendment would not be pers i s ted in. He - should, in the event of such an occurre nce, p ro p ose an amendment, which he would read as part of his speech " That, after an attentive perusal and c areful eexamiina tion of the papers laid before this Court , in the case. of the late Raja of Sattara, this Court doffs notf that justice has • been done in the deposal of the late Raja, and in the confiscation of _his . private property ; and also in the elevation of his,brother Appa Sahib to the throne. " That this opinion is. confirmed by the fact, that at the last hour the Governor of Bombay tendered the ex- Raja a general amnesty for his past conduct, from which fact it is clearly to be inferred that the political offences of the ex-Raja; (if any) were not of a grave or dan gerous character, such as to call for so heavy .a penalty as his deposition and the forfeiture of his private pro perty. " That this Court therefore recommends to the Court of Directors to take again this case into their serious and deliberate consideration."—(Cheers.) Mr. LEWIS then rose and said that after the long dis cussion which had taken place on this case he would en deavour to make his reply as brief as possible.—(Hear, hear.) He rejoiced to hear the admission which had been, somewhat tardily and reluctantly, made, that a communication had been made to both Chairs from the Board of Control on the subject of this case.— (Cheers.) He had been told, indeed, that that commu nication was confidential, but he could not understand how any communication relating to such a subject could be made matter of confidential communication. — (Cheers.) He was, however, glad to hear that that communication had been made.—(Hear, hear.) He looked upon it as a good omen.—(Cheers.) He was sa tisfied from that communication having been made, that the President of the Board of Control had a conviction, or, at all events, a suspicion, that justice had not been done in the case.—(Cheers.) It afforded the Directors an opportunity of receding from their opinion, of re tracing the steps which they had taken, and of giving to the injured party that reparation which was due at their hands.—(Hear, hear.) He could have wished that every statement of the Court of Directors had been equally gratifying. • It had given him great pain to hear the Chairman assert that the Court of Proprietors had not the power to alter any measure which had received the sanction of the Board of Control and the Court of Di rectors. What reason could there be for the assertion which had been made that the present motion was trench ing upon proviiions of the Act of Parliament? He denied that the motion trenched at all upon the provisions of the Act of Parliament —(Cheers.) He asserted that the Court of Proprietors had a right to discuss any measure which the Court of Directors might think fit to adopt, and to recommend to the Court of Directors what course they chose. It was afterwards for the Court of Directors either to adopt or to reject the recommendation, but the Proprietors had certainly the right of pointing out what they might consider to be errors in the conduct of the. Court of Directors. The Court of Proprietors had cer tainly the power of offering the recommendation to the Court of Directors—whether the Directors would accept it or not it was of course for themselves to decide. On that subject he would refer to the authority . of Mr. Auber, who expressly stated that the authority of the Company was delegated to, not absorbed by the Court of Directors.—(Cheers.) Mr. Salomons had referred to the opinion of Lord Glenelg, which showed most clearly that the intention of the Legislature was that the Court of ProprietOrs should be clearly identified with the affairs of India.—(Cheers.) 'He was still more sorry to hear the threat which had been held out of an Act of Parliament to restrain them.—(Cheers.) He was sorry that none of the mitigating or qualifying circumstances which hid been alluded to by the Hon. Director, M r . Shepherd, as having accompanied that menace had met his ear.—(Hear.) He would give the Deputy Chairman the credit of admitting that he had afterwards qualified his speech by his subsequent explanations.---(Hear, hear.) So far from thinking that the conduct. they were then pursuing would be such as ,to induce the Legislature to interfere with their privileges, h e w as satisfied that if any application were made to the Legislature to curtail those privileges which had only been used to ask that justice might be done, that the Legislature eNhvoeeurlds.)indlignntahnetloyperneijnegct any such he had said that the question was whether the application.—(Loud oa act the h of e the se Bombay Government in deposing the Raja was or was not justified by the evidence.—(Cheers.) The Govern ment had rested the * justification of their conduct on three grounds—first, that he had been temporising with the fidelity of the Sepoys of the 23d Regiment ; second, that he had entered into treasonable communications with the ex-Raja of Nagpore ; and third, that he had entered into treasonable communications with the Go vernor of Goa. He would call their attention in the first place to the first charge, viz. that of tampering with the fidelity of the Sepoys. That depended upon the evidence of the Soubadars, and all that they stated was that they had had two interviews with the Raja and the Dewar. In the first interview nothing particular had passed, and in the second interview certain enigmatical expressions, which had been much commented on, had been made use of. That was the whole statement of the Soubadars, and they stated that a Brahmin had in troduced them to the