The Sun. — London, England, 1867-10-18 00:00:00

'ME SLTN. LONDON. FRIDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 18, 1,3t7 NQUET 70 TILE EARL OF DERBY AT MiINCHESTER. MANCHESTER, Thursday Evening. The grand banquet to the Earl of Derby and her Majesty's Ministers, for which preparations on the most magnificent scale have been so long made by the Conservative party in Manchester, took place this evening in the Free Trade Hall. Covers were laid for 900 guests ; and the galleries of the spacious hall, which were most tastefully de corated, were crowded with ladits connected with the leading Conservative families of the county and city. The Countess of Derby was present. The Hon. A. Egerton. M.P. for South Lanca shire, presided, and Mr. W. R. Callender, jun., and Mr. Hugh Birley occupied the vice-chairs. The guests at the principal tables, in addition to the noble Premier, who sat on the right of the chair man, were the Earl of Malmesbury, Lord Stanley, M.P., Sir John Pakington, M.P., the Earl of Mayo, M.P., Lord J. Manners, M.P., the Right Hon. C. B. Adderley, M.P., Colonel Wilson Patten, ➢I.P., the Right lion. J. Mowbray, M.P., the Earl of Wilton, Earl Vane, the Earl of Denbigh, the Earl of Shrewsbury and Talbot, Lord Ernest Vane, Sir J. Fergusson, M.P., Sir J. 11. Maxwell, Sir Thomas Hesketh, M.P., the Solicitor-General for Scotland, the Solicitor-General for Ireland, Sir J. Yorke Scar lett ; Messrs. E. C. Egerton, M.P., S. R. Graves, M.P., Charles Turner, M.P., Colonel Taylor, M.P., Colonel Gray, M.P., Joseph Fielding, M.P., G. Greenall, M.P., N. Eckersley, M.P. ; llon. F. Stanley, M.P. ; W. 11. Hornby, M.P., Viscount Nevill, Sir J. Garvock ; Messrs. 11. C. Rackes, W. B. Ferrand, Admiral Hornby, Rev. Canon Hornby, the Archdeacon of Manchester, Messrs. T. C. Wilkinson, C. A. Steward, W. S. Sawyer, Joseph Fenton, Thomas Slatter, H. Gartside, James Tyre, William Gibb, It. S. Sowler, Q.C., Christopher Temple, Q.C., T. W. Tattoo, W. J. Legg, J. W. Maclure, John Monk, Q.C., General the Hon. Jas. Lindsay, Colonel Wroughton, and the Rey. Canon Birch. The noble Premier and his colleagues on taking their seats were received with several rounds of enthusiastic applause. The usual loyal toasts baying been proposed from the chair, and enthusiastically responded to, The CHAIRMAN p7oposed the "Army, Navy, and Volunteers." Sir J. PAKINGTON acknowledged the toast on behalf of the army. The right hon. baronet was sure that it must be most gratifying to the officers and soldiers of the British army to be able to rely on the confidence and good opinion of their fellow countrymen. At the present time this was some thing more than an ordinary compliment at a time when a large British force was about to proceed on an important and distant service. He must say that he had observed with the deepest regret the tone of alarm and discouragement with which this expedition was in some quarters regarded, but all he could say was that he could not see the slightest reason or ground for these feelings. British soldiers had always been accustomed to difficulties, but they had always overcome much greater difficulties than they were likely to encounter on this occasion. The Government had undertaken this expedition with the greatest reluctance and regret, but under a d ep conviction that they had no other honourable option. It was impossible under the arrangement to aban don the diplomatic servants of the Crown, and they felt they were bound to act in the interests of jus tice. For his own part he had little doubt but the exertions of our gallant troops would be crowned with honour and victory. (Loud cheers.) The Earl of SHREWSBURY also, in replying to the toast, said that, as an independent member of the House of Lords, he considered the course taken by the noble earl at the head of the Government with respect to Reform as most patriotic and honourable, and he, for one, gave him hearty thanks for it. The Whigs, having failed to redeem the pledges which they had put into the mouth of the Sovereign, it became the imperative duty of the noble earl to try and redeem those pledges and to retrieve the good faith of Parliament—in that attempt the noble earl and hi 3 colleagues hal most happily succeeded. (Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN next proposed the toast of the evening, the " llealth of the Earl of Derby, Prime Minister of England." He said the numerous and influential gathering there that day was an indica tion that the Conservative party was satisfied with the political conduct of Lord Derby, since by a fac tious opposition he was displaced from office in 1859. He thought the party were fully entitled to congra tulate themselves not only upon the conduct of busi ness in the House of Lords, but upon the brilliant _manner in which the work in the Lower house had been managed by Mr. Disraeli. The present Minis try was composed of men anxious and zealous to do their duty and to rectify existing abuses. lle be lieved that during the short time they had been in office they had done much to improve the general condition of the country, and in every branch of the Government the principal offices were admirably filled. They were now met to strengthen the hands of the Government, and the noble guest that even ing might rest assured that he had a most influen tial body of supporters not only in Manchester, but throughout the southern division of the county of Lancaster. Bad it been possible for the health of the noble Earl to have permitted him to address a meeting of the working men of Manchester there would have been a gathering compared to which the present demonstration was a mere fleabite. (Cheers.) The working classes would never forget the services which Lord Derby had rendered to them during the cotton famine, and the sacrifices which he had made in time and purse on their behalf. (Cheers.) lie begged to give "The Health of Lord Derby, the Prime Minister." The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm, and the Earl of Derby on rising to respond was received with a perfect ovation, the whole assembly, includ ing the ladies on the side galleries, rising en masse, and waving handkerchiefs and favours. The noble Earl said—Mr. Chairman, my Lords, Ladies, and Gentlemen—Even if my physical powers were far greater than at the present moment, unfor tunately, they are 1 should be utterly incapable of adequately expressing to this vast assembly the deep sense of gratitude which I entertain for the enthu siastic reception which they have been kind enough to give me upon the present occasion, and for the splendid demonstration which they have this day been pleased to exhibit of their approval of the course pursued in the last eventful session, more especially by my hon. colleagues and myself. (Cheers.) From those colleagues I cannot allow my name to be separated, and although the terms of the toast proposed by the chairman are limited to myself alone, I am deeply grateful to him for having combined with the mention of any services I have performed the great assistance I have de rived from many by whom I am surrounded, with whose friendship I have been honoured for many years, and without whose assistance it would have been impossible to obtain the success which we have achieved. More especially I must participate in the regret expressed by the hon. chairman at the absence of one of those colleagues, to whose tact, temper, and judgment it was mainly owing that that ar duous undertaking in which they were engaged did not result, instead of a triumphant success, in a dis astrous failure. (Cheers.) I need not say to you who have watched the course of events that among the dAcultivs which appeared to ourselves to be all but insurmountable, and which nothing but the strong sense of duty woul.l have induced us to encounter, nothing could have brought to a suc cessful issue the great undertaking in which we were engaged, except the admirable temper and judgment with which the Reform Bill was carried through the House of Commons by my right bon. friend, and much as he may regret not Icing present here, no man is more sensible of the good feeling of his fellow -countrymen ; and, although not present, he will be deeply gratified by seeing the reports which cannot fail to reach him of the manner in which the mention of his name has been received. