The Sun. — London, England, 1841-09-28 00:00:00

tion to the population had decreased. The Right lion. Gentleman had taken a few months of the year in which the consumption was always the largest, and on them he had based his calculations. If theywere correct the anomaly would be presented of an i ncre a se o f consumpt i on i n a necessary of life, taking place because it had become More costly. The Hand-loom Weavers' Commission Was composed of gentlemen of the grea t es t t a l ents an l connected with various interests. One of the Commis sioners was largely connected with the banking and c r onitnercial interests, and another of them had no con nection with those interests whatever. Now, what was their opinion as to the propriety of settling these questions? Did they think there was no chance of public disquie tude ? Quite different. The Hon. Member then read an extract from the Report to the effect that distress tended to depreciate the character of the poor, and to create iss them a desire fin- organic changes. Yet the Right lion. Baronet proposed to leave the country to the Operation of such causes for a period of four months. Having so much of the address as acknowledged the peo ple's distresses, he proposed to dissolve Parliament without propagating one single measure for their relief. Re (Mr. H.) believed that the people would not be sa tisfied with such a state of things. He believed that by • 'allch a course the 'Hon. Baronet was doing more to en - courage Chartism than had been done by any other pub lic Inen.-4(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Ministerial 13 atIehCs.) At present there was no intelligible principle as ' i 'serted by the Government as the basis o its policy. As tar as appeared, their only object had been the *itttininent of place.—(Hear, hear.) He had 'beard with ' satisfaction a 'statement of the Right Ironourable Baronet, in reference to the Corn-laws. .The Hon. Baronet had asked whether it would not be better :ed nethin(r . should he said with respect to the Corn laws, Until the plan had been fully prepared ? From that they Might fairly infer that the whole question of . the • Corn-laws would be taken into consideration by the Gniernnient. He would be glad to know from the Right Ron. Bart. if such was his meaning.? He confessed, looking at' the course taken by the Government, it was one against which he felt bound to enter his strong pro test. Ile would content himself with simply saying" No," to the mo ti on , b ecanse h e k new what would be the 'vault of a division. He could not allow the oppor tuttity to pass without expressing his regret at the in difference manifested by the Government to the distress which existed, and a course of policy which he thought likely to create general dissatisfaction. Mr. EWART said, lie held in his hand a document which he had received that day from a resident in Manchester, containing an account of the number of miles entirely at it stand, as well as of those only partially at work in several of the manufacturing dis tricts. It was dated the 24th of September—only three days since. In Manchester, of mills entirely at a stand there were 17 ; in Stockport and the neighbourhood, 17 ; in Bolton, 7 ; in Bury and the neighbourhood, 4 ; in Oldham,.6 ; in Staley-bridge and neighbourhood, 8 ; in Rochdale, 3 ; and . 11 scattered through the same district. Of those only partially at work there were in Manchester, 10 ; in Bury, 4 ; in Stockport, 24 ; in Bolton, 6 ; and in Wigan, 5. The only demand at present was from Russia. That demand would soon Cease, and then they would be depending upon India and China. The state of our relations with the latter country forbade any hope from that quarter. In such a state of things he must say he was astonished at the 'course pursued by the Government. An extension of • trade was the only remedy for the growing distress. The Right Hon. Gentleman, (the Chancellor of the Its chequer) had justly stated, that the sugar trade had improved. But was the price of sugar what it ought to be ?—(Hear, hear.) Certainly not ; and the expiration of the treaty of Brazil afforded an excellent opportunity of making an alteration. All the Committees which had sat upon the commerce of the country had been in favour of an extension of coin anerce, and it could not long be resisted. He regretted that the Right Hon. Baronet should appear to wait for circumstances, instead of coming forward and boldly stating what measures he would propose. It appeared to him that the Government had in it the elements of disorganisation, If other Governments tottered to their fall, this tottered at its formation. Mr. SCOTT said, that in the borough which he re . presented, viz., Walsall, public distress was greatly on 'the increase, and under these circumstances he pro tested against the question of the Corn-laws being locked °lit of the Budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer . It was a question of vital importance as affecting the in terests of the country. Whether or not the Chancellor of the Exchequer succeeded in raising a revenue suffi cient for the expenditure, still would the Core-laws re anain to be considered for the interest of trade and corn anerce.—(Hear.) The state of the country, as admitted on all heads, was deplorable ; hundreds were thrown out 'of employment, and if this state of things should con tinue it would be impossible to see the result. He hoped he was not trespassing too long upon the House, but he could not but request the Right Hon. Baronet to give his *vest speedy and earnest consideration to the distresses Effie country.—(Hear.) Sir R. PEEL said it was from no disrespect to Hon. Gentlemen opposite that he adopted th e course w hi c h h e was r ursuin g , but he deemed it necessary that her Ma jesty s Government should have an opportunity ofconsider ang the present condition of affairs, with the aid of that information derived from the tenure of office, and that they should be allowed time to submit their measures to Parliament; and that he should bring forward his mea sures at once, or abstain from doing so altogether, and not give a " glimpse," as the Right Hon. Gentleman op posite had required, of his intention. He said the other might he did not perceive the advantage of adopting such a course. He thought such a course would be more likely to mislead and deceive than anything else.—(Hear, bear.) The Member for Dumfries had imputed to a Noble Duke force of character, and to him (Sir R. Peel) a power of mind which he (lid not possess—(Hear)— and that it was very rare to meet in the same individual intellectual power and force of character. If it were true that his panegyric was deserved, and that those two -qualities were rarely combined in the same individual, yet it was some consolation to know, that if not com bined in the same individual, those attributes were to be found in the same Administration.—(Cheers.) The late Chancellor of the Exchequer in his speech seemed to think that the present Government had charged the late Administration with laxity of principle and profligate expense, and he must say it was one main part of Go vernment that its public character should depend on the expenditure of the country—(Hear, hear)--on the in fluence they exercise on foreign countries—on the mea sures they may feel it their duty to resort to ; and it Vas quite impossible for any Government to exercise an 'efficient control with a large deficiency of revenue.— (Hear, hear.) Government was responsible for its policy, and there could be no doubt that the expenses Connected with that policy made part of its responsi bility; and any opposition which did not resist measures v'Bich the honour and interests of the country might re 'Vire to be resisted, would not be doing its duty, though they might under peculiar circumstances sanction the de tails of those measures. It was the duty of the Oppo sition to censure the policy that led to the expenditure, and it would be quite inconsistent not to challenge the e xpenditure after the policy had been blamed.—(Hear hear.) The two things were perfectly reconcilable. The Ron. Member for Coventry, in comparing the estimates f 1830 with the estimate of the late Government had `said that those of the Duke of Wellington's Govern- Ment, making every deduction for the late Government nn account of the expenses incurred in China, Canada, and other places. - were less than those of the late Go v'eenment by 3,200,0001. Mr. WILLIAMS-2,200,00a Sir R. PEEL—And yet after all the Right Hon. Gen tleman was willing to give his support to the late Ad 3alinistratiim and to withhold it from the present. He would have no confidence in the present Administration. Mr. WILLIAMS said he had expressed no opinion on the subject. Sir R. PEEL did not care so much for the opinion of the Hon. Gentleman as for those decisive proofs which he had given of that opinion.—(Loud cheers.) It seems be had some conctusive reasons of his own for not de pending on his (Sir B. Peel's) Government. He says that a reduction of 5,000,0001 may be made in the expenditure of the country. Suppose he Was right, he ought not to deny to men entrusted with the functions of Government, an opportunity of consider ing how far they could approximate to that reduction. lie should give an opportunity of considering whether be was right, because if he were even within 50 per cent., it was quite clear the deficiency could be made up with out having recourse to fresh taxes,—(Cheers.) He con curred with the Chancellor of the Exchequer in thinking it would be prejudicial to the public if they were made to believe that such a reduction would be made. He be lieved it to be impossible. All he would now promise vas —what it was right alone that a Minister should pro tnise—that there should be a careful review of the esti- ihates—of what the public interest may require at the present time ; and that whatever reduction could be made consistent with the public requirements he was satisfied would be made. The attempt should be made, but it would he extravagant to make any promises without 'lowing what those interests may require.—(llear.) With regard to the revenue collected, the Hon. Gentle man alluded to the number of collectors, and the sums Paid to them ' • but he should reco ll ect th a t f ormer ly these,officers had fees which were obliged to be relin quished, as being found disagreeable and odious to the public. Their salaries were increased in consequence, and he..did not, of course, expect that all he should do would Meet w ith th e a pp ro b at i on o f the Right Hon. Gen 'enlan ; but he would beg of him to recollect the de hption he had given of the st a t e o f t h e country when . had first come i n t o office. He said th a t wee k a f ter Meek the country was becoming more distressed; that em rlinent was becoming more s carc e , an d d e b ts w i th more 7, 4 . l . Metilty recovere d ; that a un i versal stagnation of com- Ze_r e ee was t a ki ng pl ace , an d t h at t h e greatest despon o Y prevailed when he (Sir R. Peel) had come into He (Sir 7L. Peel) admitted that in that important 13 - 7; 0 11 . h of commerce—the cotton manufacture —g reat de tt exist ; but he cautioned Hon. Gentlemen iciest making" exaggerated statements.—(Hear, hear.) wy were only cal cu l a t e d to i n fl ame , an d no t t o re li eve. ear, hear.) A n d it was i mportan t f or th e pence of „ B ear ) , ) M i not that th e t ru th s h ou ld b e withheld---(Hear, given to llota that too high a colouring should not be it. — (Cheers.) This course he meant to pursue th.,_,lastittite inquiry upon every case of detailed distress -jetZlit:ll.6,e before the notice of the House through Hon. Placed 4t : - 1 1 9 - kee, hear.) He would apply the means purpose of xnvesti gati dis Pcselby - Governinent for the quiry.lliee,at:s.itheeharcsses of distress as demanded in . dye.scr_iptions it •woußldittbeifimthpeossesibwleeretovamgaukeeunthdea-t , i lo rr only The other night the Hon. Member for Ashton, ' th e 1 6 %1 a general account of the distress 11 particular instanceutmost which he (Sir R. Peel) listened said that• he attention. . met a vrorkin was reported to have ~eltang for work, havin F man who was obliged to go Eton. liembee n ,,g Dee 11 thrown out of employment. " 4 , Lbe pari s h, Ti:"' Ri ndleY) told him he must gc e poor man said he had be es there=— MORNING SIT_N THE SUN, LONDONAIJESDAY, SEPT (the parish was Royston, near Oldham)—and that he received only ls. 611. a-week for the support of his fa mily, which consisted of five persons. He (Sir Bober, ( i i q n u i oneI; intooof the t t a t a t g a e s t n i t . a e t n e t s , Peel) andh e t h r o e ti c e g i h v t ed it a h n i s answer o f r i of that place to the following effect, viz., that the Magis trates of Royston having their attention called to the ease alluded to, which appeared in a statement in the 7'ones, newspaper, and being read in presence of himself and two brother Magistrates, the overseers said it was untrue, and that a single instance like the case described (lid nor occur in a district of 60,000 inhabitants in Lan cashire and Yorkshire. The writer then said that no case of the kind came within his observation.