The Sun. — London, England, 1841-08-25 00:00:00

VVENING SUN. . . , - assiatihee and cernplet 4)ri e ca il ltret!.',l in the VIeWS which hall been sprofessed thole Honourable Gen. ilemen with- whom he had the honour to -sit in :that House, and agreeing as he did in• the course svhich it was propc.)scd ,by those lion. Gentlemen to take 'Mon that occasion,: lie felt he should I ) " awl, however, backward .lw might feel personally, he. did not wish to avoid the task. He felt he s:esuld be shrinking from his duty if he did not suggest to the House the adoption of a different course from that whisk they had been called upon to take by the followers of her Majesty's Government. — (Applause.) But it' he were liable to anything . like presumption in his own person perhaps he might find something of justification in the circumstances under which he had the honour to appear before the liouae.—(Cheers.) It was not long since. her Majesty, by the advice of her present Ministry, put it to the country at large to decide upon the policy of their measures, and asked that country to return her an answer which should serve as a guide in the future government of the countrv.—(Hear, hear.) Ile (Mr. Wortley) appeared there the bearer of a portion of that tined-er ; and. he hoped he might, without too much prestunption, say that he appeared there not as its least significant portion—(Opposition cheers) —and that . being the case, he trusted he would not be out of place, early as it was in their proceedings, in standing before them. for the purpose of moving an amon•lment upon that occasion ; and he felt satisqed he might take such a course in strict conformity, not only with the wishes of his own constituents, 'but with those of the great msjority of the people of this country --{Loud cheers from the Opposition benches)—while he asked that House to consider, in the first instance, whether it was meet that persons sitting in the position of her Majesty's Ministers were those whom it wished to entrust with the future conduct of affairs. (Cheers.) Ile conceived that in recommending the course which he was about to propose to the House, he was liable to nothinf , in the way of blame or imputation, because it had been an ancient - Practice upon various opinions of a similar kind, to ask that House to engraft upon the Ad tress which was prepared by the advisers of the Sovereign, an amendment which would declare different sentiments from those which that Address might contain. It was a course which was in itself respectful towards the Brown—it was a course which was in itself constitutional and isateilleible ; and he should add, alto, that upoa that occasion Hon. Gentlemen opposite had no right to complain that they (the Opposition) should interfere in order to ask for an altera tion of those sentiments. In the first place, ha said such a course was respectful towards the Crown, because the Crown having put a questioa formally and deliberately to the country —having sent them there to declare its opinion upon the topics com prised in that question, it could not be otherwise than respect ful to the Crown, that they should take the earliest opportunity tof informing the Crown what was the answer which they had isoen comunssioned to give by their constituents. (Hear, hear.) It appeared that it was not oily nit disrespectful, but that it was due to the Crown, particularly at that moment, that they should give her Majesty an intimation of what they believed to be the• wishes of the country, in order that she might be relieved f rom a ll uncerta i nty upon th e su bj ect . The course he was about to mem-ea - tend was also conformable to the usual practice of the House ; 'and if he wanted any jus t4cetion upon that point, he might refer to a precedent very much in point. Ile might refer to the proceedings in the year 1835, when his predecessor in the representation which gave him his present seat in that House (Lord Morpcth, we believe), took the same course as that which- he presumed to suggest to the House upon that occasion. Irks - predecessor had Undertaken the duty, under circhtnstances in'which,perhapsethe justification was not quite so strong as it was at present, be cause he was then told that no fault whatever was found with the Speech on the Address proposed by her Majesty's Govern ment ; but still it was thought fit that an amendment should be made upon the occasion. If, then, that course had been taken when the Address was thought unobjectionable, he had still a better right than his predecessor to ask that House to pursue a similar course ; and with respect to Hon. Gentlemen neposite, and especially her Majesty's Ministers, he should say that they had no reason to complain of the course he pro posed ; hut the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) ought to consi der it an act of the most obliging courtesy—(Laughter)—that be ( Mr. Wortley) should propose an amendment to the Address. In the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell's) recent address to his constituents, he used these words:—" As soon as the new Parliament meets, we shall take the first opportunity of ask law for a clear and decided judgment on our policy." The Noble Lord would, therefore, acknowledge that the anticipa tion of the call was an act of courtesy.—(Laughter.) He was ithAifisd also hy the Noble Lord himself, in asking the Howse not to separate, without expressing a strong opinion open a point which they WI a right to consider in. the first instance,—whether her Majesty's Ministers were entitled, in the actual state of the representation of this coun • try, to dictate the Address which should be presented to the Queen ?—( Much cheering from the Tory benches.) He mild not better show the position in which the House stood with respect to Ministers, than in the words of the Noble Lord in 1834, during the discussion on the appropriation of the revenue of the Church of Ireland. The Noble Lord had laid,—" I consider that the Government of this country must be formed of persons agreeing with the principles of the ma jority of the 'House of Commons ; and J.think the House has a right, if Ministers have not their confidence, to address the Crown, with the expectation that IlainiSters would be chosen wile should have their confidence."—(Hear, hear, from Lord J. Russell, and mach cheering.) The Noble Lord had cheered. "Ho was glad to perceive that he was able to concur with the Noble Lord, and he was doing that, which, Ise trusted would effectually fulfil the object recommended in that passage.—( Tory cheers and laughter.) But beyond that the Noble Lord and he would not concur. Those on the speosite side of the House, and those with whom he had the honour to act took different views of the manner in which this night's debate should be conducted. The Gentlemen opposite said, that the distress of the country was owing to the rejection -of the policy re c ommen d e d by Ministers. But, althsugh it might be very expedient and very politic for Ministers to identify themselves with cheap bread and free trade, yet in his nailed they had no right to discuss these questions then.— ( Cheers and laughter.) He would not preclude the lion. Member tor Manchester or others from making speeches on free trade, but the question before the House was not whether those subjects were important or not, but whether the persons who compose her Majesty's Government were those whom the country would confide in to carry them out.—;Great cheering.) He had stated his opinion on the ! questions of corn and free ti ado, and he would have an opportunity of doing so again--the savner the better—but the only qiiestion now was whether Ministers had not forfeited the confidence Of the House a•al the country.—( Renewed cheers from the Opposi tiou.) They had forfeited it by an oblivion of their pledges. —( Cheers and "Oh, oh.") They had forfeited it by the abandonment of their measures, end lastly, by tampering with great practical questions which - affected every impurtatit interest in the couutry, for the sake of party pur poses. (Loud cheers from the force=.) On the opposite benches he saw two Noble Lords who were members'. of LOrd Grey's' Government. In the ether House there 'was Lord Melbourne and other Lords who - carne into power with Lord Grey, and who were now in office, hut the declared prin ciples of that Government were these—retrenchment, peach, and reform.—( Loud cheers.) diy these fundariental principles they were to be distinguished from all previous Governments, • which., when in opposition, alley were accustomed to condemn as extravagant in expenditure, inclined to war, and opposed to reform. But in tea years they have had five wars.—(Cheers and laughter.) First they had a little war at Antwerp.— ( Laughter.) Then a little war-an unintelligable war in Spain —next in Indiah-neet in Chins, and last of all in Syria.— (Cheers.) Yet the Hon. Member for Manchester gave them an exclusive chahacter for peace. He (Mr. Wortley) did not condemn the whole policy - of the the Noble Lord on account of these wars—some of them might be right.—( Hear, hear. ) But what matter for that ?—(Great laughter and cheers.) - There might be instification for some of those wars ; still he maintained Ministers had no right at the out set. to pretend that they h o d an exc l us i ve secret f or inamtaining peace. For fifteen years before their ac cession to office, the Goverment, whom they accused of a propensity to war, had maintained unbroken peace, with the exception of the isolated action of Navarino, whereas in ten years the ministers pledged to peace have had five wars in ten years. What right had they then to lead people to believe that they had a peculiar faculty for preserving the country from the evils of war? - They ph. mi3ed to be the most economical Government the 'country ever saw, and yet the country had now an ate:emulated deficiency of seven millions awl a hes rfui increasing expenditure.—( Hear, hear.) Again he :aid, that although he did not pretend to denounce all the sources of expense, from which this increase hal arisen— ' and God forbid-- - lie should oppose the application of money • to improve the Navy—yet the Ministers had no r:ght to • make the promise of retrenchment one of their claims to • • °Him—('rory cheers.) With respect to reform, it might be said that in that item they had not deceived the couotrv. Ito must grant that they reformed Parliament and the h- Corporations, but some hail a lurking suspicion that there were amongst the supporters of those measures, persons who hoped to derive from them personal gains and importance. Ibe would ask those persons who hail watched the proceedings of leer Majesty's Government for the last few years, be should - rather say for the last five years—(" Hear, hear," from the Itlinisterial benches)—he would repeat, the last five years, whs.- • they they had not in the course of that time lavished more pieces and peerages than any other previous Government?— ( Opposition cheers, and counter-cheers from the Ministerial benclissa ) Arid what we e th e i r l as t ac t ? It was an indecent clutch, toward s th e c l ose of last Session, patronage', i means of a prospe c ti ve and impasse.l Act of Parliament , Is! 'h • was propos e d to be brought into effect by whatever Govern ment might be in office at the: time of its coming-into opera tion. There w as no pretence whatever for its being iinme tiiately laroueht into operation. In fact, whether they looked •, to topice amnesiacs! With ... the Church, topics elms. • • nected With the Colonies,' or topics eunnect (el wit,h, .