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, this is essentially a political meeting; but I should be wanting in every sense ofgratitude if I did not refer for a single moment to the compliment which my hon. friend hae paid me with regard to any little service which it has been in my power to render to this city and neighbourhood durin g the disastrous period of the cotton famine. (Loud cheers.) I can only say that on that occasion I did no more than what I felt it my bounden duty to do, and that was to per form to the best of my ability the duties which I felt to be entailed upon me by the position which I hold in the county, and the deep interest which I feel in its prosperity; but I know there are many others to whom the meed of gratitude is much more due than to me. (Cries of " No, no.") Yes, gentle men, yes ; for they could much less easily afford to devote their time, attention, and personal services to the relief of that distress. (Cheers.) But I must say this, that amidst all the sufferings of that dis astrous period there was one thing which struck me as a matter of consolation and of satisfaction, and that was to see how in the midst of their sufferings the middle, the higher, and the lower classes all combined in one fellowship of feeling. (Loud cheers.) I saw the manufacturers exerting them selves to the utmost, and at a great loss to them selves, to mitigate the great suffering of their hands. I saw the hands submitting with a patience beyond all praise to sufferings wholly undeserved, sacrificing their personal comforts, and, without a murmur, accepting, although with deep regret, and yet without a feeling of self-degradation, the assist ance of public charity in a period of national dis tress. (Loud cheers.) The man who at that time could have withheld his sympathy or assistance must have been made of very different materials from that of which I happen to be made. (Renewed cheers.) But to revert to the purely political por tion of the auestion, I may say that upon one occa sion, and upon one only in the course of a tolerably long life, have I received anything like the compli ment which you have this day been pleased to be stow upon me, and that was under very different and under less favourable circumstances. In the year 1859 I had the honour of receiving an address from 7,000 of the inhabitants of Liverpool and its neigh bourhood, and of being entertained at a banquet not unworthy of being compared with that which I have the honour of attending this day, and the ob ject of that address and that banquet was on the part of the Conservatives of Lancashire to ex press their unabated confidence in the Minister who had been just ejected from office in conse quence of his defeat—l will not soy by what means —in his endeavour to carry out a large and com prehensive measure of Parliamentary Reform. (Hear.) You meet to-day under most auspicious circumstances, you meet with stronger congratula tions, with the same Minister, with the same col leagues, or many of them, who, with the cordial concurrence or support of the same Conservative party, and, I will add, with the generous support of some of those who are bound to that party by no ties of political association, but who approved the course pursued —you meet upon terms of congratu lation the:same Minister who in the last session had the good fortune to carry to a successful issue a measure which for a long period, at all events dur ing my life, has 1 hope put an end to that agitated and important question of the electoral franchise which as long as it remained unsettled stood in the way of all political and social legislation. (Cheers.) But there is a very strange problem which presents itself to the consideration of the public at this mo ment. Here is a large Conservative gathering, and it is not the only one throughout the country—a gathering attended, I hope and believe, by a large portion of the working classes, congratulating themselves and the country upon the achievement of a great measure of Parliamentary Reform. (Hear, hear.) This is a question which for years and years the Liberal party have been talking about. (Cheers and laughter.) But unhappily their efforts have been confined to talk, and they have expressedimnaense astonishment that the Conservative party should have proposed, and still more should have carried, a Reform Bill. Well, gentlemen, in one respect I share in that astonishment, because, looking at all the elements with which we had to contend, it was a matter of great astonishment that the Conserva tive Government should carry a Reform Bill. But I see nothing surprising in the fact that a Conserva tive Government desired sincerely and honestly to settle the question by carrying such a measure. (Hear, hear.) I do not want to take you back to a long historical reminiscence, but let me call your attention to this fact, that in the last eight years four Reform Bills have been introduced, two of them by the Conservative party and two of them by the great " united Liberal party." (Loud laughter.) In the year 1859 we thought absolutely essential that the question should, if possible, be settled, and we accordingly brought in a bill which very largely extended the suffrage, though not so largely as the bill which we fortunately carried this year. Was that bill opposed by the Conservatives ? No, it was supported by the Conservatives, and after its re jection I received from the large Conservative body the expression of their confidence in my guidance. That bill did not pass the second reading, because it was found expedient, for what reasons I will not say, by the Liberal party that they should not allow the measure to come to a second reading, and the House of Commons refused to allow the further progress of the bill. In the year 1860 the Govern ment that succeeded us brought in a Reform Bill. Did it meet with any opposition from the Conser vatives? None whatever. The Conservative party supported the second reading, reserving to them selves the right to discuss the details of the mea sure. That bill was talked out by the Liberal party (laughter), and from that period, under—l am speaking of one for whom I may say personally I entertain a great regard—under what I may call the soporiferous reign of Lord Palmerston, the question of Reform was allowed to sleep. (Laughter). In 1865 the Government brought forward the question of Reform. Was any opposition offered to the second reading of the bill by the Conservative party? None. The second reading was allowed to pass, the discussion was confined merely to the supporters of the Government and the " united " Liberal party. (Cheers and laughter.) If the Con servatives had anything to do with the rejection of the measure it was shared in by a considerable number of the opposite party. In 1867 we intro duced a bill for the reform of Parliament. On two successive occasions we had allowed the second reading of the Reform Bill to pass; on one occa sion our Reform Bill had been rejected, and it was, thanks to the more independent members of the Liberal party, that our last bill was not thrown out on its second reading, which it would have been if Mr. Gladstone had had his own way. (Loud cheers.) Now, after these recitations, what ground is there for saying that the Conservatives as a body have been opposed to a well-considered, safe, and liberal measure of Reform? (Cheers.) There