Rayt, and their statements all went to implicate the Raja. That Brahmin had prevaricated in his evidence, and throughout the whole proceeding there was nothing to show that either the Raja or the Dewan had authorised the Brahmin. — (Cheers.) That was the whole history of .the transac tion as connected with the Brahmin. The Raja had not had the opportunity of knowing the evidence which had been given against him. True, the testimony of the Soubadars had been read over to him, but he had not' had an opportunity of reading the documentary evi dence ; he had not had an opportunity of having the oral testimony, and the Judges had prevented any cross examination of the witnesses. These facts he had not known at the time he had brought forward his motion; they had since been borne testimony to by General Lodwick ; neither had he known that the Court had been preparing its report during the whole time it was at Sattara; and from a review of the proceedings of that Company, he would say that the conduct of the majority of the Court was not the conduct of judges. He could not consider that as such, and their whole proceedings were utterly worth less.—(Cheers.) The second charge was also unsupported by evidence. It was said that treasonable comniunica tions had taken place between the Raja of Sattara and the ex-Raja of IsTw‘pore. Now, it appeared from the evidence that these communications were merely such as usually took place between privite individuals, and were confined entirely to matters of a domestic nature. These communications were entirely of a complimentary nature, and indeed the position of the ex - R a ja of N a jp ore made it evident that any application from the Baja of Sattara, to him for a supply of troops must be most ridiculous. — (Loud cheers.) Those communications were perfectly harmless, and it was evident to them the ex-Raja of Najpore had no means whatever of affording any support to any treasonable designs of the Raja of Sattara. Thelast charge related to the alleged intrigues with the Governor of Goa. Now no connection whatever had been established between Najo and the Raja. Najo had gone to Goa to es tablish the influence of the Swammee. During the whole twelve years he had only had three interviews with the Raja of Sattara, and there was no evidence whatever to show that he was the agent either of the Raja or the Dewan. Then with regard to the seal attached to those papers, it was proved that it differed considerably from the seal of the Raja ; and if they considered the posi tion of the Governor of Goa, and the absolute impossi bility of his furnishing any troops, they must come to the conclusion that it was impossible that the Raja, ex cept be was a madman, could have made such an application. On these grounds, he had con tended. that the Raja was not guilty. Now, how had those arguments been met on the other side? No one who had addressed the Court had attempted to grapple with them, hilt they had all gone off into colla teral topics. They had spoken of the character of the Raja, of the high opinion which he entertained of 'his own rank and importance, of the ambitious nature of his character. That was the alpha 'and the omega of the case. and they had not deigned to make one passing observa tion on the evidence.—(Cheers.) They had debated on various topics, which he could not help considering as 'e ,, l subterfuges to take up the time of the Court, and • their attention from the ,only point really -;(lence of the case. The Deputy • ambitions character of the • which hadbeen pur --s approbation —I been put.,_ to withdrair, . before them, the t,_ Chairman had alluded to Dz.. Raja, and had stated that the courbt. . sued towards him had met with the unaniim„.... of all the Governments of India. In that he followed by Mr. Weeding and Mr. Fielden, the latter oL whom had thought it necessary to vindicate the charac ters of all those implicated in the transaction. Why the Hon. Proprietor had pursued such a course, he was at a loss to imagine. The Hon. Gentleman had stated that the Governor-General and Mr. Elphinstone had been charged With wilful and corrupt perjury - Mr. WEEDING -7—AS encouraging perjury. Mr. tEwis had made no such charge. He should have been sorry to have made any such ridiculous charge —(Hear)—which owed its origin entirely to the prolific imagination of the Learned Proprietor. The Hon. Director, Mr. Warden, had begun by stating his con viction of the Raja's guilt ; and, in vindication of that opinion, had stated that the Raja, being a Mahratta, must necessarily be deceitful. He had then proceeded to the vindication of the Bombay Government ; but even he felt so much the oppressive proceedings of the Com mission, that he gave it up, and said the Bombay Go vernment ought not to have appointed it.— (Hear, hear.) None of them had dared to grapple with the evidence, and he pit it to the Court whether policy and expediency, as well as justice, did not demand that they should act towards the native Princes, who were de pendent upon them, with kindness and consideration? It was the duty of every strong State in alliance with a weaker one to support the weaker one in all its just claims and rights, and never to seek for an opportunity of oppressing it. Such a course was dictated not only by justice but by policy and expediency, and such were the maxims which ought to be adopted by the Court of Directors. Why had not the Governor of Goa been ap plied to ? The Bombay Goverement stated they did not think it necessary, and that showed they thought but little of the intrigue.