• • the inter na l government o f the country, they would find all e those questions which gave rish to the !eerie stiles:times—pies tiefts Which justified the same charge,. If they look ds . ee Inc itiAtinu , , to the tpteation of the Appropria t • lion Clathe t them censider the hhaor e y of that for a single rnornelds In the year 183• I it was proposed to :ap psopriate a esrtain portion of the Irish Church revenue in a way that would facilitate the settlement of the question of tithr.s in that country. Government proposed a Commission to inquire into the subject, and that teas opposed. In the year 1835 what cours, did the same parties in the Government pur - sue ? Th:'y pr, posed that Partiament should vote that no thing eculd he satisfactory on the sultjoct until it was ascertained what amount was to be appropriated. Well, they attained 1 office hi agreeing to settle that question, and in the year la3B, after basing gone - through discussion after discussion, they se: fled the question of the Irish tithes without including the question of appropriation. That was another case where the Government did not fulfil the promisee with which they set out. Without detaining the House he would come now to the subject which was more especially before the country at the pre sent moment. Ile woul•I show what was the conduct of her Ala jesty's Government on the question of the Budget containing the topies of the reduction of the duties on sugar and corn. Let them look first to the question of sugar. last year it was prop esed to reduce the duty on that article. It was objected to that proposal that it was not fair at the present moment, when the c 'lonics were subject to the consequences of a great exphitnent, to introduce foreign sugar in great quantities into • thIS country. If he (Mr. Wortley) wanted effective argu menls upon this subject, he would refer to the speech delivered on the occasion referred to by the Right Huh. the President. , -efthe Board of Trade. In June 1840, that Right Hon. Gen tlenian opposed th e pr o posal, anti again on the ilth of August its th, Fame year, in a s'eort discussion on the same subject. ... the Rightllcn. Gentleman made the same statements with respect to his opposition to that. proposal. I-le (Mr. Wort'ey) would only state that for himself his opposition to any idlers ; lion in those duties rested on no ground of a financial nature. They rested on the conviction that the peculiar circumstances • of the question at the present moment justified that opposi , .lion. In 1811, notwithstanding his opposition in the former . year, the Right Hon. Gentleman was one of those who came I c clown to the House to make that identical proposal which in the Preceding year he had opposed. With respect to the Cam-laws, - lie h a d to say that he had also seen some of that di s t ress whiSh the Hon, Member f e r Manchester (Mr. 31. Phillips) had so feelinein tt lyioke n o f th a t' evening, 'and - which no man:could de n y. course of a ll the distress and suf fering which he had witnesseately, nothing struck him more than tho calm and reasonable terapesehthe patient fortitude-- with Ohich the people discussed tliaTkiestion, and the refit - sir which they evinced to . make - themselves the tools of a party. The country had been enlightened on _the subject by nothing more than by the course which the Government had' takei - in proposing its adoption. If there had been any legitimate ob ject in view in making that proposal; it might have been a' - tended with successful effect. 'But the sive-di:ions of the people were excited from the manner in which the estsbjeet was brought before them. The result was, that the' people hid looked at the question, and saw that there was snelethine to be said on the other side, and that they were not to take all that was advanced by the advocates of the proposition of the Go vernment. In the year 1840, the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies was of opinion, that unless there was a gene ral wish for an alteration in the Corn-laws, inch as would en able the Government to step in and frame the machinery of that measure, any meddling with the question would do no more than excite the animosity of party discussion, which would not promote hut retard the ameliorations of the question. Notwithstandinefshat view of the subject, the Noble Lord came down to the House in 1841, and proposed a measure of the very description to which he had adverted. The course which her Majesty's Government had thought fit to pursue on the subject of the-Corn-laws, was one which he (Mr. Wortley) thought had done more to cause them to forfeit the confidence of the people of this country than any other measure which they proposed. They all recollected that Lord Melbourne de clared, in the House of Lords, that the repeal of the Corn-laws was one of the maddest schemes which ever entered into the heart of man to conceive ; and in the year 1840 that Noble Lord renewed his announcement, that it was not the intention of Government to propose any change in those laws. Further, the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had declared, that any attempt to introduce the subject ,of a fixed duty en, corn would sever the frame work of society to its foundation and he would not be the man to attempt any such course ; yet, in the year 1841, although the arguments upon the subject were not different from those of 1841—although there was dis tress in the year 1840—although there was a deficiency for )ears past in 1840—although the objects which they stated as those which justified the proposal of the measure in 1841 were in existence in 1810—notwithstanding, in 1841, they did not scruple to come down to the House, and say, as the Noble laird • the Secretary for the Colonies had told them, that it was a question between the profit of the few and the interest of the many—if, on all these subjects, they could see that the affairs of the country had been so conducted as to have led to cheer ing results, why, then, they might consent to give the Govern ment some credit, not withstanding all those grievances. But what appeared in the stare of the country ? They were told in her Majesty's Speech that she received friendly assurances from the various Powers of Europe, that the question of the Otto man empire was almost settled. Why, there were . dis turbances in Syria and in Candia, and yet they were told that that state of things was a satisfactory settle ment of the question. Let theist look to India, and they would see we were engaged in a war which it was difficult to say in what manner it could be brought to a satisfactory ter mination. In China we were engaged in a war the object of which it was difficult to understand. He was not disposed to doubt that the conduct and valour of the British forces in that country were likely to accomplish all that could be accom plished by any troops, but at the present moment he could not think that the Government was justified in saying that there was a distinct prospect of that war being brought to a satisfac tory conclusion. He thought they might look to that, among other points, to ascertain how far Ministers were able to bring the affair of that country to a satisfactory conclusion. And, whilst on this subject, he would venture to express his asto nishment that there was not a syllable mentioned about our affairs in another quarter of the globe, which it was impossible to deny at the present moment wore a somewhat threatening aspect. He did not suppose that the house or the country would expect any explicit information from the Noble Lord on that subject. But where there was a subject of foreign policy which excited more attention, it was strange that neither in the Address nor in her Majesty's Speech was there a syllable about the relations of this country with the United States. 'Be had no reason to believe that in our relations with that country the national honour would be compwamised. Still no change was made in the circumstances which presented that threatening aspect. We had no reason, as it appeared to him, to congratulate ourselves on the foreign rela tions of the country; and if they turned their view home ward they would see a general stagnation of trade, from what ever cause it may have arisen, which was so disheartening, and which the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, in ad dressing his constituents at London, told them justified the Government in agitating the country for the purpose of carrying those great questions.—(c` No, no," from Lord John Russell.) If the Noble Lord referred to one of the earliest 'speeches which he pronounced on the occasion of the late elec tion, he would see that he said that he (Lord John Russell) had been accused of agitating on the subject of the Corn-laws, but in some questions agitation was justified—that the Habeas Corpus Act was obtained by agitation, and that for the same reason he was justified in the course he had adopted. —Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Here, then, they had a Cabinet Minister giving the weight of his authority to agitation—( Hear, hear)—and the Government itself was in close alliattee with those who, in one breath, sullied the name of Sovereign with the grossest and most fawning adulation, and in the next breath gloated over the prospect of foreign war, in the hopes of receiving armed assistance from our enemies.—( Loud cheering.) He thought he had said enough to show, that before discussing any of the great ques tions affecting the interests of the country, they ought to de cide if a Government lying under all these imputations was fit to be trusted with the adjustment of any of these questions.— (Cheers.) He felt convinced otherwise.--(Cheers.) The late returns showed that her Majesty's Ministers did not re ceive that support from the country which for some years past they had enjoyed. The result of those returns had been, ac cording to the confession of the Noble Lord himself, to show that the Government was in a minority in that House, and therefore it was their duty to assure her Majesty, in unison with the opinion of their constituents, and in accordance with theresponaibility imposed upon them by the fact of their being returned to that House, that neither the House nor the country ' had any confidence in her Majesty's Government.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) Their constituents had sent them there to express those opinions.—(Cheers.)The country expected, to use the words of the Right lion. Baronet, that a new phy sician would be called in. —(Hear, hear.) The Ministers, by ' the course they had pursued, hail forfeited the confidence of the nation, and they must give way to those whose senti ments and position were more in unison with the sense of the majority of the country.—(Cheers.) On these grounds, he called upon the House to adopt a different course from that whielthad been recommended by the Hon. Gentleman who had preceded him, and to return such an answer to her Majesty's Speech as would be consistent with their responsibilities to those who had sent them there, and to record on their Journals that they had come to a decision in unison with the opinions of those from whom they derived those powers.—(Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving, as an amendment, " To leave out all the words after last Parliament, and to insert words to the following effect:—We beg humbly to represent to her Majesty that we have observed with great concern that the public expenditure has of late, for several successive years, ex ceeded the annual incline, and that we are deeply impressed with the necessity of adopting measures for remedying those evils ; that we are deeply sensible of the importance of all I measures affecting the revenue and commerce of the country, and of deciding on the course to be pursued which should be , most in accordance with the interest and welfare of all classes of her Majesty's subjects, but that we consider it essential to the satisfactory result of those deliberations, that her Majesty's Government should possess the confidence of the House and the country, and that we respectfully submit to her Majesty that that confidence is not reposed in the present advisers of her Majesty—(Cheers)—that we join in the expression of deep sympathy expressed by her Majesty with those of her subjects whit are now suffeeing from distress and want of em ployment, and that, in the expression of that sympathy we re cognize an additional proof of the tenderness with which her ! Majesty regards all classes of her subjects, and that we join 1 her Majesty in an earnest prayer that our deliberations may lie guided by wisdom, and may conduce to the happiness of her , Majesty's beloved people.—(Loud cheers.) Lord BRUCE, in seconding the amendment, said it was with extreme reluctance that lie trespassed upon the House, 1 and that nothing but his duty to his constituents, as the repro sentative of a large and increasing commercial town, could have overcome that teluctance, and he could assure the Hon. Mover of that amendment, that however wide might. be the differences in the local connections, interests, and _position of his (Lord Bruce's) constituents and those of the Hon. Gentleman, yet they all cordially concurred in the sentiments of the amend ment:—(Cheers.) Another reason for his trespassing on the House was, that as the amendment expressed the sympathy between the present and the late House of Commons, and was. I in fret, an expression of a concurrence - in a resolution which I had passed that House, it was unbecoming in him, as a new Member, to second it—( Cheers)—and he thought that, in the present peculiar posture of public affairs, sit would be inconsistent wish the dignity of the House, if they were to discuss any specific propositions whatever until they had ascer tained what had been the effect of the late dissolution.— (Cheers.) He felt that the Government had already given sufficient reasons for a vote of want of confidence in the Go vernment • and, if he wanted any additional reasons, he found them in the address of the Noble Lord to his constituents. From the style of that document,—from the manner in which it had been given to the world, and from the mariner in which it had been received by the supporters of the Government. it was evident that that document was intended to be no ephemeral production ; and in that addreis he found a full admission that by. the dissolution of Parliament they had failed in obtaining a verdict for the Government.