The Sun. — London, England, 1841-01-25 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION. - _ I 1 it not that which has brought mo four hundr ed miles in two days, including a night , and I am proud taat you p rmit me to join your ranks ?—( Loud and long con tinued cueering.) 1 know surely, I perceive it, that Ire land has a multitude of warm friends in this very room.— (Loud cheers, and cries of " All, all.") Ido not leave out one ; I said a multitude, but I reckoned all ; and if the room would contain twice as many, I am convinced Leeds could produce them. The English Government is greatly inimical to the Irish.—( Hear, hear, from Mr. Roebuck.) Multitudes of English Whigs are inimical to the Irish ; the entire Tory faction, including the dominant Church, are inimical to the Irish. I hold them all in fell defiance.—(Tremendous and protracted cheering.) Tne English Liberal, the true Reformer—Radical, like my self—is as determined to do justice to Ireland as I am— ( Vehement cheering)—and I am as ready, on the other an I, to make as good battle as I can for England. Mr. O'Connell then sat down amidst loud cheering, I. D. Russ, Esq., secretary to the Ulster Const.tr tional Association, next addressed the meeting. Mr. Nicirous proposed " The union of the middle and the working classes," which was received with loud cheers. SHARMAN CRAWFORD, Esq , responded to the toast. At the conclusion of Mr. Sharman Crawford's speech, Mr. COLLTNS alluded with considerable energy to the subject of the proposed union with the middle and work ing classes, and urged that the precise terms of the union should be perfectly well understood. Let tha middle classes provse any measure of popular benefit, and it should receive the support of the Chartists. JOSHUA BOWER, Esq., in a neat speech, alluded to his political career, as showing he had always been virtually an aevacate for the Charter, and had advocated the popu lar measures they desired. Colonel Tirames'iN afterwards spoke, and some other speeches were delivered, after which the meeting scp :rated. CHURCII-riATES. GREAT MEETING AT LEICESTER. LEICESTER, SATURDAY EVENINO.—This evening the friends of civil and religious liberty held a public meeting at the Theatre, Horsefair-street. The meeting was one gat up under the auspices of the Leicester Voluntary Church Society, and had for its object to potition Parlia ment for the abolition of Church-rates and Ecclesiastical Courts, a 4 well as the immediate release of Mr. William 13 ines, now lying in the county gaol for non-payment of Church-rates. The Leitester theatre, which is a very large one, was on this occasion crowded to excess, and, what is curious on such an occasion, where so vast an as sembly was collected together, there was not to be found a single person to express a dissentient opinion. Every sen timent uttered by the speakers bearing on the question of Church-rates was loudly cheered, and every resolution proposed unanimously adopted. In the course of the day the Members for the borough, Mr. Easthopo and Mr, Wynn Ellis, arrived in town, and they were soon afterwards joined by Mr. flume and Mr. O'Connell, the latter accompanied by Mr. Hutt, who had arrive .1 from the Leeds festival. In the course of the day they all waited upon Mr. Baines is his prison, and had a long and interesting conversation with him. At six o'clock precisely, the Mayor of Leicester, John Bigga, Esq., accompanied by Mr. Easthopc, Mr. Wyr.n Ellis, Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. Hume, appeared on tl e stage, end as etch was recognized he was greeted with loud cheers. Amid this applause it was moved by Mr. Lacs, and se conded by Mr. MILES, " That the Mayor, John Biggs, Esq., should take the chair." Mr. thous said that it was most painful to him in the discharge of the duties of his office, that he shosld ba called upon to carry into effect the law against conscience ; or ;hat ne should be required to authorise the sale of effects, belonging to those whose conscience told the: th , y could not obey the law. For himself, he felt it to be his imperative duty to carry into effect the law as he found it ; but he also felt it to "be his duty to call upon the Le gislature to repeal a law that he looked upon as an out rage upon every principle of justice—(Cheers)—a law that in his opinion must be soon repealed if they wished to see, peace and order established in society.—( Hear.) The Rev. Mr. MYATT said that when, upon the impri. sonment of Mr. Baines, now two months since, he was called upon to address a Leicester nsscmbly, he indulged a fond and over-confident hope that the next occasion of pre senting himself to their notice would he one of rejoicing, and that it would have been kis pleasing duty to mingle hie congratulations with theirs on the honourable release of tha noble-hearted captive.--( Cheers.) Although the es cut had falsified his expectations, and the prisoner re mained to this hour in the tenacious gripe of the Church's executioner, he could discover nothing unreasonable in the grounds upon which at that time he based his faith. He was not, indeed, so foolish as to imagine—no man even partially versed in ecclesiastical history could have given entertainment to the idea—that the State Church would spontaneously relinquish her bold upon her vic tim. Whatever else she may at times have given up— whether a long-cherished doctrine or a favourite rule of discipline—it was never yet known throughout the wide and diversified range of her history, that she had foregone a pecuniary demand, or put a check upon her insatiable lust fur gull —(Checre.) How should she ? Money was the life-blocd of her system. Her energies, her zeal, her libeurs, her hopes and fears are all identified with money. Take away her property and she dies; touch her filthy lucre and ycu touch her sire— (Cheers)—fee the Establishment itself is but one vast and too successful scheme to obtain money under religious pretences.—(Hear.) He was not, therefore, senseless enough to suppose that, in a case of subtraction of money, however paltry the sum, truth, justice, or religion would weigh with her.—(Cheers.) lie knew well she would " have her bond," even though every drop of the victim's blood should be sacrificed to her rapacity—and he was sufficiently convinced that appeals which in all ordinary cases would cleave their way t 1 rough the thickest pre judices, and lay bare corscicnces to the very quick, would never !peke the slightest impression upon her imperrn 'able avarice. —(Cheers.) But he did hope that many thousands in her communion, somewhat blind, indeed, to her defects, hut personally free from her characteristic vices—stung with shame at this flagrant violetion of all right, and unable to endure the burning blush of indignation at the foul deed done is the name of Christianity—he did indulge the persuasion that they, looking at the character of the prisoner, at his station, at his high-mindedness, and at the general sympathy which his suffering had elicited, wculd have risen up in all the virtuous anger of insulted humanity, cried " shame" upon the perpetrator of this outrage upon conscience, and have given to the world their indignant protest against these odious exhibitions of ecclesiastical malignity.—(Cheers.) Except in a few individual cases, nothing of the kind had taken place—the m a n an d t h e gent l eman had been merged in the Churchman—and acts which thousands in their in dividual capacity would have loathed to perform, they did not scorn tacitly to sanction and uphold under cover of their Church.—( Hear, hear.) He freely confessed, how ever, that he had much more sanguinely anticipated re dress from tie legal Courts. After the emphatic opi nion pronounced by - Dr. Luahington in the House of Commons upon Thorogood's case, that the only remedy for contempt possessed by these Bishops' Courts was the imprisonment of the person, it was not natural to conclude that, contrary to all the analogies of law, they had power t r proceed with the case in the absence of the defend ant, and to run up at their discretion a bill of costs, to any amount that might satisfy the needy host of proctors and doctors.—( Hear, hear.) But it had now come out that Ecclesiastical Courts were "twice blessed"--.blessed with the power to imprison, and blessed with the authority to pillage; and that, if they prefer it—and who can doubt but that in all future eases they will prefer it?—they have unlimited licence, after pronouncing their victim in con tempt, to suspend for a season the pleasure of proceeding to incarceration, and to employ the interval in heaping up costs, with not a single item of which the defendant is ever to be made acquainted.—(Hear, hear.) The existence of this unique privilege they learned for the first time in this case of Mr. Baines, and the confirmation of it by the Courts of Law bad given rise to a pretty general idea that the liberty of the subject was to be specially regarded by the judges of the l an d; i n a ll cases b ut that of disobedience to the Church.--( Loud cheers.) He had had ono more hope—it was hope in the dissenting community. He had not yet abandoned Hear, hear.) The seeming calm which had too long characterised the great body of Boneonformists was not necessarily indicative of in difference. It might be, he trusted it was, the stiffness which marked the period of thought, a drip re. el e ction and anxious deliberation, ere the fitti;,g hour of energetic action had arrived—the coolness and composure of men in council on the eve of battle. —(Hcar, h A rumour was in circulation that London was preparing to move.—(hear, hear.) He had reason for believing that the rumour was well founded.—( Hear, hear.) Would Manchester consent to lie under the stigma of stark insen sibility to the rights of conscience? Could Liverpool, vi talised lay the energy of a Voluntary Church Society, re main much longer mute ? Leeds had a well-earned re pute ion to sustain, and so had Bradford, for both took tap the cause cf Thorogood ; they might, therefore, conti deafly rely upon their being afield soon after the op ping of Parliament. Nottingham had already honoured itself by sending an address and deputation to the prisoner, - - (Hoar.) Nottingham, of course, would not lag behind in the gen era l movement. T he metropo li s h a d only to give the signal, and soon the beacon-fires of relig ious liberty would bleats in every pro v i nce . M en w ere from every quarter of the country turning towards London Dissenters a wistful and anxious gaze—their minds divided be tween hope and fear—hope that in this hour of extremity, -when the rights of conscience were insolently trampled under fcot, the , spirit of their forefathers would be awakened within their bosom, and concern for religion persecuted to bonds would impel them at last to take tie their post, and fear lest a lax expediency, too prevalent among st them, should induce them to witne ss i n s il ence the oppressio n o f a suffering brother Christian, th e i r own degradat io n an d and insult, and finally the calamitous triumph of their master's foes.—( Cheers.) In the name of sacred truth, he raked, tow and when do they mean to act? ila conjured them, by the value they set upon religious liberty L-by the irepe eishabie fame of their noble aneos - ori—by the homage they owed to vole ataxy Christianity—by ail that they profess to knot of the spirituality of Christ's kingdom, to c , _vine Iv: r I and hear their testimony, and lift up high their v ;ice against the emplo)ment of force within the dornaies of the Cliu-ch, in the name and for the support of the reli ion of Chris'.