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Director Mr. Sheppard, had said that no precedent could destroy the simple principles of justice. On that ground he was content to leave the present question. If the Hon. Pro prietor admitted that the simple principles of justica had been violated in this case, then it was his duty to use his influence with his col leagues to sanction the present motion. Sir Robert Campbell had rested his opinion of the Raja's guilt on a letter from a missionary, who stated that at Goa he had seen certain persons on horseback, who stated that the horses were presents from the Raja of Sattara, on condition that he should be assisted in ex pelling the English. Now would they condemn any man on such hearsay testimony as that?—and the greater part of the evidence against the Raja was hearsay. A most unjustifiable course had been pursued ; for the witnesses had been asked to testify what they knew of their own knowledge and what they heard. The testimony of Gene ral Briggs had been alluded to in support of the charges against the Raja's character. Fortunately General Briggs had been present, and had, in common with every ether Resident at Sattara, borne testimony in favour of the character of the Raja. They had talked of consistency, but those were the consistent persons who throughout maintained the Raja's innocence, and among those must be numbered the worthy and exemplary members of the Court of Directors, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Sheppard, Mr. J. Forbes, and Mr. Cotton.—(Loud cheers.) These, gentleman had all along fearlessly ex pressed their dissent from the conduct pursued by the Directors. It had been thought .necessary to vin dicate the character of Sir James Carnac. He had guarded himself against casting any imputation on the character of any man during the whole course of the proceedings, It had been said that the Raja had violated the treaty of 1819 by holding any sort of com munication with any person excepting through the Resi dent. Now, looking to the relative position of the parties, the object •of the treaty was merely to give the Resident such power as would en able him to discover any correspondence which might be carried on injurious to the British inte rests. It was never intended to prevent all intercourse, and if it were to be construed literally, he should say it was rather a snare laid by the British Government to entrap the Raja and to get possession of his territories.— (Cheers.) Our violation of the treaty in the affair of. the Ja&heerdars had been flagrant and unjustifiable. The Court itself had admitted that fact by directing the res toration of one of the Jagheers to the Raja. The evi dence on which the Bombay Government had acted was full of discrepancies, as had been pointed out by the Go vernor-General. It was admitted that Sir James Carnac had required from the Raja an admisSion of . his guilt, which the Raja had refused to give. In his very first interview, as recorded at page 299 of the papers, the Raja asserted that he would do anything except signing or admitting that he had been an enemy to the British Government, but that he would never sign a do cumment containing such a statement.—(Hear, hear.) The three charges were that he had tampered with the Sepoys —that he had carried on a treasonous correspond ence with the Raja of Nagpore, and with the Portuguese Governor at Goa—and Sir James Carnac himself ad mitted that he called_ upon the Raja, through what he was pleased to term a " mild preamble "—(Cheers and laughter)—to confess himself guilty on those three charges.—(Hear, hear.) I t was for his refusal to sign that confession the Raja was seized at midnight and hurried away a prisoner to Benares.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that thig - was not in evidence, but in fact it was too notorious to require evidence.—(Hear, hear.) On a former occasion Sir Charles Forbes read a letter from an officer who was present on the occasion, which put the matter out of all doubt. The letter was as follows : " One company of his Majesty's 41st reginient, two companies of the 21st regiment of Native Infantry, and three companies of the 25th Native Infantry, being or dered to march to Sattara, at twenty-four hours' notice, we left Poona on the 31st of August, and arrived in Sattara on the 4th of September. We received . orders to meet the following morning on the parade, at two o'clock. The grenadiers of the 25th regiment, with the light company and some artillery, were ordered to march to the palace and take the Rajah, whilst the 21st compa nies and the Bth regimOnt went to the Adawlut and Balla Sahib's house, to take him and look after his cavalry, who were fully expected to show fight ; but nothing oc curred, nor could he be found. Balla Sahib is comman der of the Raja's force. We marched into the palace, and formed into line before the doors, and men with lan terns were seen running about in every direction—it being scarcely light--to prevent the Raja attempting his escape, whilst Colonel Ovans, the Resident, and another officer, went into the palace to find the Raja, accompa nied by the present Raja Appa Sahib, who led them, to his brother's bed-room and showed them where he was The same day he was publicly proclaimed. There was the poor little Raja fast asleep when the Colonel found him. He immediately came out in his sleeping-drawers and a piece of cloth thrown over his shoulders ; he made no resistance. A palanquin was =lied, in which he was placed, as well as his Commander-in-Chief Balla Sahib, who was found in another room. Had a single shot been fired, all his property would have fallen prize money to us, and he had lots of it ; large chests arranged all along, full