The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-01 00:00:00

j 1 1 % o 22 o 213% tiY) Meat at Mutton, 4s 6d per oderately )r which ieef, from 8d; : and d Calves Other ; Mut -1 to 43 4d old Store of to say terms :--- al, 4s to moved off was w Ol 3s lOd to I per Sibs. 115 morn' , eef, from to 4s 6d; a, 18s to Clover / 96 per 31 1531 11 5s to a steady 31 135; to i/ 9i lions. [rns of the and Wale. PEAS. 32& 8,1 PEA!. 1s Od )AY.) W. S. NV., 3g up to ains. 'oole, Was cut avrai t Talbot d punlPB ,thi oil of 01, which ias come •om Lop bowsprit, London, at three attends" t Bowie- 4 ' lend the lexander he Greet a special i Palac e / re twelve ed. a t the the Mar' Edward from the ouce=ter oucester' yn, Lady Phipps, ourt and audience e. lighnee o resident; vv Seal; r'George at ; V ir Affairs; Charles obhouset f India; ,ter; the )ods an d arquis o f Norfolk; h e mos t be Lord Luis took riiamen t Counci l fors aria 0 delivlt ,epublici Plasi' e Quee° tepublie iublie of tepubn o ginisti?f lent DO to al . prix; n ducter :ajestY of tho of the Earl of I to bar Garter, 1, at 0 ml • John or nber ,ord jo Chsta tin the Val lee , enia' Lora ;9, Oa Grey anir" a rs t i i rty T obie )0 13- urae s. 0 0 12 por; 11 0- 0 97% ;o 21 a I7', MAGAZINE 0, BLACKWO;:)D Thanks to the untiring industry of the poet-novelist. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, we may now always feel tamed of listening to the accents of genius in Black wood. While North is lying dormant in the folds of his shooting jacket, while Warren is forgetful of the seduc tions of romance, and is paying reverential homage ex clusively to the austere phantom of the law, while the .Noctes are assuming to themselves month after menth more of the semblance of antiqu;ty, v-hile the enntri butions of Jerrold and of Barham are remembered oil' by a select few, while Simmons neglects the chords or his stollen lyre, and W. E. A. is scarcely ever audible for eight weeks consecutively—it is more than a consolation, it is an exquisite and ample compensation to meet with the effusions of such a mind as that which has recently celebrated the glories of the Saxon Harold and of the Optician Arthur. "The Caxtons" continues to be the grand feature in Ebony. It recounts in this (the tenth) in stalment the removal of Pisistratus to Cambridge ; and those who cherish the recollections of Alma Mater will revert with joy to the revival of old and pleasant rEmi- Illecences. Of the rest of the master-magazine we may speak in general terms of commendation. Among other excellences it certainly possesses that of being singularly miscellaneous. From the first article to the last it con trives to be attractive, even in the very head ings —from the " Cossacks in the Caucasus" to the " Carlists in Catalonia," The latter will be herused with profound interest by every one w h ose eart beats with sympathy for the nationality of the Peninsula, no matter whether the reader be of the party of Isabella or of Montemolin. Those who bear in recollection the frequent and picturesque commemora tions of the Carlist hero Zamalacarregui, which have appeared in the pages of Maga, will turn with a cer tainty of entertainment, at the very least, to the present narrative, in the tame organ, of the adventures and vicissitudes of the renowned leader of the Montemo linists—Cabrera. In a paper relating to " Modern Biography" we have a very rational estimate of the merits and demerits of Beattie's Life of poor Tom Camp bell. Delta chaunts, as Delta only could chaunt, the " Covenanter's Night Hymn ;" and all who have lingered Over the mention of the cruel persecution of those sectaries among the moors and mountains of Caledonia, in the History of England by Mr. Macaulay, will appre ciate to the fullest extent the earnest passion breathed into every s yll a bl e o f this „song of secluded adoration. " Dalmatia and Montenegro" are delineated in a clever contribution, in which—be sure of that—we hear some what of the eccentric magistrate, half-bishop, half-prince —the Vladika. In "American Thoughts on European Revolutions," we can detect, or we are much mistaken, the cunning hand that fired the petard among the literary pirates of the United States by contributing an article to Blackwood, and retaining the American copy right of the contribution. The " Poetry of Sacred and Legendary Art" affords the magazine a graceful theme fur criticism on a recent work by Mr. Jameson, and does not, ,as might at first be con jectured, present an opportunity for passing an eulogium upon William Edmonstoune Aytoun, the gifted Professor of Rhetoric and Belles Lettres in the Univer sity of Edinburgh, who has created for himself many admirers through the poetic fragments adorned with his initials. " Statistical Accounts of Scotland" contain agreeable stores of information, and stores that are not exclusively valuable to the habitants of the " land o' cakes," but in a particular manner to every subject, English, Irish, Scotch, or colonial, of our ; Sovereign Lady Victoria. A severe and searching com ment upon our "English Universities and their Re forms " completes the contents of the numbor for Pebruary—a number which is memorable as the four hundredth of this celebrated publication. BENTLEY'S MISCELLANY. One of the m osc capital articles in Bentley's Miecellany - -and the number for February contains a variety—is from the pen of Alfred Crowquill, and tells of a "King who became young again." The astonishing metamor phosis of King Humdrum is rendered peculiarly striking by the inimitable manner in which it 13 related. We have read nothing like it since Food's mourner "went and told the s• xton, and the sex ton tolled the bell;" or since Madame Mantalini " wrung her hands with grief and rung the bell for her husband, and fell into a chair and a fit of hysterics simulta neously." As an example of the felicitous and telling manner of this narrative, let us quote one singularly effective observation. Speaking of King Hurndrutn's tyrannical propensities, his historian remarks en peasant, that " Rulers are all very well, but they should n ot be always drawing lines for other people to by." Another very interesting paper, " a fantastic tale of feeling," by Horace Mayhew, is entitled "The Headstrong Phrenologist." It is a hu morous but well nigh lamentable history of one Karl Von Wassergruell, the hapless victim of a master passion— belief in phrenological science. Innumerable and some times irremediable are the misfortunes which this Sci ence entails upon its votary. On one occasion be re fuses an eligible situation because his phrenological ob servations assure him that the individual under whotri he would have to act is an evil-disposed man. Again he em - broils himself in a serious quarrel with an officer, a stranger to him, because he volunteers to inform him that he has " the most perfect monkey's head that, in all his experi ence, he ever recollected seeing." But the crowning catastrophe is Karl's phrenelogical examination of the head of his lady-love —an examination which, in spite of his devoted affection, compels the unhappy philoso- Pher to insist upon an immediate separation—his life would not be safe with her. For tho very marvellous denoue *lent of this very marvellous tale, we would refer our readers totheMiscellany, pagels4. The magazine abounds th is month in these light -and agreeable articles, which Ire undoubtedly the most pleasant description of ma- Mane papers. Nevertheless, more serious tastes are n ot unprovided for, as Charles Whitehead's interesting Sketch of Schiller" (accompanied with a very beauti ,lllll3', ngraved portrait of the great German) may r ' st ifY• Christian A n d ersen h as wr itt en a pl eas i ng ; c ount of the " Vi s i t o f t h e S we d es to F unen, i n 148 ,” which, in many respects, reminds us of the recent of the French National Guards to Eng -Inl- Leech's t err ibl e ill ustrat i on, " T he di scovery of afforde's body " greatly increases the gloomy int e rest of the '6 - 9 tuipanating from th e p en o f t h e aut h or o f "E xper i ences 4 1 a Gaol Chaplain." We have not space sufficient to o c i b . more than enumerate the rema i n i ng contents of e agree a bl e number of Bentley—they consist of a tale 4:Y the a u th or o f the famous " Stories of Waterloo, W ayside Pictures through France, Belgium, and Ger " The By e L anes and Downs of England,' by 4 YIV A anU a ;" A D a y' s G unn i ng i n N ew J ersey, " &c. &e. -.ae on „ g the t are poetical contributions the most meritorious he W atc h, , e en by Lord Maidstone, and " The tk,e.:us Mirabilis. 