—( Cheers.) Mr. Bainee still continued i confinement. '1 he question tow occurred, what coin eensation was to be awarded 11; for his long and patient suffering? It was darkly intimated that Lord John Rus sell meditated adding insult to-cruelty—that he would at tempt to carry into effect the recommendation of the Eccle rasiical Commissioners, that he would give to Church wardens the power of levying Church-rates, and to the Magistrates at quarter scissions authority to enforce them by distraint. As yet, he could not believe that his Lord ship would venture upon so infatuated a course. They had not forgotten his taunts, they would not put up with his blows. Mean-spirited, cringing, fawning parasites as he deems them, they were not sunk so low as that. The body upon whose shoulders his Lordship had been borne into power still had the fate of th e Whig Cabin e t in their hands. Already it had too long forborne • their tenderness for Ministers bad already assumed the asp ec t o f treachery to the cause committed to their keeping ; but there was, nevertheless, some blood in them, sluggish though it might be ; and if the Colonial Secretary was desirous of quickening its circulation, and raising its temperature to boiling point, he had only to propose this confirmation of their bondage.—( Hear, hear.) What, then, were they willing to accept as compensation for their imprison. ment ? I answer, nothing but the total abolition of Church-rates.—(hear, hear, hear.) Was this an unreasonable demand ? With an income of 5,000,0001. a year, with the undisturbed possession of all parish churches, the property of the nation, with an aris tocracy of unbounded wealth professedly attached to her communion, with bequests in hundreds of the parishes in the kingdom especially applicable to the maintenance of the fabric and services of the Church, with power in the hands of herCpponents to prevent the levying of a rate in hundreds of parishes more, was it too much to ask this Church to give up squabbling for the paltry remnant, and cease to annoy the consciences, and wound the selt ; resT s e hs t of thousands of upright, loyal, and religious men than this en was the compensation they demanded. g's w ould no t aucoe not abolish, pt.—(Loud i e s h s o e u e t r o s r .) s would NV a t o the ro long abolish te l Y et w ur o e uld deferred, h themselves.ith p r osoutly Wearieds start art andu up as theen••d w vindicators of their own claims. For every refusal of payment now t w otd exhibited, there would soon be a thousand--( Hear, hear) prisoner there would be hundreds. —for__(Cheers) ev e r ecclesiastical y From parish to parish, from county to county, the determination to pay no more Church-rates would travel on all the fester tee in proportion to Lord John Rus sail's efforts to perpetuate them—until the lesson shOuld have been: thoroughly learned by the Dissenting community, that man owes no allegiance to the State in relation to spiritual affairs.--( Hear, hear.) The immedi ate issue of this case might be extremely doubtful—it might terminate in more stringent laws for the enforce ment of ecclesiastical demands, or it might wring from an unwilling Legislature the abolition of the degrading impost. But the great practical truth involved in it, freedom of conscience, could not ultimately be stayed in its progress.—(Hear.) A 3 it was now universally recog nised as a maxim of British law, that " a man's house is his castle, and that, although the four winds of heaven may whistle through it, the king of these realms dare not set his foot within it," so must it sooner or later be re cognised as a principle of all Governments, that a man's conscience is sacred, and that the statesman who dares to intermeddle with it, not only may but ought to be re sisted.—(Cheers.) To this truth they swore eternal alle giance. Upon this in all solemnity they placed their foot, and reared their standard to the breeze of heaven.—( Loud cheers.) Rather than yield a foot of this ground, he said, welcome contempt, welcome bonds, welcome death itself.—(Cheers.) They might die in the struggle, but the truth they contended for would lire for ever. Let the great leviathan—the monster of the political deep—laugh in fancied security at the shaking of the spear; let clever but puny statesmen, like Lord John Russell, ever busying himself with great things in a small way, utter their gibes and parody bad verse in the delighted hearing of a House of Commons majority, to whom anything beyond a party squabble was matter of ignorant derision; let Blomfield in the upper house, the house of hereditary wislom, pronounce his oracular con demnation; and Exeter, the modern Bon ner, blurt his venom upon them and upon their principles. They would tell them honestly they knew the odds, and they were prepared to encounter them.—( Cheers ) At all events they know their duty—they had taken their vows : they threw down their gage to ecclesiastical domi nation, and from that moment they deliberately and un dauntedly would advance to the conflict with the fervent prayer on their lips, " God defend the right." Ile con cluded by proposing the following resolution :—" That, in the opinion of this meeting, the levying of Church-rates in England is a grievous wrong inflicted upon a large portion of the community--that their exaction invades the rights I of conscience and the freedom of religious opinion - that they lay heavy and unequal burdens on those who, at their own expense, provide for the maintenance of places of worship, and for that religious instruction which their own sincere and honest convictions approve ; that they are a fruitful source of strife, and discord, and ill-will in so ciety, exposing the persons of excellent and virtuous men to cruel, capricious, and unlimited persecutions—to bound less vexations and large pecuniary sacrifices; and therefore, for the sake of peace and justice, that Church-rates ought to be at once and for ever abolished." Mr. WYNN ELLIS was received with loud cheers. He bid ever declared and felt that the enforcement of Church rates from Dissenters was contrary to every principle of justice, and at direct variance with the letter and spirit of that Christianity of which the Church assumed to be the especial protector and guardian.—(Cheers ) Mr. Ellis continued by saying, numerous authorities have at various times been quoted; but one, to my mind, quite satisfac tory and conclusive, is G2d Law of Ethelred, where we find these words concerning tithes, " The King and tho wise men have decreed, as is just, that the third part of the tithes be given to the compensation of the Church, a se cond part to the minister, and the third part to the poor." —( Hear.) In those times, it may be as well to remark that even tithe was a part of eleemosynary payment ; and on the subsequent endowment of the tithe on the parish, is it likely that the landowner would subject himself and his lands to the payment of a rate, seeing to what pur poses the tithe then endowed had been hitherto de voted ? There exists no reason for thinking that a de parture then took place from that tripartite division of the tithe to clergy, Church, and poor; so that the ques tion of right remaining with the objectors to a rate at the present day, the right to consent or refuse a rate remains with the people, and this rate can only be exer cised by the conscientious Dissenter its an unqualified refu • sal. That refusal in so many large towns and parishes by the majority ought long since to have taught the digni taries, the clergy, and the thinking laymen that the injus tice was too glaring to be submitted to, and that the rights and consciences of Dissenters could no longer be violated, and that it would be well to remove the disquiet by the abrogation of all pecuniary claims and all pretensions of ecclesiastical supremacy. The Dissenter has con:cientious objections to support a Church in alliance with an earthly head ; he knows nu master but Christ in spiritual matters, and denies the right and power of the Church as by law established to shackle that freedom of thought which an all-wise Creator has placed beyond all human power and subjection. The c,inscientious Christian resolves to resist — a gloomy prison, with separation from friends, and all the endearments of home and family may follow ' • and this is, indeed, an evidence of his consistency, and the faith which guides and directs him; and it ill becomes the par tisans of the Church to attempt to cast ridicule upon his conduct, or to question his motives : for the latter he is answerable only to the head of his Church, and the attempt may give rise to questions sufficiently perplexing to the Est a bli s h ment —h ow came there to be Dissenters, and what the cause of their great increase of late years, s: Bing that their numbers ex. ceed the population of Great Britain and Wales a century ago?—( Hear.) The answer must be, that the clergy &ept in luxurious ease, leaving the people a prey to the assaults of Setan, and, but for the energies of the Dissenters, the people, especially in the great towns, would have sunk in ignorance, depravity, and vice; that to the Dissenters so ciety is under the highest obligations; they alone opposed the torrent of infidelity, and wore unceasing in their efforts to seek and to save ; and it ill became the Church, now just awakening from its lethargy to a sense of the danger from which society ha; escaped, to theew ridicule upon the religious sentiments and views of those to whose piety and efforts they owe their own and their country's comparative security, and of the claims of Dissent, rs not conceded. Will not questions most inconveniently per. p'exin,g as to the founiatim of the Church as by law esta blished arise ? Her varied shiftings and changes during that discreditable period of her history in the days of Henry, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, be scrutinize'', exa mined, and condemned ?—(Hear, hear.) Sincerely de siring that these unseemly pretensions may be abated, and that the strife may be for the gain of souls, rather than _worldly glory, greatness, and pre-eminence, I heartily de sire that the Church will co-operate in an act of justice and right to Dissenters; and that all Christian men unite in promoting the designs and commands of the Gospel, remembering that great commandment, that they love one another.--( Cheers.) The resolution was then put from the Chair, and passed unanimously. Mr. Htlem, was received with loud cheers. He was not one of 'those who wished to countenance violence on any occasion; but he was one who wished to see men, when they professed- independent principles, act up, to their opinions, and prove the sincerity of their conviction, by advocating and maintaining them with all the powers that they had.—( Hear, hear.) The Dissenters had failed to do so, and they had been trampled upon as they de served.—(Cheers.) He had been, he said, much struek with one thing that had fallen from the gentleman who had proposed the first resolution, an& he wishedtto ask that gentleman whether he was certain that he could be correct in what he had stated with respect to Lerd John Russell and the part that Noble Lord was about to take on this sub ject? He had been present in the House of Commons and had heard what had fallen from the Noble Lord when he advocated the abolition of this oppressive tax oppressive not so much in amount, but oppressive because it marked inferiority in one class and superiority in another.