--(Cheeri:) In ordinary cases, success was no criterion of merit; but if ever there was a ease in which failuse might be considered to argue incapacity and recklessness; it was one in which a Minister of the Crown having lost the confidence of one House of Commons, should re,lrvereisia,ssme h 4 they a t disaolution, and find the verdict of the House con ed by t h e country.—( Renewed c h eer i ng.) I t was to had tendered that advice, in the pro speet a 1 gettin g this verdict of the House reversed by the countryes but when the result of that advice had been an utter failure, then the tentlerin such advice must be considered an additional proof of incapacity.—(Hear, hear.) He %A as free to admit that, until the Noble Lord had issued that. address, he had a fair right to say that he haul had no means of constitu ' tionally knowing the opinion of the new House of Commons ; but the Noble Lord had disdained that subterfuge, and with the courage and manliness for which he (Lord Bruce) gave him credit, boldly avowed that the majority was against the Governmeet. But after that admission lie was surprised to learn that the end of Government influence had not been ( t c h i from the which Treasury; e theasu ryN; silortenett, and the stream of honours, dignities, and emolu obhiaed L c a o r n d ti continued he s had merits rolling forth ever . repented of the advice he had tenderest? 150 he say that he regrette d having stirred up society t o i ts f oun d at i ons, and raised a conflict `of class interest? Uid he say lie regretted that time sufferings of the poor operatives of Holton should have been aggravated by the general stagnation of trade conse quent upon the continued discussion of these abortive mea sures?—(Cheers ) Did he resign his trust into the hands of his Sovereign, and advise her to give it into the hands of t h ose who possessed the confidence and support of the House of Common;? Did he ever, having lo st the reality of power, refuse to retain the semblance of it, and to exercise those functions of it which are not imperatively required by ti he necessities of the State. The Gazette had every day given the lie to sueli supposition. —•( Loud cheering.) With a free and undauwed of one House of 0 front the Noble Lord, bearing the c ensure Commons, braved the indignation of a second.—( Cheers. ) There were only one or two points in the amendment to with regard to the expenditure. He did not believe that that which be would draw the attention of t he [louse; and first, increase had been °cc isioned wholly by foreign expeditions necessary to defend the honour of the nation. Ile believed that by inconsideration and reckless expenditure at home, the evil had been aggravated; and, as a proof of this, lie would refer to the enormous increase in the miscellaneous estimates. —(" Hear, hear," from Col. Sibthorp, and a laugh.) He could not consent to the deficiency in the revenue being made a stepping-stone for important changes in our commer cial system, urecsa he were convinced of the merit of those changes.—( Hear, hear.) The object of the Government in proposing them seemed to he to pre vent criticism on their own misconduct by representing all those who criticised these measures as opponents of free trade. Many persons at the last election had voted against the Government becana s they did not believe they were sincere in bringing forward these measures; and others, most intelligent men, had opposed them because they did not believe that the measures of the Government and those of the free trade policy were convertible terms, whether they regarded free trade as it had been regarded by Mr. Huskisson, or by those whom he might denominate the ultra free traders. For himself he did not consider that he was at all compromising his free trade opi nions by seconding the amendment, and had always been an 'ME SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 25, 1841, (Ivo - clirro - i - free - trade, based on reciprocity and a due regard o - eXisting interests ' according to the doctrine of Mr. Huskis on.—( Hear, hear.) A great deal had been Said of the benefits which landlords and capitalists would derive from a repeal of the Corn-laws, but he wanted to know how the labouring classes would be benefitted ; and unless it could be shown what was to become of that section of the labouring classes who would be - *rived of their ordinary and habitual employment by such an •alteration, he for one would never consent to it. It was quite true that the landlord might derive some advan tage from the increased value of his property from the factory mills that could he erected 'upon it ; it was equally true the capitalist might withdraw his capital from a milling concern and employ it elsewhere ; but the only capital of the labourer was his skill in his own branch of industry, and it was a mockery and a fallacy to tell him when you had deprived him of the resource, that he could find satisfactory compensa tion ; and this led' him to say that he sympathised, from the bottom of his heart, with another expression in this amend ment, in which he coincided with - the Address, namely, that in the gracious expression of her Majesty's sympathy with the sufferings of'those who are in want of employment, they re • cognised an additional proof of her Majesty's tender regard for her subjects. He believed that a just regard for the interests of the labouring classes was the paramount, the most weighty reason which could be adduced for proceeding warily in the application of the doctrines promulgated ; and as he was upon this subject, he could not help alluding to the very harsh, to the very severe, to the very unjust terms in which it had been the fashion to designate those who on these questions had taken opposite views from those of her Majesty's Government. In a (lay in which monopolies were denounced he must be permitted to say that of all mono polies the most intolerable and the most odious was the pre tention to a monopoly of public virtue.—(Leud cries of Hear, hear," from the Opposition b riche's.) Never to 'his mind was that pretension urged with a worse grace than when it was advanced by those who but an hour ago, bur a little moment ago, might with propriety have been classed amongst those whose pretensions to monopoly and whose selfish, and unreasonable, and ungenerous consideration; were now the objects o their reproach. He had, he feared, already trespassed at too great length ; and as this was his first appearance, he could only return his grateful thanks to the House fur the kind manner in which they bad listened to him ; but there was one subject to which he begged permission to refer for two or three minutes.—(Hear, hear. ) He had observed, in the general tenor of the observations which hall been made by the Ministerial portion of the press, and by the supporters of the Government general . y throughout the country, especially since the result of the elections had been known—he had observed an attempt at a studied and elaborate recapitulation of all the possible difficulties and dangers which the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth would have to encounter, should he, in the present posture of affairs, be called to administer the destinies of this nation. When he had read over these statements, containing as they did refe rences to the disordered state of our finances, to dangers which beset us both at home and abroad, it had always struck him that the authors of these paragraphs and their abettors might, indeed, have contemplated most of these circum stances with feelings of the deepest and most poignant self-reproach, and that there were none at least that they could have regarded with any other feelings but those of a sincere and petrio is regret, had it not been for an under current of exultation which he thought he had perceived to run through those statements. —(Hear, hear.) But what ever might be the feelings of the authors of these statements, whatever hypothesis which they assumed, he trusted that the Right Hon. Baronet, conscious of the high destiny to which he was called in being summoned to extricate his country from these difficulties—of the high hopes entertained of him in the country, and of the generous confidence which was reposed in him by all classes, as manifested by the zeal and alacrity with which they had come forward at the late general election, and by the large majority returned to that House—that the Right Hon. Baronet considering these circumstances wood be able to face those difficulties, whatever they were; not in a spirit of presumptuous defiance, nor with the intention of having re course to the arts of empiricism, but with a firm, with a manly re liance upon the good sense, the honesty, the fairness of the people or this country, and with a still more constant reliance upon the kindly spirit of that Providence whose watchful arm had ever supported Britain in difficulties, and so long as she had been true to herself, had ever guided her in the paths of honour.—(Cheers.) And, still to argue upon that hypo thesis, which was not his but that of others, when the period should arrive, which he trusted was very far distant, when in the course of nature, or of circumstances, the Honourable Baronet would resign that high trust to those who should succeed him, he trusted that he would leave them a very different legacy—that he would bequeath to them a healthy exchequer, peace at home, prosperity in trade, prosperity abroad, and a happy and contented nation.--(Loud Cheers.) Mr. LABOUCHERE said the Noble Lord who had just addressed the House, as well as the Honourable Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, had taken great pains to assure the Government that they were in a minority. He did not stand there to contrast their 'position ; but if that were true, he was too well aware of the disposition of the House to doubt that they would give to any Member of that Government, however humble, a patient, an indulgent hearing.--( Hear.) Those Gentlemen had expressed a great eagerness that the House should decide upon the questions before them. He could assure the House that that eagerness was at least equally shared by her Majesty's Government, and that they were rejoiced that the time had come when they were able fairly to put before the House the policy upon which they believed the affairs of this country should be conducted, to take the opinion of the House upon that policy, and, if they should fail to receive from the House of Commons that support which could alone enable them to carry out that policy to a successful conclusion, without loss of time to devolve the responsibity of governing the country on other principles, upon those who were of a different opinion on such subjects from themselves. He had listened with great attention, and with no small curiosity, to the speeches that had been made from the other side of the House, and he confessed that he was entirely at a loss to understand the intention of the amendment. He clearly understood that it was intended to express a want of confidence in her Majesty's Ministers ; and he could assure the Hon. Member for the West Riding that it was totally unnecessary for him to take up the time of the House, as he had done in asserting the right to express such a sentiment. It was not only right, but it was the duty of the Rouse, if upon general grounds they did not feel confidence in the advisers of her Majesty ; it was due to the Crown—it was due to the country—he might say it was due to the Govern ment itself at once to declare that opinion, that no doubt might remain upon the subject.—(Hear.) Still he must say, that after hearing the amendment, and the speeches by which he had been supported, he was at a loss to understand what was its import. Before, however, he alluded to that part of the subject, he would take the liberty of referring to some of the observations which had fallen from the mover and seconder of the address. The Noble Lord who had just sat down (Lord Bruce) had said that the Government had no right to come down to the House of Commons as a Government ; it was notorious, he said, that the result of the late elections was unfavourable, and under such circumstances it was an insult both to the country and to the Crown for them to retain office.— (Hear.) He thought the Noble Lord could hardly have observed near whom he was sitting.—(Hear, hear.) He must remind him that when the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth, in 1835, acted as the Minister of the Crown, the result of the elections had placed him in an ac knowledged minority. He was perfectly aware, when he met that ho met a hostile majority arrayed against him ; at any rate, if he could have any doubt about it, the point was very soon settled.