of money, and an immense number of gold and silver dishes ; but he was too prudent. We marched with them to a place six miles from Sattara, called Neembgaom, where we are at present, with a strict guard over them ; and shall remain until orders come. from the Governor-General where we are to remove them." He thought that he had now satisfied the Court of the truth and propriety of every allegation in the resolution which he had had the honour of moving, and of the justice of acceding to the recommendation which it con veyed. The Hon. and Learned Member concluded amidst loud and repeated applause. Mr. TUCKER, in explanation, begged leave to say that what he had said had been pushed by an lion. Proprietor further than he had intended. What he had said was, that from all the notions he could form of evidence, giving his sentence as a sworn judge, he must declare that there was no evidence upon which the Raja of Sat tara ought to have been deprived of his throne, bereft of everything he possessed, and transported to a distant country.—(Cheers.) The question was then put on the original motion (that of Mr. Lewis), and upon the show of hands the numbers were — For the motion lO Against it 27 Majority against the resolution —l7 The amendment moved by the Hon. Chairman on the first day of this discussion was then put as a substantive motion, whereupon • Mr. SALomons moved the amendment which we have given above. Mr. NORRIS seconded the amendment. He said after a perusal of all the papers laid before the Court, he was convinced that the facts did not justify the depo sition of the Raja and the forfeiture of his private pro perty. If the old hash of a resolution was passed to this effect that the Court of Proprietors would not inter fere with their responsible Executive, they would have the whole country against them, and to all eterni ty —(Cheers and laughter)—for every man, woman, and child knew that no man ought to be con demned without a trial.—(Bear, hear.) It was very well to say that the case had been finally decided. So thought Judge Jeffries when he came to decisions that were final as far as respected his victims.—(Hear; hear.) But they were not final before the bar of public opinion, and certainly not before a still higher tribunal. Mr. G. THOMPSON was happy that the discussion had taken place, and had been carried to so great length, even though the former motion had been lost.—(Hear hear.) The substantive motion whic h was now before the Chair called on the Court to pro nounce it inexpedient to interfere with the Executive in relation to the affairs of the Raja of Sattara. It had been clearly demonstrated in that Court that the Raja was an innocent man.--(Cheers.) The character of the servants of the East India Company, civil and military, was greatly enhanced in that discussion ; but when the Court came to a final - . division on the question it would be seen how many gentlemen on the other side of . the bar had voted for a refusal of justice.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Tucker, a venerable and high-minded man—(Cheers) —had said that a judicial functionary ought to be with out passion and without feelings, and there could be no doubt that in that maxim he stated the characteris tics of his own conduct in discharging justly and impartially his duties.—(Cheers.) That Hon. Director had set forth in propositions, which he threw over to the outer side of the bar, that the Raja had been deposed without any sufficient g rounds.—(Cheers.) He would ask them, in the langaage of Mr. Tucker, whether, if the Raja were now in possession of the throne, they would, after the evidence which was now before• them, vote , for his deposition ?—(Tremendous cheering.) Would they not say that the only stain was upon those who were the Raja's enemies, or the dupes of his enemies?—(liepeated cheering and applause.) The testimony of General Lodwick, who was near four years a Resident at the Court of the Raja —the testimony, in fact, of all the Residents, without exception, was conclusive in proof of the Raja's inno cence.—(Cheers.) But it was said that all those gentle men were cajoled and deluded by the Raja. It was said that there could be no doubt of their delusion, because Mr. Anderson said that they were cajoled.---(Cheers and l aug hter.); said that the Resident s themselves had Mr. WARDEN furnished the evidence that the y were ca j oled. Mr. THOMPSON proceeded—lf anything could redeem c'ourt of Directorsdrom disgrace and infamy, it was delivered from within the .bar duringltherses Hon. and Gallant Director Major 'clreat cheering.) - id he could not sit there to -- sf which he had the and infamy.— the the spe . eeu discussions by O eneral Tiobertson.—k,. Sir J. 'T„ LusuINGTO - * b... hear any man accuse the Court, honour to be a • m em b er, of cliggAN (Cheer„s and very general interruption.) • Mr. FIELPER was quite - eel-bin that the prietor (4r. Thompson) would uot Uebit3t9 f 9 FOTRRI the language which had been so very properly com plained of.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. THOMPSON had said nothing disrespectful, nothing irregular, nothing that he could not explain, and nothing that he felt himself called upon to retract. In using the words disgrace and infamy, he referred to the ver dict, which he honestly believed an enlightened and im partial public out of doors would pronounce upon the_ decision just given. Mr. HUGH LINDSAY said the Hon. Proprietor had better wait for that verdict, and not attempt to anticipate. Mr. THOMPSON resumed. He granted the language he had used was strong, but the act fully justified his prediction, and he would much rather be found among those, few though they were, who were bold enough to arraign the conduct of men so well able to defend themselves as Honourable Directors, than among those who had [cast the foulest stigmas upon an in nocent and helpless man, and given him no opportunity whatever of clearing his character.