were many of the Conservative party who would have been well satisfied that the question should never have been raised at all, and, speaking in the entire confidence in which I may address so limited a number of persons—(laughter)---I may venture to say that there were not a few of the Liberal party who would not have been satisfied to allow the ques tion of Reform to rest, and allow themselves to maintain the reputation of being ardent supporters of Reform, but being impeded in their course by the stupid, obstinate, bigoted Tories. Among the Con servatives and among the Liberal party there were a great many who would have been satisfied if the question had been allowed to rest, but the Conser vatives knew that if the existing settlement was to be disturbed it was absolutely necessary to base the legislation on some sound and intelligent principle which should leave no ground for future agitaticn; that if we were to fix on any principle whatever, no principle whatever could be so safe and sound as the occupation of premises and the submission to the liabilitioss and bunions imposed in consequence of that occupation. I do not at all blame the late Go vernment for having brought forward the question of Reform, but what I do find fault with them for is this—that they did not ascertain accurately what was the feeling and disposition of the country and the House of Commons, that they did not fix on any definite principle on which to establish Reform, that they made a reduction from £lO to £7 or £6, I for get which—(laughter)—really I do—(continued laughter)—but of this I am assured, that if there had been any attempt to deviate from the figure of £lO, which had stood as a matter of prescription for 30 years, it was impossible to fix on any figure—whe ther £7, £6, or £5, as the precise figure to which the franchise should be extended, and below which per sons should not be allowed to vote. I think that was the great mistake made bytheGovernment of 186b,but a greater mistake still was that of imagining that any Government bad the power of driving the House of Commons into the adoption of any measure which they thought unnecessary. (Cheers.) I know the House of Commons pretty well ; I had about 22 years' experience in that House, and I have watched its proceedings since that time, and I know that it is a body easily led by those in whom it has confi dence; but it is a body which will not be driven by any person. (Cheers.) The mistake which the late Government made was this, that without suffi cient examination of the consequences, without sufficiently feeling the pulse of the Lower House, they brought in an incomplete, imperfect measure, and having done so declared that by it .they would stand or fall, that they had crossed the Rubicon and that they had burnt their boats, that they had cut off all chance of retreat, and in so doing I must say they cut off all chance of success. (Loud cheers and laughter.) And now it is curious to examine on what the defence of the Government turns. It may be supposed that it was on the amount of the franchise. Not in the least. The question was whether the householder should pay the rates or whether he should be entitled to vote because he paid the rent. I think that is a very im portant principle, because the best test of solvency, whether a man occupies to the extent of £3 or £2O, is that he shall be able to bear the burdens imposed by the State. (Cheers.) On that question the late Government felt it their duty to resign their office. In that I think they acted like honourable men. I speak in all sincerity, and I believe their resignation was absolutely sincere, that they did not intend to make it a mock or a sham resignation ; but I think in resigning office they could not but have had in view what their successors would have to encounter. (Cheers and laughter.) I confess to you that the responsibility and the arduous nature of those diffi culties were such that I hesitated before I could he induced to accept the Labour and the responsibility which they would throw upon me ; and nothing would have induced me to overcome my reluctance to accept them except the sense of the duty I owed in the first place to my Sovereign, who had been pleased to call upon me to form a Government, and, next, my unwillingness to make a public confession of my inability to serve the Crown, because the acknowledgment, not so much of my personal in ability, but of that of the Conservative party to form a Government, would have had the effect of deteriorating the position of the Conservative party in undertaking the future responsibilities and the duties of office. (Cheers.) I felt that I was bound to look to the position in which I stood—that Re form, even if I wished it could have been postponed or defeated, was out of the question ; to bring for ward a measure short of that which had been pro duced by the late Government would equally have subjected me to ignominious discomfiture ; and, re garding boldness as safety, I thought the only course to be pursued was that I should obtain the concur rence of the Conservative party to make a large and liberal addition to the electoral franchise, rest ing on a sound and definite principle, and obsti nately to oppose any attempts to disturb that posi tion. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is a matter of the merest gratitude on my part to say that to the Con servative party I am deeply indebted for the man ner in which—placing entire confidence in her Ma jesty's Ministers—they concurred in the large and extensive measure we felt it our duty to propose. (Loud cheers.) Nay, more; I would say this, that when under the apprehension of losing three of our most valued colleagues we were induced to depart from our original intention and to propose a bill of less extent than that originally designed, it was not less by the objections of the Conservative than the Liberal party that we were induced to abandon that minor and inferior measure, and to adhere to that larger and infinitely more satisfactory measure which, I am happy to say, has now become the law of the land. (Loud cheers.) And now, gentle men, what is to be the result of this great measure ? (Hear, hear.) It is a serious question, and one well deserving the grave attention of all those interested in the well-being of the country. I am teld that I used (perhaps I did) an imprudent expression in saying that this measure was, to a certain extent, "a leap in the dark." It was—it is—and it is im possible that you can extend the electoral franchise to any large. body of your fellow countrymen with absolute certa;aty as to the manner in which they may use that franchise, and with the knowledge which, indeed, it is impossible to obtain of the number of persons who may be en titled to possess the franchise. But, as I said before, I thought that in this case boldness was safety-- (cheers) ; and I will add that the experience that I had in the period of the cotton distress, which has been referred to, of the many and excellent qualities of the working classes, more especially in this dis trict, led me to form such an opinion of their intel ligence, their reasonableness, their sound sense, and their absence from personal and social prejudice, to believe that they could, without danger, be intrusted with that share in the representation of the country which the recent Act has largely intrusted to their hands. (Cheers.) I believe that what are called the working classes, but what would be more pro perly designated as the wage -paid classes —those who depend upon daily, weekly, or monthly wages —1 believe that they are sound at heart and core. (Cheers.) I have the greatest confidence in their loyalty as a body to the throne and the institutions of the country. I believe—l won't say if the person of the Sovereign, but if the Throne were to be threatened they would