—( Hear, hear.) They began with the Speaker ship, of which he would say no more.—( Hear, hear, from the Tory benches.) They then proceeded to move an amendment to the Address, blaming the dissolution of the previous Parlia ment, and clearly int,mating that the majority of the House did not repose confidence in the Government. Still the Right Hon. Gentleman retained office, exercising the patronage, and using all the executive functions of the Minister, though he was never able, during the whole time that he sat as Minister, to, carry one single measure which was proposed to the House. There was, too, this peculiarity in the defects of the Right Honourable Baronet—they were unchequered by a single triumph, though on one occasion he was defended from an attack which proceeded from the Duke of Buckingham by the co-operation of his opponents—co-operation which, he trusted, would always be afforded when an improper attack was made upon the existing Government.—(Hear, hear.) His Hon. Friend (the Member far the West Riding) had charged the Government with having abandoned those pledges which Lord Grey had given of peace, economy, and reform. He felt convinced that the calm judgment of the country and of posterity would give them credit for having maintained those three principles of Government, as far as it was favourable under the circumstances. The Hon. Member said there had been some cannon shots fired since the Government had been in office. The pledge of Lord :irey was to this effect—that the Government would, as far as possible, preserve a pacific policy, that, as far as possible, they would prevent an European war, or any breaking up of that great confederacy, which was the best pledge of peace. When Lord Grey took office, ten years ago, it. was said that it would be an astonishing thing if peace were maintained for six months.—( Hear, hear ) Yet, with some slight interruptions, peace had been maintained for ten years ; and if the event of these discussions should be to bring Hon. Gentlemen opposite into power, it would indeed be matter of congratulation most fortunate to the interests of the human race, if at, the end of ten years the world had not suffered more calamities from war than during the ten years that were past. He next came to economy. The lion. Gentleman said there had never been such profuse expenditure, yet the Government came in with pledges of economy. If that were so, if the Government had been lavish in their expenditure, it implied a very great censure upon their political opponents. ( Hear, - hear.) It was the peculiar province and duty of an opposition to watch the expenditure of the country, and to check any dis position to excess. (Laughter from the Oppeedtion.) The complaints from the other side of the House had uniformly been thtt they did not spend enouAlt; that they were not suffi ciently lavish. ( Hear, hear.) Mr. STUART WORTLEY explained. He said he had complained of the result. Mr. LA LIOUCHERE said he had always supposed that "economy" was a relative term. No one could imagine that Earl Grey had pledged himself not to spend more than a cer tain sum of money; or not to increase when it was neeessary the establishments of the country. It might in some cases be the truest economy to increase the expenditure.—(hear, hear ) His Hon. Friend had made a charge against the pre sent Government that they had never introduced reforms unless when it set ved their own party purposes; and that it was for that reason they had reformed the old borough system. Now he (Mr. Labouchere) did not think that a charge which they should shrink from ; and he hoped they should always have a party interest in reforming acknowledged abuses. * But he would also remind his Hon. Friend that there was a large class of subjects in which reforms had been introduced, while the Whig,party had occupied power, to which the observation could not apply. With respect to the reform in Church-rates, the reform in tithes, and many other important reforms introduced during the last ten years, it was impossible to say that they could be attributed to party motives. He felt it a matter of just pride to those with whom he I had the honour to act, that they could look back with satisfaction upon the results of many of those important changes which it was predicted would lead to the most cala mitous consequences. It was said that the Reform Bill would lead to ruin and confusion in the country; but so far was the prediction from being verified, that in his (Mr. Labonchere's) opinion the institutions of the country had been thereby placed upon a sounder basis, and had become mere an object of love and reverence to the people of this country than they had been before that event. He held it that the leiitimate object of Reform was preservation , and he could not look back to that long series of measures intrnduced during the last ten years but with a feeling of satisfactian at the success which had at tended their efforts to amend and consolidate the institutions of the country.—( Hear, hear.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite said they were not in a condition to discuss those measures of trade, and it had he en intimated that the Government had not brought forward those measures upon reflection and a conviction of their propriety, but merely to serve some temporary purpose, and that therefore they had not received the full consideration of the country. He (Mr. Labouehere) could only say, on the contrary, that if ever th ere were measures d e lib erate l y con sidered 'before they had been brought forward, they Were the measures which it had been attempted so unfairly to eharacs tense.. He could assure the House that the Govern enent, in bringing forward those measures, were aware that they were likely to meet with very great. opposition. It was. impossible to look to th e hi s t ory o f our co mmercial legislation of late years without anticipating that result, for it was a remarkable fact, that while they had improved the insti tutions of the country in other respects, nothing had been done for our commercial legislation during a long series of years, al- I . thongh no important alterations had since taken place in the 1 condition of the country'and the commercial relationssof the world. The Government were• aseare they were undertaking a task of great difficulty. The Hon. Gentleman opposite had' said that he was a disciple of Mr. Huskisson—with the support. be it always remembered, of the Whig party, who did not think it fit to make such subjects party question,. With the support of the Whigs Mr. Huskis son had, undoubtedly, introduced many important al. terations in our commercial system, in spite of his over.relne tent followers. Mr. Grant (now Lord Glenelg) and Mr. Huskisson, had, it should be recollected, brought forward the very question of the sugar duties ; and the proposal they hod made went much further than the late proposal of her Ma jesty's Government, giving less protection to the colonies and being more favourable to the home consumer.—( Hear.) He had no doubt but his Honouralrle Friend ( Mr.. Wortley) voted upon that occasion with Mr. Huskisson; but he was op posed to the Duke of Wellington, to the Right Hon. Baronet the • Member for Tamw.orth, to the Right Hon. Member for Cambridge, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the the proposal failed. Now he (Mr. Labouchere) had no hesi tation in saying that if that measure had been carried at the time, the results to the commerce and the finances of this country, as well as the general comfort of the people, would have been almost inealeulable.—( Hear.) What was the next considerable attempt made to change our commercial system? The next attempt was made by a Government that could not he designated a weak Government—it was made by the Go vernment of Earl Grey, the year after they had come into office.—( Hear, hear.) That Government brought forward a measure relating to the timber duties ; and the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, and the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Dorcheeter ( Sir J. Graham), said it was an ill-advised measure. But the proposal reset with a party Opposition, and it did not succeed. 11 shouldh __e o b serve that if public men made such subjects party questions, and made tee of them as a means of ember; assing and harassing a• Government, he was afraid that they would never see a Go vernment strong enough to carry out any important improve ments.—( Hear, hear.) He was not surprised that, after the failures he had enumerated, succeeding Governments felt slow and reluctant to propose any considerable alterations with re spect to those important matters, and fully admitted what he had heard that night, that there was a great evil in bringing forward such measures unless there was some chance of carry ing them. He had never denied that. It was the duty of a Government fairly to weigh the one against the other—the danger and the evil Isf leaving things as they were when they became injurious to the best interests of the country, and the lerzard of dealing with such questions. He should not forget to mention that Mr. Huskisson, in his attempt to alter the sugar duties, was opposed by the entire of the party opposite, with the single and most honourable exception of the late Mr. Peregrine Courtenay, and after that t experienee he did think that Governments might be well reluctant in bringing forward measures of a similar description. It was also to be observed that, when the Corn-law ques tion had been brought for Ward year after year by independent Members of that House, the proposal had been always negatived by very considerable majorities. But they had been constantly told, and by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth among, many others, that if the Go vernment took into consideration the whole state of the com mercial legislasion of the country so as to do justice to all classes, Hon. Gentlemen opposit would not be indisposed to consider the Corr.-laws. The Government, therefore, put the sincerity of that declaration to the proof ; but they had been disappointed. But when they had made up their minds that it was their duty to submit the commercial system of the coun try to the revision of Parliament, they believed that that was a favourable opportunity to ask the powerful landed interest fairly to be considered while other interests were under die cussion. They had been told that evening that the measures of the Government had been improperly brought forward last session. The Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said that if they had been brought forward deliberately, and if Mr. Huskisson had brought forward his measure, he might give them a fair consideration. Now ho (Mr. Labouchere) wished the House to remember in what manner the measure in qpestion had been br ought forward. They had first proposed certain mea sures affecting British possessions abroad, and he thought that it was a necessary preparation before dealing with articles of colonial produce, that they should redress any grievances which the Colonies justly complained of. He hoped they would yet take into their consideration the case of the West Indies ; and after they had placed the East and West Indies upon the same footing as regarded their produce in the markets of that country, he thought that nothing could be more unfair or unjust than to leave the West India subject to the ex cessive and intolerable burdens under which they now la boured. He thought that the subject deserved the serious consideration of Parliament. He found that during the first six months of the year 1840, 99,600 cwt. of sugar had been imported into this country from the West Indies, while the quantity imported during the corresponding six months of the present year amounted only to 70,700 cwt., making a decrease of nearly 20,000 cwt. The lion. Gentleman opposite said he was a free-trader ; but he was no advocate for the ministerial measures—that was to say, he was a free-trader with the ex ception of corn, sugar, and timber.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) But the proposal of the Government with regard to the Sugar Duties, did not go so far as the proposal of Mr. Grant and Mr. Huskisson, and no one could say that it was an extravagant measure. He had last year supported an alteration in the Sugar Duties ; and so far from having since altered his opinion upon that subject, he con fessed that everything that had since occurred had only tended to confirm it. What did he find was the pre sent condition of the sugar trade ? They had been told last year that there would soon be abundance of sugar for the con sumer, and that the revenue would be proportionably benefited. The predictions had not, however, been verified. He found that the quantity of sugar consumed in the first six months of the year 1840 amounted to 2,050,000 cwt., while the amount consumed during the six corresponding months of the present year amounted to no more than 1,861,000 cwt., making a de crease of 130,000 cwt. ; while there had been a falling off in the revenue during the period, allowing the 5 per cent, addi tion, of 278,0001. His Hon. Friend had accused him of hav ing opposed an alteration in the sugar duties in 1840, while he supperted it in 1841; but he should observe in Iris own de fence, that upon all commercial and financial grounds he had always wished for the alteration, and he always treated the question as one of time. lie should next come to the ques tion of corn ; and he should say he had listened with the most intense anxiety--and the country at large would participate in the feeling—he had listened with intense anxiety, for the pur pose of learning what were the views of lion. Gentlemen op posite upon the subject of the Corn daws.