1848," of which it is said— %lsion rock'd thy cradle, and thy toys w ere thrones on fire, and sceptres wrench'd from kings." 11E-1114il LITERATURE. ABLE AND ECCENTRIC CHA RACTERS. "Variet v ;. , i t -Felts, t i„.„,„-- charming ," says the adage, and so, ;i3iiiitornia," bray , - ---'" the compiler of " Bentley's Cabinet Li -4.. Y. ' The i nteresting narrative of " What I saw in Which we noticed the other day, is now ~ Thec'wed bY a volume by Mr. Fairholt, the author of of so Home of Shakespere," which contains the history " some eight or ten individuals justly designated " re zoarkable and eccentric." Mr. Fairholt very truthfUlly ' obs erves in hi s p reface, that " the biography of the ~i ln Plest individ ua l, if well and truly told, has a fusel -1440n." It a simple biography, well told, be thus Attr active, how great must be the charm of here most extraordin ar y b iographies, narrated ; 14 they are in the most inte rest i ng manner. Among the characters here portrayed are the Chevalier miser, Peter the Wild Boy, and John Elwes, the A . - n •ser, who, alter a life of penury, died possessed of ,attar Some of the anecd)tes to be found in this atkr history are of a very amusing, albeit a somewhat rkelancholy character. Among others, we read of three liserlY baronets, disputing over the reckoning at an n t , when a wag, passing by, called out to a frien, ile"r 'leaven's sake, step up stairs and assist the poo r ! a. _ He r e are three baronets worth a million of money, quar• alltng about a farthing;" Count Ankastrom, Elizabeth 3 .re n o n t i l n i other' . jeiVrel V udson and Antonio character Vol ume_ abound s ; they Sap , hwhich _% any of the int eresting..., anecdotes wit- the We refr . ain m quot _tor i n little T i t 61 .d t together with the narratives to which they refer. will be better appreciated when volume is also bountifully adorned with pic- Lla embellishments. -uosßu t tiv thy h a bi t, as thy purse can buy, not expressed in fancy, rich, not gaudy; 418 belong:'Tut Por the apparel oft proclaims the man." t'OPULAR COSTUME generally recognised rd of Avon, tilg to that period alluded to by the Ba Be that 48 1 Perha ps b e now C o sufficiently becoming. a With jo stie : tY, the spirit and meaning of de quotation m y distinctive title no arplied to THE NICOLL, for this is the h is expressly adaptedwf given to a Patented Paletot,,whic oreover be 1 e‘'aligeable weather, and should, m . ~e rn or b subject to tou c h „ i n ! 1 sack climates where the atmosphere. is 'this country, 'wh ere ra_netion in its temperature, especially In esult, but also 'at thtesrl changes are not only eccentric in_ f r those persons W ho do n 1„011Y prejudicial to the health o covering. be 2?roperly regulate their out-door cove reat-coat, or t or ,.:' !ant same outer-coat, or over- coat, or g 11 in future b e ca rear. or i n d hrase Paletot, wi . ed T rnore mo ern p 9 necessary to say soniethi., THE NICOLL, it might be creation_ h of thi s ~'"g about the motives that have induced t e te?s lav e -el v n oun, Was it not obvious to all that the Paten their :peciiiia Pe.culiar protection from imitations in this ar title • fs 2 • that THE NICOLL, the garment in ' u . ee it to say, of being jo t question, Possesses the valuable advantages from a .1,,s rtly convertible , (at the wearer's option, however) inanner mt a Ii OL co t vice versa, and that, too, in a simple but ' a , or to be fairly a I"gernous, which should be seen and worn two other high _, ppreciated ; but besides all this, it has , io for ms cia iras for re nn ~ Mrnendation-the first being that_ tie_ appear ance, anu durability, it is everything a gen wan can desire With thi e_essary item of his wardrobe; and, the second consists ; 3 11 • h l'ke 4 i3' the ,.0 the moderate price c arged ald ab patentyes in London by their agents in'the country road; but it s hould' re borne in mind, in the ilir etropolis it can only be purchased at those spacious ware ti)°_4lB in Regent-street, 'Which are formed by the union of 2 _ three houses numbered 114, 116, and 120, Regent-street, also of the (1;* --..Y depot, 29 Cornhill, opposite the Royal 2ell 'lnge- - aw e . .., Tin, p debri— I RE IN LI RCOLh 'S-INN.—Many documents tieb.gre at value and importance have been rescued from the s of . , this fire; and one which is said to involve the re ,eretill)"°, upwards of 7 0,000/ a year has been preserved intact. fecov_ ere are many others, however, still missing, and of the ery of which there exists now no hopes, and their loss !must entail the most serious consequences upon those con- . ,eirned. A, contemporary, in alluding to the frequency or LI ese frightful calamities, calls attention to a patented pro ess of Messrs. Pox and Jarrett, of Leicester-square, which i as been applied with the most marked success to the erec ,on of buildings perfectly fire -proof, at a cost no greater itian by the ordinary tneitns. The new lunatic asylum at Colney Hatch is to be thus built, and as the principle ap tears eminently calculated for the praiseworthy objects it l aaa. he Yiew, to much publicity cannot be afforded to it. TBE SUN ; ,* 4 L 0 N ON_ ()Jung continued apenet, fie . eeteeeeo,,,e. thou mentioned that apologies had been received from the follow ing gentlemen, all of whom were prevented by different un avoidable causes from being present—Mr. Fox, Mr. Moffat, the Hon. Mr. Bouverie, Baron Rothschild, Mr. Brown, M.P., the Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel, Dr. Pye Smith, Dr. Bow ring, Mr. Hume, and Mr. Ebenezer Elliot.—(Cheers.) He had now to request them to fill their glasses while he pro posed—" The Queen, may her reign be long, peaceful, pros perous, and happy."—(Cheers. ) The toast was drunk with the usual honours. The CHAIRMAN then said that the next toast on the list was the "Health of the free-trade Members of both Houses of Parliament."— (Loud cheering.) In support of the toast he would say nothing but this—the merits of the gen tlemen in question being as well known to others as to him - self—that he never knew a question which had been pre sented to the House ofCommons on all occasions with ability , equal to that which had characterised the anti-corn-law agi tation.--(Cheers.) They had present this evening their friend Mr. Villiers, and he should call on him to return thanks for tho toast.—(Long-continued cheering.) Mr. VILLIERS, who was received with long-continued plaudits, said—l beg to acknowledge with every feeling of respect and gratitude the cordial welcome ;with which you have honoured my name, and I beg to offer, on the part of the Members of the House of Commons, who are associated in the sentiment just enounced—my warmest acknowledgments for the honour you have done us. —(Hear.) I assure you it would have been a matter of deep regret to me had I been prevented from attending this evening. There is an appropriateness in this assemblage, whether I look to the place, or to the purpose, or to the think k on m s u w st h b om e felt b y It haveev every y e m honouro l f a addressing.boured inis cause,This I t and who does 'not regret his services. Ladies and gentle men, I need hot say that I am not one of those penitent free -traders to whom the Protectionists refer, who are sighing still for the sliding scale. On the contrary, lam proud of n having taken a prominent part in the late struggle; and I feel more assured of the wisdom, the justice, and the policy of our exertions, than I ever felt upon any previous occasion.