rise as one man in its defence. (Great cheering.) I believe they are deeply attached to the institutions of the country, and that, although many of them are not members of her communion, they respect it, and do not desire as a body to sub vert the Established Church of the country—(cheers) —which is of all establishments known on the face of the earth the most tolerant and the most liberal —(cheers)—a Church which gives the largest lati tude to its own members, a latitude which I am afraid of late times has been rather abused; a Church which is not only tolerant of but has welcomed, and cordially welcomed, the efforts of her dissenting brethren to join in their common struggle against vice, infidelity, ignorance, and immorality; a Church, moreover, which has served as a standard by which Dissenting denominations may measure themselves, and as an object on which they may look, not with a feeling of jealousy, but with a desire to unite in serving their common Lord and Master. I believe the working classes of this country liave a deep respect for the old-fashioned families of this country. (Cheers) I do not believe that they desire to alter the consti tution of the House of Lords, representing, as it does, hereditary rights and privileges, and recruited as it is from day to day and year to year from the ranks of the commonalty, and thereby constantly receiving an infusion of fresh blood, which prevents it from becoming a body apart from the rest of the community. I believe, further, that they entertain a deep respect for the legislative wisdom of the House of Commons, and that their wisdom and re spect will only be increased by their accession to privileges from which they have been hitherto de barred. (Cheers.) I know, gentlemen, that I have detained you at considerable length. (Cheers, and cries of " Go on.") There is, however, one most important subject upon which I must speak, and you must bear with me for a while. I claim that during the whole course of my political and private life I have been, and I will continue to be, th:., friend and well-wisher of the working classes, and I think I know those cla=ses well enough, and more especially in this my own immediate neigh bourhood, to know this, that there is nothing they wish for so much as plain speaking and plain deal ing, and I venture in their presence, I hope of many of them—and I trust my words may reach many of those which are not present—l venture to warn them against one danger which I in common vrith others foresee as a possible consequence of the great measure which we have given. Apprehen sions are entertained that the working men, not satisfied with overcoming that political influence to which they aro entitled, will be disposed to lend themselves as dupes to designing persons, who may endeavour to cajole them with the idea of return ing irepreseeitatives to Parliament, with loud pro fessions of being the only friends of the working classes, and of being sent to Parliament specially to promote legislative measures intended to conduce to their welfare. Now, I believe that there never was a Parliament more disposed than the present to look to the interests of the working classes, and to consult for their benefit. I can only hope that the next Parliament may be equally desirous of effect ing that object, and equally acquainted with the best modes of carrying it into effect. But I warn as a friend—as an earnest and sincere friend, and speak ng from the deepest conviction, I warn the work ing classes not to be led away by the flattering de lusion of men who will tell them that they can induce Parliament to pass a measure of exceptional legislation for their especial and immediate benefit. They c innot induce, I hope, any Parliament to pass any such measure, and if such a measure were to be passed the workmen would find to their misfortune that it was the greatest injury that could be done them—l mean a measure attempting to regulate the rate of wages. To interfere between labour and capital is beyond the legislation of any Parlia ment, and indeed it would be, in short, only to lead Parliament to adopt such a course of legislation as has been recommended in some of the by-laws we have heard so much of lately in connexion with the various Trades' Unions in the country. Do not let me be misunderstood. I am no adversary or opponent of Trades' Unions. I think that, con fined to their legitimate object, they are useful and salutary instruments for maintaining the rights of the labouring classes—(cheers)—and 43 years ago I was a member of the House of Commons which first recommended and succeeded in carrying the abolition of those laws which made it illegal for workmen to agree to combine together not to work under a certain amount of wages. I, therefore, hope that what I say may belunderstood as not pro ceeding from one who desires to oppress the work ing man. I say that even strikes, objectionable as they are in principle, and injurious as they are to the working classes, are not an illegitimate or an illegal mode of proceeding. I say that if capital and labour cannot agree together, the only mode of bringing them together is the absence of one or the other—the capital to employ the labour, or the labourer to give the capital. I go further, and I say that so long as Trades' Unions are charitable associations, and their contributions go to the relief of those who are thrown out of work by no fault of their own, they are unobjectionable and meri torious ; but from the disclosures we have recently heard it appears they have gone far be yond these acts. I do not mean to refer to those gross acts of intimidation, picketing, rat tening, and acts leading to murder. They are acts which no person will defend, and the members of Trades' Unions themselves shrink from acknow ledging their participation in them; but I say that these associations go beyond their limits when they agree not only themselves not to work, but to pre vent and intimidate other persons from working. For my own part, looking to the public and private interests of the members, I cannot for the life of me understand how English workmen, entitled to make the most of their own industry and science, can submit to the tyranny under which they are groaning. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the whole course of our legislation for the last, I won't say how many years, has been a protest against class legislation. It has been an argument in favour of the free ad mission of all foreign goods, an argument in favour of free trade, an argument opposed to all class pro tection. What would you say if, in the city of Manchester, Government were to impose, as in Continental countries, an octroi duty on the im portation of every article of agricultural produce ? The whole city would be in an uproar; and yet you submit to the by-laws of associations which say that not only shall a tax be paid, but that not a single brick shall be laid in Manchester that is imported from a foreign country, from beyond a single dis trict, even from beyond the breadth of a canal. We are speaking here in the Free Trade-hall. What do you say of by-laws which say that not a stone shall be worked in a quarry, to save an enormous addi tional amount of labour in carting it to the place where it is to be deposited, but that it shall be brought in bulk and worked by the workmen, and if it should have been worked in the quarry, then the farce is to be gone through of working it again by workmen in Manchester? If this system is to prevail what is to become of your threshing machines and your steam ploughs, your mowing and reaping machines ? You would have to resort to your old flail and other obsolete implements, and in manu factures to old handloom weaving; you would have to do away with the power-loom and all those inventions of genius which, while they have multiplied to an indefinite