—( Hear, hear.) He considered that the manner in which the question had been mentioned was very enigmatical. However, he gathered a hope from what had fallen from Hon. Gentlemen that evening, because he could not conceive any party could in a solemn manner address her Majesty in the manner that was proposed, unless they intended to consider the Corn-laws, with a view to their alteration. He could conceive no course more danger ous, or more improper, than " Spargere votes pee vulgum ambiguas." —( Hear, and laughter.) lie could conceive no course more improper than stating to her Majesty that they were deeply sensible of the important considerations to which her Majesty had directed their attention, and to conclude by stating that Ministers had not the confidence of the country, unless Hon. Gentlemen opposite were themselves determined on taking the subject into their consideration. He should remind the House thit the . question was not whether they should have foreign corn, but what were the laws by which that importation was to be regulated. He found that the average quantity of wheat introduced during the ten first years of the present century from 1801 to 1810 amounted to 555,000 quarters from the colonies and from foreign countries, and 70,000 quarters from Ireland. He found that in the next 10 years, from 1811 to 1820, the average amount of foreign and Irish corn annually imported to this country amounted to 606,000 quarters ; from 1820 to 1830 it amounted to 995,000 quarters; and from 1830 to 1840, taking the whole period, ke foud the average importation of each year was no less than 1,500,000 quarters of foreign corn. ) The question therefore was not whether we should have a foreign trade in corn, but upon what principle that trade should be conducted.—(Hear, hear.) We were not indepen dent of foreign corn, and we could not be—and he would go further and say " God forbid we should be."—(Cheers. ) There was another consideration connected with the subject, to which he would advert, as he had not beard it before in that House. It related to the quantity of corn imported from Ireland and the Colonies. It was a remarkable fact that the quantity of corn imported from Ireland had been increasing up to the year, 1833, but from that year there had been a great and progressive diminution.—(Hear, hear.) In 1833 the quantity of corn imported from Ireland was 834,000 quarters. In 18.34 and 1835 there was a considerable decrease ; in 1835 the import was 664,000 qrs. In 1837, 534,000 qrs. ; in 1830, only 258,000 quarters ; and in 1840 the quantity im ported from that part of the United Kingdom was no more than 174,000 qrs.—( Hear.) l'hat decrease was not owing to any falling off in the prosperity of Ireland, but it would be traced directly to the fact that the people consume more corn themselves, and have the less to export. He believed there was this cause also, that in consequence of the increase of steam-boats, a very large quantity of butter, poultry, live stock, and other articles of agricultural production were im parted, and the Irish farmers were induced by the profit of that trade to turn their attention in some degree from the rais ing of wheat.—( Hear.) If the gentlemen who had hitherto opposed any alteration whatever in the existing Corn laws were not convinced by the experience of the lest two years, he should despair, that any thing short of actual famine would convince thern.—( Hear, hear.) He should wish to bring the attention of gentlemen connected with the landed interest to the manner in which the system of taking the ave rages had worked in the laet two years. He had found it to be a system of. fraud and gambling, alike injurious to the trade and to the class for whose supposed benefit it was established. -In consequence of the information which he received from gentlemen connected with the corn trade, who complained from time to time of the frauds which were practised, he made in quiries, and ascertained that certain London merchants had combined to effect fictitious sales, fur the purpose of altering the averages, so as to let in at the lowest duties the foreign corn which was in bond. 'These sales commenced in the early part of July, and were continued till the 28th of August, and liven comparing the quantities sold in each week of that period in London, with what had been sold in that city in eorresponding periods in ordinary times, lie frond that it was exactly four times as match. On the 28th of Augtiet, when the fictitious sales terminated, the average by e hich the duty was regulated, so high as 7th. 61. the quarter, whereas the average of the whole kingdom, (excluding London,) was 725. 6:l.—(Hear, hear.) The six w ee k s average . of the whole kindom (exclud ing London,) was only 70 s , 10d. ; b u t by these operations the average was fictitiously raised,, se as to cause a reduction of the duty from 6s. Bd. to 2s. in the week ending the 4th of September.—( Hear, hear,) In that week 1,217,000 quarters of foreign wheat were let out of bond at tort merely nominal duty:—(hear, hear, hear. ) What protection would gentle tleman suppose the agricultural interest derived from such a system of fraud and gambling?—(Hear, bear.) The course of the corn trade was this, that when there was a prospect of scarcity, a great quantity of corn was accumulated in the bonding warehouses, but none came out until, for several weeks, the country had suffered great privation.—( Hear, hear. ) The present price; of coo was a great calamity to the -opposite —( flear,)—and he wa s su re that every gentleman opposite regretted that bread should be so dear as it had been for weeks past. —( Hear.) But in the mean time there were 800,000 quar ters of corn in hand, none . of which cants, out, as no one would pay the extravagant duty, knowing that the corn will soon be admitted at the nominal duty of Is. per quarter. ( Hear.) All that corn might have been gradually brought out to meet the wants of the people, without injury to the far mers. But now, what would be the case.? Just at the mfr.• meet when our own farmers (if it pleased God to give us an supply the w market, abundant and harvest) ahalf al f a f wouldfo reign g b n e cornrea d ysitooulbe thrown into million com petition with them.—(H ear , h ea r.) That would be when the needy farmers were obliged to sell their corn f or what ever price they could get.—( Hear, hear.) Under these cir cumstances, was he to be told that those laws were fo r the j us t protection of the fa r mers, a nd that a modification of them was s proposed only to serve party purposes? He would urge the House to take the' w h o le qu es tion into consideration , and delibe vete on a remedy. At the same time, Ministers had never hesitated to expreSs their own opinions. lle for one had always asked why there should be a different law for corn, from any other importation ? He did not see why there should be a sliding scale for that alone. He believed that a fixed duty was the best form of protection. The merchant would then know what he had to depend on, and not be uncertain whe ther, when his corn came here, he should have to pay a duty of 20s. or of Is.—(Hear, hear.) The present laws were so absurd, that almost any alteration would be an .amelioration ; but the nearer the approximation to a fixed duty the better. The more was left, the greater the injuries to commerce, to the country, and the class which it APVO3 wished to benefit.--(Hear, hear.) The measures which the Government had proposed were not intended alone to improve the finance, but to relieve commerce. When he looked at the state of commerce and finance, he could , not see how they could venture to impose a new tat to meet the exigencies of the . State. Gentlemen opposite expressed surprise at the propositions of Government, hat the surprise was confined to them.—( Hear, hear.) Ministers had been told by gentlemen who usually supported them, ‘• In the present stases of the finances, we cannot conceive what you Will . do ; we shall not press you with questions of free trade, but wait until we see your Budget, and if you do not make some satisfactory alteration, we will bring forward our own measures." He felt that the time was come when it behoved the House to take a calm and deliberate view of the import duties, with a view to relieve commerce, and, at the same time, assist the revenue. He would not go at large into all the parts of that question, but he would touch upon some parts, premising that. if Parliament last Session had not terminated so abruptly, he would have produced aiNew Cus toms Duties Bill, and would not have recommended, in the present state of finance, any doubtful experiment; but would have proposed such alterations as experience had proved to be adequate for the increase of the revenue, and the relief of trade, to a great extent. One of the commodities which he had in view was that of provisions, such a 3 live stock, upon which the duties amounted to a prohibition. He thought, that was a disgrace to the land, and he hoped it would be revised.—( Hear, hear. ) Another important branch of duty which required revision for the sake of our manufactures was that upon raw material. For in stance, the duty on foreign eopper, which was prohibited ex cept for the purpose of smelting. The effect of this was that our Skill and the abundance of fuel which we possessed were made available only to the foreign manufacturer, for our own manufacturers were not allowed to use the smelted metal, e hich was all re-exported. Were those things of no conse quence, struggling as they were with foreign rivals? Foreign ships now went abroad, where they were coppered more cheaply than they were here. Of course no revenue of any amount was derived from copper, but he adduced it as a proof that it was with safety to the revenue they would, by making alterations and relaxati ons i n th e i m p or t du ties, very materially diminish the pressure which, unfortunately, exists in the mercantile and manufacturing communities of this country. Of the existence of that pressure there could be no &mitt. Unfortunately, that pressure was notorious. His be lief was that the present state of things in th's country was connected in a very considerable degree with that want of em ployment which was sow prevailing in the manufacturing dis tricts, and which was caused by the want of demand in the fo reign markets, which we were losing in consequence of our not taking those articles alone which they could give for our manufac tures. He would particularly call the attention of lion. Members to two important. branches of our manufactures—hardware and cutlery. The Right Hon. Gentleman here read sonic returns relative to the exports in those branches of manufacture in the years 1840 and 1841, which showed a great falling• off in the latter year ; and then proceeded to say that such a state of things was well deserving the attention of the House. Those were not questions which they could postpone, for markets once lost were net to be regained—industry once paralyzed was not to be revived.--(Hear, hear, hear.) It would, in deed, be fatal policy in this country, if they suffered, any consideration to divert their attention from the manner in which that state of . things should be met and remedied. He did not think that they had a right to protect the landed interest as against the interest of the manufacturer. If trade flourished agriculture must flourish likewise. Let them take care of trade and commerce, and agriculture will take care of itself ; but if they neglected trade, the ruin of all would assuredly ensue. There was one topic mentioned in her Majesty's Speech to which he would advert. Her Majesty invited the House to consi der whether there was not a variety of the duties of trifling amount, which might be revised without any eetriment to to the revenue. There was no difficulty in saying that an ample field of inquiry was presented to the House upon that subject. There were now upon one tarif 349 articles which produced a revenue of 8,0501. There were 147 articles which produced no duty at all, but on which there was a drawback. Far his own part he could only say that he rejoiced that the time was come when the House must decide by whom and what person the Government of this country was to be conducted. He thought that ample time ought to be afforded to the House to discuss these questions.