—(Hear, hear.) It was ten years ago, when I first appeared in this town to. state to you the difficulties with which I was encompassed, in ray then single-handed efforts to repeal the corn-laws, and to ask for your assistance in removing those difficulties. I need not say that I much more gladly appear on the pre sent occasion gratefully to acknowledge the extraordinary and successful efforts which you made to accomplish that object.—(Cheers.) And, gentlemen, I should not have for gotten, even if I had not been reminded of the fact by my friend the Chairman, that I do now stand in the capital of that district which conferred upon me the signal mark of confidence—almost tile, highest which a man can receive from his fellow-citizens—of having entrusted to me the representation of your interests in Parliament, and coming as it did froni one of the most important constituencies in the United Kingdom, I shall ever refer to it with proud and grateful reflections.—(Cheers.) And knowing I now speak to many of the electors of the South Division of Lancashire, I hope I may be excused for taking this somewhat appropriate occasion of making, what I have long desired to do, a personal acknowledgment for the honour.—(Loud cheers.) I cannot but observe that there is a peculiar propriety in the time that, has been chosen for this meet ing, for I believe it is the only one, as it is the earliest, which we have held to celebrate that for which we have fought—that which we have had in view throughout— and that which we have invariably refused to compromise.— (Loud cheers.) For, regarding the corn-law, as we did, to be one of the greatest blemishes, nay, as one of the greatest blots which disfigured British legislation—regarding the law as injurious to all, and its repeal as unjust to none—we con sider that the character of the country could hardly be re deemed, or the justice of the case satisfied, without the effacing of that law from the pages of our statutes—(Cheers) - and it is gratifying to think that the hands of the dial will make but a few revolutions more, before the results of your toil and the wishes of the country will be fully realised. (Cheers.) It is not my fault that you have had to submit to a sort of transition, or modified form of corn-law for the last three years; for true to the instructions I received from you, and in consistency with the annual motion which I was entrusted to make —(Cheers)—l did, previous to the passing of Sir .R. Peel's Bill, propose, as I had done for eight years before, that all duties on the importation of the necessaries of life should cease and determine immediately.—(Cheers.) And it is curious to consider the way in which events have justified everything that you have done upon the subject for the thirty months that a modified form of the sliding scale had been in operation—during fifteen of those months the law has been suspended altogether. And what is curious enough, I may mention that a year after I had made my motion, which was in March, 1846, I happened one night to come into the House of Commons, and heard the Protec tionist member for Dorsetshire (Mr. George Bankes) make precisely the same motion in March, 1847. What could in duce Mr. Bankes to make such a motion it is not for me to say—whether it was that he had become a convert to the League, or whether it arose from certain scruples of con science, I cannot determine; but I believe the fact was, that no grain could come into the ports on that 'occasion.— (Laughter.) I am not sorry, however, that an interval has occurred. lam not sorry, because it has given you time for reflection—time to see yourselves, and to e satisfy the world whether you were right, or whether you have repented before it is too late of what you have done; because this is not a meeting following up the first flash of victory, when men do not see clearly what they do, and who act in parties ; but it is a meeting held three years afterwards, di liberately to consider what has been done or acquired—a meeting held at a time when disturbances at home and cala mities abroad have withheld from us many of the material advantages which we expected from the measure—at a time, I say, when the world has been Convulsed—when all Europe has received a shock—when the intelligence of our leaders has been called in question—when everything, in short, has been done to shake our faith on this subject. All this has been done, and the world is curious to know whether the men who had the power to effect these changes in the com mercial policy of the country, are still true to their con noxious, and adhere to their principles.—(Cheers.) And now they see that all those men that rendered such service to the cause, whether by their munificent contribu tions in this district—whether by the consecration of their talents, or by the sacrifice of their time--are again assembled on the present occasion, and so met, not only to express their continued and, confirmed satisfaction with what they have done, but also to express their more than satisfaction, their utmost gratitude, that events enabled this question to be carried before it became the cause of similar calamities to those which have befallen other parts of Europe. They do not offer this as a mere display of con sistency and of public spirit, but as a manifesto to the world, on the part of the men who have been engaged in this struggle—that they are still of the same mind—that they had not changed their opinion —that they still hold as sacred the principles of commercial liberty, as they do the principles of political liberty, or the principles of religious freedom.— (Loud cheers.) I believe you have accomplished a still further triumph; for we have so far converted our op ponents, that there are not ten sane men in the country who, if called to the councils of the Crown, would re commend the adoption of the system of protection, or who would propose a restriction on the importation of those necessaries of life which, through your means, have been abolished.—(Loud cheers.) If I may refer at all to what has occurred since the Act passed for the abolition of the law, I believe that if Sir Robert Peel had proposed that the duties should cease on the 10th of April, 1841, instead of the Ist of February, 1849—1 believe you would have had all our friends in 17, Old Bond-street, sent down here to cele brate its expiration.—(Laughter.) I believe you would have had all the Protectionists blessing the efforts you have made, for I never met with any person at that time last year—so great was then the alarm that we should follow the example of our neighbours—who did not think it a Godsend and a blessing that this sore and grievance had been re moved. I believe they were ready to have asked my friend Bright to the Carlton—( Laughter and cheers)—as a man who had assisted in time to remove the greatest, and, perhaps, the only excuse for such convulsions oc curring here; as had taken place in neighbouring coun tries.