amount the productive capital of the country, have at the same time multiplied to an extent almost equally indefinite the amount and number of persons employed. I say that the British workman would do well seriously to consider these things. Let me add that I have now been for two and forty years a married man, and let me alvise the workmen when they fall into any difficulty to consult their wives. (Cheers and laughter.) If the workmen are the bread winners, their wives are the bread mana gers, and let them ask their wives and children, if they can answer for themselves, what they think in the long run they have gained from those strikes which they have carried on with so much persever ance and so much loss, greatly to the advantage of those who apply the strings and manage the puppet ? (Cheers.) It is a great disadvantage to the honest man, who is desirous of making the most of his in dustry, for such a man is prohibited from turning his own skill to his advantage. Can there be a greater restriction upon the labouring man ? What is the capital of the labouring man ? It is his labour, and really if these societies are to prevent a man from making the most of his labour, it is simply to put the idle, the indolent, and worthless upon the same footing as the intelligent and industrious, and to bring all labour down to a dead level, and to increase the expense of all work that depends on that labour not only by increased wages, but also by the uncer tainty which prevailsonth p e r p ic a e r s t , o b f e e c v a e u r s y e c h o e n na tr a a y ct b o e r as to his power of executing a contract and th e ne cessity of charging higher deprived of the services of those upon whom he relies. The last objection, and the gravest I have to offer, is against the tyrannical power exercised by these associations. They prevent that which is important in this country, the cordial union between employers of labour and employed. What interest can a man have in the welfare and wellbeing of those he em ploys if, whatever pains he has taken to make them comfortable, whatever assistance he has given them, he is liable, at the dictation at any moment of some person 100 miles off, and of whom he knows nothing, to find the whole of his workmen leave him, it may be with pain and deep regret, but at thesarae time under a tyranny they are obliged to obey ? (Cheers.) If there is one thing inimical to the wellbeing of this as a great country, it is that capital and labour can not permanently be dissociated. If labour exact too much from capital, capital will seek employment elsewhere. If the expenses of any one branch are carried so far that we are unable to meet the com petition of other countries, capital will fly to those foreign countries, foreign workmen will displace British workmen, and ultimately the British work man will find that he has achieved a success which will be his absolute ruin. One word now upon the other side of the question—and let me say this is peculiarly a moment which the employers of labour should seize for cultivating the best understanding with those whom they employ. (Cheers.) I believe the working classes are awakening to a fuller sense than they have yet had of the claims of capital, and that nothing has contributed to that result more than the establishment of co-operative societies. (lhm.) I believe that they have done very great good not only in establishing habits of frugality and order, but in teaching them to estimate the claims of capi tal and labour ; and I have seen with great gratifi cation an instance of the satisfactory working of the system in the case of the Staveley Colliery, where a certain amount of the surplus profits raised by the labour of the workmen employed on the establish ment is returned to them, and they are given an interest in the success of their employers. Looking at the nee-!ssity of keeping secret the mode of pro cedure of most of our great mercantile homes, f do not think that this system can be generally ex tended; but wherever it can be adopted, and the person employed can feel an interet in the success of the employer, there you will do more than by any other possible means to counteract the effect of these unions or societies, which endeavour to set class against class, and to create illwill among all classes. I have a thousand apologies to make for having de tained you so long, but I wished to set before you plainly what I thought with regard to the Reform Bill. Although some hazard might be supposed to attend the passing of so large a measure, I look for ward with great confidence to the result. I have great reliance on the good sense of my country men. lam not at all alarmed at the result, but standing in the position I do, responsible to a great extent for the adoption of the measure, I have felt myself justified in having availed myself of the op portunity of offering a timely warning for the con sideration of all those who must ultimately be in terested in its success. Time will not permit me to refer to the foreign policy of the country—(cheers) —but our approval of that policy is more gratifying to me because the Minister who has presided over that department is my own immediate relative. (Loud cheers.) Permit me to say one word with re spect to a report which has obtained considerable currency in the newspapers and which has led to frequent speculation—that it is my intention imme diately to tender to the Queen the resignation of the office which I have the honour to hold. (No, no.) Now, gentlemen, I have not the slightest intention of doing so. (Cheers.) At a critical period like the present I should feel it was an act of base dere liction of duty to my Sovereign, and to those who have done me the honour to give me their support, if I were to shrink from the responsibilities at tached to my position. (Cheers.) At my time of life, with the increasing frequency of those attacks which from time to time unfit me for the discharge of public business, it is impossible that I can look forward to any very lengthened period of public service, but I have no present intention of relin quishing the position which I hold by the favour of my Sovereign and the support of the great Con servative party. (Cheers.) Whenever I retire from that office I trust that I shall have the satis faction of doing so with the conviction that I have endeavoured honestly and faithfully to discharge my duty to the country at large ; that I have not in any case allowed political differences and ani mosities to interfere with personal friendship, and above all that I have in no respect forfeited the confidence, the good opinion, and the esteem of that great and influential party —never more great and influential than it is at the present moment—which it has been my honour to lead for so many years. (Cheers.) Permit me before I con clude to offer to your acceptance a toast in regard to which I am sure that you cannot have the slightest hesitation. It is the health of my hon. friend who has so worthily filled the office of our chairman this evening. (Cheers.) He comes of a family which for generations has been connected with this county, and I am quite sure that he has discharged to your satisfaction the important duties devolving upon a representative of the Southern Division of Lancashire. The noble earl then re sumed his seat amid loud cheering. The CHAIRMAN briefly acknowledged the compli ment. Mr. 11. BinLEr then proposed " The Health of Lord Stanley." Lord STANLEY, who on rising to reply was received with cheers which lasted for several minutes, said— Even if I should hope to make myself heard by more than a small fraction of this large assembly, I could not attempt to do that which I feel and know to be impossible—l could never embody in words the gratitude and pleasure which I cannot but feel at the reception which you have given us to-night— a