—( Hear, hear.) He was ono of those who were opposed to the do.. mination of the Church, for he held that every man in this country ought to be, and by the Constitution was, entitled to equality of civil rights. All men were entitled to have their religious feelings respected and their civil rights equally maintained. The man, then, who professed it, sincerity and honesty his conscientious opinions should not be persecuted for so doing. The Dissenters proved that they were perfectly sincere, for he knew that they sa crificed advantages which they might have had if they corr. plied with the Church forms. They did not do so, and that to him was a proof their sincerity. Let him not be told, then, that the Dissenters were not both honest and sincere. No proof could be stronger than a man maintaining his principles at the sacrifice of his private interests. Disc senters had, highly to their honour, always done so; for their opinions they had sacrificed place, emolument, and high rank in society.— ( Hear.) But then they had not done their duty, and he would tell them how. When Lore! Althorp, from his sense of the injustice of the Church-rates, had risen in his place in the House of Commons to denounce them, and a motion was brought forward on the subject, Lord John Russell, he could say, made a speech on the occasion which showed the necessity that some measure shnul.l be passed which would remove this injustice. Lord Althorp certainly on that occasion proposed a measure, or rather the means of putting an cud to the cause of these disturbances in every parish, and that once for all would remove this evil from the Dissenters. It might appear strange that, in an assembly like the present, he (Mr. Hume) should rise up to say. that tho ugh the Dissenters did not, a s we unde r s t eo d, object to th is plan, yet that he said that h e never would consent that the Church-rates, even according to their present mode of collection, should be put an end to for the purpose of placing them on the consolidated funds of the country.-_( Hear.) And before be left this subject, h e to state that he moved an amendment to the effect L a t it h the House, before they were warranted was in i p n l e acTug ben t t h ? is additional burden on the consolidated funds of the country, t o look to he adm i nistration of t h e ample funds alread y in the possession gt the Church. On t hi s question going to a division, he Wa3 beaten by a majority of 130 ; but he THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JA.N EJARY, 25, 1841. from then told the Noble Lord that his next division would be better. He told him that ho would not give up his oppo asnitiiiodnatuendlesFsutnhde ratesand ' (Cheers.) The Noble Lord took the counsel that had w al e to re ge t te to be from the eremoved the ntnr Con solidated Dissenters,— been given him, and never brought forward the proposi tion again. He only mentioned this for the purpose of begging them to look at the speeches that have been made on this occasion, and they would have no reason to quarrel with the opinions that were given utterance to by Lord Althorp and Lord John Russell. But what, then, had been the next step of Ministers? He was indeced to refer to it because his friend near him bad referred to the :rro perty of the Church. Did not Lord Jahn Russell, or, at least, Mr. Spring Rice, as the organ of the Govern ment, bring forward that which he called an excellent proposition, such as no honest man could object to—one that was just, and therefore one that ought to be carried ? He had said that there was a large amount of Church lands so managed that they could not be made available for the purposes of the Church. He took it that all property of the Church was public property, and where it was not administered as it ought to be, to that extent were the public interests injured. It was proposed, then, to take the Church lands as they now existed, and it was pro • pcsed to let them at the full value, as every other property was let, and it was shown that the excess would be six or seven hundred thousand a year, a sum amply sufficient to pay fcr Church-rates and all other demands similar to it. That, he said, was an honest proposition, and one that ought to have been adopted.—( Llear, hear.) First, it took away the corrupt administration of the property, and then, by a just administration of the same property, it afforded funds for the repairs of the edifices of the Establish ment, and freed the Dissenters from all demands for them. On a narrow division, it was discovered that other interests came in which checked and marred the proposition. Minis ters found they were unable to carry it. They then withdrew the measure altogether, and from that hour to the present no step had been taken on the part of the Government. After the opinions that had been expressed by Lord John Russell and Lord Althorp, he said to those assembled, do not blame, them, but rather blame the House of Commons as it is at present constituted. He had no hesitation in saying that as the H'JUSC of Commons was at this moment constituted, Ministers could not do anything to aid the Disamters. The people's Representatives, the people themselves, are to blame. He had no hesitation in saying that be cordially supported the resolution that had been put into his hand. It was this—" That the constitution and proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Courts are unworthy of an enlightened age, and incompatible with the due admi nistration of justice—hostile to the civil and religious liberty of the Dissenters; and, therefore, that those tri bunals ought to be abolished, or to he confined in their ju- risdictionto those who approve of that ecclesiastical Po licy of which they arc the guardians." He continued by ssying, it must be evident that this and the preceding question formed one and the same subject ; out of the first arose the second, and he could scrircely make an ob servation on the ono that would not apply to both. Ile had that day visited their county gaol ; he had seen the victim of ecclesiastical persecution. He saw the martyr to conscientious principle—the man who, whatever wore now his sufferings, must hold up his head higher than be fore, however much and greatly he had been respected.— ( Hear.) It was only by such men that England hail ever _ . relieved herself froin any oppresssion.—( Cheers.) The moment such en honourable individual as Mr. Baines arose in a country. he changed the aspect of Wails altogether-- ( Hear.) His excellent and well-known friend, Jeremy Bentham, had said " the people never could get relief from a Government until they make the ruling few a little uneasy."—( Hear, hear.) When they showed that they were determined to have their rights, then those disposed to act unjustly would think it much better to give up a little than to lose a chance of all. A good leader was a good thing, and they had an excellent one. Here was the instance of a man who had given up all the comforts of his family, and who, for conscience sake, was for ten weeks confined within the prison walls.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame.") Was not that sufficient to arouse their sympathy ? Ought it not to spread through the whole country ? Ought it not to create unanimity, energy, and action in the whole Dissenting body ? When he found the Dissenters exceeded the number of Churchmen, he said that they ought et least to show that they were determined not to be plun dered in this way. He could only tell them what he him self intended to do in June last with reference to the enor mous funds of the Established Church. His proposition with respect to those funds he did not think an unfair one. He found in May or June last that notwithstanding the immense income of the Established Church, a proposition was to be made to the Commons, calling upon them to vote away two or three millions for the purpose of build ing churches for the Establishment._(Hear, hear.) A mote impudent demand he never knew of, nor did he be. lieve it possible that such a demand could be made. It WV to the credit of the Tories—and as he had not many things to tell to their credit he might as well mention this —(Laughter)—that when Sir Robert Inglis's motion came on, the Tories were so much ashamed of it, that they would not allow him to make a House. But he bad anticipated the debate, for he had stated, if it came on, he would meet it with a counter proposition. What he meant to have proposed was this :—Upon the dissuasion of Sir Robert Inglis's motion, that instead of the members of the Esta blished Church taking Church-rates from the Dissenters, they (the Dissenters), being half of the population, ought to come in at once and claim the half of the Church pro perty from the Establishment.—( Cheers and laughter.) Ile meant to say that, by right an& by law, they could do this, and there would be a difficulty in showing otherwise. He said that the Dissenters were more than half of the population—that they were as sixteen million to eleven, including Dissenters of all kinds; but that, taking them at one-half, the Dissenters, instead of agreeing to pay Church -rates, they aught to come in and make their representatives alter the law, and take the half of the pro perty from the Church.—( Cheers, and laughter.) But when be proposed it he meant to do something further than that ; he meant to say to the Dissenters, " By your principles you cannot take one farthing of this fund, I therefore call upon you to give it to me, and I will reduce taxes to that amount."—( Cheers.) lle was sure that this was an honest proposition—he was sure it was a just pro position, and, being both honest and just, why should they not have it ? In the first place, he could tell them they would not have it until they asked for it, and until they made a point to have it.—( Haar, hear, hear.) They must make the voice of the people be heard. They must let it be known what it was they were determined upon : that they would not be directed by a Bishop of Exe ter, or any other who seemed to think that he was to rule them as a Lord, and they were to be but his crea tures. For, as long as they wore foolishand weak enough to submit to this, they could get Nothing, and they might expect nothing. He now came back to the point of the constitution of the House of Commons. As long as it continued this impost would be continued; and therefore those who elected men to vote for Church -rates, deserved to pay them. Ho was quite satisfied that the imprison ment of Mr. Baines, following fast as it did upon that of John Thorogood, must arouse the public feeling on this subject. It might load to fill their gaols with Bainesca and Thorogoods. Did it but do so, they would soon see the effect of the excitement. lie recommended to them above all things unanimity in their proceedings. Let there be that and perseverance, and they must succeed. Any man who looked at the Ecclesiastical Courts must be convinced that during many yearn they had inflicted the greatest injury on the community. Let them look for instance at this very case of Mr. Bakes, where the original demand was 21. 55., and where, because he did not choose to violate his conscience, the expense was increased to 1251.