—(Cheers.) If I may venture to account •for the confidence with which you have maintained your opinions and the impossibility of shaking your faith, I would say it was because every thing you did was done deliberately; . everything in your proceedings was dictated by reason. Nothing was done in passion—nothing was acquired by violence, and this furnishes me with a useful hint. It may not be an exciting sentiment b utter, but it may supply a useful hint to this and other countries, that if changes are to be rendered complete, and changes that will endure, see , that they are practical and just in the first place, and the next that they are obtained by peaceful means.—(Cheers.) I think it not only useful to mention this, but it ought to be said to the credit of those whom I address, that while they wish to bring about changes in the legislative policy of this country, they are de termined to obtain them only by moral means ; that they will not be satisfied unless they enlighten the judg ments of the ignorant, and fairly convert the prejudices of their opponents; andetherefore I, for one, would admit that, however much, we may deprecate existing evils, however much of reform needs still to be accomplished, still it is gra tifying to reflect that we have reached that pitch of civiliza tion, that, if a cause is just, it will be advocated perseveringly, but peacefully, by the removal of prejudices and the enlight eement of opinion, and before such an influence as this, every power and every Government must give way. I know it has been said that we were a long time in procur ing this act of justice, and that it would be extremely tedious if we were to go through the same process whenever we want further reforms. But I say in the first place, that what appears long in the life of an individual, is short in the history of a nation ; and I say, in the next place, that having watched this movement from the first to the last, the difficulties were such that my wonder is at the accomplish ment of so much in so short a time, for it was not only that w e saw a ma j or i ty i n b oth Houses against us—it was not only that the powerful co-operation of the work i ng -classes was withheld from us —not, indeed, th a t t h e working classes approved of the corn lt a r e w e ' t t e h d e wth great the y i were severityfirst that y rosetbe Government against it—but at t thatthe y were and they determined to agitate for nothing but political power to themselves. But I beg to say, and the truth ought to be known, that when the question was first agitated— when I was the unfortunate person to move this question year after year in the House —there was something like apathy in the manufacturing districts, and there was little sympathy with us in the commercial towns. When, early in the day, I communed with my friend Cobden on the sub ject, I said to him, if we intend to attack the agricultural gentlemen we must begin at home, and before we throw stones at the House of Lords, we must be sure that our own houses at Manchester and Liverpool have no glass windows. The fact is, that when Mr. Cobden and I began to con sult as to the best means of getting rid of this monstrous system of protection, we found that moneply had a large family—(Loud laughter) —and though cer tainly the corn-laws was the finest child amongst them, the hope of the family—(Laughter) —yet there were some of the younger members of the family who were as lively, as active, and as tenacious of what they held as the first-born—(Laughter and cheers)—and no class of persous whom you could meet displayed more prejudice in defence of the corn-laws than our old friends the sugar hogshead men, the timber merchants, and the shipowners of England. These were all friends and leagued with each other, and though they might quarrel among themselves now and then, the moment we appeared they were all in the same boat directly.--(Cheers.) So that it was not all plain sail ing when we first began this agitation; and nothing could be more true than what my friend Cobden used to say, that this was not a battle of class against class, but that it was rather a battle of the intelligent and liberal-minded of all classes against those who had ignorance, and prejudice, and interest on their side. It was when Mr. Cobdeu was taxing his brain night and day to get rid of this ig norance and prejudice, and to obtain a co-operation among all classes of ? the community, that he saw the necessity for an organization of no ordinary kind, and it is to him and his friends] the formation of the League is due. He saw that it was not a matter which we could ac complish at once; that it was not a thing to be done by violence, for to the honour of my friend be it said, he is, the last man to acceinpli-1 his purpose by violence.—(Cheers.) He saw that it was a question of time, and to be brought about by public discussion, and therefore those who organised the League said, we must retain the ablest men that we can FREE TIRAI)Ee THE GRAND BANQUET AT MAN CHESTER LAST NIGHT. The proceedings of last night at Manchester will be for ever memorable in the annals of political demonstrations, and must create an interest not confined to the inhabitants of that city and neighbourhood, but extending to every class of the population of the British empire. The 31st January being the day fixed by law for the extinction of the last shred of protective duties on the importation of foreign corn, and the consequent abrogation of a system which had long cramped the energies of our national commerce and industry, has been looked forward to with interest in every quarter o the country, but especially in those great seats of trade and enterprise, which took such an important and influential part in promoting the great movement which has now reached its long desired consummation. A preliminary meeting was held at the League-office in Manchester, on Thursday, the 28th of December last, at which it was resolved to celebrate the final repeal of the corn-laws by a grand public banquet, to take place at the Free-trade Hall, in the same town, on Wednesday, the 31st of January. It is now our duty to lay before our readers an account of the proceedings which took place on this remarkable occasion, standing perhaps, for magnitude and interest, alone amidst public celebrations' The preparations at the Free-trade Hall were on a very splendid and costly scale, producing when completed a de corative effect of unsurpassed brilliancy and tastefulness. Flags with rich blazonries and expressive mottoes, tapestries, floral wreaths, and festoons of evergreen boughs, were dis posed about the hall and hung from the pillars in gay pro-• fusion. The long range of tables, neatly covered with white and pink cloth, bore a plentiful dessert of fruits and sweet meats, with generous wines at the choice of- the visitors. At the back of the platform allotted for the president and distinguished guests was placed a large white silk flag, with the emblem of a wheatsheaf worked upon it in gold, and the words "The League," in large letters, the same which brought up the rear of the procession held to celebrate the passing of . "the Act for the Repeal of the Corn-laws in 1846. On each side of this giant banner were placed union jacks and other national flags, the whole being surmounted with crimson drapery, and the royal standard at each side. At the lower end of the hall was a large crimson flag having up-. on it the words " Free trade with all the world," on each side of which were suspended British ensigns. At the top of each of the pillars supporting the roof was placed a group of three silk banners, arranged in a very pleasing form, and bearing appropriate devices (the royal arms, the wheatsheaf, and other emblems of the useful arts being conspicuous) and followingmottoes,a:Ln,o,ntishterttlviearrin.dosptrergTemesaarLabjepeoafewe hanicdhpalveenrtey,the v h e er th i e n Q u n n e i e tyn: - - :: Peace ed and the goodwillp loug h "— t " o al t l e rn t e u n s "— li ' v ' e Go to d g s e a t " Measures and men"--" Who is he that will harm you, if ye be followers of that which is good?"