—(Loud cheers.) He was adverting, when called to order, to the inesti mable speech of General Robertson—a speech which hat taken out of the black arch of perjured evidence before them the very key-stone, and brought the whole vile fa bric tumbling to their feet. That Gallant Direc tor had declared that upon such testimony he could not hang a dog.—(Loud cheers.) General Lodwick had declared that when his brother Com missioners were putting the evidence they had taken into the official box, that it was vile rubbish, and on that floor he had declared his solemn conviction that the Raja was absolutely innocent.—(Loud cheers.) The upright Director, Mr. Shepherd, whose dissent he had before eulogised, and would again, in stronger terms if time allowed, had gone into a masterly analysis of the evidence, sat down by proclaiming his belief in the per fect innocence of the Raja.—(Cheers.) General Briggs had heard and read all that could be known of the Raja's case, and had proclaimed his conviction of the total worthlessness of the evidence, and of the entire guiltlessness of the Prince.—(Renewed cheers.) Mr. Norris had ransacked the forty volumes of manu ' script papers, and gone twice through every . page . of the printed volumes, and arrived at the conclusion that the Raja . was an innocent man.—(Cheers.) Colonel Sykes, in his most able speech at the commence ment of that day's proceedings, had sifted all that re mained of untouched testimony, and had most minutely reviewed the whole case, and sat down by returning, in the most solemn manner, the verdict—" Not guilty, on my honour."—(Loud cheering.) Finally, Captain Cogan had made himself master of the whole sub ject—had, from the most pure motives devoted himself to an examination of the merits of the case, and had arrived at so strong a conviction of the Raja's per fect innocence, that he had become his unbought repre sentative, and had given himself to the noble work of obtaining, if it were possible, the justice which was his due.—(Loud cheers.) Now who were these men ? Sir, (said Mr. Thompson,) they are men in your own service. men of sound judgment—men of unblemished honour: three of them returned Ambassadors from the Court of Sattara—men who, together, have observed the everyday life of the Raja for sixteen or seventeen years—men pos sessing the most intimate acquaintance with the na tive character—men who know the habits and pursuits of the venal instruments who have been employed to ruin the Raja; one of them the presiding officer over the Com mission, at which the evidence upon which you have de posed theßaja was taken. These appear here to day to declare upon their sacred honour their deep conviction of the Raja's innocence.—(Loud cheers.) And who besides ? Colonel Sykes, whose acuteness, caution, and strong sense of honour all will admit ; Mr. Norris, Chief Secretary in the political department at Bombay; and Captain Cogan, a naval officer under you, of unblemished veracity.—(Loud cheers.) Yet all these, you have ruled out of Court. You have despised their sup plications in behalf of a suffering Prince. You have denied the prayer, which I hope you will not some day present on your own behalf with a similar result. You have pertinaciously denied a hearing to the accused. — (Cheers.) Sir, I must repeat it ; I had a high opinion of the integrity and moral courage of many of your ser vants, but the conduct of these distinguished men on this momentous question, has raised the body to which they belong immeasurably in my estimation.—(Tremendous cheering.) But in proportion to the honour which will be awarded them—and too much can never be bestowed —will be the regret, that when at your bar they asked for justice to an exiled Hindoo Prince they were sent empty away.—(Cheering.) I object, strongly object to the amendment. And why ? It does not meet the demands of justice—of naked, eternal justice. If less than justice is to be done, or none at all, I would throw the responsibility all on you. The Raja asks not your pity, still less the gold you have taken from him. lie asks for a declaration of his innocence, and to be placed upon his throne.—(Loud cheers.) His language is, " Keep the dirty dust in my treasury . , deck yourselves in the jewels of which you have spoiled me, but give me back my honour."—(Cheers.) But, no ; you are aware that inquiry would lead, not to the conviction of the Raja, but to the confusion of his ene mies and the demonstration of his innocence, and would compel you to put him again upon the throne from which, at the dark hour of midnight, you hurled him with such guilty precipitancy.—(Cheers.) Now, Sir, I say boldly that no inquiry is demanded. Inquiry, itself, would be contrary to justice. Your own evidence against him falls to the ground, and the Raja, therefore, stands where he did.—(Loud cheering.) Sir, say what you will, and do as you will, he is at this moment, in the eye of God and of impartial men, the Raja of Sattara.