—(Hear.) A bill to that amount was actually run up against him. It was only necessary to state such a proceeding to excite the horror of every sound-thinking and conscientious man. There was, he must say, a hope that the Eecleeiastical Courts must he put down, he said they must, if a compact that had been made would be kept, for he had agreed to a Bill, most unwillingly he admitted, because it gave uncontrolled power in some respects to the Bishops, that species of power which he would object to give to men in any situa testi. But he assented to it because he was told, that un less be agreed to the Bill in that form, it would not be accepted in another place, a place so sacred that it was never named by them, but where certain individuals sat at if behind a curtain, concealed from their view, and yet to whose wishes they were obliged to accede. He then had been told that unless ho consented to the proposition he had before mentioned there was no chance for the removal of the Ecclesiastical Courts. He did hope, then, to sec these Courts removed. He had never heard one man in the House of Commons defend them. It was to the credit of the House of Commons that none could be found to do so ; and, therefore, in the next Session he expected to see them annulled, if not entirely changed. Mr. EASTHOPB, who was received with loud cheers, could assure the meeting that he approached this question with usual anxiety. The first question they had to ask themselves, with respect to the impost of Church -rates, and with respect to the imprisonment of Mr. Baines, was one always asked by men when they saw a fellow-being enduring hardship —was it justice ? What was the answer to that question ? The answer to it was to he found (as it had been already stated by his Honourable Friend) in the speeches of Lord Spencer, who declared in the House of Commons that it was an impost which no than at the present day could defend, and to be regarded as a great grievance upon conscience. He appealed for his next answer to the same question to the emphatic language of Lord John Reuel' ; and no man could be more explicit than the Noble Lord upon the point : and last, though not least, he appealed to Lord Stanley, who repudiated Church-rates as unseemly, impolitic and unjust.—(Cheers.) Were they, then, to reason as though it were difficult or needful to prove Church. rates unjust in Leicester ? Were they to do this when they saw one known by them all—respected by them all— most worthy of the respect he received—yet incarcerated therefore e h t r i e s f or conscience— not e because cdist ebnhoooani es at soti e ead e tnn a h: u etef p e osrnu h t coop: superiority rhni could ehn n n within their prison walls, because he could not, by reason impost?—(Cheers.) l oh d te: - - e ra n gn. o d) , ► t e o i f s ought t h_w ( o Could it, then, appear to the men of England that this h a e l n l hp:tsld world, of their impost liberty, was iutsht t ha t t or t i i ty mt o ' Ve w r a man—an Englishman—should be so burdened, so op pressed that, for his conscientious feelings, his person should be incarcerated, his family exposed to difficulty, his buiness injured, his happiness blasted—and this be• cause he would not contribute to a Church in the possession of vast wealth, from which he conscientiously dissented ; a Church that could not require this pecuniary support if it did not persist in the gross mal•admin'stration of its im mense property ?—( ear.)H No ; this was one of those unjust inflictions for which no excuse could be found, and no palliation devised. It was injustice accompanied by the most bungling mismanagement. It w as in justice aggravated by the greatest improvidence that ever was permitted to exist in a highly civilized community.— (Cheers.) He was sure that the next question they would ask themselves, as practical men, was, what was to be done to remove the gt ievance ? They should not go about this matter with angry feelings ; but let their exer tions be marked as much by mildness as by &enrols, and regulated equally by good temper as by determined per severance, so that the plans and the manner of working them out should be those best calculated to remove the abuses.—( Hear, bear.) Ho must now say that, in some or the observations that had been made by his friend who opened the business of the meeting, he did not coincide. He did not think, with his reverend friend, that the mem bers of the Established Church generally cherished its abuses in the manner imputed to them by his friend. They did not support an abuse because they liked it ; to a great extent they were ignorant of the abuse. Might it not be said that the Dissenters had not represented and ex posed the abuse as they ought to have done ? The fact was, that there was not unanimity amongst oven the Dissenters themselves—( Hear, hear)—and consequently there was not that determination exhibited by them which was worthy of the occasion.—( Hear, hear.) They had been told by Mr. Hume that there was a gross mismanage ment of Church property. Call, then, upon the members of the Established Church for a proper and careful manage ment of their property, and prove to them that there could not even be a pretext for the demand for Church -rates, and all the oppressions consequent upon their collection, and then justice will—must, gain for ye,. numerous friends amongst the members of the Established Church. Some of the Dissenters were not satisfied with relief for them. selves, or anything short of the entire abolition of Church. rates. In this he thought they were wrong. If the Church resolved to rate its own members, Dissenters should be sin tisfied with being themselves exempted. Was it, he asked, to be borne that in the name of religion such contests were to be fostered in this country as were predoced by the annual demand for Church-rates 2—that men, who might otherwise live in love and happiness together, should be marked out for conflict with each other as Church men and Dissenters ?—( Hear, hear.) Let the grievance be properly exposed, and not only would the Church of England men aid them, but every honest and enligh tened man of all sects would tender to them his as sistance,and all would soon exclaim with them that Church rates an impost disgraceful to the age, their enforce ment a calamity to the country, a nuisance not longer to be endured.—( Loud cheers.) The second proposition in the resolution referred to the abolition of the miscalled " Christian" Courts. In his opinion they might be more truly designated courts of persecution; for they were any thing but Christian," especially if one looked to the knavery employed in some of them.—(Elsar.) Let thsm, for instance, observe the case of Sarah Young, who had been unjustly and illegally imprisoned, and who was now turned out of her cell, when the public eye was directed to those wl►o perpetrated the injustice against her, and when public indignation was prepared to punish them.— ( Hear.) Mr. STEELE as a member of the Church of England considered it a matter of principle to express his dissent from the decti ine of their excellent and respected repre sentative, Mr. Easthope, when he controverted the po sition laid down by the Rev. Gentleman who opened the discussion of the evening. He could not but affirm that the Protestants did actually cherish the abuses, by not re sisting them.—(Cheers.) He did not think that the Pro testants should throw upon the Dissenters the onus of uniting among themselves in order to the selection of some fixed plan of operation, before the Protestants ex erted themselves to endeavour to obtain for them the justice to which they were entitled ; on the very contrary, it behoved those who were already united as a body, and witl► the strength derived from that union, to exert every energy of their nature to dissever from Protest antism the disgrace of being accessary to this robbery ; he said robbery, and robbery of the worst kind; for what robbery could be more iniquitous than that plun der derived from amercing a man for his conscientious reli gious opinions, when religion should be nothing else than an ethereal communion of spirit between a man's own soul with his God?—(Cheers.) He was a mere private gentle man of Ireland, of studious and meditative habits, a mem ber of the senate of the University of Cambridge; but, as it had been his auspicious destiny to take a very active part in the conflict for the religious liberty of his oppressed Catholic brethren, he thought it highly appropriate to the present occasion that he should state to the people of Lei cester that the Irish Catholics, during their struggle for their own religious liberty, no less than four times peti tioned the Imperial Legislature for the freedom of con• science of the English Protestant Dissenters; and it was by the mighty man who was just now about to address them on the subject of Mr. Baines's martyrdom that those petitions were drawn and proposed for adoption.— ( Cheers. ) Rev. C. Buse perfectly concurred in the sentiments contained in the resolution, both as to the character and abuses of the ecclesiastical courts. He ►vas glad to learn from Mr. Hume that the Government intended to take up tl►is subject. As there were in that assembly many mem bers of the Established Church, he would say to them that he begged of them to observe the signs of the times, to look to what was taking place there, for they must see that unle►s the Establishment be quickly reformed, the Church must and ought to be overwhelmed and destroyed.— (Cheers.) Though a Dissenter from the Church, he said that with a searching reform, it might be a great blessing, while without it, it was—a very great evil at least,— ( Hear and laughter-) The resolution was then carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN had now to announce that the emanci. pettor of his country, and the friend of every shade and co lour of the human race, was about to move the next rem:), lution. - O'Coenema., here presented himself amidst enthusi astic cheers from all parts of the meeting, and said, the resolution committed to his care ran thus :—" That this meeting has seen, with heartfelt regret, Mr. William Baines, a man was in the private and public walk; of life has secured the regard and esteem of all who have known him, torn from his home for his conscientious recusaney in the matter of Church -rates, and incarcerated in a gaol by the authority of the Ecclesiastical Court; that, while it expresses its deep sympathy with him in his manifold pri vations, it must at the same time declare its stern condem nation of the system of which lie is the victim ; and feeling, that in his person an indignity has been offered to every Dissenter in these realms, as well as an outrage perpetrated against the spirit of the age, it trusts that there will be made, not only from the town of Leicester, but from every part of the kingdom, such an appeal to the Parliament and the Throne, as shall not only secure the immediate libe ration of Mr. Baines, but effectually prevent the recurrence of such disreputableiproccedings." That resolution, he observed, is a speech in itself, and required no advocacy.— (Laughter.) He was glad of it, for his advocacy was so identified with himself, that he became liable to the censure of the proverb which said that every man who was his own counsel had a fool for his client.