—(Loud cheers.) They could not inquire into cases of a vague description, but the House would concur with him in the propriety of Hon. Members abstaining from bringing forward cases of that description, unless they were borne out by facts that came under their cognizance, and of the correctness of which they were satisfied.—(Cheers.) He admired the patience and long-suffering of the working classes, which he thought was a bright .feature in the national character, but he thought they ought to be cautious from that example in listening to statements of that kind not founded on fact.—(Cheers.) Lord PALMEIiSTON did not rise for the purpose of making any objection to the particular proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, because he was ready to admit that if Government did not get the vote that Session, which they pro posed to the House, for the purpose of making (rood the deficiency in the revenue—if they did not get a vote to supply the deficiency of the country, by relax ing the commercial code, by giving a fresh development to the industry of the country, and by taking off some of those fetters which confined that industry—he said he was ready to admit that the course now adopted may have the effect of immediately driving Government to lay on fresh taxes. But, at the same time, he trusted it would mark the course of the Government, which re turned to Parliament with a majority ; and would show the country, which had niurned them there, that it was paying 2,500,0001. for its gratification.—(Cheers.) The price which the country would have to pay for the gratification of having the Right Honourable Gentleman and his Colleagues in power would be an addition of two-and-a-half millions to the debt of the country ; and he trusted that the country in the results would not find them too dear at the price.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He was perfectly prepared with his Right Hon. Friend to agree to the course proposed by her Majesty's present Ministers, as being, under the cir cumstances in which they stood, the least of the evils of which they could make selection, but having said that, he must repeat, that he could not but -express his entire disapprobation of the general course the Government seemed determined to follow.—(llear, hear.) It was perfectly true that it would be unreasonable to expect that the Government should now come down and state in detail the system of increased taxation by which they i hoped in the ensuing year to make the expenditure and income equal. He was in hopes that they had now got I a Government that could forte' future events,. for lie would assert that they must be able to do so in order to make the expenditure equal to the income of the country. —(Hear, hear.) He quite agreed that it would be un reasonable now to call upon the Right Ilon. Baronet to state the course he intended to pursue, assuming that the Government had made up their minds as to that course. If they were to understand that the Government had made up their minds, then one question which they had all asked had been answered.—(Hear, hear.) They had a right to ask the question—not what detailed measures they intended to propose, but whether they intended to make up the deficiency that existed by proposing fresh taxes, or whether they intended to do it by relaxing the present commercial system, by increasing the comforts of the people, and by giving a fresh stimulus to the commerce of the country?—(Hear, hear.) Upon that question he (Lord Palmerston) could not admit their plea for delay. Upon that question they turned out the late Government, and they did so without necessity--.(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The present Government, he would venture to sayNid not go to the division on that question without having made up their minds as to the substitute they intended to propose, and considering the time that had elapsed, he thought the\ had no excuse for not being able to state plainly to the country whether they adhered to the doctrine they laid down upon the discussion of the sugar duties.—(Hear, hear.) That question affected so deeply the great in terests of the country that it had a right to know what the Government intended to do upon it. That there would be a deficiency was admitted as a certainty, because the right Hon. Bart. who spoke last had acknowledged that whatever reduction he might hope to make would not go to the extent of equalizing the expenditure, with the revenue.—(Hear, hear.) When they were told that the large expenditure was the fault of the late Government he must beg to remind the House that with respect to the ex penditure of the army and navy they had been constantly urged by the other side o t the House to increase their expenditure in those two departments instead of diminishing it ; and, there fore, if any charge was to be made against the late Govern ment it must be one of being tardy in expending the public money, and not one of being lavish of it—(Hear, hear, hear. ) Upon those two heads of expenditure he thought the Govern ment would not be able to make any reduction ?—(Hear, hear.) He must press upon the Government, if they should think it consistent with their duty to make any reduction in the naval force of the country, to do it upon the consideration of I the country alone, and not in conjunction with any foreign country.—( Hear.) With respect to the question of commer cial policy the Government intend to adopt, he thought, before Parliament separated, the House and the country ought to be informed of the course the Government intended to pursue.— (Hear, hear ) The question of the Corn-laws, in his opinion, imperatively called for consideration. Upon that question, however, the country was quite in the dark as to what the in tentions of the Government were.—(Hear, hear ) Those in- tentions were only to be collected by what had fallen from dif ferent members of the Administration, when addressing their constituents. Upon that question there was evidently dis union in the Cabinet—upon that ques•ion there was a thing that could not be concealed.—(Cheers and laughter.) That being the case, the Cabinet being disunited on that great question. it was but fair to give them time to come to one opi nion or the other.—( Hear, acid laughter.) The country ought to wait a decent time to give the Ministers an oppor tunity of coming to some decision ; but there was a limit to that period, and he (Lord Palmerston) did not think the decision of the Cabinet ought to be put off to be the subject of Christmas revels.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) If it was necessary, in order to enable the Government to come to a decision on the Corn-law question, that time should be given them, he thought that Parliament ought to meet again at the latter part of the autumn.—(Hear, hear.) One of the first duties of the Government was to attend to the interests of the country and to consult its feelings.—( Hear, hear.) But then it was said that the distress was exaggerated, and that the meetings that had taken place day by day, on the subject of that distress were only the means by which party spirit was displayed.—( Elear, hear.) There could be no doubt that there was great distress in the country, and that that distress was owing to the Corn-laws, and he (Lord Palmerston) must, therefore, say, that in decency the Government ought not to postpone the announcement of their intentions on the great question of the Corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) He knew something of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and from his knowledge of him, he could not, u n til h e saw Par liament prorogued without any announcement of the inten Lions of the Government, believe that he would adopt any such course.—( Hear, hear.) He would never believe that the Right Hon. Barnet would prorogue Parliament to February, leaving the country in a feverish state of agitation upon so impor'ant a question as the Corn-laws, and taking upon him self all the responsibility of anything unpleasant that might happen. Without offering the slightest opposition to the mea sures, and without pressing the Government unfairly, he would intreat the Right Hon. Baronet to use all the powers he pos sessed to bring the Cabinet to some derision one way or other in the course of the autumn. If the decision of the Government was to stand by the Corn-laws as they at present existed, all he asked was, that they would let the country know it, in order that they might make up their minds to it--( Hear, hear) and in order also that the agriculturists might have the con solation of knowing that the Corn-laws would remain as they were. If, however, on the other hand, the Government thought they could make some alteration in the graduated scale, then, he asked them to let the consumer know that fact.—(Hear, hear.) In his opinion it was a mistake for the landowners to suppose that the Corn-laws were a benefit to them—they were no such thing; at all events, the present uncertainty was injurious to every body.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that when the time for the prorogation came they would either be told what course the Government intended to pursue, or that they intended to call Parliament together in the begin ning of November, in order then to state what their inten tions were.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. FIELDEN then proceeded to address the House, but in so low a tone as to render it almost impossible to catch a single sentence that fell from the Hon. Member. We, how ever, understood him to say that the manufacturers in Oldham were in so distressed a condition that they were obliged to work their mills for short time, and that they did so more out of con, sideration for their men than themselves. But notwithstanding this distress, their taxes and burthens were increased. The state of the manufacturing districts was such that something must be done, and he trusted, therefore, that when the Right m li a ti 3 n ninne ß rc a t m .h. alnvte Tou a Dl d d e bae i ff n ioi q er u vd i e r rd y e l o ti e n hfa t tt h o e subject, he w ou ld d o i t i n a the m e s d ta is t t e r m es e s n ed ts . of the Hon. Member for Oldham were most true, that a large portion of the mills were working short time, and that more from eonsi deration to the workin g men t h an for the profits of rhe . nufacturers. They l oo k e d to the measures po ed by m tt a ie p late Government as the s o l e means of enabling them to carry on their trade, and thereby g i ve employment to their workmen. He conceived, with his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Baring) that the explanation of the Ri g ht H on. Chancellor of tho Ex chequer had rendered the proposed financial transaction leSs clear than it before appeared. It appeared simple, until he told them the funding of the Exchequer Bills was his main ob ject. If so, in what manner did he propose to obtain his ways How, oib u l l e d for him to tell, unt il March next, give and means for c overin g the deficien cy ? According to th e t erms gi him Ex c h equer offered to the wphuebtlhicer, Bills or money. it t he w a p s ub i l m i e l) would then, was he to provide his ways and means? His Right Hon. Friend , the late Chancellor of th e Exchequer, proposed to obtain twenty-two millions from the Customs, exclusive of sugar and corn. — (No , no.) Oh, th a t included the sum of 500,000/. from corn. Well, he would b e glad to know w hat amount the Chancellor of the Exchequer an from sugar ? The last Government ticiaated in the present year estimated the sum to be obtained from that source at 700 0901 and it was admitted that that was a low estimate—that it would amount to 900,0001., but not by the admission of fo reign grown sugar, but from the importation of an increased quantity from our own colonies, both east and west. The - maxim of the Chancellor of the Exchequer last year was "Let well alone," meaning that our colonies would produce to the revenue as much as if the foreign sugar was admitted at a lower duty. The Right Hon. Baronet, however, took upon that occa s io n ano th er v i ew o f the question--he opposed the Budget of hi s Ri g ht Hon. Friend because, he said , it must have fail e d, f or so muc h f ore i gn sugar as was admitted would displace so much of the produce of our own colonies. Now he would like to know which the House was to rely upon, the calculations of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or that i f the First Lord of the Treasury?