—(Hear, hear.) Large classes in the country would feel considerable disappointment if the only result of their deliberations should be that they had advised her Majesty to substitute one set of persons for another in Government of the country—they world feel considerable dis appointment if no opinion were expressed in that House on those subjects to which her Majesty had called their attention. Those subjects were referred to in doubtful and ambiguous language in the amendment proposed on the other side. That language, perhaps, might be made more clear before the close of the debate; not, indeed—for he did not expect such by the announcement of any particular measure ; hut that the House had a right to demand an ex plieit announcement of what was the line of policy which Gen tlemen opposite were prepared to follow up in the manage ment of these questions there could be no doubt.—(oh, oh, and cheers from the Opposition benches.) He certainly hoped that the discussion on the present occasion would not end in so unsatisfactory a manner as that to which he had adverted.— (Opposition cheers.) He could assure the Hon. Gentleman that he was as warm a partisan as any could be ; but, at the same time, he should say that it was the duty of all public men to consider these subjects with a view to putting them on a basis which would lead the country from its present state. He cared very little for an adverse vote of that House if it was only to have the effect of transferring Honourable Gen tlemen opposite to the Ministerial side of the House, provided the measures, of the soundness of which he was satisfied, were carried out. There was no question, whatever might be the difficulties attending it, if it were founded on reason and justice, that would not ultimately prevail. Therefore it was that the principles of those measures, being founded on reason and justice, would, the more they were discussed throughout the country, make it the more apparent that it was for the general good of all classes to put the Corn-laws and the other measures adverted to on a sound and practical footing. It was therefore, he said, that whatever might be the re sult of the coining division, he should with confidence look forward to the period when those subjects would be carried by a triumpht majority. Whether it was by those persons with whom ho was united, or whether it was by Gentlemen Opposite, as he had frequently seen them adopting the mea sures of their political opponents when they found a pressure from without which they could not resist, that these measures were carried, it was to him a matter of indifference if they were brought to a satisfactory conclusion.— (Cheers.) Mr. B. D'ISRA ELI said that he must declare, after all that had occurred during the last Parliament, it was with surprise he had heard the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, appeal so frequently to the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth, for some developement of his future policy. The Right Hon. Gentleman had terminated his speech with a pa triotic peroration, which sounded somewhat familiar in his (Mr. D'lsraeli's) ear; viz., so convinced was he of the truth of the principles which he advocated, that whatever might be the opinion of the House, even though it might be adverse to those principles, yet he should support them in Opposition. Had the Right Hon. Gentleman forgotton the distinguished services of Mr. Wallace as Vice President of the Board of Trade, which had preceded the services of Mr. Huss kisson? The progress of economical and commercial Reform had been arrested by the progress of Parliamentary Reform. The Right Hon. Gentleman had spoken of the Report of the Committtec on Import Duties as if that Report had contained discoveries before unknown. He would not undervalue the importance of that document, and he thought the subject ought long before to have engaged the attention of the Government, but he had yet to learn that the data on which that Report was founded as new ; they ought to have been long known to the Government, and he was certain that sooner or later the results arising from those dates must afford matter for legislation. But that was not the question before the Howie or the country. The vote of want of confidence had been come to on the ground that. questions so momentous could not be satisfactorily discussed if they were propounded to the House by a Ministry weak and incapable, and which had suf fered a series of defeats, which in any other reign would have been considered as overwhelming. The country had ratified the deci sion of the [louse, and the only question for them to consider was whether anything had happened since that vote to induce the House to grant its confidence to the Government. On what ground could that confidence be claimed ? Was it. on the ground of the dissolution ? The result -had shown that they had no knowledge of the feelings of the country. Was it in the manner in which the elections had been conducted? The history of the country afforded no instance of a Mi nistry addressing a constituency in such language ? What could they say to a Minister who, after the House of Commons had declared they had no confidence in him, could rise and defy the opinion of that House, by saying he had the support of th e Crown, which was the best support a Minister could have ? What would they say to the clandestine champion which the Government had sent round to every borough in the country, profaning the name of the Sovereign, as if the Majesty of Eng land had become the second candidate of every paltry hole ? The Noble Lord doubtless recollected the words of one who was once an ornament of that House—that the Sovereign of a faction was only the Sovereign of half •f her people. lie would not believe that the machinations of any men calling themselves Ministers—and why they called themselves Ministers was to him still a mystery—(a laugh)—he would not believe that they could have succeeded in making the Sovereign of this country the Sovereign of a faction, but if suds infatuation should produce such miserable consequences—if her Majesty were merely the Sovereign of the Whigs, she wa3 not the Sovereign of one-half, one-quarter, or even one -eighth of her people, but a miserable section, few in numbers, although formidable from their name and principles, which had ever been opposed to the true institutious of the country. Pulteney had -recommended George the Second not to speak of the Tories as his enemies, because they constituted two-thirds of his people. It would be a good thing if the Whigs would recollect the advice of Pulteney. Could they claim a renewal of confidence in consequence of the speech which had that day been delivered to Parliament? On the contrary, that speech was the last effort of an expiring Government desirous of laying the basis for a nascent Opposition. The Ministry bad returned to the vomit, by referring again to the 13udget. They would have to answer one question before the debate ceased— they weuld have to tell by what tenure they held office. Their leader had volnntcered a declaration that the opinion of the new Parliament was averse to them. A party which held power after it was aware that it did not possess the con fidence of Parliament was guilty of a high misdemeanour ; that doctrine had been acted on when Parliament was not re formed, and such conduct had sent Denby to a dungeon, and Strafford to the scaffold. —(Cries of " Oh, oh," and great " laughter.) There were none of the Ministers who would not confess that they held office by the same tenure as this Ministers of Charles the First, by abusing the confidence of the Sovereign, and in opposition to the opinion of Parliament— ( Cheers and laughter.) Mr. R. BEItNAL, jun., knew not if he were one of the clandestine champions alluded to by the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, but this he knew, that he had been returned to that House by a constituency which had. rejected the Hon. Gentleman, who, whatever might be his free trade know ledge on other subjects, understood free trade in politics well. —(Cheers.) When that Hon. Gentleman attacked the Go vernment, lie should recollect the time when he went down to canvass a borough with letters of recommendation in his pocket from Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Hume, and when he was pro posed by his friend Treacher, the Radical, and seconded by his friend Rose, the Tory.—((;heers and laughter.) It would be for the House is decide with how great force any rebuke must come from such a quarter.—(Loud cheers.) " Gentle men," said the lion. Member, when he was immediately stopped by shouts of laughter. " Well, I suppose you are gentlemen.—(Cheers.) Then, Sir, I hope the House will ex cuse any little inaccuracies in point of form into which I may , fall."—(Loud cheers.) The lion. Gentleman continued—lie stood before them entirely connected with one of those great interests which would be affected by these measures— he depended entirely on the West India interest, and by that interest he must stand or fall, but he should record his vote in favour of a reduction of the sugar duties, because lie felt convinced that the ultimate prosperity and well-being of the country depended on the sacrifices which the upper classes must be prepared to make for the well. being of the lower.— ( Cheers.) In 1795 the average price of corn had suddenly risen from Ms. a quarter to 765., the consequence had been great distress in the country, fur wages had not risen in pro. , portion.—(llear, hear.) On the contrary, wages had fallen, and the Magistrates, who were the landholders, had directed the parish officers to supply the 'deficiency of wages out of the poor-rates.—( Hear, hear.) That was the first time that wages had been paid out of the poor-rates, and he would ask, would it not have been better, before they 1 had passed the New Poor-law, to have re-modelled the Corn ' laws, and on that to have founded their new system of Poor laws ?—(Cheers.) What was the present Poor-laws, but a direct concession to the landlords, and to nobo:ly else . ? Ile wished the landlords would follow the example which he, their brother monopolist, was prepared to set them, and would at once accept an Bs. duty as a boon, the acceptance of which, if delayed, would become small by degrees, and beautifully less. Cheers. ) Sir CHARLES N APIER would reply to the speech of the Hon. Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, for lie must confess that the speech of the Honourable Member op posite, who had just sat down (Mr. D'lsraeli), was ut terly beyond his comprehension. The Honourable Mem ber for the West Riding, in speaking of the present Ministers, after throwing out his skirmishes pretty well, had made his grand attack upon them for not keeping the promises which they had made, on taking office, of peace, retrenchment, and economy. The Hon. Gentleman said that they had taken office in 1830, and eight or ten little wars had, during that. time, been carried on by the Government. " Gentlemen," said the Gallant Commodore, amidst roars of laughter, in which he himself joined—when the laughter had subsided, the Hon. and Gallant Officer continued. If the Government had carried on little wars, he hoped the Hon. Gentleman op posite would allow him to say, that if those little wars had not been carried on with vigour and talent, they would not have been brought to the satisfactory conclusion to which they had been. 7 -(Cheers.) If Honourable Gentlemen opposite had been in power, tl:ey might possibly have had great wars, and with them great contracts and great loans.—( Cheers. ) He doubted if any . other person than the Noble Lord the a , ceretary for Foreign Affairs would have preserved the peace of the country in the manner which that Noble Lord bad been able to do. The Hon. Gentleman had accused the Govern ment of making little wars. He had told them that the Go vernment which had held office for 18 years before the time the present Government came into office had made but one war— the war at Navarino ; hut that Hon. Gentleman had forgotten that that Government made war with Algiers, and also in India had engaged in the Burmese war, in which he be- lieved a great deal of money had been expended. But he had not told the House that while they were in office they had suffered France to go to war with Spain, and to march one hundred thousand troops into that country, and put down a constitutional Government 'in that country. What had been the results of the little wars which had been made by the present Government. They had given a free Government to Portugal. They bad given Spain a tree Go vernment.