—( Laughter.) The whole tenor of his life had been identified with the principles of civil and religious liberty, and when, for the first time, he that day beheld Mr. Baines within the precincts of the common gaol, he was delighted to find that the man who had offered himself a martyr in the cause of freedom of conscience was unpretending, simple, unsophisticated, mild, and gentle in his demeanour; who made in his own case no boast, and who set it off with no exaggeration, but still one ready, manfully and boldly rather to sacrifice his life than to yield one atom of the principle for which ho was contending.—( Cheers.) It was by men of this de scription that every battle for British liberty had been won. It was not the paltry 2s. 6 d. that Hampden had been called upon and refused to pay , that necessarily created itbwheee the sufficient civil deathwar, to aonfd foolishly thhc t a ha v atl‘ln°ar banished ch ' for surely i t wou ld h ave and wick e dl y term i nate d him from the country for ever. No—it was not the paltry consideration of money, it was the mighty principle of British liberty that was in volved—it was that which led Hampden to oppose him self to the exaction, that made him ready to forf e it his life, and which life he ultimately did forfeit, in cont e nding for freedom.—( Cheers.) He thought that Mr. I3 a i nc e in was g i a n c ttihnwg same the e sn ff s n a g s;b u principle, t he was participar e trusted t h e y wou ld have a different and less disastrous consequence, while he equally contributed to the triumph of t h e principle of free dom of conscience.—(Cheers.) He himself had been the advocate of the principle perpetually in the sister-coun try ; he had never placed the claims of the Catholics upon any other ground than this—that conscience ought to be free ; that it was a crimp to interfere with a man's creed ; that it was a crime if it were attacked by force or fraud, or that its profession should bring with it any limitation of civil rights. That principle had been triumphant in their emancipation, but at all times they were ready to struggle for others • and, as it had been truly state d b y hi s f r i en d, they had four times petitioned in favour of the Protestant Dissenters of England. The emancipation of the Dis senters had immediately followed a petition which he had the honour of drawing tip, and which was signed by 100,000 persons.—( Loud Cheers.) To hies, then, it war a matter familiar as household words to find himself the advocate of liberty of conscience, and without which that other cannot exist—the voluntary principle for the suste nance of religion. If there be net religious feeling enough to sustain and support the pastor, it is a proof they do not want hide If they ha'o lint clititigh of reli gion to support a' pastor, it shows that he does not teach them enough of religion to iiadtice them to do so; the evi dence that the pastor is not supported it a piled that he is not wanted. He was for supporting the voluntary prin ciple, because it would put an end ,t the doting on, the power and tyra nn y o f the Ettablisited Chnreh. He spoke of the ebettetet pfihciple and the principle of freedom of conscience, which would leave men to Worship their Cod in the manner And form most suited td satiety the Deiey. =,-( Hear, hoar.) H e o bj ec t e d to t h e p ers e c uti on o f Mr. Baines upon other grounds than the infringement of Con science, as contrary to common sense and &onetime ho nesty. Mr. Baines wit a Dissenter; *hy should he pay money to the Bstablialied Church ? He did not get value leoni the clergy OF the Established Church. the clergy did not pray for hies, *by should he pay them? Nothing bet In Justine could require of him to pay for thten.—( Hear, hear.) If one of these who owned a worsted factory in that town, and when his men came on Saturday night to be paid, went to a neirehbeer and sail, " Pay these people, they have been ernpleyeet by rho they b Ve Workhl e±- coedingly well ; do y o b pray Lalighterj—tbe neighbout s if a find) , neredri, might be very angry with hitia Who made such a demand ; if a merry fellow, he might laugh at hi m ; and if a malicious individual, ke might say, " Why, my Heaten is hilt it itehireilsiloti of lunacy taken Ott against my neighbour "--( Laughter.) If, then, the thing Were unjust sit days its the week, did it become matt rational or prCOr because it it *flied to the Sunday ? the pariolii kaki, Hero is my rectory on a Sunday ; I work in it, and de you, Mr. Bainee, pay me." The reply of Mr. Dais es was o b v i ous have, a little factory of my own, and do yen. cult oh tlitise for smith you work, but it is diet:onest and knavish of you to ask for pay ment from me, who get no value from you."—( Hear.) Suppose a man employed A tailor, *by the:elle' thothtir pay for him ? He did not see more sense in paying another man' s t a il or than in paying another Man's parson. Supposin g h he were sick, and sent for a physician, should Th ecall upon hi s poor neighbour to pay for his physician ? The neighbour might say, " P ay hi m w ho has cured you." A n d h e did not see why there should be a differ ence made between him who cured the body and he who cured the soul. Both should be paid by those only who wanted the m , W hoever wanted the doctor, he said, let that man pay him. That was the principle of common sense and common h onesty. —( Hear, hear, hear,) He knew one thing that was said on this subject, that if there was not compulsory wo uld payment, there WO . be no establishm en t for the education of the poor. Let eo man tell him that, for if he did so, he would imniccli etely point to the country from which he came. He said that it was not necessary that a single shilling should I be enforced for the payment of clergy.--( Hear.) His Hen. Friend had told him of a particular period, when the ecclesiastical property was distributed in a manner dif ferent from the present. At that time the funds were allocated to several purposes, one for the support of the poor, another for the maintenance of the church, and the remaining portion for the clergymen. Up to the period of the Reformation, it could not be found that a person was imprisoned for not contributing to the support of the clergy. It was a modern invention, and it was not a good one. It was manifest that it was not in the spirit of the Church to be thus connected with the State, and to have the arm of the law to enforce those payments. Ile came back to Ireland, and he showed that the priests of the people were well supported without any compulsory ex action. lie was not there to state how the population of his country had been reduced to starvation and beggary. There were other opportunities for discussing that sub ject, and he was nothing loth to avail himself of them. It was a poor country, but 'id the people want taxation, or law, or imprisonment to support their hierarchy ? No. They supported four Archbishops, twenty.tbree B'shops, one thousand Deans and dignitaries, three thousand vicars and cut aces in all the necessary comforts of life. This they did, though the law gave them no power of imprisonment, and they had no Bainacs in gaol for not supporting them. —( Cheers.) The example given by Ireland ought to be followed by England. Ile begged of them not to disdain the country; they might not have lauded it, but it had stood by them in their moments of difficulty.--( Hear.) There was a sentiment attributed to Prince Albert, which he trusted had been uttered by him. It was, that an Eng lishman could do that which any other man on the face of the earth had done. Now, be said to them to mark him— he said to the Protestant Dissenters of England that they had no Church-rates in Ireland ; and he, an humble indi vidual as he was, had taken part in their abolition. He said to them, that which others were able to do they were able to do. Let them, then, have a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether. Let Englishmen have the advantage which Ireland had—let them take off all taxes and payments towards the wealthy Established Church to which they conscientiously objected—let them tell members of the Established Church to manage their own funds more thrif tily, so as to enable them to pay their Church-rates them selves.—( Hoar.) He was so strong an advocate for the vo luntary principle, that it the wealth of the Church were to be divided amongst Dissenters, nothing would induce him to consent that the Church to which he belonged should be en dowed with any portion of wealth by the State. Rather would he see the renewal of the penal code than the eccle siastical revenues handed over to his Church. The way to make pastors indifferent was to make them rich. It was creating bad workmen to pay them too highly. When they made a clergyman too rich, they made him love the mammon of this world, and this caused him to forget his duty to his God. The period of society was come when the great principle ought to be adopted, that religion was too sound a thing to be mixed up with the paltry politics of this world. They saw what effect the connection had now. They saw clergymen engaged in the strife of politics. In his opinion, the only time when a clergyman was justified in becoming a politician was, when persecu tion came home to his fl telt. But what did they see in this country ?—( Hear, hear.) He would pronounce no calumny against them, for he knew there were many ex cellent men amongst them ; but then, how many clergy men did they see in the enjoyment of the State reveeues and in the possession of wealth and every luxury, busily engaged in attending Conservative dinners, and calling for their songs of a " jolly full bottle"--( Laughter) —joining in political toasts applauding persecuting sentiments, and then retiring to their homes to become the ardent canvassers, and the intimidators of voters —( Hear, hear.) How, he asked, could Englishmen consent to these things—how submit to see clergymen so conduct them selves, instead of leading their flocks to " pleasant waters," and then, as in Ireland, the gratitude of their flocks would suffice for all their wants. He was glad of this meeting, he was delighted at the opportunity it afforded to him by Mr. Baines for discussing this question. They had heard it particularly well discussed by the opening speech of that night, which was one that smacked well of independence —( Hear, hear)—and if there were some things too bitter and too sarcastic in it, let them blame themselves who had put Mr. Brines into prison.--( Cheers.) Could not, he asked, the persons who laid on this rate go about amongst themselves, ani say, " Here is a conscientious man--here is a just man in all the relations of life —a respected neighbour —a man incapable of feigning, and is it right to imprison this men because he thinks it hiseluty to his God not to contribute to error."—( Cheers.) And let hint now ask, could there be liberty of con science if a man were forced to pay for-the support of a religion that he believed to be erroneous?—( [leer, hear.) This was the case of every man who did not be long to the Establishment. It would be the case of those very men who now persecuted if an Act of Parliament were to change the religion from that which was now pro fessed by the members of the Church.—( Hear.) lie did not say that Christians were not bound to the sustentation voluntarily of the ehurcb of ethers. Let it be voluntary, and he raid they ought to contribute. He said that when men differed in their worship from his own, he ought to afford them the means of k iciping- them from the incle mency of the season ; he ought to afford to them that as sistance, and then say to them, " Commune with our God as you please."