—( Hear, hear.) Such discre pancies between two such high officers indicated that they,: was not that harmony at the Treasury Board which he would like to see. He had never taken any part in asking the Right Hon. Baronet to come forward and say what course he intended to take. But he would not be doing his dnty to the Right Hon. Baronet or to his constituents, if he did not say that the course taken by him was not one that would or could give satisfaction to the country.—(Hear, hear.) He was ready to admit, that, had power fallen into his hands in an accidental manner, or had it come to him unexpectedly, it would have been his duty to take time fur the consideration of his measures. But when he took office upon the very grounds —when his attention was called to the subject in 1840—when the Budget was brought forward, within a month after the ex piration of the financial tear, and that five months had elapsed since that time, he did not think it was either just or proper for the Ministry now to say that more time should be granted to them to make up their minds.—( Hear.) They attributed the distress to overtrading—to the Joint-stock Banks— but, whether it was one or other of these causes, or whetter it was attributable to the Corn-laws, or a system of vicious Legislation, it was agreed on all hands that it could not be removed except by an extension of our manufactures and trade, which could only be effected by a large revisal of our fiscal regulations. The Right Hon. Boronet said the country ap proved of his conduct, because, before the election, he had stated what it would be—he (Mr. Wood) admitted the fact —the Right Hon. Baronet stated it before the dissolution ; but he ( Mr. Wood) confessed he very much doubted the accuracy of the impression made upon the mind of the Hon. Baronet—his declaration was very little known in the country. Last year Hon. Gentlemen opposite opposed the Budget, and talked loudly of their opposition to any addition to the Debt; but now they came forward and proposed the very measure they so much decried. After what had taken place last year, the country had a right to expect any other course from the Honourable Gentlemen than the one they had taken. He admitted they had received the confidence of the country ; but they had received the support of the dif ferent bodies on very different grounds. The agriculturists in the counties gave their support in the confident hope of main taining the Corn-laws; but no one could say for a moment that the support given to gentlemen opposite in the manufacturing districts was because of the attachment of the manufacturers to the Corn-laws. The verdict of the country was more against the men than the measures.—( Hear, h e ar.) S ome doubted, however erroneously, the sincerity of the late Go vernment, while others aouiited their power to carry the Inca sur'es they bad propounded, therefore they changed ; but they did not give their support to the Right Hon. Baronet, because he would do nothing for a whole year. He believed they gave it more because they expected Hon. Gentlemen opposite would do more than the late Government. It was a gross fallacy to say that the sliding scale prevented fluctuations or protected the grower. Look at what had taken place only during the past week. When corn was high some time ago, the foreign corn was prohibited, and our farmers had none to give —they were prevented from taking advantage of the high prices. By-and-bye comes the harvest, but just before our farmers have their supply ready, the sliding scale suddenly admits one million and a half of quarters of corn, at the duty of Is., an I so depriving him of his market be unnaturally re ducing the price. Eve r y one k new th a t th e hi g h p r i ce o f corn had no effect on wages. That was shown ever since 1t136. From that period corn had been gradually rising, while wages had been as gradu a lly f a lli ng . B u t he was happy that that was now a fact admitted by the Noble Lord opposite (Stanley). No doubt the great difficulty was the Corn-laws. That was the question which defeated: the Budget of his Right Hon. Friend, for Mr. Handley frankly admitted that he supported the sugar monopoly merely as a defence for his own. He felt confident that some such measures musk be forthcoming. No doubt the difficulties of the Right Hon. Baronet would be great, and it would require all the time between then and February to win over his supporters to such a course ; but when party excite Tent abated, the feelings of humanity, which were largely possessed by the landed proprietors of England, would come into full play, their eyes would become eyen to the fal lacies which they had been taught to belie , e—they must soon see that it was ridiculous to talk of the independence of this country for a supply of food, when at least one million of quarters had been imported every year since the law passed. They must know that an increased population, without any in crease of production, must destroy independence, and then they would be actuated by a feeling of kindness to do all in their power to alleviate the distress of the country. If all that should be accomplished by the delay asked for by the Right Hon. Baronet, he would cheerfully acquiesce in it, as it would be one of the greatest of blessings ever conferred on the country. . The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER here made a few observations in explanation across the table, which did not distinctly reach us. We understood the Right Hon. Gen- tleman to say that he presumed his Right Hon. Friend ( Mr. F. Baring) had made his estimates in the usual way. He did not pretend to state beforehand what every item was likely to pro duce, but taking the amount of the revenue at stated periods, and balancing the deficiencies and the increases, he could arrive at something like an approximation to the amount.— Hear, hear.) With respect to corn, it was admitted in every discussion that had taken place upon the subject that what was received by way of duty upon that article was lost in others, and what was lost by corn was gained in the increased consumption of other articles. He (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) had never thought of stating, in ignorance of what the probable resu lt o f th e h arvest might be, what was the amount of duty to be derived from corn. As regarded the article of sugar in the last year, there had been a reduction in the amount of the duty of 163,0001. ; but upon the whole of the year, up . to the present period, there had been an augmenta tion to the amount of 120,000/. ; and in the course of the last four months the augmentation upon the sugar duties, amounted to nearly 300,0001., as compared with the corresponding period of last year. Mr. F. BARING wished to know whether the Right Hon. Gentleman expected to derive an additional revenue of 7e0,000/. from British plantation sugar, without making any alterati9n in the present rate of duties ? The CHANCEBLOR of the EXCHEQUER and M. C. WOOD made a few observations, after which the r eso l u ti on f or fund ing five millio ns o f Exchequer Bills was put and agreed to. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE QUER, who stated that only half the amount had been voted in the last Session of Parliament, a sum of 10,626,350/., to be raised by Exch equer Bill s , was vote d to ma k e good the esti mates voted for the service of her Majesty for the year 1841. The House then resumed, and the Report was ordered to be received to-morrow. POOR LAWS. Sir J. GRAHAM moved the order of the day for going into Committee on the Poor-law Commissioners Continuance Bill. On the question that the Speaker do leave the Chair, Mr. WAKLEY hoped that considering the late hour of the night—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh" )—he thouat, consider ing the great concessions that had been made by himself and other Hon. Members in not opposing the Bill, that they were entitled to have a full discussion of the measure, and by that means in the next Session of Parliament they might hope to have a measure which would be s msewhat satisfactory to the House and the country. lf, however, it was the desire of the House that the Bill should be proceeded with he would riot in terfere.—(Cries of " Go on.") Mr. YORKE trusted the House would indu7ge him for a few moments while he brought forward the motion, cf which he had given notice, and in order that Hon. Members might be in possession of the object of that motion, he would take the liberty of rcading it to the House. That it ba an instruction to the Committee on the Poor-law Commission Bill, to insert a clause to the follots ing effect :—" That the Commissioners be not emiltwered to - enforce iiidiserimMate separation between man and wife, and that in no ca=e shall they sanction or permit separation when the application for relief shall be suustatitiated as arising from positive inahiity to obtain work, or from physical infirmity, and not from idleness, vice, or crime." He submitted that resolution to them on authority which ap peared to him unexceptionable. He proposed to justify it on the evidence of the humane and enlightened gentlemen on the other side, whose kindly feelings of benevolence, acting upon them in the months of June and July last—( Hear, hear). — prompted them to proclaim throughout the country, that only which he asked f, - ;r, namely, that " those whom God had join ed, let no man put asunder."—( Hear, hear.) He proposed it also in conformity with the Scri d tural law, which taught them practical charity to all men, and to do to others as they would be done by. The distress which at present existed throughout the country was undeniable, and unless some steps were taken to remedy it, he feared it would lead to mischief. The remedy was one which, perhaps, they wet e not at the present moment able to supply ; but he believed the distress would be very much alleviated by removing from poverty a legislative penalty, and he put it to the House whether such a step would not be calculated to soften the asperities of the great mass of the suf fering community ? He was anxious that the integrity of his clause should not he compromised by the idea that it was in tended to include the worthless or abandoned. At the present moment the national stomach was unfed —( Hear, and a laugh.) It struck him that that was a subject for sympathy and regret, rather than ridicule and laughter.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The courery being in the state he had referred to, he put it to the House whether it was fitting that the people should be punished for their poverty ? As the law at present stood, a married man could not accept relief without incurring a penalty which was repugnant to hu man nature. He had prepared some statements on the subject, which at the present advanced hour he would not trouble the House with, but he would merely refer to the Slave Emancipa tion Act, for the purpose of showing the extreme care with which the framers of that Act had provided for the social ties of the negroes, and made provision that under no circumstances should they be removed from one plantation to another, if it subjected them to separation from their wives and families, or even their reputed wives. If they accorded to the Commis sioners the power they hitherto possessed, the wife of the negro during the existence of slavery, stood in a better position than the wife of the Engl'sh pauper would be. That was his case, and he put it not to their mercy, but to their justice and hu manity. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he would avail himself of the opportunity which the present motion afforded, of announcing to the House the course which he would take with respect . .to that motion, and to the sub sequent ones about to be made on the same subject. He (pies ti did on s n , o b t u t m h e e a n d d t o n t d b e n e l y i e t v h e e g i eneral i e m t p rt o d a i nz u e im mediately connected with th e i n t eres t s o f so l arge a port i on o f which touched m ore n ea rl y on t h e feelings, :.sa o s f aninthyoesr: subject their tellow-countrymen; and feeling that, sincerely as he did, he was impressed with a sense of the necessity of approaching the subject with caution. If he followed Honourable Gen tleman in discussions on that particular question, involving a portion of the workhouse regulation, it would bo impossible not to follow other Honourable Gentlemen into other details, and thus incidentally and gradually, but with his eyes open to the inconvenience of such party discussions, he should be betrayed into a discussion of all the details of the Poor-law. Ile thought it necessary to be thus explicit. The object of the Govern went in introducing the present. Bill was to avoid pre cisely the discussion of the pints which Honourable Gentlemen now brought forward, and to afford tittle arid opportunity carefully and cautiously to Consider eViVy portion of that important titeßstire Which was adopted by the Legislature Ave or six years ago. There might be defects which they were anxious to supply, and imperfections Which they were desirous to remedy, but those consitleratietti requieed time and caution. To be done stibly, the thing Must be done by the Government upon their responsibility. They did not shrink from the arduous duty of considering this qiiestion df remedying the i mper f ect i ons of the laslblit he repeated that caution was neeesserys They only thought that the Commis sion should be continued till the close of the next Session of Parliament. Before the commencement of the next Sessiclit Government woad turn their attention to the ntir'e Hbject. In the course of last Session theft laheurs *ere cut short on the question, and seine of the proposals of the late Government were withdrawn, others were adopted and amended, and it very considerable proportion of those peoposals Were hot con sidered at all. Now, it eroUld be the duty of the present Government to consider all 'those proposals On the present occasion, therefore, the House ought nOt to enter into a discussion of the Poor-laws in detail, slit confine i u t n se d l e f r t a o ll th ci e re si n n tn nb g feroet: s l eir e h t ig., : ee l u n trn ' ih e lle l e e e e:: :: iu. t n , :eH i ln. o ad i wo n t t Gfinia:r t :s.er n nant ° .Gaush : Inleeeinnwlmm:tt b i.lialto c ewilnei fO rtmnakdgx r saoh a tpnpit,e7uos t dsos h veieseeg e inntoneetan3t / Ilant l srat i idt i bbid.h u iolneu i nti r e ,ttiaho , twtthhmith w o f ;w e chett oo h tuv ,ohume e ,baal r :d.st. , jest t t b tm h: y : i a r ns o nt s w hi o mo v en ma o this hs ex isted under local Acts. Wherever several parishes had been united by such Acts there was a large number of both sexes col lected together, and from the absolute necessity of the case a division of the sexes was obliged to be had recourse to. Such t a t h aie d c o nd oulskullt particular ry t had been the case in the Gilbert union for the last fifty years, and in the Isle of Wi g ht, w h ere, under local Acts, something identical with a union had existed fora long time. Any argument against the fact must be an argument against the assembling of a large number of paupers in the same place. It would be his duty then to resist the instruction moved by the Hon. Gentle man, and, on the same ground, to resist all the other instruc tions referring to the question of the Poor-law regulations. He trusted the Hon. Gentleman would not think that his oppo sition to the instruction arose from any disrespect for the sub , ject of which it treated. It was net that Government disre garded any matter of the kind so intimately connected with the condition of the poor ; but they were most anxious not to make any mistake in a matter so immediately affecting the in terests of that class. . _ . Mr. STUART WORTLEY said there was great reason in what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down, and he trusted the lion. Member for York would not, by pressing his motion, place Hon. Gentlemen in a posi tion of some difficulty to *hose inclinations it was repugnant I to give a vote contrary to the principle of the instruction which he wished to submit to the House. Proposing to make any alteration in the Poor-law could only have the effect of opening the question of other alterations, which would be, in fact, undertaking to do that which would be impossible for the Government at present, namely, to commence the entire dis cussion of that great and extensive question. Under those circumstances he could nat kelp thinking that it was by no means an unreasonable request if the Hon. Member should be asked to give in on the present occasion and let this great subject be discussed hereafter. .He . (Mr. S. Wortley) did not mean in the slightest to give countenance to that principle which the Hon. Gentleman meant to condemn—that principle which justified separation of husband and wife to the extent to which it had been carried. But what the Right Hon. Mem ber for Dorchester said was perfectly true—that the separation of the sexes depended on the question as to whether they should collect large numbers of paupers into one Union. Therefore if they discussed whether they would separate the sexes, they should, t o d ea l f a i r l y with the subject, go into the whole question.—(Loud cheers.) That appeared to him as a good reason for adjourning this important and extensive ques tion. If the Hon. Gentleman persisted in pressing his in struction, it would be extremely repugnant to his (sir. S. Wortley's) inclinations and feelings to give any vote which would countenance a principle of the description under con sideration. Yet he confessed under existing circumstance!. —( Cheers and laughter from the Opposition benches.) He knew what that cheer meant. He was unwilling, it was supposed, to face the question which the Hon. Gentleman was inclined to place before the House, lest he should be placed in any embar rassment with respect to her Majesty's Ministers. That was not the case. He would take an opportunity of expressing his opinions fully on the subject, and he would not shrink from snak ing known to Ministers what he felt on the subject. He thought it desirable that they should do one of two things— either to proceed at once to the entire discussion of the Poor law, and deal with it as they intended to do at a future period, or else they should allow the question, together with those matters which would open the whale subject, to remain at rest until the period arrived at which it appeared reasonable they should enter upon the consideration of the entire mea sure.—( Hear, hear,) If they allowed discussion on one point, they should allow it on all others—( Hear) —the bastardy clause—that regarding out-door relief, &c., and if the House was prepared then to enter upon the whole, why it might do so. But he thought the Right Hon. Baronet and his col leagues in office were justified, under the circumstances in which they arrived at power, in asking for some lapse of time for the purpose of consicering a question of such importance as the Poor-laws, with the attention and care it required—a ques tion which the Whig Government of 1833 and 1834 took two 3ears to consider, and respecting which, certainly, the present t,overrinit•nt had sense right to demand a few months, with a view of considering it fully before they brought in a Bill to put the measure in a satisfactory state. There was one instruc tion to which he did riot entertain these objections, and that was the first one which was proposed by the Hon. Member for Rochdale, namely, " has it shall not be lawful for the Com missioners, from the date of the passing of this Bill, to declare the formation of any new unions in disti jets which are not al re:dy placed under tha opera-ion of the Act 4 an d 5 Will. IV., c. 7n." 'I hat instruction had reason and justice in it, indepen dent of the merits of the general question. Tie general ques tion reepscting the amendment to the law was at present in a state of suspense. He believed that those who were thoroughly interested in the question—those whom the future proceedings" of the Commissioners might deeply affect, had fairly a right to ask, that during the period the question was to be put in suspense, the Commissioners should abstain from carrying their operations further than they had been already carried. He, therefore, must say that towards the principle of that instruction he entertained a different opinion from that he had towards the others. lie thought that so long as it should remain in that state of uncertainty in which it must be before a Bill on the subject was brought before the House—during that period he thought the Commissioners should not pro ceed to extend the Unions over other parts of the country. The districts which be had the honour of represent ing were deeply interested in that part of the subject ; and he did but his duty towards those districts when he said that they had a right to ask, that that question should be left its statu quo, as the case required, Mr. V. SMITH said, he certainly felt for the embarrassed state in which the Hon. Gent. found himself, in being sud denly called on to take one side or the other on this important question. He (Mr. Vernon Smith) thought the course sugs gested by the Hon. Gentleman unbecoming the House. That Hon. Member bid them waive the questions which were of most importance—delicate and interesting questions—questions of weight and moment. But let them consider the questions which had been proposed by the Hon. Member for Rochdale. Now it appeared to him that they were not to discuss any great question this Session. So it had been said by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government. The present was not, he thought, the only deviation from that regulation which would be attended with inconvenience. He conceived that this ques tion was one of such intense interest, that if they were not to discuss the Corn-laws in conjunction with it they ought to separate it from that measure after the pro clamation of those miraculous Ministers who were to • advise nothing they having nothing to advise the Crown.—( Hear, and laughter.) If such was to be the case, he thought the position of the Right Hon. Member for Dorchester not an unfair one. But he must say, that the embarrassment -of the lion. Gentleman who had last spoken was to be attributed, not to the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, but to the course pursued by lion. Gentlemen on the other side of the House. It should be recollected, when Govern ment said they meant to continue all expiring laws from De cember, that the Poor-law required no continuance ; it was the Commission only which expired ; and when the Right Hon. Gentleman proposed the continuance of the Commission, he did not say for what time he meant to continue it. Would it not be more manly if the Right Honourable Gen. tleman thought that the Commission ought to last for five years, to have proposed that period at once, and not to be pottering with Parliament in such a way. The Right lion. Baronet declared over and over again, that five years was the period that. he wished the Commission to continue, and if he proposed that period there would be no difficulty in con trolling the Commission. lie (Mr. V. Smith) did not mean to object to the proposal of the Right Hon. Member for Dor chester, but if any man was to settle the question, assuredly that Right Hon. Gentleman was the person. He (Mr. V. Smith) had lately read a speech of a Noble Lord elected for:Monmouth ( Lord G. Somerset), who made a sort of apology for having the Right Hun. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) and the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) in the Cabinet.—( Hear, hear.) He said they were very talented and able men, but as for himself he regretted to see them in the Cabinet. He ( Mr. V. SS) therefore extremely rejoiced to see the Right Hon. Member for Dorchester coming forward on the present occasion. If he was called on to vote he should vote against all instructions equally, in order that the whole object for consideration would he the continuance of the Poor-law Com missioners. Upon the continuance of that commission they ought in his mind to he called on to give a decided opinion. Sir R. PEEL said he was sorry to see the Hon. Gentleman so much excited on this subject.—(Cheers.) He appeared unable to calm his insubordinate indignation in the absence of his leader.