—(An Opposition Member here exclaimed, " Spain is an absolute Government.") An Hon. Gentleman said that Spain was an absolute Goverment. He only knew that there was a Cortes in Spain as there was a Parliament in this coun try ; he was therefore justified in saying that there was a free Government in Spain. The Noble Lord had put an end to the most despicable tyranny which had ever been inflicted on a country in Syria.—( Hear, hear.) He had restricted Mehemet Ali within the limits of his own ter ritories; and he hoped that Turkey would have the sense to act in accordance with the Noble Lord's views.— (Cheers and laughter.) Lord POLLINGTON was glad the Gallant Officer had risen, because he had relieved them from the monotony of a Corn law debate. The Gallant Officer did well to dazzle them with the successes of Syria, as if any man could doubt what British val Our could do under a Stopford ot a Napier—( I. oud cheers) — or as if the successes of those operations proved the wisdom of the wars. What quarter of the globe was there in which her Majesty's Ministers did not leave the British name less re spected than they found it ? Look at the ill-suppressed rebel lion in Canada, at the Bosphorus closed against our vessels, at Our suspended commercial intercourse with Persia, at the pre sent state of the frontiers of India, at the war in China, where net even the success which had attended their arms could atone for the blunders of their diplomacy. Above all, let them look at Syria. They were all aware what had been the state of that country be fore it came under the power of that extraordinary man who had so recently been our opponent—the ill-treatment of his subjects, the total insecurity of life and property, and the utter cessation of commerce. In a very short period the whole face of things had been changed. Suddenly t h e G overnm ent deter mined to assist the Porte against Mehemet Ali, and the conse quences in his opinion would be most disastrous to this country. With respect to the home policy of the Government, the coun try had already pronounced its decision, and he would not therefore allude to it. He would only observe, in conclusion, that when the Noble Lord opposite addressed the House at the meeting of Parliament in 1831, he contrasted the state of his own side of the House with that of his opponents, and said that all the great cities and towns were represented by his party. That could not be said at present.—( Hear, hear.) However • weak the Government were as a Government, they would prove a formidable opposition, but formidable only as those eastern barbarians whom the Roman legions learned to fear, but feared only on account of the poisoned weapons which they hurled behind them in their retreat.—( Great laughter from both sides of the House.) Mr. EWART and Mr. ROEBUCK rose at the same time to address the House, but repeated cries being made for the latter, Mr. Ewart sat down. Mr. ROEBUCK said, that if the question then proposed to the House were simply an inquiry into the character of the present Ministry he would have little difficulty in coming to an opinion, though he might have some difficuity as it was actually proposed. His opinion was adverse to the Mi nistry ; but on grounds so distinctly opposite from all those which had been alleged by Hon. Gentlemen and Noble Lords .opposite, that he could not reconcile to himself voting against those whom he disliked only because they toe much resembled them.—( Hear, hear.) But the question was not simply as to the character of the present Ministry, it was a comparison of character.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Roebuck) did not quite understand the analogy of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had compared himself to a physician. He would have thought that he was already called in when he was elected as a Member of that House.—( Hear, hear.) He would never dismiss one physician until he felt assured that he could ob tain a better in his place. He must have some adviser, and though his present adviser might be inefficient and not alto gether, trustworthy, he might find one still more inefficient, still less trustworthy. They had to find, then, whether lion. Gentlemen opposite were,_ or were likely to he, better than the present Government.—(Hear. )- They could know nothing of the Government except -by their acts • and he proposed to take such a retrospect of the past , as should give them a full insight into the character of both parties, and according to the result would he give his vote on that occasion. He found at the outset of the inquiry that the present Administration, in the year when tha first Reformed Parliament met, in 1832, was predominant, having power to do almost anything that it desired for the , good of the country, and being forced into power by the strong arm of the people. He found that party day by day losing its influence until at length it had become so weak, tottering, miserable, and wretched, that it was unable to do anything either bad or good. He found the Right Hon. Gentleman, who at that time was the leader of a broken phalanx, a party which seemed for ever annihilated—he found him now, flushed with success, at the head of a party eager for the spoil. How came this to pass? The Right Hon. Gentleman and his party contended that theyhed been vanquished, not only their persons but in their principles, though they were glad enough, indeed, to be able to say that the Reform Ministry, the pushing on, ad vancing, moving party, were at length conquered. The pre sent Government looked upon themselves as martyrs to their Liberal principles. His (Mr. Roebuck's) explanation differed from that of other parties. The ruin of the Government was attributable, not to their too great liberality, but to their forgetting their Own opinions. —(Hear, hear.) Flushed with success in the year 1833, the Liberal party believed that they had interred the party opposite ; they then believed that the only party from whom they had anything to fear was the ex treme section on their own side of the House. They became Conservatives. They were placed in power to work out Re form ; they stopped in their course, and cast contumely upon those who pointed out that they were in error. They were told that this opposite party was not dead; that it was strong in wealth anti influence; that the clergy, many of the pro fessions, and nearly all of the landed interest were opposed to them. But the Ministry declared that they had obtained what they desired to effect by the Reform Bill, which was to give a preponderating influence to the landed gentry.—(Hear, l i hear.) That was the real cause of their loss of power. They were told that, unless they advanced, every day would add strength to the opposite party, but they heaped scorn, contumely, and hatred upon those from whom the warning proceeded.—(Hear, hear.) Deeply grieved was he to think of the golden opportunity which had thus been lost. That the Ministry had thus lost the confidence which was reposed, and justly reposed, in them for introducine. the Reform Bill. The result of the elections clearly showed that they had lost the confidence of the nation; hut it showed nothing more—it raid nothing as to principles.—(Hear, hear.) The country had simely declared that it did not like the present Government ; hut when be said the country, la him not be misunderstood — he meant the constituencies ; and the Ministry complained that the trial had not been a fair one; that there had been bribery, intimidation, and corruption. He must candidly tell them that the fault was theirs, who had refused to remedy the evil. Still was the conduct of the country wise in throwing off the present Ministry for one of an entirely opposite character? Before this question could be answered, it would be necessary to compare the character of the two parties. This he was pre pared to do ; and in their conduct in reference to the colonies, at home and abroad, wherever the present Government was in fault, he found the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite their inge nious assistant. The Right Hon. Gentleman had been their evil genius.—(Hear.) His comparison would extend over the last ten years, and he would take the Colonial Secretary to be the representative of the one party, and the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite as the representative of the :other. In judging of a Ministry as a party, he thought it was just to take them in large proportions—not to look with microscopic precision into their little divisions, but to take the whole tenor of their policy. The first step of the Noble Lord representing his party was the Reform Bill. The Right Hon Gentleman representing his, true to his nature, opposed it, and checked what he now admits to be an improvement. So far, then, he was not at that time the friend of the people of England. Of course he applied they observation politically, not personally. That was the first thing on which they differed. The next great improvement was their Municipal Corporation Bill. That also was opposed by the Right llon. Gentleman step by step. There was nothing infamous which he did not do to impede that measure. Let all those in England who now had a voice in the government of a borough recollect that the Right Hon. Gentle man and his party would have refused the Municipal Corpo ration Bill. Was that then the party which was to govern the country ? Sir it PEEL said a few words across the table, denying, as we understood, that he had opposed the English Municipal Corp,ration Bill. • Mr. ROEBUCK said he would next refer to the Poor-law Bill. Here he was sorry that he could not separate the Right lion. Gentleman from his party. Not one single election had pissed in which those who had come forward on the Liberal side had not been met by vulgar appeals to the lowest passions, for passing a measure which the Right. Hon. Gentleman hiin self had supported. The Right Hon. Gentleman had now spoken of this conduct as dishonourable ; he had now turned his countenance severely against those who had had recourse) to it, although it ought to have been done.—(Hear'_ h t e a r The greatest act which the Government had ever broogohses. for ward was made use of against them for the basest (Hear, hear.) Still that was the party which i ncl 'u ; , ) :t i • ie r a u i l . e .) , for it had been so decided by the elections.—( lle !! - , He believed that the principles of the party oppoezipteopwloeulotf! work out their natural consequences; and that t n England would rue the day :when those i !"-: 261,11Pfiend that they action upon their own bidding, for they "" -es which were could not obtain from that party those as I s came into measures t i t he Liberal party in dispensable to our commercial welfire• in that House should present submit atow:ohneth:rili.:::il themselves.—( Hear, for the people of England must hear.) He found at i c Fs e s o a s p s i t s l v e e n o w : htoo circumstance s, h th a that opinion brought from the party of the Hon. G was e e 7-teemP denied an t ° ll P a P t 7 s i d u t e . c . b —( was li e t a h r e hear.) But When they said it on was to things to their present position, .h n i p ii arty itself Le case—ittraced. was Andto the e ::: i lt i i t il t: ) ( , t Tuet., think k e tthbee Whigireo was answerable for that r e ,h s a ul t t, th b e e y ca l u v s e e re. it was they n the o y ,A whohad made the constituencies w experi enced the fruits of their own want of foresight, The lion. Member who had introduced the amendment had alluded to the foreign policy of the Government, but he (Mr. Roebuck) should observe, that all the measures of foreign policy in which the Gov ernment had been engaged, had received no rebuke from the other side of the House. Why was not one' of the wars in which the country had been engaged taken up? Why was it not laid at the doors of the Ministry ? And why were :they not told there is one of sour evil deeds?