welcome so kind, so friendly, and so cordial—a welcome to be doubly prized because it comes from neighbours among whom I have lived, and from political friends with whom I have long acted, from Lancashire men of whom I am proud to call myself one, from citizens of this great industrial commu nity, who not only on this, bat on many previous occasions, have done us so much honour. (Cheers.) I stand before you to-night in two capacities —one as a member of that House of Commons which has lately carried through a great and important change in our political institutions; in the other as a Minis ter of the Crown charged with the anxious and laborious duty of conducting the foreign relations of the country. In neither capacity is it my inten tion to trouble you with more than a very few words. Whatever I might have ventured to say upon some topics has been already anticipated by the head of the Government, and I shall not weaken by repe tition anything that he has told you. All I will say is that we have dealt with Reform under circum - I stances of great and peculiar difficulty, but I am sure that we have done that which was the best for the interests of the country, and as I think the best for the interests of the party. If I had thought otherwise, however close, however binding the ties which connect me with the present Administration, you would not have seen me here or heard of me as connected with the Government. (Cheers.) I look at what we have done without alarm. I have no doubt that the new Parliament will bring with it some new ideas, such as a legal reform, administra tive reform, educational reform, and reform in some other of the departments. Many of them, let me sav, I think require it, although it need not be contrary to the well-known principles of the Constitution, or contrary to the national interests and feelings of the wealthier classes of society. (Loud cheers.) I do not believe that there is in England any purely levelling feeling, and I do not believe that there is any jealousy or envy of wealth and station, as that is a sentiment utterly alien to our habits and na tional tendencies. What Englishmen ask for is an open career and the power to rise. They do rise, and nowhere more frequently than in these districts. (Cheers.) Let me now say one word with respect to the affairs of the department with which I am chiefly connected. I can assure you that, as far as England and English interests are concerned, our foreign relations stand upon a thoroughly sound footing. In Europe we have nothing even approach ing to a quarrel or dispute with any power whatever, and with regard to the United States, although we have not succeeded in finally closing that contention which originated during their civil war, yet we have dealt with that question, I will venture to say, in a fair and friendly spirit; and I believe that already the great peacemaker, time, has done much to soften and allay those feelings of irritation which un. doubtedly at one time prevailed against us. (Cheers.) As to the state of the Continent, I cannot say that there is no cause for the distrust and uneasiness which so generally prevail. The future is uncertain. The sky is not free from clouds ; but I have faith enough in the good sense both of nations and their rulers to believe that the great crime and folly of a needless war will not be committed. If, unfortunately, I should be wrong, I am sure at least that the English people will be unanimous in their condemnation of those parties by whom, whoever they may be, such a quarrel is provoked. (Cheers.) The peace of Europe is an English in terest, and we shall do everything in our power to preserve it, for to endanger it is to endanger that which is even nearer and dearer to us—l mean the peace of England. In the course of the evening reference has been made to the unfortunate Abys sinian business. My right hon. friend the Secre tary for War spoke of it as a national necessity, and then with somewhat of pleasure. I must say that I cannot look upon it in that light. I regard it as a very unpleasant matter, and I have no doubt but that my right hon. friend, if lie was not Secretary for War, and speaking on behalf of the profession, would himself agree with me. It is most unlucky that the folly of a semi-civilised monarch should compel us to embark in a distant and costly expe dition, although I may say that in all probability the cost of the expedition has been considerably exaggerated by popular report. But I entirely concur with my right hon. friend that in this matter we had no option. Her Majesty's envoys have been insulted, imprisoned, and loaded with chains. All possible means of obtaining their release have been exhausted. We have taken some steps which hardly became the positioa and power of the country in order to obtain the result we desired without resorting to extreme measures. We feel that we had only two alternatives—the one to at tempt their release by force, the other to let them die in captivity. We have made our choice, and we intend within the next few weeks to ask Parlia ment and the country whether we have acted rightly, and it is without fear and without doubt that we await the answer_ of the English people. We shall go back to our work encouraged by your kindness and fortified by your approval, and I hope and trust that you will never regret the confidence you have reposed in us. The next toasts were those of " The Lords" and " The Commons," which were respectively responded to by the Earl of Wilton and Lord John Manners. The Earl of DERBY then gave the health of " Colonel Wilson Patten, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster," and in so doing spoke in warm terms of his public and private character, acknow ledging that the support which he had given to the Government had materially enabled it to surmount the trials and difficulties of the last session. Mr. J. W. MACLURE proposed "The Guests," for which the Earl of Malmeshury returned thanks. The CHAIRMAN then gave "The Health of the Countess of Derby," which was received with a tremendous outburst of cheers and other demon strations of respect. The Hon. F. STANLEY, M.P., acknowledged the toast. The Earl of DERBY proposed " The Conservative and Constitutional Associations," which he was glad to find were being so extensivJly formed by the working classes. Mr. TOUCHSTONE responded, and several other toasts brought the proceedings to a close. The Earl and Countess of Derby, on leaving the Free Trade llall with the other members of their family, met with a most enthusiastic demonstration from a large crowd, chiefly composed of the working classes, who had assembled outside the building, and waited there for a considerable time in order to pay them this special mark of respect. Lord Stanley also was enthusiastically cheered. The same demon strations were paid along the route to the railway station, whence the noble Premier and his family left by special train for Knowsley. THE CHARGES AGAINST A LIVERPOOL COTI ON-BR,O KING FIRM: _e We yesterday gave the leading points for the prosecution in this case at Liverpool. We now give the case for the defence : Mr. Higgin submitted that there was no case whatever to answer. This was a very ordinary case, he said, in which a bank had advanced money to a well-known firm in good times, but when bad times came, and the good firm became insolvent, and was obliged to stop payment, the bank endeavoured, by every unfair means in its power, to get an advantags to itself which was not to be enjoyed by the rest of the creditors. He received a reproof from the Bench with reference to an observation he made upon the last answer given by Mr. Hyde ; but, if the case went on, he pledged himself to tender such evidence before the Court as would justify that observation, not only in the estimation of the Bench and of every honourable and