--( Cheers.) He did not quote him self; but he might say, with his humble means, a Pro testant Dissenter had never applied to him for the means to cover his church with a roof that he had ever refused his mite, or ever would.—(Cheers.) Bat such a case did not apply to the plunder collected by the State to be handed over to the Church. He trusted they would pardon his zeal in denouncing such a system. What rancour did it not produce amongst fellow Christians? What hatred did it not stir up between man and man ? What animosities did it not engender amongst these who professed to worship the God of love and of charity ?—(Cheers.) Every foul and unchristian feeling was gathered together by this vio lation of the first principles of Christianity.—( Hear, hear.) All, all arose from the contemptible squabble about. pro perty. It was a Church-rate that was sought, it was money, money, money, that the quarrel was for.— (Cheers.) He remembered rcadutg somewhere in Ireland of a gentleman who was complainieg of. the rancour and animosity which was shown with respect to the collection of money for the Church, and he accounted for it by a ditty which ran some way in this manner : " A little old woman and I fell out, And what do you think it was all about? She had money, and I had none, And that was the way the quarrel begun." —( Laughter.) Where there was no money the Church had no quarrel. In Germany it often happened that dif ferent forms of religious worship were carried on in the same Church. But, then, in Germany there was no question about money. In America the Dissenters lived in harmony with the members of the Anglican Church ; hut the latter there could den:and no rates from them. It was money that made the quarrel--it was the 21. es. to be extorted from Baines—(Cheers)—it was the source of • these satanic persecutions—it was what made religion disregarded by scoffers and infidels.--( Hear, hear, hear.) Let it not, however, be supposed, when he spoke of the voluntary principle that ho preached at all the doctrine of indifferentism, God forbid! for his thorough csnviction was that nothing was of such awful importance as the right and true religion. There was nothing 011 this s'de of the grave that he thought a man should be so anxi ous, so sincere, and so cautious in adopting, as the proper form of religion ; but the liberty that he claimed for him self for worshipping the God who would judge him, he equally asserted fur other Christians. They were the ser vants of another master, and be would not dare to judge them.—( Hear, hear.) He heard that these who had formed the Church-rate had obtained a private Act of Par liament, by which they might overrule the decision of a vestry. They must have thought themselves exceedingly dextrous. It might be fancied their saying, that they bad the Dissenters now, and that if they refused the rate there was the mandamus to the Queen's Bench ; and as they were going to their prayers it might be supposed how they chuckled over the seizure of Mr. Baines.—(Cheers.) And yet it would in them have been more prudent and more wise to have acted otherwise, they would have acted more rationally if they bad been more moderate. Is would have been better for them to have done so, than to have aroused the spirit that now animated the people of Leicester. That spirit, he trusted, would spread front the Land's-end to the most northern point of Scotland. And he could say to them, that the moment they raised the shout here, though his countrymen were no longer engaged in the fray, they should have the friendly assistance of Ireland.— (Cheers.) He made no vain beast. They should be aided by petitions ; petition should come to them after petition. They had long heard the cry of " justice for Ireland"they, °tight now, too, to cry out c• justice for England"—( Cheers.) Why, he asked, ought not they to get rid of Church-rates in Vngleed They bad rid them selves of Church-rates in Ireland, and were not English men dI gidod ei Irishmen any day ?—(Cheers and laughter.) And yet, if he were not gsilty of vanity that atittitinted ,alMest to piferility, he Mould say that, in one respect, Engtishnieii lied nei altar ci themtndres as good as Irishmen. Henry the Eighth had burned at the same stake Catholics and Protestants —no, he was wrong in that re spect, he had alioited the Catholics and Protestants a Rake each. Edward the sixth had sent to the same stake those Who bad differed from his Ministers and in structors. Mary had burned Protestants , Elisabeth had a long reign of revenge upon the Catholics ; but this also ought to be remembered, that by her no less than three Unitefiahe iberfi burfied tit the same fire in London. How little did they ktiotte of what erae the conduct of Ireland during that period. Why should he not tell it to them ii Why ought they not to be atteched as much as possible to each other by their national viruses mid why shoiild there chit lib a getietbue struggle to see which had acted most humanely, most ehtistiOnAiite, most tcady, to exhibit charity i n every re l a ti on o f lif e —t o worship tied in the true spirit of Christians—with forbearance towards ene another.—(Hear. ) Let it not be supposed that he Meant id td; tltnt tith4 wti§ mote, charitable or a more benevolent country than England. If tie did, its Multi tudinous charities would give the lie direct to the assertiOn , but shirt lie bpd , to say of Ireland ; three times since the iieforthation had the Catholics bten in power there, and they had peter perecciited their fellow Christians. Ile had the .doCiimehts ttd . probe this. It Carrie from a Pro. testant histori an ; an d i t was ILO lit deeertbed the feign of Queen Mary, in Ireland. He says : " The restotatien of the old religion was effected without violence. No OciteeMitit of this Protestants was attempted, and several of the English, who fled front the ferrous zeal of Mary's inquisitors, found a safe retreat amongst the Cletholies of freland."—(Hear. ) When, be said, they recollected how much the English press was then engaged in exciting the hateful spirit of bigotry in England against the Roman Catholics, he asked them if it was not fair in him thus to bring forward Protestant testimony in favour of his countryinen?—(Cheers.) Tho writer next observed, " it is but justice to this maligned body to add, that on the three occasions of their obtaining the upper hand they never injured a single person in life or limb for professing a re li g i on diff eren t from their ovrn.' (Hear.) Anybody who chose would find the passage he quoted in "Taylor's History of the Civil Wars in Ireland." It was in the second volume, page 169. At the period to which the historian referred, the trade of Ireland cen terediu Bristol, and due Corporation of Dubliu, being C4l tholic, opened seventy-four houses for their Bristol cor respondents, fed the in, clothed thsre, took care of them, and at the end of that period sent them home in safety.— (Hear.) He bad been oft n tau t d by ot h ers , w h o said that he vas more liberal than Catholics generally were, or than their religion peimitted them to be. His answer was, he could not afford to be more liberal than his religion allowed. As a Catholic he claimed religious liberty for all, and was ready to extend it to all. The man who persecuted others for their religious opinions, proved his own insincerity. He showed that he was opposed to his own belief, when he took up the musket or resorted to- -the penalties of the law to uphold it.—( Hear.) How it delighted him that they had sent Mr. Baines to prison-11w pleasant it was_ to him to meet Englishmen as brothers in this spirit—hoW pleasant it was to him, that he was thus called upon to scatter to the - winds the calumnies that bad been put forth against those of his erced.—( Hear, hear.) As to the great organs of the Conservatives, they were filled, page upon page, and day after day, in villa) ing and 'casting every dishonour upon the clergy and the people of Ireland—in denouncing the first as " surpliced ruffians," for such was the term applied to their clergy ; while the others were branded as " a squalid mob of murderers."—( Hear, hear.) Was it wise —was it right—that, as Christians, this warfare should be carried on ?—that such terms should be applied to those who had ever been so useful to England? That the right arm that bad never failed her in the day of her reddest battles should be palsied by a spirit of calumny, and that faction should claim as an clement of its power the princi ple of hatred and animosity against Ireland.—( Loud cheers ) He felt that he had wandered, but he could not help it. He was there upon the occasion of the assertion of the great principle of freedom of conscience. He was there to a , sert that the strife was in every Vey justifithle.—(Loud cheers.) Ile called, then, upon them to assi .t themselves. If they faltered—if they were afraid, the Government could not assist them.—( Hear.) The Government was pressed upon as much as they were. Thcrc was only one thing in which lie differed from the first speaker. Ile must be allowed to say that he thought that gentleman had cast too much blame upon the Go vernment. They were the Government, but they had not power. Their enemies and the enemies of the Dissenters were the same. He did not mean to say, that if the Go vernment had the power they would do alt that they ought. He believed that they would not. But then it would be wrong in the Dissenters, because the Government did not give them the support they required, to place themselves in the power of their enemies. Paddy, he could tell them, was more shrewd than that, for when he was asked, why he voted fur the Whigs, when he knew the Whigs did no go far enough for him ; and that he was aware that they would not assist him in obtaining his privileges? Paddy said he knew that was very true, but still he voted for them on principle—on the same principle that he acted when a pane of glass was broken in his cabin window, and he could get no glazier to mend it—he then slipped an old hat into it, not, said Paddy, to let in the light, but to keep out the eel& —( Laughter. ) It was upon the same principle he voted for the Ministerial candidate—not so much to keep in the Ministry as to keep out the Tories.—(Laughter and cheers.) That, too, was his principle of action; because, when these two things were before him—the bad and worse—he always preferred the bad to the worse.— ( Laughter.) When, too, he had to select between the smallest good and the very bad, his choice would be to take the smallest good, and to fight off the very bad, as long as he could.—(Cheers.) He called, then, upon the Dissenters to rally together. He said to them, let no man apologize to him for having brought him there. lie klt it to be a great compliment to have been invited. When, then, ho spoke to them in the language of advice, let them not suppose that he meant anything in the way of taunt or reproach, He, said, however, it would be wrong iii them to have called that meeting—it would be wrong in them to permit Mr. Baines to be in gaol; for he must have hopes--all this would- go wrong if they did not immediately agitate, agitate, agitate.—(Cheers.) Let them get up the steam everysvhete.—(Cheers.) Ireland would reply to them. It would act as a little backing engine.