—( Loud cheers.) But no such thing had been d one . (An Honourable Member on the opposite EVKN-ING SUN benches 'he en tnentionril the China debate.) What had been the case in that debate • ? He had; not the honour of a lt scat in tie Mus t • at that ti me ; b ut he thought Parliament ha 'd aPPr owed of much o f the proceedings ad ' rCad u t p i o a n that question. Pow in his (M r . Roebuck's) opir,i;ii,that war s;sould have . e r died u the indignation of eve r y honest Cheers.) And if h e hail found on the opposite side a fierce relanke ;the entire proeeeding, and a d e t erm ination p to give up thas'aPr Of +erty, so justly condemned, he should have said that they would have been really entitled to national gratitude • An allusion h a d b een m ade to the state of our relations with Ameri c a, and the. conduct of the American G wernment h a d b een censure d N ow h e (Mr. Roebuck) was prepared t o j ust i fy the American Govern ment in the whole oft heir pro cee di ngs from beginning to end. --(Hear and laughter) What he regrette d was, that. the position of 11FL cod was such, that accordin gto the lawS Of the United Staten, and after' the course pursued by the British .c Minister, they mild not reach, the evil. Th e House Would permit him to en slain why he stated that . He believed that much roisconcept ton existed upon the sub jest. Let him first state the facts of Ihe case. A party . of aur troops and their commander crease d the frontier, seized a boat, and killed a certain number ca American etibjcels. S nnc time aftea one of the pea sons supp osed to have been engaged in the Proceed ing was are - ested because lie had left Upper Canada, there he had been an Under-Sheriff, where lie had -got in debt through facilities afforded biro by his office. He passed over to New' York, and there was .arreste el and committed for traal. A true bill was found by the gaand jury. and IlPLeoit had to take his trial. The House should hoot that there were two Courts in Ame rica—the Feder •al C.ourt, which belonge d to the other States, and the State :7mo rt, which belonged: to the State of New York. The Fedetat i Court could not,, by common law, take cognizance of murder ; everything of which they take cogni zance seas by statute-.law, and they • could have cognizance of murder in those cases only in whh :ti it had been co.ninnted within the peculiar did, nets assign id to them ; but in, the State of New York, as a , `Mate, they .had no jurisdiction what ever, the entire jurisdictia 'n being in the hands of the. State Court. The peculiar resu lt of that s'. stem was, that the. power of pardoning a person found guilty it r the State Court, lay in the Government of the Stat e, ira dependently of :any ot her power, while a person convicted lay the Federal Court idebt be pardoned by the:President, whose jurisdiction resaelied Mr. Forsyth, in ins answer to D tr. Fox, stated that the Government could not reach the case 'of j‘l`L' e ` l ; and that it was entirely an tire ',sands. of the authorities at New York. Thal mi ht be a detic ieneY, in the legislative system of the United ; States, but they cork! not now remedy the evil. A similar • case mi g ht have occurred some years. ago in New York. A woman might object to the ! n appeal in favour of the murderer c a f her husband; and King could not afterwards interfere fee th e purpose of par doning the prisoner. Now, let thes uppose that in Prince Le esk uis Napon's late attempt at B o silo eaa. e be hail been ac companied try an English citizen, an d t h a t c i t izen had b een murdered, whale the persons who hard kill e d him had b een taken up, if the widow objected to th e i t p i r d o n, they wo ul d have had a case under the former Engt: i h law precisely similar to the case of M‘Lcod. He (Mr. Roeb a ick) did not think that Mr. Fox had bee's aware of the re a 1 state of the ease ' or that he had properly dealt a th it in the first instance. The naan might now be fount gu ilt y , and might suffer capitol punishment. ar. he NIAC: had thns be come one of great diffic !silty ; but the au ashorities of the Un ited States would take no csatirse but that wl rich they had follow ed. For his (Mr. Roebuck's) part, he coup I not but admire the decision of the America u Judges upon t he subject. The Judges said that with political c axpedients the y had nothing to do ; their only business was to administer the law. Extriuste elf; cumstances were brought fo, - ward by counsel in favouatif the prisoner, to the effect that L'e was acting under the direct m orders of a superior offi cer , . d that -those orders ha d 'be es e n sanctionedand adopted by the 3r itish 'Car ivernment. The said that of that circumstan ce they In al no cognizance', they might be pleaded elsewhere, but they could not be pleaded t° a habeas corpus. But besides the twa countries, not being in state of war, and both deprecatin i seas r, England could no w ere justify that murder by h er orders, ti. 'an she could any other crime' Such was the state of the case bet, vei 'n this country and Ame rica, as regarded APLeod; and he ,r,.11 Ir. Roebuck) w0n4 1 , 1 , ° „; treat of Hon. Members to speak ot it with the cantles to " .- s t it deserved. To re t urn from t hat gression he would „put it to Hon. Gentlemen opposite whether - there had ' been ailythied in their conduct upon that or any otter question which won ' justify them in bringing any accuse tion against .the Goiern's ment for the policy they had pu, arm& They had never pointed out a better course ; and tl ley had never done idany thing to smooth the difficulty we we iro pl a ced:in. Hel e h %d ask any one to put his finger upon an: r singleth rig whiirbid been done by the Right Hon. Barone it opposite, or any Id' , a _ party, which could justify them in cast sing any censure upon one foreign policy of the present Admini ttration. f here content! topic upon which he would not dilat. : but he would h ar himself with observing that Canada a as a blot upou bot t. p t. 0 ties.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") T. liey had acted wilt b that most un-heard of injustice to a ye ry large elasi - di country, while they had already • ennobled an tt dual for his services in carrying out . their views.—( a iv _a They had given him his reward befi he believed , it ,"!.: been earned. They had been succe: n ful, no doubt , but his tory would show whether they had not 'been guilty . of and whether they had not committed a v act of gnevous folly Divide et imperu, was the rule ; they : hal united, but he DT . , lieved they had not strengthened. He p •as sure the time woo a " d ` come when they would one day repent of the cours e they .1_ taken. They were now bound, hand a .nd foot, to the united i le Legislature ; ,and whoever may heres ifter be placed int° s t t Colonial-office, he would find himself powerless before that Parliament. In discussing the foreign policy of the Govern ment, he should observe, that he did a iet think the Itlinist27 could be reproached with driving the 4 :ountry into war. ' thought that they had acted honourably? and ably for the Pe n g, they had professed. They had been lay proached with a vranctoe_ economy ; but such a reproach could in ot properly came the party opposite, who had constantly complained of every,f ve tempt at economv. He had now t' ame with the respects merits of parties. Ile found Hon. Gent a emen opposite ionstantly op rejecting every attempt at impros re ment, steadfastly posing everything but the narrow inter reots of party. ale found t them new in a majority in that ,• and and the people of England had to wait the eensequen cos of the change of 00 - nion, to which he believed they ha d come too precipitate's' . (The Hon. a'arentletuan who had, throughout. his speech, spoken in a vc'ny indistinct tone, cosieludect amidst the cheers of the Ministerial party. ) Mr. MUNTZ ,(who rose amidst loud cries of ' l ' Divide divide," and could not obtain a hearing for a considerable time) said, that it lras not his intention to take part in the debate, but that his tome had been very flippantly used all over the conntry during the late elections.—(Laughter.) Indeed, he did not know what some gentlemen would have done, if they had not had him to talk about.—(Laughter.) He could scarcely take up a newspaper, whilst die elections were going on, without finding - that some gentleman ea other had said that " Even Mr. Mun tz, the. Radical Member for Birming:, ham, says That the repeal of the Corn-laws would lower wages. Now Gentlemen should tell the whole truth when they went about it. He did say that one of the effects of the repeal would be to lower wages ; but he did not the less sat' that the Corn-laws were am evil, and ought to b e repealed. What he said was, that the whole state of the coun try ought to be looked to, and that it would not be sufficient to repeal the Corn-laws without revising the currency. Who ever might be in power, the present Ministers or the party of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, the'.whole subject ought to be gone into, and no person should be allowed to live at the expense of another. Mr. EWART also rose amidst laud cries of "Divide, divide," which prevented his being heard for some time. lie thought he should best consult the feelings of the House by moving that the debate be now adjourned.--( Loud cries of " G° on, go on.") He must appeal to the good feeling of th e o pp o .: site side, and remind Gentlemen that there was a s tron g feet ing on that (the Ministerial side) that this debate might net ! ) , e , hastily brought to a conclusion.—( Cries of "Go on , X° or!' Gentlemen opposite were conscious of the power which they had contrived to obtain, through the defective stat e of the con stituencies, and not by the voice of the people. —( Cheer s fro the Ministerial benches, and derisive c heers from the Opp sition.) He would conclude by simply :towing that the debate be now adjourned.—( Great confusion. ) Dr. BO WRING seconded the motion. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but the House d id not divide On our re-admission to the gallery, we found said the Mr. BROTHERTON, addressing the House, Speaker had been on his legs nine hours, arid that ought to be _ many a reason for adjournment. Besides, the representativeso f large constituencies were expected to speak on this question, ree and an adjournment ought to take place. He did not a g with an Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite , th at ad j ourned debates were useless. On the contrary, lie thoug ht that they were very popu'ar with the country. hours Sir IL PEEL thought that the Speaker's having been nine ~,he in the Chair, was a sufficient reason for the adjournment. case was a special one, and could not well be drawn into s precedent. Lord J. RUSSELL thought that, under the c ircumstance s, and in the present state of the House, when there •was nolike lihood of a division, there would be no objection to an Immo; diate adjournment. He did not agree with an Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite, that adjourned debates were an evil. But there was an evil sometimes attending them, for which the Ho use might find a remedy, namely, that in the early part of the evening on an adjourned debate, very fe w Members came down, and the discussion did not really comntence until a late hoar.—(Heir, hear.) The motion was then a g reed to, and the Hoalso ou rnc , shortly before Twelve o'Clock. HOUSE OF LORDS. Aug. 21. per;'s health Parliament was this day . Opened. by Commission, with the usual formalities. It having been generilly i"' for some days past, that the state of her Maj would not permit her to open Parliament in on, the proeeedings attracted comparat ivel y little interest. As early as twelve o'clock, a cons iderable CrOwd had col early in the neighbourhood of the two Houses ; and_ when the galleries were opened at h a lf-past`one, th em las seve te)srts ral m . Among i was a pretty fair sprinkling o f ladies on ,the back benches. The scene wa s by no means so brilliant as on the occasions when her Majesty, came down i n s t a t e . Most of the ladies wore bonnets; and with the excep- Capb, w tion of the Commi ssioners, who wore their state robes, co allthe the ngratulated Peers peraeisieiteisttwerreriivnal by plain v dress. s of the ell eer ho P was warmly s.. Their Roxal lghnesses the Dukes of Sussex and Cam b: idge arrived s hortly before two o'clock The ' S,:sscx: shook hands very cordially with . • Duke of At two o'clock the Lords Commissioners' Lord Campbell. House. At this time there were il entered the prayers having been read by the a. out 60 Peers present. The Usher of the Black Hod Bishop of WencEsrEn , the House of Commons, . I was directed to summon Speaker and a large body of - Bar. Members appeared at the The LORD CHANCELLOR then read her Majesty's Speech, for which see Comuton3 The Lords Commissionce3 LOrd Chancellor, the Earl of Clarendon, the Marquis of Normanby , Viscount Melbourne, and Viscount Dtmcannon. The Commons having retired, the swearing in of Peers was then proceeded with. There was a considerable crowd assembled in Palace yard to witness the arrival of the Peers, but there 'S no demonstration of approval or disapproval manifested• except towards the Marquis of Normanby, who 1'513 loudly cheered. The LORD CHANCELLOR' resumed his seat on the Woolsack a few minutes after Five o'Clock, and imme diately proceeded to read her Majest's Speech. The Speech having been again read by the Chfc at the Table, Earl SPENCER, rose to move the Address, but spoke in so low a tone as to 'render it almost unintelligible in the gallery. The Noble Earl was understood to - sal that, in his opinion, the best mode in which a person standing in his situation could perform his duty on or dinary occasions was to avoid, as much as possible, all topics calculated to intercept the harmony of sentiment, so desirable on those occasions. But the prvsent was not an ordinary occasion. The questions which her Ma jesty had directed the Lords Commissioners to sub" .411.1 ~.0 ,~ I . 1 , I I i 1 ; 1 F 3 1