— (Loud applause.) The onus rests not upon us to prove that he is not guilty, but upon you to prove that he is. This proof you have attempted. You have moved the whole machinery of your Bombay Presidency. You have sent to native States. You have ransacked the haunts of Goa. You have offered liberal rewards, indemnity, and dis tinctions, to those who would give evidence against him. You have brought the evidence so obl , tained before us, and it has been shown to have been the filthiest and most polluted mass of prevarication, perjury, and blasphemy, that was ever gathered out of the sewers of vice and profligacy for the:purpose of blackening and destroying a human being. What then ? If trial there must be, let it be the trial of those who have worked this iniquity, and are ripe for retribution.—(Cheers.) I demand from you the open proclamation of the Raja's innocence. I demand from you the restoration of this fallen but still exalted man, to the throne he graced. Had I 50 votes I would withhold them all when an attempt is made to compromise or abate the claims of justice. I know of no honourable resting-place between justice and in justice ; while complaining of your injustice, I must lift up clean hands myself, or not at all.—(Cheers.) Oh, but you say, there are lions in the way. There are in surmountable difficulties. We have not the power to do right. Remember, our faith is pledged to the man upon the throne. Most admirable imbecility. Most honourable attachment to treaties and pledges. You saw no• difficulties in putting a traitorous villain on the throne, but you see insuperable impediments to the restoration of the rightful man.—(Vehement applause.) And is this the justice of the Court of Directors ? If it be, then henceforth let us call that principle which supports even the throne of Deity itself, by some other name.—(Applause.) Your justice is a justice of which you should enjoy an undisturbed and unenviable monopoly.—(Cheers.) Sir,-the rock on which Sir James Carnac split is now fully viL•ible above the waters. When he prepared that celebrated memorandum which has been so often alluded to, and presented it for signature to the Raja, he doubtless thought he was about to manage the whole affair with unexampled dexterity, and win for himself the admiration and thanks of this body ; but he knew not the man he had to deal with. The instru ment was rejected, and the Raja was dethroned, not because he was guilty, but because he would not sign away his honour. The very head and front of his offend ing hath this extent, no more.—(Loud applause.) The Hon. Baronet, Sir Robert Campbell, had read a note from Dr. Wilson, a most respectable, pious, and worthy man, and would have you believe that gallant cavaliers, upon prancing steeds, presented by the Raja, were proclaiming the treason of the Raja at the corners of the streets in Goa.—(Loud laughter.) What a monstrous and self-refuting story—not worthy of aught but a smile. Let me tell you a story out of a book in my hand, entitled " A view of the Agricul tural, Commercial, and Financial Interests of the island of Ceylon." The passage which he was about to read, referred to the time when the Colony wa s in the hands of the Dutch. The author states : " However reluctant the different British collectors may be to admit the assertion, I can nevertheless state with confidence, that I have met with very few indeed who were not strongly influenced in their public conductby the native head-men that were immediately under their com mand, and nearest to their persons. Collectors, and even Governors of the most distinguished talents, have been under that influence. Governor Vander Graaff, who was represented by all to have been a superior s character among those who have ruled Ceyl on , was most t grossly deceived by his first Modilear, Abesinga. This m man m , as carrying on a false correspondence between the Governor A G tsienri a ga or. —W rHea f r a , br h ie e a a t r i and Pelime Talao, first Adigar of Candy, in whose name he , ng hear le .) tter D s ur ad in d g res t s h e i d s correspondence on matters of great weight which were naturally never brought to a conclusion, many presents were interchanged On both sides. Those from the Go-, vernor were always, as customary, the most costly. When the expectations of Mr. Vander Graaff were raised to the highest, waiting the conclusion of a very favour able treaty, Abesinga happened to die, and to t he g reat surprise and mortification of the Governor, the whole of his correspondence with the Candian Minister was found in Abesinga's desk, and the presents in his chest." — (Cheers and laughter.) Sir, the Dutchman was outwitted, and so ar e you. The plot against the Raja will do to bind up with the story of Abesingn. (Laughter.) And now, Sir, in imitation of the example f shall read the Honourable Proprietor opposite, h land shall think I amendment as part of my speec h , be therefore have said enough in support of it, and Silent when it is submitted. I t is all I ask at this stage of the business, and I can consent to nothing less. I think I must have the vote of every d Hon. Proprietor who has said "Not Guilty" on the_teavi it brought before us. t will be carried. It I am not permitted to hope that will share the fate of my Learnedmotion, but Friend's I satisfy my cons cience and vindicate my con sistency by placing it t before you. At this tri bunal we shall o btain, , fear no justice for our injured client, b u t there is another and a s t er n and imparti al one, before which we must all stand—the ba r of public opinion. The cause that bar, and to that tribu nal be tri ed at l Th o se who have taken up this cause na l I appea . zeal will Their are not defeated. this temporary disappointment of their hopes. They will to ask for justice elsewhere, and though repulsed go forth at your bar, wi see 11 kit confident) y at -the hands of the benignant Queen of your Indian empire, and the assembled representatives of • the British people.