—" Victory to free trade" —" Retrenchment and reform"—" Prosperity to com merce"—" Success to agriculture"—Repeal of the Naviga tion-laws"—" The welfare of the labourer"—" Love thy neighbour." In front of the gallery, at the lower end, directly opposite the chairman, were placed three large and fine mirrors, whose surface reflected the whole of the picturesque and exciting display presented by the hall and its crowded array of banqueters, thus doubly enhancing the charms of the scene, The company were accommodated as follows :—On the platform, at the four guests' tables, 72; at the eight vice-presidents' tables, 168; at the two reporters' tables, 24; in the gallery, 700; in the body of the hall, 2,020; making a total of 2,984. In spite of this ample amount of accommodation, hundreds of intending visitors were disappointed, and the tickets had borne, for some days, a consid4able premium ; thus testifying, in the most forcible way to the interest with which the occasion was antici pated. The refreshments, provided by Mr. Royle, of St. Mary's-gate, consisted of 2', 500 sandwiches, 2,500 veal pies, 1,500 pork pies, 600 mince pies, 2,000 preserved tarts, 600 lbs. of figs, 600 lbs. of almonds and raisins, 6,000 oranges, 6,000 American apples, 300 lbs. soda biscuit, 600 lbs. Carr's lancy biscuits, and 600 lbs grapes:. The list of guests who re ceived the honour of an invita tion from the committee ol management was as follows: The Right Hon. T. M. Giblion, M.P. ' • R. Cobden, M.P. ; C. P. Villiers, Esq., M.P. ; J. Bright, M.P. ; A. Henry, M.P. ; J. Brotherton, M.P.; J. K srshaw, M.P.; J. B. Smith, M.P. ; J. Williams, M.P.; A. A nderson, M.P. ' • W. Scholefield, ' M.P. ; M. Wilson, jun., M.P. ; Colonel T. P. Thompson, M.P.; C. Hindley, M.P. ; Thompson, M.P. ;A. Hastie, M.P.; J. A. Hardcastle, M.P. ; T. A. Mitchell, MP. ; J. S. Trelawny, M.P. ; W. Fag an, M.P. ; J. Reynolds, M.P. ; W. Jackson, M.P. ; J. Pilking ;ion, M.P. ;' W. S. Crawford, M.P.; Colonel Salwey, M.P.; Heyworth, M.P. •B. Etwall, late M.P. for And over; D. - R.. Ross, late M.P. ' for Belfast; W. Williams, late M.P. for Co. ventry ; R. Gardner, late M.P. for Leicester; Sir J. Walmsley, late M.P. for Leicester; John Denistoun, late M.P. for G lasgow; B. Escott, late M.P. for Winchester; George Hope, Fenton Barns, Rev. Thomas Spencer, the Mayor of Aslton, the Mayor of Salford, the Mayor of Wakefield, the I Vlayor of Leicester, the Mayor of Warrington, the Mayor of .Bradford, the Mayor of Halifax, the High Sheriff of South.smpton ; C. Hill, late Sheriff of London ; Major-General Briggs, R. H. Greg, Esq , and Elihu Burritt. G. Wilson, Esq., late . p resident of the Anti-Corn-law League, occupied the chair.. Upon the platform we obs erved the following distinguished and influential gentlemen :—Aldermen Sir G. Armitage, Mayson, Lockett, Harvey, C. J. S. Walker, and Bradford ; Thomas Ashton, Esq., Hyde ; Joseph Acton, Esq., Wigan ; Robert Ashton, Hyde; Hen ry Ashworth, Bolton; Edmund Ashworth, Esq., Egerton all; John Allen, Esq., Warring ton ; William Brickham, E•3q. ; Nathaniel Buckley, Ashton ; Jacob Bright, Esq., Rochdale; Thomas Bright, Esq., Roch dale; Thomas Bazley, Earn., •president of the Chamber of Comrneree - Sir Ralph Plet3 dlebury, Knt., Stockport; Alfred Reyner, Alton-under-Lyr t e ; C. E. Rawlins, Liverpool; R. Platt, Stalevbridge ; W. H. Petigean ; Peter Rvlands, War rington; H. Pease, Dar:tington ' • William Morris, Esq.; Robert Munn, Bacup ; J. S.. Orrarod ; Salle Schwabe; James Simpson, Foxhill Bank; John Walker, Bury; Absalom Watkin, Esq. ; Peter W hitebead, Rawtenstall ; David Whitehead, ditto ; Thomas. B. Turton, Sheffield ; Town end, Esq., barrister-at-lavr, , London; W. Chambers, Edin burgh ; F. W. Cobden ; J. T. Crook, Liverpool ; F. Carbutt, Leeds; John Chadwick, .Esq., Eccles; Henry Coppock, Stockport; Walter Crum, Esq., Glasgow; J. C. Dyer, Bur nage ; John Dixon, Carlisle; E. Grundy, Bury; George Goodman, Leeds ;• Samuel Lucas ; N. Lees, Dukinfleld ; Samuel Higgenbottom, Glasgow. The doors were opened at six o'clock, and the spacious hall rapidly became filled— the number of ladies in evening toilet giving the assemblage a very gay appearance. Exactly at seven o'clock-- Mr. GEORSE WILSON took the chair, appearing on the platform, followed by Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, Colonel . P. Thompl3on, and the other leading Mem bers of the League. Their• appearance was hailed by a uni versal burst of cheering, frc m the occupants of the hall, and " See the conquering hero c owes" from the band. The proceedings were ope ned by a short prayer, pronounced by the Rev. Mr. Spencer, o f Hinton. - The banquet, which, as Ire have stated, was composed of a handsome dessert, having then been done due justice to, The CHAIRMAN opened the proceedings of the evening by apologising, in the name o f the managing committee, for any disappointments which n' fight have occurred with respect to the accommodations and arrangements, one of the worst of the latter being, he feared, the selection of himself as chair man. The Hon. Gentleman continued as follows :—We meet this evening to celebrate the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Loud and long-continued applause.) We meet this evening, after having been united for m ore than ten years, for the promo tion of a great object, to tsike our leave of that first organisa tion which has created on e of tt:e greatest revolutions in the policy of the country ever brought about.—(Hear.) We meet to hail the inauguration cf a better era—an era better, I hope, for all classes, bust especially for that class which is the greatest of all, and of which the destiny is for its mem bers to earn their bread E - 13 , theisweat of their brow,—(Cheers.) Like all great association s, the League has had its friends and its enemies. It has often been condemned for sins of which it was entirely innocent, and it has been occasionally, though but seldom, praised for benefits which it had no :claim to have attributed to it:..—(Hear, hear.) I am not one of those who pretend—l am not one of those who beg the ques tion, by asking whether, on all occasions, and in every, re spect the League conducted itself precisely according to the most approved method:; which the very fastidious might require.—(Hear, hear.) I will not say but that the League might occasionally have done things, in the course of its operations, in its farmers' meetings—in its meetings of mi nisters of religion—things which a man in his slippers and morocco wrapper would not quite approve of; I will not say • whether, in distributing its tons of tracts—some of which were read—some returned unread, and others burned—whe ther in getting up and applying its vast subscriptions—its subscriptions of tens'of thousands—of fifties of thousands— of hundreds of thousands--nay. of a quarter of a million— I will not, I repeat, say, that in reference to these matters the League did all which some men at head quarters would be prepared to sanction.— (Hear, hear.) But this I will say for the League, that, taking it all in all, when you consider the vast and momentous interests with which it had to deal—the vast influence which it had on party—tb e destruction which it has dealt to the spirit of 'party— w hen you consider all which it had to do—the temptations which presented themselves to it in its progress—then, gentlemen, I dosayt hat, under and left l these t circumstances, the League made fewer mistakes,owr e t r h s , or couldto blush bare l fo es r s , f t o b r a i n t s t members t to sarnegpar n a e ch o themselves reasonably expected.