—(Cheers ) He (Sir R. Peel) begged leave to acquaint him that it was intimated to him (Sir H. Peel) at an early period of the p resen t Session that the Noble Lord, the late Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, had in tended to move for leave to introduce a Bill for the continuance of the Poor-law until the end of the next Session of Parlia ment, and that the measure which he ( Sir H. Peel) now pro posed was exactly in conformity with that which the Noble Lord ( Lord John Russell) himself intended to introduce. Yes, it was intimated to him by the Member for the City of London, lately at the head of her Majesty's Govern ment, that it was impossible, in the course of the present Ses sion, to proceed to consider those modifications in the Poor law, to which be had intended to call the attention of the House, and that it had In en his intention, during the period of his tenure of office, to give notice of a Bill, for the purpose of continuing the Commission for the period of one Sear.— ( Cheers.) That being notified to him (Sir R. Peel) on the part of the late Government, it did appear to him a reasonable proposal to make the same proposition ; and he was surprised that, on his making it, the Hon. Gentleman should have dis played so much unnecessary indignation.—( Cheers. ) Mr JERVIS said he was at a loss to understand how what had fallen from the lion. Gentleman opposite could dissuade those who were opposed to this measure from giving their op position to it. It might be a reason if the Hon. Gentleman fairly represented the aliens taken by the lion. Member for Northampton, but it was no ground whatever for calling upon those who had formerly opposed the law, or those who were returned for the express purpose of so doing, for now pressing on the present Government this question, on which - at all events, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and the Members of the Government, must be prepared to express an opinion, and with the details of which every Member of the House must be acquainted; for the Right Hon. Boronet could not urge the necessity for access to information peculiarly within reach of the Government as aground for delay, informa tion on this subject being as open to all as it was to the Go. vernment.—( Hear. ) But his Hon. Friend(Mr. V. Smith) did not apply his observations to the Bill to lie introduced by the Noble Lord. His complaint was, that this was not a Bill to renew the Commission, but a Bill to renew the law; and when the Right Hon. Baronet concurred with the Noble Lord in renewing the Commission .for .five years, .he thought that he ought now to be prepared to.bring forward 'his mea sure boldly and openly, though he might alienate the support of many Hon. Gentlemen, the opponents of the measure, by whom he was brought into office.—(Hear, hear.) He appre-. heeded they had a right to call on Hon. Gentlemen opposite to tell them how they would deal with this measure, and having opposed the whole Bill, though he had never lent himself to excite the people against It, he would oppose the Government on the question, so long as they would not boldly declare their opinions upon it. He was happy the Right Hon. Gent. had said that this *as something like the measure to be proposed by the Noble Lord (J. Russell), for that would release the Hon. Member far Finsbury (Mr. Wakley) from all his nets engages ments—( Laughter)—fur it was certiiin that if it had been pro posed by the Noble Lord; he (Mr: _sWalsley) would have op posed it, as also woilid rattly other Boni Gentlemen opposite. —( Hear, hear.) When the addreis 50 the Crown stay moved, distress was increasing. the Hen, Member (Mr.' Wakley) doubted whether it adsititted pstt the cities , lion to the Bight Hoff. Baronet; * H c h:o ti d n A t t t h t i e t y e' (1 4 tii t n iir d d I rt i t ri h o ti t t a i d u r e ittel of people were be tweenatt e e d prevalence 6 xhttnaexistence i o t an o f n f ( t i i i greate winter,lid consequence,ei distress. distress e i grdilnd tit tO? they orrm tavitioournraluired notd time to. spare from their shooting and hun ' twit" tiff f • + he ne thousands ecteitions, to inquire at least into the eatises.ot that distress? He Atidkfi Mot of the grbat financial qtt, s' len on Which it Was said time shotild be ado: tied; btit Of that milde adraliastefing Fetid by Which -or' not ? dr it was supposed by some that distress was grdatly principles which the RlAht Bardriet.k Sir is Gfaii , Pra) had contested, step h ( a il ci ea th r, e h y t t . : io a t r. t ) o deWala. with i f t u h r further o i r n ie fo by step; with Mr. Walter, the late. blerribot' for ,Nottingbam, and beat hint on thent ? When the. Right lion. -Baronet said that the separation of the sewn ices a necessary consequence of assettabling a. lie g e body of poolis in dile InStittition,vtas he not aware that this assembly was owing to the refusal to grant out-door relief? And *heti they considered that, in order to obtain relief, the poor *ate obliged td sell attyy furniture they might possess to enter the workhouse, thereby toting from them the means of returning to their homes--When this was considered, and the distressed state of the poor was de plored in that House, but not remedied —when all this was considered, was it too much to call upon the Right Hon. Bart. to enter upon the consideration of the subject? And would it satisfy the people to know that Hon. Gentlemen opposite wanted time to inquire into What they had uniformly opposed out of office, and on which they had excited the people to remedy which, when in office, they had not the courage to un dertake the responsibility ?—( Hear, hear, from Sir Robert Peel.) He understood the Right Hon. Baronet's cheers, but the Right Hon. Baronet could not accuse him of exciting his constituents on the subject. He had never addressed them on the subject at all.—(Hear, he ir. 1 He had been uniformly opposed to the measure; but he had scorned to use it for the purpose of exciting the people. He had scorned to make it the means of his a d vanc ement out. of •the House, an d t o s hrink from the responsibility' , of upposingiit there if it were the means of annoyance to the party- with , which he was connected. The only excuse that could be nisde,,for separating tlie House at that period of the year w as,,t4at. 09; 1 1‘1. he, conveni,ept for the pr. sent to forget this 4istrOas.a.tb, hear.) Mr] PA KINGTOPT stiid 'B°t ll 4 - 1 4ut . enter Ititti the in structions moved kx 66- e>i• teniali opposite, - neither would , • EMBER , 144: he enter into the details of the new Poor-law, though he had not in the lePst changed his opinion of their importance. With reference to the instruction:, he would net only say that he went further than the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, fur he believed that before the passing of the Act, in very we'l-regulated Union throughout England, the separa tion of the sexes was carried out and insisted on.--( Hear, hear.) He rose to express his regret that the House should be troubled on that occasion with any discussion on the Poor law whatever. It appeared to him that such a course on a Bill which was merely to renew, for a limited time, the Poor-law Commission, was an ungenerous return for the spirit in which her Majesty's Government had brought it forward.—( Hear, bear, and oh, oh.) The Bill was to renew the Commission until next July, and it thereby held out a promise that, at that time, the whole of this great subject should be fully considered. It appeared to him that the manner in which the Ministry had framed the Bill, gave them an additional claim to the confi fidence of the country ; and he believed that if any thing would shake confidence in them, it would be crude and hasty legislation on this great measure—( Hear, hear)—and not tak ing ample time to consider and reflect on those difficulties and emharrassments their predecessors had bequeathed to them.— ( Hear, hear, and oh, oh.) Whatever unpopularity might at tach to it, he would not hesitate to express the favourable opinions he entertained with regard to the result and tendency •of the Pour-law Amendment Act. ( Hear, hear.) He had always held the same language on the hustings and elsewhere, and he would say further, with regard to the Commissioners by whom it was carried out, that without approving of everything they had done, yet, consi dering the circumstances of peculiar difficulty in which they were placed, they had, on the whole, discharged their duties most ably, and in a way which evinced the best and fairest in tentions.—( Hear, hear.) He would say also that he thought the last Government were entitled to the greatest praise for the courage and skill with which they had grappled with this great question.—(Cheers, and cries of " No," from the Opposition. ) He further believed that, so far as the great body of the coun try were concerned, they had carried it oat without reference to party. He knew unworthy motives were attributed to them, but they treated it with . perfect scorn. Everybody knew that with respect to rates, it was absolutely necessary that some such measure should be adopted ; and, on the other hand,he said that no friends of the New Poor-law Act would say that its primary object related to rates.—( Hear, hear. ) Its primary object was to create habits of industry, moral cha racter, and feelings of independence—( Hear, hear )—than which no more important subjects could engage the atten tion of Parliament. It was for this reason he believed the gentlemen of England had taken it up, and he wished he could think that it would be in the same spirit discussed by the House. There was no subject of more importance affecting the interests of the people, no subject which they should appri ach with greater freedom from party feelings and party prejudices. He would appeal to those on both miles of the house who should approach this subject to bear in mind its importance, and the duty of discussing it next Session, with an anxious desire to promote not only the temporal welfare, but the permanent happiness of the people. For himself, he had always endeavoured so to approach it, and he had full confidence that the Ministry would give their best attention to its details in the recess that would intervene. He, for one, was most willing to consider any amendment that should he proposed, or anything that would make it more acceptable to the peuple ; but he would conclude by hoping that her Majesty's Ministers, in .their anxiety to make .it more acceptable, would not depart from its essential princi ples, which he believed to be good, and calculated to promote the welfare of the people.— (Cheers. ) Ir: C. BULLER said he entirely concurred with the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Packington) in the sentiments contained in the latter part of his speech, and he should waive any allu sions to the former part, except simply to beg him, when an other time he meant to come down and speak so wisely and to the purpose, he would not allow himself to deviate from his subject into every possible irritating subject. He trusted that the manner in which the Hon. Gentleman had addressed him self to the question would be followed, and that on a ques tion which concerned not a day or a year, not the existence of any Ministry or party, but the permanent welfare of the people of England, they should discuss it with the same freedom from the lowest party feelings and the most miserable party arguments.—( Hear, hear.) Fle (Mr. C. Buller) wished merely to state, that he came down that night not very well able to take part in the discussion, but because he felt it to be his duty to support her Majesty's Alinisters in the course which they had taken on the subject.—( Hear, hear.) He had voted fur the New Poor-law Act when first brought in, and he had voted for it ever since, and before his constituents and every where else he had promised it his support, though, as the Hon. Gentleman had said, he was willing to alter any details which experience might prove to be harsh and unwise. —(Hear, hear.) In spite of the obloquy that had been cast upon it, he believed it f 5 be an honest law—a wise law—the best law ever made from the best motives in this country, for the moral and social welfare of the working classes—(Hear, hear)—and therefore he was anxious to say that he thought the course taken by the Government was precisely the course which in duty they were bound to take.—( Hear, hear. ) It seemed to him that the question was one which should not be discussed under the influence of party feeling or under the pressure of temporary circumstances.