—(Vehenient cheering.) The following is the E VEXING SUN. amendment which, at the proper time, I shall call upon you to submit to the attention of this, Hon. Court : " That, in the opinion of this Court, his Highness the Ex-Raja of Sattara is innocent of the charges brought against him, of having entertained treasonable designs against the British Government, or of otherwise inten tionally violating the Treaty of September 25th, 1819 : And that, therefore, his Highness the ex-Raj a o f Sat tare, according to the principles of British law, founded upon _immutable justice, and the in . tilienable right o f prince or peasant, isentitled to an entirtitution of all his rights, and ample reparation for all his wrongs."-- (Cheers.) Mr. POYNDER then proposed an additional amendment which; after some discussion, the Chairman refused to en tertain. The question having been taken upon Mr. Salomon's amendment, the negative was carried by a majority of 29 to 12. The CHantmAN then took the show of hands upon his own resolutions, which, without counting the numbers, he declared to be carried. •A somewhat angry discussion, which' was not rery well understood by the Reporters, then• ensued, in the course of which Mr. G. THOMPSON said that he had received the dis tinct promise of the Chairman that his amendment should be put after the others were disposed of.—(Hear, hear.) He should, however, content himself by putting in a notice of a motion for the renewal of the discussion upon the next Court day.—(Cheers.) RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES IN INDIA. In answer to questions from Mr. POYNDBR, The CHAIRMAN stated that measures had been taken to carry into effect the resolutions of the Court for dis continuing the practice of employing British soldiers at 1 - lindoo religious festivals. The Court then adjourned at a Quarter to Seven o'Clock. THE TORY PRESS AND THE PEEL CABINET. The loyalists, who have remained firm.to their politics, and have therefore been affronted, and are - ro be turned out of their offices, will never vote with the Duke of Wellington again as long as he remains Premier, or Mr. Peel ism the Cabinet —John Bull, March 15, 1829. Mr. Peel seems to have made a hit in the chief part of Shell's play—the apostate.—Blachwood'e Magazine, Fe bruary, 1829. Mr. Peel will be the greatest sufferer in the end. His character is ruined for ever. No man will trust him again. No acts of his future life—no services, however valuable, no personal sacrifices, however great—no cant ing, no whining, no sanctimonious deceit—can ever wash away the damned spot. He stands before the publia the victim of his own mean ambition—the slave of his own avarice—the sacrifice which an aspiring family offer at the shrine of pensions and sinecures.—Morning Journal, - F. 0 1 d l t B h 2 e 9. sad necessity arise, however, - we shall pat into the hands of some Protestant nobleman the grounds of an impeachment (against Wellington and Peel), and the means of the substantiation of these e - rounds from the hands and from the oral evidence of some of the King's present Ministers.—Standard, Feb.l4, 1829. Mr. Peel is a hollow traitor, whose words are false hood, and nothing but falsehood. The father of kes him self never lied more shamefully than Peel, •when he told the House that a change ought to be made so far back as 1825.—Age, March 8, 1829. As for Peel, his talents qualify him for no higher task than that of repealing Acts of Parliarnent•which impose the penalty of death on people found to have kept com pany with Egyptians for an hour. He is a poor, creep ing, mechanical drudge. His political existence is sacri ficed. If the Duke turned him off to-morrow, of what possible harm could he be to his Grace's Administra tion ? He—he, the disgraced, the characterless, the " false, lying, perjured turn-coat"—be go into opposi tion I No ; he depends upon the good -pleasure of the Duke. As long as his Grace thinks his Epless victim of any use to him, so long may he cling to his place.— Age, Feb. 22, 1829. 0, Tories, dear Tories, who still are as true— lit_spite of defeat—and as trusty as steel, An apostate, a trimmer, a rat is in view ; So after him , boys, and come spit upon Peel. . _ . —Blackwood's Magazine, June, 1829. - Mr. Peel is lost for ever as a statesman. His conduct stands undefended, indefensible. No party ever will, or ever can, trust him again.—Glasgow Courier. 14th Feb., 1829. Of Peel, and the bullies of his crew, it is needless to say a word when addressing a Christian community-- since no man possessing a spark of moral or religious feeling, ever dared to insult the ear of his fellow-man by defending Judas Iscariot. Let the worm then sink into his native mud, a prey to " the worm that dieth not." We will never again disgrace our columns by the mention. of the reptile's name.—Leicester Herald,. April 4, 1829. Mr. Peel has really fallen so low—he- (tends so de graded—he is so completely the jest of his new friends, and the butt of his old ones, that he cannot possibly be of the least use to any Ministry. He is a dead weight even upon that of the great Duke, his master.—Morning Journal, 9th June, 1829. The Protestant who puts his foot under the same council table as Peel, is disgraced for ever. Eject him, like a foul thing, from the Cabinet—he ought to bo ejected from the society of gentlemen. 4 0 Peel must be the-Azazel, the scapegoat, sent forth for the sins of the Cabinet, loaded with the curses of the people —and we say, Amen.