—(Cheers.) Let no man tell him that he could not do much, when there was no man in that meeting more insignificant than himself. Ile had, from the mere son of a private gentleman—successful, to be sure, in his profession—risen to:the degree of influence that he could not but be conscious ho possessed ; and this, not by talent, but by his persevering exer ti ons —b y hi s never sleeping over a grievance.—(Cheers.) He said, for in stance, to their first speaker, that he had incurred a great obligation to his kind, his class, and his creed; that he was bound not to content himself with empty boasting— not to be satisfie d with a report of his speech in the newspapers, which might be talked of for a week; but be was bound to act—act—act.—(Loud cheers.) Let them, he said, agitate in every town, and, if possible, in every county. Scotland would assist them—keland was at their service whenever they niched.—(Cheers.) Let, he said, Mr. Baines be the last man in England impri zoned for Church-rates. Let the name of Mr. Baines be engraven on the town-ball, with this inscription, " Here is the lest sictim of religious persecution."—(Cheers.) Let them, he said, show themselves worthy of being the countrymen of Mr. Baines.—( Hear.) They had a glorious cause to contend for—they had a noble victim to persecution to vindicate—they had the principle of re lesious feeling to uphold—they who had these incite mentsi' to energy had trodden down the iron lords of former days—let them not shrink before the silken lords and the petticoat bishops of the present day.—(Cheers.) The Rsv. Mr. Mee !SELL, in seconding the resolution, observed that he had only to urge them to fellow out the advice that had been given to them by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman who bad thus addressed them. The Dissenters, he said, never would vote for any man who did not support the equality of civil rights, without religious distinction. It had, he heard, been said that such a reso lution would embarrass the Ministry ; but he might reply, that which was good for the goose was good for the gander, and that the Ministry had too long embarrassed the Dis senters. It was his opinion that if the Tories were to come into power, an united people would turn them out, and sink them lower than they had been before. The resolution passed unanimously. The Rev. GEORGE LEGo moved the adoption of the fol lowing petition : The humble Petition of the undersigned inhabitants of Leicester, " Showeth,—Tbat your Petitioners consider the levying of Church-ra'es in England to be a grievous wrong inflicted upon a large portion of her Majesty's subjects; that they lay heavy and unequal burdens on those who, at their own expense, provide for the maintenance of places of worship, and for that religious instruction which their own sincere and honest con victions approve ; and that their exaction invades the lights of conscience and the freedom of religious opinion. That your petitioners regard the Ecclesiastical Courts by which that impost in several instances has been recently en forced, as incom ?atible with the due administration of justice, and hostile to the civil and religious liberties of all who dissent from the Church as established by law. " That your petitioners have been deeply grieved and indig nant at the incarceration of one of her Majesty's best and most loyal subjects, Mr. William Baines of this town, for his con scientious refusal to pay a Church-rate, by a writ obtained by the Ecclesiastical Court. "That your petitioners, therefore, earnestly pray your Ho nourable House immediately to adopt such measures as its wis dom may dictate, for the entire extinction of Church-rates ; for the abolition of Ecclesiastical Courts, or the resttaint of their jurisdiction to the members of the Church, or such matters as concern not the conscience; and for the immediate liberation of Mr. Baines, beleving that such measures will put an end to those bitter strifes and feuds that because of these things agi tate and distress her Majesty's subjects, and greatly conduce to the strength of the nation and the prosperity of religion." ( Loud cheers followed the reading of the petition.) He wished, he said, that the spirit that actuated the meeting could find its way into St. Stephen's. Ho knew that it would be borne there by their excellent representatives, and by his own countryman (Mr. flume), at whose elections for Aberdeen lie had shouted when a boy ; and by that individual whose eloquence still echoed in their cars, and would long live in their hearts.—( Cheers.) Many there were who said to him that the Church was in danger, and his reply to them was, that it was in danger, not from the Dissenters, but from Churchmen themselves.—( Hear.) Mr. IN , ltsix, in seconding the resolution, observed that Mr. Jolly and Mr. Berridge, who cau,ed that delightful meeting, were entitled to their gratitude.—(Laughter.) No town had more reason to be proud of its representa tives than Leicester. Si said Mr. O'Connell, and so said he.—( Hear, and cheers.) It was moved and carried unanimously, " That the peti tion be adopted, signed, and presented to the House of Lords by Lord Bro:igham, and to the House of Commons by J. Easthope, Esq,, and W. Ellis, Esq., Members for the borough," The Rev. Mr ML'BSELL proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Easthope, Mr. Ellis, Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. Hume. Alderman aims seconded the resolution, which passed unanimously. Mr. Easthope, Mr. Wynn Ellis, Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. flume severally returned thanks. Thanks were then proposed to the Chairman, which were passed by acclamation, after which the meeting se parated. THE WEATHER. ROYAL GALLERY OF SCIENCE, ADELAIDE- STREET. NOON, JAN. 25. Bdrometer 3O 354 In. Thermometer ; 55 Deg. Highest 6 1 .2 Lowest Wind N. N. W.—Freezing Point 32 Deg. W e beg the attention of our readers to two com munications inserted in this day's paper, on the subject of capital punishments. The one which refers to the past iiondnct and judicial character of Lord Meadowbank, the Judge who gerttcneed M'Rae to a public execution, is par t;cularly descrvnig, of consideration. We do most ear nestly entreat the attention of the Marquis of Normanby to the facts it embodies; and tic do feel assured that if the 'Noble Marquis only bestows his ealca consideration on those facts, be will not hesitate a moment in commuting the sentence of death passed on the miserable M'Rae, even had no petitions been presented for a commutation of that sentence. —3fornitt9 Adrerliser. - - INLAND BONDING WAREIIOUSES.—A public meeting of the merchants, bankers, manufacturers, ar.d traders of this borough, convened in pursuance of a requ'- sition presented to the mayor, boroughreeve, and consta bles, and churchwardens of Manchester, was held in the Town-hall, on Thursday morning last, "to consider what further measures should be adopted to obtain the privilege of bonding goods in Manchester." The meeting was nu merously attended. William Neild, Esq., the Mayor, in the chair. Resolutions to promote the object of the meet ing were unanimously agreed to.—Manchester Guardian. EXTRAORDINARY NUMBER OF SUDDEN DEATils.—Out of ten inquests held by Mr. Baker, on Sa turday last, there were seven cases of sudden death. At the recent anniversary meeting of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Tynemouth, Miff; Harriet Martineau, %Nho is now located lc, that pleasant village, was elected an honorary member of that institution,—Sunder land gera,ld. EVENING 14M1TION. FRANCE. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES. CONTINUATION OF THURSDAY'S DEBATE. M. de Lamartine said he ascendcd.the tribune with regret, tieing about to combat the opinions, not only of friends, but of the majo rity, or scenting majority, of that Chamber. He was consoled, however, by the recollection that majorities were often mistaken. Ile listened with reverence to military men who treated the subject, but he denied it to be a purely mil taryquestien:—it was also a po litical one. It is pretendet (said M. Lamartine) that, by itS graphical position, Paris is not sufficiently covered, and this void it is wished should be filled up. For my own part, I do not ask where is the strtngth of Paris ?—but where lies the strength of France ? I find the secret of that strength in a remark which drop pal from the mouth of Louis XIV., while struggling with reverses. _ _ Go, said he, to Marshal Villars, go and give battle, and if ytm ,are conquered, I will run through my capital, your letter in My hand, I will draw together my people ,and we will go and bury ourselves ;,-; beneath the ruins of the monarchy.—(Sensation.) The ehar a ct e ris is . of a French soldier is not to fight behind walls, but to meet the enemy in the open field ; all our generals will tell you that the French soldier is the first soldier in the world when advancing. An soldiers fight well. I appeal to your generals whether, when they have gone over in a field of battle the lines of dead, they have not found the Russians, the Prussians, and the English dead in their places, and wounded in front like cur own; but what makes the superiority of the French soldier? It is his enthusiasm. The Com- trittce has spoken of war as it was carried on two hundred year. ago ; but new systems, new instruments of war have been invented. Frederic the Great, elevated tactics, active and scientific mahceuvres in the field, above the passive force of &messes ; and he was right, for the genius of war is there, and not in walls. Napoleon carried this further, by the immense masses which he moved. Armies now concentrate the whole force and life of a nat•on ; when these ore conquered, nothing remains behind for walls to protect and save. With such masses defi at has no morrow. In ware of this na- ure, a march is made a. , far as Moscow, then a retreat to Lcipsic, then to Watvrloo, and at lcagth St. Helena is reached, which has just restored to us illustrious ashes, and at the same time read us some terrible lessons. The authority of Vauban Wai brought forward. Do you know In what manner he justified the idea of fortifying Paris? Vauban said that the great population such a capital as Paris (then 200,000), together with all who would crowd thither, might create disorder and uneasiness, but when he oonsidered the pacific sweetness of the Parisians, he had no fears of them. He said that in England the turbulence of the popula tion would not permit the thought of such a means of defence, al it would cause uneasiness. 1 his is what he said in his time, and then he proposed a project which was at the same time the niost gigantic and the most ineredible in the world. He wished that In case of; invasion the King should issue an ordonnance which should force all the inhabitants within a circuit of sixty leagues to come and shut themselves up in Paris, taking care at the same time to . • tiring provisions with them sufficient for twelve months' con sumption for each person. Ile then added that in this caie it would be also necessary to bring into Paris numerous flocks of sheep, without thinking at all of where they were to is .•• kept, or where nourishment was to be found to support them. It as was also necessary, said he, to store up in Paris a very large quan tity of barley and hops, for the people of Paris were very fond of beer.