--(Cheers.) I will say, further, too—as one of those whose duty it was to watch - those momentous f o r p o e m r a thetion s — l2t I h o will f i s a a r y on lB t 3 h 9 i : t h 3 e ls d t ay o f Jwhaenou thear y, L e lB a g 49, ne that constituted, to the 2d of July, 1846, when its proceedings were suspended—that there is no record of its meetings which we would desire to blot out—no entries in its books which we would desire to rescind ; while there are few or any of its public proceedings which we would wish to change. (Hear, hear.) The League, of course, did much mischief; it disturbed political relations.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) It was no party movement. It has, in the minds of many, many sins to answer for, but it never made merchandise of itself to any political party.—(Loud cheers.) It has been charged upon the League, however, that, thottgh it did much good, it yet did harm, in this, inasmuch as it dis placed other questions, and prevented them from progressing in the public mind—hindering the onward movement of such subjects as economical reform and extension of the suffrage. Perhaps to a very small extent such may appear to be the case, but I doubt if it was so in reality. Indirectly the pro gress of the League tended to assist that of every good mea sure which the country could desire. With one great ques tion, indeed, that of the suffrage, the League fairly grappled. It had showed how the suffrage can be extended, without a new Act of Parliament, and how counties which had from time immemorial returned members to the old political par ties, may declare themselves free, and send a champion to Parliament, to figly. the battle of the people. Thus we found leaders from amongst our own ranks—we found our Villierses, our Cobdens, our Foxes, and our Brights.—(Loud cheers.) We prepared for a fair stand-up fight.—( Hear.) No man can charge the League with having ever departed from its fundamental principle of being a League of the middle classes.—(„Loud cheers.) It would indeed have been a source of great regret to myself, as well as to others, if we thought that we had intercepted for a moment the march of any other great question. But, on the contrary, it was the League which united all the great towns together, for the first time in this country's history, and it showed by doing so that there was no coalition of po p fu ar ar t p y gors s ee v a lic n( h aLt c ioo o un u d l a d l for any length of time sustain the attacks combination, eh eers.) lr e n directed s f o o f r a experience great national has shown us how entirely, how reliably,' the towns respond to each other for every good and proper object. And we have found, by the experience which we leave as a legacy, asa most valuable legacy, to the country, that the cry first raised writer THITRSDAY EVENING. FEBRUARY I_ 1849. lc. to thP • • , 01 our object, and for these pursosts tie must ask ous friends who have wealth to contribute to our funds. I refer particularly to those friends, because I do not think that justice has been done to them. When I think of the importance of maintaining' this agitation for a series of years, which could only be carried on through these means, I think that justice has hardly been done to the mu nificence of their coistributions.—,(Hear).—Speaking in an swer to what J have heard said about the long time we took to accomplish our object because we were quiet, I say that in the House of Commons it was not a mere question of right against might ; that the agricultural gentlemen were wiss in their generation, and that though they said nothing' which on examination could not be proved to be foolish, yet they said some things which had great effect at the time. They said that if food was dear wages would•be high, and people were taken with that - sentiment. They said that if rents were high ,they would be good customers, and the tradespeople began to believe that they would get their bills paid. They said that if rents and wages were high, faith would be kept with the public creditor. All these had their effect at the time, and it was of no use to deny them. If we said the people are poor and bread is dear, we were said to be , a set of grinding capitalists, who were intent upon pressing the wages of the workmen to the lowest pitch ; and if we said, if the people are obliged to spend all their money upon food they cannot purchase clothing, we were told that it was all the effect of over-production. All these things were said, and said with effect, and it was a question of time. We were obliged to depend upon the seasons—we were obliged to depend Upon nature to assist us in proving that everything they said was false, and everything we said was true.—(Laughter.) And we were favoured in that respect. We had bad seasons, and we had good seasons; and the League, as a sort of body guard, was always on the watch to enable us to take advantage of every circumstance that oc curred to our advantage. About six months before the re peal of the law, and after six years of discussion had wrought a change of opinion in the country, the question began to be, what Ministers would do? Ministers saw, as everybody else saw,that a famine was coming —that a scarcity was in pros pect. Sir Robert Peel and Sir James Graham were then at the head of the Government, and two more sagacious men hardly ever existed—(Cheers)—and it became a curious question to know what they would do. I shall not easily forget the impression that was created among the country gentlemen about six months before the repeal, when Sir James Graham said to one of his speeches that a high price of food was, in his opinion, the greatest curse that could befal a country. He said he had been in power when food was cheap, and he had been in power when food was dear, and he prayed that he might be'in power again when there was a scarcity in the country—that s he ,knew the one led to turbulence and crime, and the other, to peace and content ment. This sentiment struck directly at the roots of protec • tive legislation, which said that high prices were good for the poor; and I shall not soon forget its effect upon the agricul tural mind. They said what have we been doing for the last thirty years? If this is bad, what have we been about with the corn-law, which was formed for the express purpose of raising the price of food ? I need not tell you that the famine did come in Ireland, and that every potato that rotted there was a nail in the coffin of the corn-law, and that siy months after that declaration, the Minister showed all the country that everything that had been done in a contrary direction was wrong. I need not tell you that the corn-law which we had assailed so long was at last strangled by its very authors. This is not the place to enter into the motives of those who repealed the corn-laws, but my impression was--without entering into the quarrels of former periods— that if those men were convinced the law was wrong, if they were persuaded that it was injurious to the country— then I say they acted wisely, honourably, and justly, by admitting their error and repealing the law.—(Hear, hear, and great cheering.) I may just refer to the process by which the law was repealed, in order to show the advantage that the League was to the country, in discussing and arguing the question, and because I am satisfied that but for its organisation, it was almost impossible to have accomplished what you wished in so short a time. It is not necessary, perhaps, to refer more to the] corn-law. There is no difference of opinion, I take it, in this assembly. And as we are, I suppose, on this occasion, rather averse to prOnounce funeral orations—(Hear, and a laugh)—and it is not usual to say anything against those who are gone, I shall not refer further to the subject; but I cannot help calling your attention to what I may term the legacy of the protec tive system, as it has been left to us, and in justification of all that we have done against it.