—Age, 19th July, 1829. UNITED STATES FISCAL BANK. Mr. Clay's Fiscal Bank (United States) Bill proposes that,— The capital shall be thirty millions, in shares of 100 dollars, one-third to be subscribed by the United States. It may be hereafter increased by Congress twenty mil lions more, and the United States may subscribe for one third of such increase at par, but not more. The sub scriptions to be paid in bullion, gold or silver coin of tile United States, or foreign coin at their legal value. The subscriptions of the United States to be made in coin of five per cent, stock redeemable at the eapira tion of fifteen years. The Bank may sell the Mock for coin or bullion, or the Secretary of the Treasury may, if he elect, sell the stock, and pay its nominal amount to -the Bank at par. Should there be a deficiency on private subscriptions net exceeding one-third the amount re quired, the Secretary of the Treasury may subscribe for it and issue stock for his subscription in like manner as before. The title to be " Fiscal Bank," and its seat, the dis trict of Columbia. The management to be in nine di rectors—three annually appointed by ill. , eresident and Senate, and six annually elected at Washington by the stockholders, other than the United States. The Directors shall establish an office of discount and deposite in any State, where 2,000 sh'ase are held or have been subscribed, whenever upon application of such State, Congress may require it. Anti they may also es tablish offices of discount and deposit in any State, terri tory, or district of the United States ; or, instead of es tablishing such offices, it shall be lawful for them to employ any agent or agents, or any other bank or banks, at any place or places they may deem safe and proper, to manage and transact their business, other than for the purpose of discount. Not more than nine, nor less than five managers or directors of every office . established as aforesaid, shall be appointed by the directors of the cor poration. As soon as seven millions of dollars, in bullion, gold, or silver coin, or in Treasury Notes, shall hare been ac tually received exclusive of the subscription of the United States, notice shall be given, of the election of the six ' directors at Washington, to take place at least thirty flays from the time of the notice, and the President to nomi nate the three remaining directors at the next Session of Congress. The Directors to have a salary to be fixed by the stockholders at their annual meeting. The amount of debt which the Bank mar contract over and above its deposits, is restricted to twenty-five mil lions of dollars, sinless authorised by law. Its dealing's are restricted to bills of exchange, gold or silver coin, 7 . bullion. No promissory notes may be issued for less_ than 5,000 dollars, and having more than twelve months run. No note payable on demand to be issuer! buy, lessex than ten .dollars, nor shall the Bank discount lati o on ex y c'eeds change, or extend loans, when its `debts to the Bank three times its specie on hand. 1) 187) cents. No discounts may be made and the Dank shall may never exceed the capital paid in mote , days, and no renewals in any shape,.bullion. ge th r an tha 7 l s l or CIAO, or rn only pay out its own notes,. s, i . y b the parent Bank, and The notes are to be r is issued for ion m ned in the note; but notes, where everand deposit, to be spc at one of the offices of discount made payable there, °— Id must be payabreceived in payment of debts due idends may be made of the profits, but these may no t ex ceed 3i per cent. for one halt . year. An accumulation of profits beyond the divideada amounting to two millions of dollars shall be paid into the Treasury, and any the Bank in all its offices. Half-yearly surplus at the expiration of the charter. If i n an ear the profits fail to yield 3 i per cant. divi dend, will (?) out of previous sarplassee, ap. propr jaw en ough to make up the deficiency. y: halfc Congress THE WEATHER.—NooN, JULY 21. ROYAL GALLERY OF SCIENCE, ♦DELAIDE-STREET. Barometer Thermometer— 59 Highest 6l I Lowest ..... 64 Wind S.W.—Freezing Point 32 Deg. DEATH 07 THE DOWAGER LADY CHET WYND.—We regret to announce the death of this much re spected lady, which took place on Saturday, the 17th instant, after a few day's illess. She was relict of the late Sir George Chetwynd, of Gundon Hall, in the county of Warwick, and Brocten Hall, in the county of Stafford, Baronet. In bar the poor have lost a kind friend and liberal benefactress* ' , bone memory will long be cherished by all who IneW' hes. So fierce is the opposition of tke,„iiiral•steamets between Southampton and Havre, that ",), arelorrfiniirs sengers for Is. 6d. and 3 s . a h ea d, f ore an d x t ft.—Brsg Guardian. The Sentinelle of Toulon of the 14th eaye, " that General Bugeaud has remained at Mascara to receive the submission of the Rudgers, a tribe situated near 31a.caru, who can bring 1,500 cavalry into the field. This event will be very advantageous, both as an example, and=s` itsvitl faeititate the supplying of the troops left at Mascara whkprevisioua." LABOUR.—Bread, wine,-and cloth' are things of daily use and great plenty; s.et notwithstanding, "coxes, . water, and leaves or skins, must be our bread, drink, and clothing, did not labour furnish us with these more useful commodities ; for whatever bread is more worth than acorns, wine than water, and cloth ,and silk than leaves, skins, or mos s, that is solel y owin g to labour and industry ; the o ne of these bein g the food and raiment which unassisted n ature furnish e s us with ; the other provisions which our industry and pains. prepare for us, i which how much they exceed the other n value, when any one hath computed, he will then stellow much la enjoy in this world,—Lock's Essay on Civil Govern / not, bour makes the fur'greater iSart . of the 'valu - e'of things we