honest man in the court who heard him, but in the estimation of tho Liverpool com mercial population. He ventured to say that the National Bank of Liverpool (Limited) cared no more about commercial morality and the virtue of the commercial classes of Liverpool than his learned friend himself did, who vaunted it so much in the opening of the case. (Laughter.) If there was ono thing more clear than another in the estimation of every reasonable man it was this—that the National Bank of Liverpool would withdraw from the prose cution that moment if they could get 20s. in the pound from either Mr. Charles Lee Campbell, his father, or his friends. That presented itself to his mind as an irresistible proposition. He should have thought from the experience Mr. Hyde had had of proceedings of this kind, he would have been the very last person in the world to embark in an inquiry of this kind, when he must have known very well that all that he wanted was 20s. in the pound. The bank cared not from whom they got it, and if they could get it they would settle not only this case, but every one of the other four. Whatever might be the result of this inquiry—and he need not say that an adverse result would be ono of the most disastrous and overwhelming misfor tunes that ever befel Mr. Charles Campbell or any member of his family—he advised Mr. Campbell that if the expenditure of one farthing, or one half a farthing, would induce the withdrawal of these most unrighteous prosecutions, it should not be paid. He said, without fear of contradiction, that the prosecution had been instituted by the bank with the view and with the sole intention— he used the word advisedly—of extorting money from the family of this gentleman. Mr. Sleigh said he was instructed by a firm second to none in eminence and respectability that the prosecution was instituted simply in vindication of public justice, and that 19s. 11d. in the pound would not induce the National Bank to withdraw it. (Laughter.) Mr. Higgin said nobody had uttered a word against the respectability of the firm instructing Mr. Sleigh, and he would be the last person in the world to do so. They acted upon their instructions ; but when they were instructed to tell the public of Liverpool that 19s. 11d. in the pound would not satisfy the bank, he (Mr. Higgin) said that Mr. Hyde was instructing them to make a statement which the community of Liverpool would one and all repudiate as simply absurd and impossible. Mr.. Sleigh said they would be guilty of compro mising a misdemeanour if they did so, if they be lieved a fraud had been committed. Mr. Higgin—Yes, but they don't believe it. (Laughter.) What, he asked, had the bank done? They took out five separate summonses against three gentlemen, namely, against the whole of the firm, and they came into court that day, when they ought to have been prepared to prove their case, and they withdrew all the charges against two of those gentlemen. Those two gentlemen had been going about Liverpool with those five charges hanging over their heads ever since the 9th of Oct. Then, in withdrawing the summonses against them, the prosecution left a bit of a sting behind. They said they would not offer any evidence against them, but at the same time they thought it very right that they should have been included in the summonses and compelled to come there, when they knew at the time the summonses were taken out that there was not and could not be ono tittle of evidence against them. He could not think it was candid, English, or manly to have allowed these charges to hang over the heads of those gentlemen from the time the summonses were taken out until that morning, without one word being vouchsafed to them that it was not intended to offer any evi dence against them. After referring to the high character which the firm held and had enjoyed in the mercantile community, Mr. Higgin urged that there was not the slightest chance of the defendants being convicted by a jury on the evidence which had been adduced. He cared not where the jury came from, or how the case might be bolstered up between now and the next assizes. Ile reviewed the evidence at length, and contended that it contained nothing whatever indicating an intention on the part of the defendants to defraud the bank. Referring to the conversation between Mr. Hyde and the defendants, Mr. Higgin said the latter gave Mr. Hyde clearly to understand they were going to pledge their names as the acceptors of these bills, and therefore they did not guarantee. He had failed to discover in that con versation anything like a promise on the part of Mr. Campbell that they would keep cotton in their hands with a margin of 25 per cent. He did find that Mr. Campbell said they would keep themselves amply covered, but he did not find Mr. Hyde himself even say that Mr. Campbell pledged his firm to any par ticular margin; and although Messrs. Campbell hail no cotton belonging to this foreign gentleman, he would prove that at the time these bills were dis counted they had £40,000 worth of cotton which they could have handed over to the bank immedi ately if Mr. Hyde had wanted it—£4o,ooo worth of free cotton. Was it to be said that these gentlemen had obtained money under false pretences when they got the bills of this gentleman discounted having no cotton of his in their possession? If the prosecu tion relied upon Mr. Campbell's tacit consent to the letter of the 2d March, he contended that that was no false pretence at all—that if it was anything it was a pro l ige to do something in futuro, tie 1/ ...................••••••••••••••••41. • JP..."" trembled when he made uch a technical observa tion, but he was bound in the exercise of his duty to his client to omit no topic which he thought it right to urge upon the Court. The assent to the letter in question would be a promise made on the 2d March to do something at a future time, and the breach of that promise would not amount to false pretence. But the prosecution must go further. They must say that that letter of the 21 March was the only contract.. Yet here was a letter dated the 22d March, in which Messrs. Campbell enclose for discount £15,000 worth of bills upon the ternt•s-- not of having a 25 per cent. margin, but upon the specifid terms that during the currency of those bills they would keep themselves fully protected by ample security i❑ cotton in their own hands. How, then, could the prosecution ask for the committal of the defendant on the ground that the alleged con tract of the 21 March was a continuing contract ? He said it was not. lie said that when the bank had discounted bills to the extent of £30,000 there was an end of that first contract, and that any bills discounted after that, or any loans made after that, were upon entirely different terms. _ _ Mr. I:taffies—DC) you mean there was an end of that after the sum of £30,000 had been advanced ? Mr. Higgin said that was his contention. If that were not so, did anybody mean to contend that the letter of the 2d March was still in force as a contract ? If that was to be a continuing contract, why was not the letter of the 22d March to be a continuing contract? If the first extended beyond £30,000, why did not the second extend beyond £15,000 ? The construction put upon documents must be fair and reasonable, and if a document was capable of two constructions, one of which was favourable and another hostile to the person charged, they knew perfectly well which must pre vail. Mr. Raffles—l quite agree with you there. Mr. iliggin repeated, if one of these contracts was operative ou the 4th of July, why was not the other ? He contended the contracts were separate and distinct contracts, and that they only had re ference each of them-to the amount of bills iu them respectively mentioned, and that directly these bills matured and were paid off there was au end to those