--(Hear, hear.) There was no argument urged so strongly in favour of the corn-laws, as that the agriculture of this country could adequately supply the people, and that we ought not to be dependent upon foreigners or a supply of grain,. That was an argument used for upwards of 30 years in this country ; an argument upon which the corn-law was introduced was passed, and was recom mended and supported afterwards • that our own agriculture could supply the people adequately, and that we ought not to be dependent upon foreigners.—(Hear, hear.) I just wish to call your attention to the manner in which this promise was realised. I wish to show you exactly how far the de ficiency extended, and the supply of provisions that actually was necessary to feed the people of this country. From June 26, 1846, to January 5, 1849, I have taken from the official tables published by the authority of the Go vernment, that we imported into this country 23,600,000 quarters of wheat.—(Hear, hear.) That is, in two years and a half we imported 23,600,000 quarters of grain necessary for the sustenance of the people. This protec tive system, that was to be the means of making us per fectly independent of foreigners, and providing a perfectly adequate supply of food for the people, after two years; and a half left us with a deficiency of 23,600,000 quarters —very nearly 8,000,000 quarters a year, and at a cost of 53,000,0001. sterling.—(Loud cries of" Hear.") That was the promise of the corn-law supporters ; but now see what actually happened. During that time we had brought into the country 581,000 head of cattle, and of provisions 2,716,000 cwts. of flour.—(Hear, hear.) In 1843, I pro posed, in the House of Commons, that there should be no duty at all upon live, cattle and provisions, and a division was taken upon the question. Well, you see we had 581,000 head of live cattle, and 2,716,000 cwts. of flour, from fo reigners. That I quote to show how far the promise of the corn-law was realised in fact, and now that a system does exist which permits the importation into this country of large supplies from abroad; you may see not only how far short we are of an adequate supply, but may learn what an amount is actually imported into the country which is neces sary as a supply of food. There was another argument I remember to have heard frequently put forward in the House of Commons, that if you refuse foreign supplies of food, you. will drive the great mass of the people to feed upon kindso r i e n a e df i u n l fe f r a i m or inein of th efooooudn, country.—(Hear, hear.) I believe it if that fail, there will be a d is within the knowledge of all of us, that in the last thirty years the people of this country have been resorting to the use of the potato much more than ever before. In every di rection the potato has become more . plentiful, and the people more dependent upon it. There is nothing more clearly substantiated by the testimony of every writer and speaker than that the corn-laws drive the people to an inferior kind of food, and if that fail they must starve. In 1847, we had the realization of the prediction. The food of the (people failed, and there was one of the most frightful famines ever ea g of ogooddone, was to leave us with a defi c i en cy of nearly 24,000. ( h r, e h ar e d ar. in the one h o i f st t o h ry e quarters of grain, and to bring a b ou t a famine, by which thingsis country, this o corn-lawr has n the lives of thousands of the people were lost, and which cost us nearly 10,000,0004 sterling.—(Hear, hear.) Again, it was said that under a free -trade system, the gold would leave the country to pay for the food brought into it, and would go into the pocket of the foreigner. Now we have imported all this quantity of food, and we have just as much gold as we know what to do with. What is the inference? That we paid for all, this quantity of food with manufactures. Surely that was no disadvantage.—(Hear and a laugh.) Is it not good that if we import food we should pay for it in manufactures ; is it not also good, that, if we are to pay with manufactures, we should have the raw ma terial introduced into this country as cheap as possible ? (Hear, hear.) How was it we escaped from many of the evils which the calamity of famine threatened to bring upon us ? Because the duties formerly imposed upon the most impor tant raw materials of our industry, have been very much reduced, as in the case of timber, and, in some cases, as those of cotton land wool, altogether removed. Is it not better, then, that we should have th e raw ma terial brought in at the lowest cost, instead of being subjected to a protective or prohibitory duty ?—(Cheers.) These are so many arguments for the free-trade system ; whereVer you turn for them, there is not one single fact that can be urged against. it. They are working every day against the free-trade system, because other countries do not receive our goods. These are not facts they bring against us; they do not tell us what we receive we pay for—the goods we import, some way or other. When we find that our imports have greatly increased, the fair inference is that we pay for what we receive by the ex ports of our manufactures. There have been three startling instances within the last twenty years in which 'we have re duced our duties upon the products of foreign countries, whilst they have not relaxed the p rov i s ion s o f their restrie tive system directed against us, yet we find that our export's to those very countries have largely increased. I refer to France, Germany, and the United States. We have been gradually relaxing our duties on the goods of those coun tries, whilst they have not relaxed their . duties upon our products, yet our exports to those countries have been gra dually increasing; and as this is a very important point to establish, I will quote a few returns to illustrate my position. In 1829 we exported to France goods to the value of 491,381/. ; in 1846 our exports had risen in value to 2,715,9631. To Germany in 1829 we exported goods to the value of 4,470,000/. ; in 1846 our exports amounted to 6,606,0004 —( Hear, hear.) To the United States, in 1829, the value of our exports was 4,800,000/. ; in 1846 it was 6,Boo,ooo4—(Hear, hear.) None of those countries have relaxed the heavy duties they still unwisely, and for themselves most injuriously, maintain upon our manufac tures ; yet we have increased our exports, and it is clear that the only .way in which we can pay for them is by our manufactures.—(Hear, hear.) It is said that our example will have no effect upon the people of those countries. I deny that ; the presumption is not supported by facts. The people lately have had a voice in the Governments of the Continent, and I say, that wher ever that has been, they have been decided partizans of free trade and enemies of restriction. I was upon the Continent in autumn, and I ascertained that in Germany there was en thusiasm for free-trade. I found at Frankfort a collection of delegates, composed of men of every description of trade, assembled to press on the Legislature the adoption of a free commercial system.