—(Laughter). These, Gentlemen, are what Vauban called his reveries, and really 1 think the name was well chosen. But a more serious and a more important opinion has been adduced in support of the measure —that of Napoleon. Napoleon in the height of his glory—Napoleon holding the world in his hand, and having France beneath his feet—Napoleon on the victorious field of battle, thought not of moving a stone towards fortifying Paris. At what epoch, then, did the Emperor speak of the fortification of Paris? You know that Napoleon at St. Helena was speaking to the party which he thought he had left in France. He explained his acts, and accused himself wi.h his errors. If you would also eon' • stilt another great man, turn to Hannibal. See that general in his old age endeavouring to explain his ill.fortnne. He dis cussed whatever lie had done, he proved to admiration that, if he had pussued such and such a line of conduct, he should have crushed his mortal enemy, Rome. The Hon. Member who spoke last af; firms that the events of 1814 and 1815 prove the truth of his 03 1 ' tem ; I have the sad advantage of going back a few years farther than he, and I shall invoke no other authority. I well remember , and you all remember with me, that under all these great circuit' . stances there was not a moment when the Emperor Napoleon had to regret not having fortified Paris. When at Fontainebleau, with 43,000 men, he learnt the capitulation of Paris, do you believe that • fortifications would at that time have prevented that capitulation f Do you remember the lassitude and the oppression of the countrf• do you remember the decheance pronounced by the Senate, and n the word of abdication uttered from the mouths of his most devoted friends, from the mouth of Ney, le brave des braves? The fall of Napoleon was then more a question of policy than a military quo`' tion. From Moscow to Paris, from 1814 to 18111, Napoleon had time to fortify Paris, but he did not attempt it. There has been of late . years a great propensity to falsify history. Napoleon, great and mont' mental as he was, was not the beacon of independence and liberlf• Paris, you admit, cannot hold out above 40 days. Is this time enough to recompose and get together a fresh army ? Will yore shut up an army in Paris ? The Emperor has told you that an army, shut up in fortifications, is lost as an army. Do you wis h merely to protect the Government ? Shut up a King in the Tuile• ries, in the midst of a million and a half of famishing and excited Parisians, and what must be the consequence ? And on the other hand, if the King quits Paris it is abandoned, and both he and it • are lost. We shut up the nationality of France and the Govern' - mint in Paris. Is this, in the event of sedition, for the purpos e of giving effectual support to the Government? The Honourable. Reporter has not admitted this hypothesis. It isnot French ; such a Government could not e xi s t. Th ere i s h e r e a my s t er y, which s cannot solve. Some are certainly duped, perhaps all parties arc duped. What is certain is that there is a concert of interes ts , and passions, and concealed views for the purpose of mutual • deception. There is here an unhappy association, a hil ler idea of despotism, with sonic sinister foresight of revolution. , I do not know which is the successful duper, but I I , :n °W that my country is deceived. Let us be upon our guard.--" [Here M. de Lamartine said that he had some ebiervations of another order to make, but that the hour was so advanced, that it was his duty to conclude. There was, however, so general aOf for him to proceed that he did so.] I thank the Chamber for consenting to hear me for a short time longer, for I have a fe w words to address to the authors of this bill, and to the revivers of it , who have assumed a responsibility the effects of which they woul d feel if the country possessed those institutions which are alone tb a safeguard of a nation against ministerial abuses.—(Sensation.) M. de Remusat—lmpeach us. M. de Lamartme--1 say that those who assumed the Initiative of such a measure without a vote of the Chambers--`without urgency—without necessity—inasmuch as the works could not be completed under three years—l say that the Chambers and the country would have visited the authors of this mad project with terrible impeachment, if the country had sufficient faith in t he strength of its institutions. Some voices here exclaimed, " What prevents you from bring ing forward the Impeachment yourself ?" M. de Lamartine—You say impeach us, but yon know well that the hour of impeachment Is passed. The present Ministry, r which I am deeply attached, by presenting your Bill, covered P l ' r with a Bill of indemnity.—(Disapprobation at the Left.) I ol' ke , this observation for my country. I wish it to understand the. where there is no respect for the Parliamentary forms of a countrf," there is no respect for liberty. Who are the men who support this . project out of the Chamber ? They arc the most 1491° 1 organs of ideas of perturbation ; they call themselves the trit e . of liberty, and they clap their hands at the idea of th i ! l , monument of tyranny which you propose to raise round Par' s •"' have said this monument of tyranny. They know very that it is not your tyranny that I mean, but their own. T he j: are delighted at seeing prepared for them those arms, the use which you know. Great measures and deplorable revolutioniSh el ''' had for origin less sinister measures, less formidable preparationS'' But these lessons are of old date, and arc forgotten. Nothing !: talked of but war, the glory of war, the necessity of war, the fulle r, . ceremonies of war. I object to the Bill as false in policy and l ain tics, and injurious to humanity. I object to it also as injuriou s the dignity of my country. I say false in tactics, for Paris oug ht not to be isolated from France. It is false in policy, for it is de r t i. . , ger ous to sacrifice all France to its capital. It is injuriou s 1 9 , liberty, for in all free nations nothing of this kind is permitted. is injurious to humanity, for it tends to make us retrograde to thos e barbarous times when the population who took no part in W e e r, women, children, and old men, were not on that account exP otd, to its disasters. The project, in short, offers no guarantee for 'le to ss tional honour and internal security. Nobody is deceived : belief that a " place de guerre" can be made a city containing S 1,5E0,000 inhabitants. The Chamber adjourned. staviNG OF FRIDAY.' M. de Salvandy, one of the Vice-Presidents, took the Chair 41 one o'clock, and the debate upon the Paris Fortification Bill INat , resumed. Carnot requested permission to say a few words in expls n ''. lion of what had been related by M. Golberry at the f0r°,7 ,, L ',1 sitting as to the opinion given by his illustrious ancestor, Car e n s; when consulted by the Emperor Napoleon, relative to the fortifiee',,,,, Cons of Paris ; he was represented to have said that they woulil O r a? 200,000,000, and require three years for their completion, that, when finished, an army of 60,000 men could take POOL twenty-four hours. That anecdote was told for the fi rs t time (lie believed) Sir Walter Scott, by no means a good historian''' . .s 4 (Laughter)—and it was his duty to rectify the false c onclusio n : drawn from the general opinion exp resse d b y C arno t ; t h e fact WI that he had not much confidence in the project proposed at tha t period for fortifying Pari s, b u t h e never o bj ecte d to a pro per 1 115- of fortification for Paris, he merely expressed his fears that atter'? lion to fortresses alone might create a neglect of general means e defence, thereby render Paris the great centre of attack, and expo se other and important parts of France to the chances of war. 4 M: Moxtea on S IZERA I N addressed the Chamber in favour ',.,? 1 the project of law as amended by the Committee, content° l a , that a proper li n e of f o rtifications round Paris was indispenee l Yar tr, ", • necessary. Punts (de l'Arrige) read a written speech against the Pram t ject of law, but spoke in so low a tone that but few of hie .0 aervationa were audible in the reporter's gallery. Marshal Sow.; President of the Council, next spoke in t, ,• port of the project of law. For some time after the revoltitle: , , of July, the political position of the country was precariol there were not only rumours of war, but war itself WAS br n . means improbable. It was, therefore, the duty of the Govern' ment, to adopt measures for the defence of the country, and ' peeially to protect Paris from another coup de main. [Left Speaking.] nertregeteserw•remorme LLO YD'S SHIPPING.—(THIS DA LONDON, JAN. 25.—1 t commenced blowing very fresh Saturday at about 9 p.m. from the northward, and conting t e''o o greater part of the night, vi hen it veered to the northward str.;;,* westward with light rain, but cleared up early yesterday rue o :` ing, with every appearance of a fine day, until 12 at noon, when dark heavy mass of clouds came hurrying from the northworr and suddenly broke with terrific violence into a heavy squall suddenly°, wind and snow, K hich lasted ten minutes, when it as sudde nly cleared up, and the remainder of the day was fine, with a 0, 4 ; frost, until about 4 30 when it commenced blowing Ye';i fresh, with heavy squalls, from the northward, and continue,. with occasional lulls until near midnight, when it modera tuu „ Wind this day at noon, light westerly breeze and fine cru st ' weather. DEAL, JAN. 23. —Wind N. W. , moderate, 24, N. N. fresh breeze. —Arrived the Florence, Davis, Madeira; William de Lannog, Pitt, Gambia. Sailed the outward bound. GUERNSEY, JAN. 22.—Sevcral casks of butter have CO . on shore during the last day or too. BRISTOL, JAN. 22.—Arrived the Maria Jane, Kelly, • r°lll Prince Edward's Island. MILFORD, JAN. 22.—The Hawk, Harris, got in conta c t with the Chester, 20th inst., in the Haven, and lost bowsPr''' Szc., and the los suet stanchions, bulwarks, /cc. CLYDE, JAN. 22.—Arrived the Ilecturina, Demerar a; Gipsey, Gowan, Newfoundland. Sailed the Matthew 1041 Smith, Barbadoes. WATERFORD, JAN. 21. Arrived the Eliza, Bellord, o°lll Taganreg. CORK, JAN. 22.—Arrived the Mary Brock, Routletlge' ; Honduras. LivEareor., JAN. 23.—Wind N. W. 24, W., fresl3. --- ,, , Arrived the Colombus, Greene, from Pernambuco— r ailed t P ri 24th ult. ; Lady Leitrim, Clement s , Cayenne, his he'll, shore on Dover Point ; John Francis, Demerara; Cole, Honduras ; Siddens, Cobb, New York ; Jane Aug''a,h"; St. John's, New Brunswick ; Hero, Wickham, Fayal ; Campbell, White, Bombay—sailed Bth October, and St lens 17th ult. ; Hereford, Calcutta ' • Cheshire, Pernaen bau ?v , Phillips, Stott, Arica—sailed 7th October; Daniel Gro: arrc"' Minty, Valparaiso—sailed 17th October ; Aurora , New Orleans ; Timoleon, ditto : Canton, Quebec. PLYMOUTH. JAN. 23 .—W ind N. W.—Sailed the- Alafiltif Cilbert, for Sydney, New South Wales. t es i ; FALMOUTH, JAN. 22.—Wind W. to S.W., fresh bre e 23, N. to W., ditto. — Arrived the Lapwing packet , Iron: .Rtro Janeiro—sailed 26th November; Mercury, Maxtor', C 4 4, America and Cape of Good Hope ; Trewartha, Beelancis Sailed the MQiikol, ITEwen, for Antwerp. • NVhi 1) fro SI Ti Put The sn friday tl Sidon w ' a p down e star te l a g. On .11 on thi London MR Will be he nry lii c ~ .A.G' NE'. Is No ., IN . 64. i ilenr f iS RrIDANTEI -.Ler %LW Are I navy "B °4 p r e- e { r c.CTUF 0131. ... DI T Ant ED HE 425, u, sOE T I I Harley nolo V "gtri:. I.( rY, N E , T HE C :••uti 01 Stull With TI Un