respective contracts, and they became waste paper. Mr. Raffles said he presumed that the prosecution said that the contract of the 2d of March was a general contract, and that the other was a specific contract. Mr. Sleigh said that was so. Mr. Raffles said with regard to the promise in futuro he fully agreed with Mr. lliggiu on the general principle, but he could understand the pro secution to put it iu this way—That it was true it was a general promise in futuro, but that the de fendant said, " We will take care that we have cotton in our possession whenever you advance us money," and, therefore, that whenever a sum of money has been advanced Messrs. Campbell had given a promise there was cotton to cover it. Mr. Higgin said he ventured to say that the word " current" in the letter of the 2d March was per fectly satisfactory at the time when there was no in debtedness between Messrs. Campbell and the bank ; that directly the £30,000 was paid off the currency of the account ceased ; and that it did not follow that any subsequent discounts were under that letter any more than that they were under the letter of the 22d March. But he contended, further, that if it could be shown that during the currency of these bills discounted on the 4th July Messrs. Campbell and Sons had free cotton in their hands over which they bad unlimited control, then in all reason they had complied with either one or the other of the contracts. He asked whether the question was not one to be decided by a civil tribunal? 'Was it fur the stipendiary magistrate, sitting there as a crimi nal judge, to say which of these contracts was run ning, if either ? lie contended that it was not, and concluded by repeating that there was absolutely no evidence whatever of any fraudulent intention on the part of the defendant throughout the whole of the transactions between his firm and the bank. The further hearing of the case was then ad journed until this day (Friday.) COUNTRY MARKETS. BRISTOL-THURSDAY. On our market to-day there was a bettor supply of Eng lish wheat, which was sold slowly at an advance of from is to 2s per qr. In foreign wheat, which met only a mo derate sale, prices wore also dearer. Malting barley hold firm, but not much doing ; grinding sorts scarce, and high currencies were realised. Oats in dull demand, and prices is over psovious sates. Beans and Indian corn also is up. Peas is to is 6d per qr over the rates of last market. MANCHESTER-THURSDAY. At to-day's market there was a fair supply of English wheat, which sold slowly at an advance of 2s to 3s per qr on the quotations of last week. Foreign is per cental up. The flour trade was moderate, and prices 2s to 3s per sack more money. Oats advanced Id to 2d por 451bs, and oat meal 18 per load. English beans 2s and Egyptian 3s ad vance. Indian corn likewise hold fora rise of . ss per qr. BURY ST. EDMUNDS -WEDNESDAY: _ • The supply of wheat at this market to-day was good, and farmers were only able to make is to 2s advance on previous rates, with a heavy trade. In barley there was no material change to note. Oats, beans, and peas were is per quarter advance. Average prices :—Wheat, 63s 5d ; barley, 42s id; oats, 26s 6d; beans, —s Od. BIRMINGITAM—TmatsDAY. Our market this morning was largely supplied with English wheat. There was a slow business done, and last market prices fully supported. Barley was is to 2s per qr over lato currencies. Oats firm. In beans and peas there was an advance of is 6d to 2s per qr. EDINBURGH—WEDNE SDAY. Wheat on the top, 4s Od up average, 3s 9d up. Barley on the top, Is Gd up average, is Gd up. Oats on the top, 2s Gd up %vertigo, Os lld ap. Beans ou the top, 108 Od down averago, 6s 711 down• Total supply and sales. Wheat 470 qrs sold 407 Barley 1731 qrs sold 1650 Oats 1760 qrs sold 1500 Beans.. 67 Cgs sold 12 Average prices. Wheat, 76s Od I Oats, 33s 3d Barley, 4os 8d 1 Beans ...42s Od Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 62s Od ;:extra superfine, 60s Od ; superfine, 58s Od ; fino, 56s Od. GLASGOW -WEDNESDAY. To-day's market was fairly attended, and the supplies were moderate. A firm trade done in wheat, at an ad vance of 2s per qr since last 'Wednesday. Flour 2s to 3 0 per sack dearer. Oats 2s per 264 lbs higher. Barley, beans, and peas ls, and Indian corn 2s per boll dearer ou the week. ADTERTISEMENT.]- Holloway's Ointment and In all outward complaints a desperate effort should be made to remove them before wintry weather augments the diffi culty of establishi ng a cure . The remarkable remedies discovered by Professor Holloway will satisfactorily ac complish this desired result without any of those dangers or drawbacks which attended the old method of treating ulcerations, inflammations, scrofulous affections an d scor butic annoyances. The most ti m id invalid may use both the ointment and pills with the utmost safety and most certain success, provided a moderato attention be bestowed on their accompanying directions. Both these prepara tions soothe, heal, and purify. The one assists the other most materially in effecting cures and renewing strength , by helping exhausted nature just when she needs some succour. Births. FITZIIERBERT—On tho 14th inst., at Genova, the wifo of Basil Pitzh er b er t , E sq., of a daughter. SToNott—On the 16th inst., at 78, South Andley-street, the Hon. Mrs. Stonor, of a son. TYLER—On tho 15th inst., at High Elms, Hampton Court, Mrs. Tyler, of a son. Marriages. MARTIN—FITZIIERBERT-0n the 16th inst., at Tissington, Captain Martin, of the 43d Bengal Light Infantry, to Agnes Rebekah, eldest daughter of Sir W. Fitzhorbert, of Tissington Hall, Derbyshire. SCOLEY—CoMPTON—On the 15th inst., at St. Stephen's Church, Bayswater ' J. T. Scoley, Esq., of St. Mark's crescent., Notting-hill, to Clara, second daughter of Jas. Compton, Esq., of Cornwall-road, Westbourue-park, Wr• Deaths. BUTLER—On tho 14th first., at 8, Earl's-court-terrace , Kensington, Mrs. Butler, aged 76. COTTRELL On the 15th inst., at Burts, Wellington, Somer set, Mr. G. Cottrell, late of Camden-town, aged 56. DALzELL—On the 14th inst., at 118, Sloane-street, Isabella , wife of Col. the Hon. If. li. Dalzell, aged 59. Gonmi—On the 11th inst., at St. Leonard's-on-Sea, MO 3laitlancl Gordon, of 26, Queen's-gardens, Hyde-park. HALL —On the 12th inst., Mr. 11. Hall, formerly of Upper Thames-street, London, aged 86. KNIGHT- On the 15th inst., at Chawton Rectory, the lien• Charles B. Knight, rector of the parish, aged 64. Mari:Es—On the 15th inst., at Walworth, Surrey, Maples, sen., aged 65. Wil,liY—On the 15th inst., Mr. Samuel Wiley, of 1 6, Sint ftesbury-turraeo,Warwick-roacl, Kensington, aged 66' London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREW% of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tait SUN Wilco, No. 1 19 ' 4 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, Q. Qounty 0° 009bor Is 3 ;hat ll - .-.°l AFT E Al te London IC N Thig DuNiro It 'i s a )I:ne. Sold i by the wl)olc,sn R, fTr Obsor " 14 t Rij A DV . A iN Fresh of r enaYahi disooluat Aft( Afte Ate Atte Aft(- Aftc Attu 14A ENTEIIII Eigh t and Vet 13EGON Stalls, at 11r. Austin's of th e Sutton. LF.p Concert E IT TS 46 ncglisli Be l an , be Bret Br .._OOI 7 CE Merl CARLE No ne °PtItA, Ptaenralvdaet, WI GRL , llnprec Th e fqR (a-daron, D RUM f battalio the Lie superb ttil• E the R ol , at thisi 6d Stan, 1344 ea 7:1 ,_ ATAI ad Aed O] tl ; 1 costu rn „ brittes ; Adratai Open fro ARG This n hlent, b, Italian ' a l — Znor O Curti. IEC' , ive,ines„ on MINI Minato commenc Course c c Octob er Mr. pi l&lusetuni lent-tium I!n ei t by T NV - 0 , 1 Th .14 pr er r6l"VinD ss - tra a Of qt.RE . t ur , l for 64 , 8; t 15 " 4 th 4 B l Iktid 144 8 PIATI V E Rk I° Wllo 1111 Rte. -..._______!! %RI This r " e. • meet, D, eji LC peat 4 th e a y e he d a , b ee _ rai n hn,: ce t're Ci eni 1 .111 4 4 a P tritB e c ti tj e s ll Y eott N.p N o • 42,