—( Hear, hear.) If there was distress prevailing at the present moment in the country, he did not think that a permanent measure of that kind should be altered under the pressure of a temporary evil. He was therefore of opinion that the Government was quite right in bringing in a measure simply continuing the Poor-law Bill, which put off the discussion of the entire ques tion until Parliament should have more time for its considera tion. He would therefore put it to his Hon. Friend the Member for York, who he was sure would give him credit for sincerity on the occasion, whether he could consistently call not only upon Members who had generally supported the mea sure, but on those who had declared themselves against many of its provisions, whether he could consistently call on them to pass an opinion upon the single measure of the separation of the sects. It appeared to him (Mr. Buller) that any Hon. Member who would vote for the proposed alteration would thereby affirm that the law in other respects stood in no need of amendment. It would be advisable, in his opinion, to con sider the whole measure once and for good ; and if they were to commence at all to legislate on the subject, they had better, in that case, make up their minds to continue there from the present moment up to the end of next year. He wished to say one word before he sat down upon the remarks which had fallen from the Hon. Member for Yorkshire. He did not wish to undertake'to defend the lion. Gentleman's consistency from day to day, but he thought that the lion. Member was right in pursuing the course he proposed upon that occasion. He should say, however, that the language of the Hon. Gen tleman that evening was much more moderate than that which he had held in Yorkshire.—(Hear, hear.) He said to the electors of the West Riding—" We shall have no bastiles, my friends;. from February, 1842, we shall have no separation of man and wife;" but the ardour of the Hon. Gentleman had considerably abated since. It appeared to him that the Hon. Gentleman was quite right in the tone he assumed on the pre sent occasion,' though lie no longer said we shall have no more of that infernal, abominable, diabolical law, and all that sort of thing.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He confessed that he did not expect that Gentlemen who had held that language would vote for continuing for a moment the power of " the Th. ea Devil Kings" whose sway extended not merely to their own infernal regions, but to the upper earth we live in. He ( Mr. Buller) never wished to say anything offensive ; but it really seemed to him there had been a good deal of howling resorted to ort the subject.—(Laughter.) It appeared to hint that a good deal of very vague nonsense had been talked—that a very great deal of dishonest stuff had been talked; and he did not think that Hon. Gentlemen had a right to mislead people by false hopes, and to agitate them by assertions which were never meant to be carried into effect.— (Hear, hear.) He certainly wished to put Hon. Gentlemen opposite to the test—he wished them to state whether or not they meant to continue a law which had been supported by large majorities} on both sides of the House, or whether they would repeal it tvlien they took it into their consideration. Colonel WOOD said, that when the time arrived he would be ready fairly to consider the entire question. He did not think the proposition, the inotion of his Right Hon. Friend opposite, was so unreasonable as had been represented. al though he did not wish it should be pressed upon that occasion. When the Poor-law Bill had first bet:;^ passed, he certainly had no notion that it would have been inills:riceinatelY applied to all parts of the kingdom. It had been at;:eitted that great abuses existed in the administration of the ;Ad law in the Southern Counties, but he believed those *biases were unknown in the North of England. There was no payment of wages out of the Poor-rate in the North ; there was no payment of cottage rent from the same source. He hoped that his Hon. Friend would not press his proposition, although he con fessed he approved of its principle.—( Hear, hear, hear.) In the union to which he (Colonel Wood) belonged, they had resolved upon allowing old men and women to live comfortably together—( A laugh)—in spite of the instructions they had received from the Commissioners. He thought work heuses ought to be places of comfortable retirement for the aged, th it they ought to contain schools for the children, and that the able-bodied who took refuge in them ahould not be quite so comfortable as the aged. He hoped the Hon. Member for York would not press his instruction, but that the House would go fairly into the discussion after Christmas. Captain PECHELL hop-d the Hon'. Member for Droit wich would not consider him as offering a factious opposition. If he asked the Hon. Baronet, the member for Dorchester, to enter into some explanation as to the course intended to be, pursued with regard to the Gilbert Unions. He wished for that information in order to satisfy a highly respectable class of persons who had more than once entrusted him with petitions on, the subject. He wished to know whether it was intended to protect towns possessing Local Acts, and parishes incor porated into unions, under Gilbert's act, from the operation of the Dill. If no explanation were Riven, he should certainly vote for the instruction moved by the Honourable Member for York. Mr. H. HINDE had hitherto been opposed to the principle of the Poor-law Amendn.ent Act, and still continued opposed to it, but he could not support the motion of the Hon. Mem ber for York. The Bill was to continue the Commission for six months only, and he therefore did not think the present time a proper one for offering opposition. He had last Session moved various amendments, and he would propose them again limit Session when the law should be under discussion. He was inelluted to agree with the Hon. Member for Bath that it would be better to repose the power now vested in the Com missioners in the Meeretary of State, but he thought that neither of them ought to possess such power, which was, in fact, the power of making laws. He opposed the amendment, because in all cases in which the separation was ithisted an a stigma would be attached to the parties, and no mart light to have such a stigma cast upon him without hav ing been confict4M of some offence. It would also be neces sary to relax the rules relating to out-door relief, and in fact to revise the whole machinery of the Poor-law Amendment. Act. For these reasons he should vote against the amend- Mont; not because he dissented from the principle of it, but be cause he believed it ill-timed. Sir IL IiGEETWOOD rose for the purpose of drawing the nttefition of the Right Hon. Baronet to certain communica tions tfbieli he (Sir H. Fleetwood) had received from Preston. The first letter accompanied a petition, which had been pre sented by his Honourable Colleague (Sir George Strick land), and which was signed by 1,260 persons, every one of whom was out of work. But he received another letter that day, in whick the people of Preston expressed their fears that permanent out-door relief would be withheld during the coming winter. It was the wish of the House to receive in formation from the Boa ds of Guardians ; and as those Boards were constituted of persons who had no pecuniary interest in the inimediate administration of the law, he thought it would be right that those individuals should be entrusted with its execution, and that it ought to be taken away from the uncon stitutional authority of the Commissioners.—(Hear. ) What would be the consequence if such a system was adopted with regard to the constabulary e Why, it would be tantamount to a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act.—( Hear.) He trusted they would come to the consideration of the question when it was brought before them, with their minds free from party feeling.--( Hear. ) Mr. GRINISDITCH, though opposed to the new Poor law, would vote for the present Bill, as it was merely tempo rary. He would not desire i,ts continuance for any length of time, but if carried out at all, it ought to be carried out with- out. the Central Board.—( Hear, hear.) As long as that ex isted there never would he quiet or harmony in the country. — (Hear, hear.) The Member for Sheffield was mistaken in supposing the respectable portion of the community was favour able to the system of centralisation. He hoped it . aeould not be treated as a party question.—( Hear, hear.) Mskipresent law was doing injury to the social systern.dry* . ..up_ the sources of private charity —doi ng ramtaitchief tar the House . was aware of.—(Hear, hear.) lie trusted the e -Right Hun. Baronet would not rely on 'any Bill emanating from Somereet Horiie. If inquiry was necessary, he hoped it would be made by those who had no interest but the benefit of the community at heart, and not by those who had a direct personal interest. There were 26 manufacturing Unions, which comp. ised a po pulation of 100,000, and 3,000 paupers. Was it possible that the test should be applied in such cases ? In such Unions there would be continual cases of sudden deprivation, and it was im possible to apply the test. He trusted the Right Hon. Baronet would take these things into consideration, with a view to re moving the evils so generally complained of. Mr. WIGNEY said he was one of those candidates who had suffered from the remarks of Hon. Members opposite on the hustings on this subject.—( Hear, hear.) If Hon. Members brought forward such subjects to carry their elections, they had no right to complain when the discussion was introduced in that House. If the Hon. Member for York divided the House, he would yote with him, but he would certainly propose a post ponement. Lord SANDON said, as one of those who had been charged with making an improper use of this question, he felt bound to vindicate his character. He could net see why Whigs or Radicals were to be allowed to express their opinions, whilst Conservatives were denied that privi lege. The Conservatives had an equal right with the Whigs to express their sentiments on the Poor-law, and were not therefore to be charged with tampering with the people in order to effect their own purpose. The charge came with a bad grace from those who had appealed to the pas sions of the people, by speaking of the Conservatives as ad vocates for a little loaf, and professing► themselves to supply the poor man with a big one.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Ile thought time should be allowed to the Government, to consider what alterations they would make in the measure; and he was sure Hon. Gentlemen on that side of the House would be found honestly to maietain the opinions which they had stated.—( Hear, hear.) With these opinions he would oppose the motion of the Hon. Member for York. Mr. C. WOOD regretted the acrimony that had been in troduced into the discussion by the Noble Lord who had just sat down. He had hoped that the question would have been discussed with temper, and he objected to the opposition of the Poor-laws being made an engine of political warfare, which had been the case during the late elections. He believed that the New Poor-law Bill had done great good, and that its pro vi,ions had in most places been carried into effect with great humanity. In Halifax the poor were far better trea•ea un der the New than under the Old Law. He thought that the Government had done right in renewing the Bill for another year, for the purpose of giving an opportunity of having the whole measure discussed in the next Session. .... Mr. HARDY denied that the question of the Poor-laws had been made the subject of political discussion on his part at the late election. It had been forced upon him. He was most anxious, if the Poor-!aw was deferred, that a perfect un derstanding should be come to as to out-door relief. There was not so much money spent on the pose now, when wheat was so high, as when it was only from 395. to 445. He was, therefore, afraid the poor were stinted in their food. He hoped, therefore, some understanding would be come to, so that out-door relief should not be prohibited, but might be given to those who were unable to obtain work during the winter. _ _ . Mr. W A KLEY had been often referred to, and would not detain the House long. He could assure the Hon. Member for Chester that he had no other duty in that House than to do his duty to his constituents and the pubic. He hail no other duty or motive there. He trusted the Hon. Member had no other. As to the New Poor-law, he trusted the present Government would not pledge itself to the principle of the law which many had attempted to get them to do. It was a most important question, and the House ought to be allowe.l to come to the full discussion of the mea sure without having the whole weight of the Government de terminedlc set against those who were desirous of having the law ameliorated. He trusted the Hon. Members who had in , tions on the paper, as well as the mover of the instruction, would not press them to a division—(Laughter)—for, upon reflection, they would find that their own intentions would be frustrated by forcing a majority to vote against them. Ile would warn the Right Hon. Baronet, that if he pledged himself to the principles of the New Poor law Bill, it would be the last time he would ever command a majority in that House. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, For the amendment Against it Majority —lsl On our return to the gallery we found Sir JAMES GRAHAM on his legs, proposing the House to go into Committee on the Bill, this day (Tuesday) at Five o'Clock. The Expiring Laws Bill went through a Committee—to be reported this day. Adjourned at One o'Clock. CORN-LAWS AND COMMERCIAL REFORM. MEETING OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE WARD OF FARRINGDON WITHOUT. A meeting of the inhabit ants of the Ward of Farri ngdon Without was held yesterday in the New Court of the Old Bailey, having been called by requisition to Sir James Duke, the Alderman for the Ward, for the purpose of petitioning the Queen not to prorogue Parliament until it had taken into its consideration the Corn-laws and the present distressed state of the people. The meeting was called at eleven o'clock for twelve, and shortly after the latter hour Sir James Duke, and several of the Common Council, entered the Court. Sir JAMES DUKE having taken his seat as Chairman, rose and said, that in consequence of a requisition which had been addressed to him as Alderman of the Ward, he had called a meeting of the inhabitants on this subject, so vital to their ins terests.—(Cheers. ) The requisition was numerously and re spectably signed, and it gave him great pleasure in complying with it. It was not necessary for him to say anything further, but as there might be a difference of opinion on the subject be fore them, he hoped that every man who wished to express his sentiments upon it would be allowed a patient hearing.—( Hear, hear.) He would call on the Clerk to read the requisition. It was not necessary to go over the names of the requisition ists, amounting to upwards of 200 of the most respectable of the inhabitants of the Ward.—(Cheers. ) The CLeux then read the requisition, and Mr. POIITIFEX rose and said, that the subject which had called them together—a subject involving, as it did, the pro , sperity of them all, was of such great importance, that he heartily wished that some other gentleman had been deputed to propose the resolution which he then begged leave to sub mit. But, considering the situation he held in the world— considering that he was a manufacturer—he should not have considered it consistent with his duty if he had refused to come forward on that occasion—( Hear, hear)—and he felt that the subject was of great importance to the country at large. In discussing that question he should avoid, as much as possible, any allusion to party politics.--( Hear, hear.) The subject was one infinitely more connected, with the interests of the country than party.—( Hear, hear.) He therefore wished that the discussion should be carried on without reference to parties who opposed them, inasmuch as other arguments were involved. He thought they would be more likely to ad vance their object, and more likely to impress their feelings and opinions on the Ministry, if they refrained, as much as 'possible, from anything like party politics.—( Hear, hear. ) It was undoubtedly of great political importance, involving the prosperity of the country, and of individuals. There had been two objections brought forward against discussing the question. One he did not think it necessary to answer by any argument ; that was, that the present Ministry, or rather that the number of individuals who had been returned to Par liament on that question—a question on which the country had been appealed to—had carried a majority against a revision of the Corn-laws. On this there was no necessity for argument. But there was another objection on which he begged leave to make a few observations, as he thought that objection had held back one or two individuals in that cause; it was, that they should give time to Sir Robert Peel to concoct measures which he will feel necess try to bring for ward to the public on that very subject—he meant the revision of the Corn-laws. When they considered that Sir Robert Peel's colleagues in the Ministry had lately stated that the Ministry were agreed in one opinion, and which opinion had been expressed in the speeches of the Duke of Buckingham, Sir James Graham, Lord Stanley, and others, that there was alteration needed in the Corn-laws,jhe thought there was norea son why they should give the Premier longer time to prepare those measures which the state and welfare of the country re quired. If they believed that the Premier had a desire to bring forward such measures as would produce some relief for the labouring classes of the country, the object of their meeting there would greatly facilitate those measures. It was by public meetings throughout the country, and temperate expression of op inion—it was by their showing that not only were they aware „f f t, distress they felt, but that they knew the cause from which that distress arose, and are determined to put an end to that cause.—it was only by such a display of public senti ment that Sir Its:l)ert Peel could be urged to a consideration of this subject. R yeas by these means that any great measure has been car.lied ; it was by these means that they obtained redress. Had to: Catholics merely joined in . a quiet declaration of their civil rights, they would have re mained to that day as they were before their emancipation. It was only by their combination that they made even the Duke of Wellington, opposed as he was-te Catholic Emanci pation, grant them that'which he could no lo.ner withhold.— (Cheers.) It had been. argued, and argued ?gain, that an alteration of these commercial measures wou ld nos be bene ficial to the poor. On that question alone he would be convent to rest the wisdom or evil, the justice or injustice, of the Co. - o 7 laws. It was said, if they reduced the price of corn they would reduce the price of wages. This was not a necessary I consequence, considering that the price of labour did not de pend on the price of corn, but on the demand for that labsur.— (Cheers.) But even if it were so—if the ultimate removal of these laws were to produce a money reduction there would be a relative difference in his expenditure. He (Mr. Pontifex) thought that was clearly shown by the very difference in living between this country and the Continent. A man could live on a very much less income abroad than he could in England. And from whence did this arise ? Solely from the high price of the necessaries of life, every one of which was increased by the high price of corn. The supporters of the Corn-laws meet the question by saying that the poor man would be no better off if the Corn-laws were repealed; but he thought that it had been proved that the condition of the poor man would be much better by the Corn-laws being repealed. If they looked at the working population of this country, it would appear that they were distressed in efiveerayr,mbeaanr7 cawlcbuelantetclbetyoreraadisetbteheaieredoeuerrtss ethstat7wmePreathpilaecse—d before Parliament, when they read the state ments of the distress; existing in the manufacturing districts as well as the agricultural, did they not feel that that was a state of things which they ought not to be labouring under, to which some alteration ought not to be applied ?—(Cheers. ) A gen tleman whom he knew, who lately went through some of the manufacturing districts in Scotland, and who, by the introduc tion of a friend, went into some of the largest manufactories there, assured him (Mr. Pontifex) that it was painful beyond description to witness the misery and want of the labouring classes its Glasgow. In one manufactory, where they employed more than 100 people, even the youths, instead of wearing a smile on their countenance, were depressed by the deteriora tion of their labour, and those who were twenty years of age appeared more like men of forty or fifty.—( Hear, hear.) This gentlemen saw something going intothe manufactory which appeared to be the dinner of one of the labourers, and he in quired what it was, and on examination he found it was food almost as bad as that of pigs—it was a kind of porridge, but of so coarse a kind as scr.rcely to be fit for swine. Now, it had been assumed that the agricultural population was much better off than the manufacturing population, and he would l state his own personal observations upon it. lie was himseg.f, in a village not many miles from the metropoli , , where b. he was talking to a medical mail, . who was describing to misery and distress existing in the working classease.d the leptd that if the country should be brought into a w_ times, we should no longer have a hearti e race sem o d e doubts as to santry were required to defend us as they h a d a f r d m on e e e i: .e fo b i e m re e - r tofore had. He (Mr. l'ontifex) expre call the extent fierxstte n i t b o o f ur t i h n i g s d m is e t e res t s h , e a y nd ee h m is e him,n said he wanted friend called to an apparently healthy meow. hdeidwoseu.ld friend ti , an d sa h i d e Sir, you know how I him how helived. The man answerr e to speak to him, and the man catnts; l , ll... y, "Yes," answered and he asked live," as being a medical is; ' ind he answered, " Why, Sir, what sort of living yoursy ou have meat ?,, his friend, " eknow ; We have we live on bread chiefly.' " but i n nint to convince this gentleman Do y twicea week." His friend nd he seemed in a state of laid hold hold of the nat k n'i leg n . • up d withered. If the agricultural la a bit of bacon sometimes, ti" was. ihr" distressed state, the manufacturing popula this_ „ once or bourer was n t i on must_ be WI off . indeed --b ad indeed mast be their state... 4 geara . bear.) . This tne state of Kent, in an. agric u ltu re j populgObn; g village hot thirty miles fro m Lou , MORNING NUN_ don. Now this state of things must require; their roost serious consi, eration. Sir Robert Peel said, in Jtlne last, th a t it was a state of thing s as i mperat i ve, t h at no cony.kienee of Mem bers ought to present Ministers from calling the Parliament together ; yet no sooner did Sir Robert Pee come into power than he at once said he should delay this etinsideration'for months, and propo se no reme d y to the cotittr,(ftirillis distrr ss.—( Continued c h eers .) B u t no t on l y was t if 'mate . of thine: bad, but it was a state that every philanthropist must wish o see altered. For some years past they had been striv ing to give education to the labouring classes, but he would ask them could that class devote their time to thinking of scything else but supplying their physical wants ? Ought they not only to give them the comforts of life, but some little time to devote to their education ? He was aware that it had beenstated that taxation was an evil to the coun try, acid therefore the Corn-laws were an evil that could not be avoided ; but he believed that those who had to pay this taxation would not be satisfied with this argument. The ammint ot the bread-tax was forty millions of money. Now the taxa tion of the country itself was sufficiently onerous. but if this tax was to be added to it—greater than any one of them, and almost, greater than all put together—it became insupportable. It had been said that the manufacturers of this country could not expect to compete with the manufacturers of the Conti nent, who had not such an amount of taxes to pay. If it was so ditlicult to bear up against the taxation. how much more diffi cult must it he when that manufacturer had, in addition to the taxation of the country. another tax to pay, amounting to 44 millions, and that for the sole purpose of benefiting a class?— (Chet rs.)—Surely this could not be just ?—( Hear, hear.) It was a state under which the manufac urea of thel country were ,inking.—( Hear, hear.) Where could land be better cultivated, or pay better, than where the populasion was greater than the produce of the land could supply?— ( Hear, hear.) That was the place, of all others, where it. must flourish, because it would be most wantej, and where it would obtain the highest prices. Therefore, instead of sup posine that because the trade in corn was left open, the agri cubit fists must. go to decay—it was true that it might, to a rertaie extent, reduce the rent on land, but as regarded the farmer be would be decidedly better off—he would have no violent changes they saw tnen. Th s fluctuation in the corn trade oas only calculated to ruin the poor farmer. He must pay his rent ; therefore that law was merely to make the rich richer, and the poor man poorer. On referring to a statistical statement, he found that in 1811 there were 689,940 families empleved in agriculture, and in 1831, after twenty yesrs, there were ¶t61,144, thus giving en increase of 61,000 families em ployed in agriculture. Tho number employed in trade in 1811 was 11,290,01)0, and in 1831 there were 14,820,000. showing an increase in the number suf families employed in trade of upwards of 4,000,000. Now, if this was the fact, it was quite clear that if the agriculturists had been benefited it had been by the increased number of the manufacturing families, and the demand exceeding the pruduce. But it was sated in opposition to this that the trading commnnity were ihemse.ves dependent on the agricultural community, but he always understood, and it was a very good argument ag,airet this, that the internal- prosperity of the country de pend, ti on the external commerce.—( Hear, hear.) What was the effect of the law as it now stood ? He thought no man c f business3would, considering the situation of affairs at that moment, say that the corn they were receiving could be paid f r in any other way than with gold, and payment in gold must disorder the whole country—( Hear, hear)—and cause ruin ta thousands, who would not know where that ruin came from, but only know that they cannot sell the produce of their manufsettires. It was, therefore, do u bly i ncum b ent on t h em to have an alteration. Two or three years ago this state of things almost produced bankruptcy in the Bank of England, and it would still produce it if they were continued.--( Hear, hear.) If the proposition of Lord John Russell had been adopted, the country would have been benefited to the amount of 600,000L—(Great cheering.) In the Quarterly Review lie was surprised to find an argument so feeble for 30 power fully written a journal, which was, that the country was riots feeling the benefit of the Corn-laws, as it was receiving corn at one shilling duty.; but did th e peopl! pay one farthing less for corn?—(Great cheer ing. )-1 he corn dealers would get the market price for their corn, and the country therefore paid a high price without the revenue deriving any benefit whatever from it.—(Cheers. ) But independently of the loss to the revenue, it was quite clear that thin law compelled the purchaser of corn to go to the market—not the cheapest, but the nearest. They were enabled to con pete with countries where corn was cheap, because they were afraid, that when they arrived with corn here, the ports would be shut.—(Cheers.) Lord Stanley's argument was, that the country had done well under that law. Why, this argument had been used en all occasions when they wanted bad laws to be respected. It was used at the time the Reform Bill was in agitation, and it put him in mind of a speech de livered by th Rev. Sidney Smith at that time. It was a very humorous one, but it so agreed with the present occasion that lei would read an extract :—" There happens to live near my parsonage a labouring man, of very superior character and understanding to his fellow-labourers, and who has made such good use of that superiority, that he has saved what is (for his station in life), a very considerable sum of money, and if his existence is extended to the common period, he will die rich. It happens, however, that he is (and long has been troubled with violent stomachic pains for which he has hit herto obtained no relief, and which really are the bane and tosment of his life. Now, if my excellent labourer was to send for a physician, and to consult him respecting his malady, would it not be very singular language if our noetor were to say to him, "My good friend, you surely will rot be so rash as to attempt to get rid of these pains in your stomach. Have you not grown rich with these pains in your stomach ? Have you not risen under them from poverty to prosperity ? Has not your situation since you were first attacked been improving every year? You surely will not be so foolish and so indis creet as to part with the pains in your stomach?"—( Shouts of laughter.) ' Why, what would be the answer of the rustic to this nonsensical monition ? " Monster of Rhubarb," he would say, I am not rich in consequence of the pains in my stomach, but •n spite of the pains in my stomach— (Cheers and much laughter)—and I should have been ten times icher and fifty times happier if I had never had any pains in my stomach at all."—(Much cheering and great laughter.)—'Phis was something like Dr. Peel.—(Cheers and laughter.—So these Corn-laws were, then, pains in the stomas t. and they would have been a much richer and greater people if they had never had them at all.—( Loud cheers. ) These pains in the stomach were increasing—(Cheers)—anit would increase unless an alteration was made.—(Cheeis. ) The years Lord Stanley ref reed to were all years ashen corn was cheap, and when the Corn-laws did not operate. They did not complain of the 'Corn-laws when corn was cheap, but what they complained ot was the operation of the Corn-laws when corn was dear, and the people wanted to be fed.— ( Cheer.. ) His (Lord Stanley's) argument only applied when corn n J.; cheap. The result of these Corn-laws now was that the continental manufacturers were not only rivalling them but were beating them--( Hear)—in their own markets.---( Hear.) Lord Stanley made use of another argument, in which he said that w were not to look to the supply from abroad, but from the colonies ; and so we ought to look to the colonies for the support of our manufactures ; but such was the lowness of prices on the Continent that they were leaving us for them, and in fact the Continent supplied many goods to our merchants who sent them out instead of their own. Not only was this the case in the West Indies, but in the East Indies also. There was certainly a small differential duty on foreign goods in the co lonies and home manufacture, but the difference was not enough to prevent foreign manufactures being taken instead of our own.—(Hear, hear.) 'phis state of things could not be re medied under the present system but by high duties, and if they taxed the colonies would they feel disposed to put up with it with America before their eyes. America was an examp e, and he did think this would be resorted to. It was said tl.cy were independent of foreign nations, but they were not. there was a million and a quarter of corn now come in from the Continent, and they were not, nor could they be in dependent of foreign nations.—( Hear, hear.) This was a strong argument why they should alter that law.—( Cheers.) What did Mr. M'Gregor say, the Secretary at the Foreign office? He said that Germany had to manufacture in its own defence. He would make one observation mare, as to why this law should be repealed—why some consideration should be given to thel working classes, the poor_of this country, fur it was those upon whom this Corn-law pressed—it was epos . * these the operation of the law was felt, which increased the price of pro visions to the principal consumers. To the rich man it was ' comparatively unimportant, but to the labouring man it was th e staff of life—(Cheers)—those from whom the revenue was derived—they who consumed the greatest quantity of tobacco, tea, susar, coffee, and all the other necessaries of life. 'this ought. to be a strong argument why consideration should be given to this question. These were his reasons why he had risen to propose the resolution, in reading which he shouid conclude:— ‘• Resolved, That this meeting has viewed with unfeigned loyalty, admiration, and gratitude, her Majesty's ever-anxious desire to promote the welfare and happinese of every portion of her Alajesty's faithful subjects."—((seat cheering.) A G ENTLEM AN, whose name vie did not hear, seconded the •esolution without any remark. The resolution was then put to the meeting, and carried unanimously, amidst great cheering. Mr. ‘Voon, in rising to propose the next resolution, said there was very little for him to do but to read the pe tition alluded to in the resolution, after the eery eloquent address of Mr. Pontifex. Th ere was something notwithstanding that lie could not help adverting to, and to which Mr. Pontifex had partly alluded to, but not fully. Lord Stanley admitted that rents were increased by this law, and that the people contributed towards that tent 'New, in order to consider this, they must g o to the natural poset,:r of produ e i ng corn, and what the state of it is to other country, sat the present time. The price of the 41b. loaf in Paris eas bid., and the same 41h. loaf in England was 1; 1 They asked thems e l ves w h y was t hi s striking _ differen ce—lLY is this, when the expense of transfer is only an addition of Itr i ; on the quarter of flour, why should we be Paying nearly double ? The aniwer was clear, they had an artifittal-Price this country. Let them take t e expense of a at Dipitzic, which cost 345. He did not "knosi t!'_ e i: m „ price,. but the average was 345., the, cost 'of iinp n or t ta" their glo 10s., giving them 445. a quarter. 'At that mor 2 7 .i 7 at a'duty of rims sliding scale gave the last week's price at O f the sliding 2s. Bd. Let them mind the delightful it nar reed and they scale. This week 735. was produced at it duty napo, or could had thrown into the market all that had been di:on the Thames to be got into port. The tug-boats were sent tad uty, and all that quarter ofiesent brine up the corn vessels, in order to pay ^ dut , could possibly be brought up was 0 ma t a nominal y When the quarter of corn was said to have com e , _: mana ged. of Is. Let them mark hew this„ . a' ge tting up to 71s. it 'price was 70s. the duty was 103.. a t?e„l . 't hey get the corn in a million and a illation of the corn-dealers. If at Is. duty. This was a Com ba k to the Session! of 1838 and them go c us to September in they doubted this, let weeks prey io t b , trone - d , 1840. and to three or four was 63. Bd. ; and having amvied during the whale three times the amount each year, and . the mark et w " corn sail to be sold in of September the quantity of the s. to 745. till they obtained the IF. rai-ed the price from surd,. "Now we have it in our own hands." duty, and then they thn by decrees bring the price down to 7 market. And by this means they They, lOs. Bd. dec rees They then go on to 695., theit 139. ed., and then they say, " Now we are safe.." 705., .and the duty t .....(actucalhl3:erbsr.o)ugh: into the dui}' is k there is a little danger, they go down an- But if they think the average for the last ten years has hien other Is- N°"'' Lord J o hn Russell's duty of Rs. it would d at 575, an have liven 54 a . According to Curtis, in the W estern r Amer i c a corn was grown at 27s , an d could bSetadteefticeor.ed'in Liverpool at 4 75. duty paid. The i n h a bi tants of these States supplied the people of the Southern Sates with ~ corn, and the people of the Southern States supplied us w i t h cot , The people of the Western State said, "If you w i ll iak t : n iitir corn, we will take your manufactures, and leave the Southern State, hut we cannot pay you with an} thing cl,e but corn. According to Lord John Russell's duty the revenue would have been benefited 600,0001., instead of the paltry sum given by the sliding scale. Tiii, sum had gone into the pocket . f the parson in tie shape of tithe, the landholder, and the gambler on the Corn Exchange. —( Cheers.) He believed that Peel would take measures to redress the people if he could persuad . his colleagues, and he only wanted time to try it on them.—(A laugh.) Let them nut despair. The Duke of Buckingham was a generous man —(Laughter.) He would show them that he was a very gerrsrous man. In the village of Buili there once lived a man who was compelled by poverty to go to Manchester; but after remaining there for four or five years, to consequence of the stagnation of trade, and being unable to live on the small pittance of 3d. or 4d. a-day, this ma n came back to Brill, for he was a parishioner, and he ap. plied to the parish. They were all to go into the house, sense of the family being grown up. But the Duke of Buckingham thought this would not dp, and he consented to head a sub seripttou to raise 101. or 15/., i n or d er th a t this ma n an d .f a - I may might go back to Manchester and try spin to get es- -