—(Hear, bear.) A large free-trade club is duly established in Frankfort, to which sixty of the members of the Legislature belong, doing everything they can to impress upon the Legislature and the public the adoption of their doctrines; and it 'is only within the last few days we have seen published in the newspapers the reduction of duties recently determined on by the Zoilverein. In France everything concurs to show free-trade principles have made great progress; the feeling in favour of liberal commercial legislation is much greater in the National Assembly than it was in the old Chamber of Deputies. The influence of the south of France is more considerable. They now treat with much greater respect whatever we do. Their doubt before was whether we were sincere. We have repealed the corn-laws, and they now see that we are sincere; and they will see by this meeting that yon are as firm of the faith as ever.—(Cheers.) If we wanted evidence of the interest felt in the freedom of trade, and the triumph of the cause on the Contine n t, what could we refer to better than the reception given to my Ho nourable Friend (Mr. Cobden)? Was not he the champion of free- trade in every country he visited?—(Hear, hear.) Was not he received with gratulations and open arms in every quarter to which he went, because he had contributed to es tablish the triumph of free-trade in this country ?.....(Hear.) Does any mat; believe the United States are less well affected to free -trade because we have repealed the corn-laws? If any man does, he knows little of what is passing there. The southern states have ever been in favour of free-trade and unrestricted intercourse with England, and new there are the vast north-western states directly interested in ob taining the freest communication with our markets, in which they dispose of the great bulk of their exported products. (Hear, hear.) We import their grain, and, under a better system, each of us might take far more largely from the ether: nobody, then,. who knows anything o f American notions, although the President is stated to be a Protec tionist, can suppose that there is the most distant chance of the tariff being maintained.—(Hear, hear.) I may briefly mitry ati , pted twt, . . whether we think the people are likely to be happier, wiser, more moral, or more prudent, becalm they have obtained free-trade? I say I am not bound to answer that question; it has nothing to do with the matter. We have removed a great source of grievance and disaffection amongst the inhabitants of this country by the repeal of the corn-laws; it was the fruitful parent of intolerable inconveniences, and led to those great fluctuations in prices which deranged the monetary affairs of the country, and lirought disaster to every man's door. By repealing those laws, I believe we have removed the occasion of great evils. I r never supposed that the repeal of the corn-laws was to be a substitute for other reforms. — (Cheers.) I just supposed-the other thing.— (Hear, hear.) I was told that it threw obstructions in the way of other re forms, and that, until this question was disposed of, the people 'ould attend to nothing else; but I never supposed that, be cause the corn-laws were not repealed, that was any reason why we should not advocate a better constitution of Parlia ment, or a greater amount of retrenchment. The fact is, that any amount of constitutional or political reform is use less, if the people are to remain miserable —(Cries of " Hear. hear.") We must improve their physical condition before we oan hope for mo ra l amelioration.—(Cheers. ) I believe a cheap and abundant supply of bread to be the first condition of all progress, civilization, and refinement.—(Loud cheers.) Unless a man, after he has provided for his internal wants, hai enough left of his earnings to clothe himself decently, lodge himself comfortably, and educate his children, he is at the lowest point in the scale of human society.—(Hear.t It is the condition of all human improvement that the people should cease to be anxious about the amount of food they can possess themselves of; I believe that will be one of the consequences that will follow from a repeal of the corn-laws. —(Hear, hear.) I like not to! prophesy—l have a mistrust of every. prophet ; bat I do believe that one of the effects of the repeal of the corn-laws will be that we shall have bread both cheap and abundant, that we shall not be .subject to those scarcities which have so often and so grievously afflicted us, and that the physical condition of the people generally will be improved. It I am asked where this abundance of food is likely to come from, I should say that it is as likely to come from our own soil as from foreign coun tries.— (Hear, hear.) I believe that • agriculture, subject to the fetters of monopoly, withers and pines, just as much as any other branch of commerce.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I believe that the removal of those fetters will be the date of great improvements in agriculture. I can refer, in support of this view, to no authority so s t rong as th a t f the agri culturists themselves, who say that the soil of these islands is capable of producing much more than it does at this time produce. We have only to look back to the last Smithfield Cattle Show, where the Duke of Richmond addressed terms of reproach to the agriculturists, be cause they did not improve th e i r l an d s , s t a ti ng th a t h e knew of tracts which were capable of yielding twice their present produce. The Duke of Richmond told the squires that if they would but apply themselves to the pursuit of agricul ture with something of the energy and judgment which was shown by the Manchester manufacturers, they would double the prod - uce of their soil. I expect, therefore, that when the agriculturists are exposed to the influence of the free breeze of competition, and relieved from the blighting influences of monopoly, their produce will be largely increased, and that abundance will result, which nothing but bad legislative arrangements could have prevented. We are told that the re peal of the corn-laws has done no good, because it is to be suc ceeded by another agitation. A paper of last night says that the agitation against thecom-laws ought never to have been conceded to, and that the only result of the concession has been that we are instantly to have a fresh agitation di rected towards another object. Ido not think that this is any argument to us, who are corn-law repealers.—(Hear, hear.) It is no argument against certain other improve ments, that one has been conceded already. It seems to me that, if there be any agitation in a country, there probably also is a grievance, and the best way of stopping the agita tion is to remove the grievance. —(Hear, hear.) The people of this country are enlightened enough to see when there is a cause for agitation and when there is not. I should say, from past experience, thab the reliance of the country would be upon those who were the leaders of that 'agitation, and that public opinion would declare that to obtain the measures pro posed by them, the agitation should proceed. I never was fond of agitation; considering the time and energies ex pended on the struggle, now victoriously closed, I feel some what tired of agitation, and disinclined to any new agitation that may be set on foot; but I am not at all prepared to say that there are not other grievances, or that the memories of our rulers do not require to be reminded of them. The people of this country have generally profited by agitation, and are not likely to be frightened at the sound of that name.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) We have nothing whatever to do with the repeal of the corn-laws. It was an unjust law, and we have repealed it. We are on the eve of deriving benefit from that judicious measure—we are, I trust, on the eve of a great return of prosperity to this country. I believe that is owing to the cheapness of goods, and the easier access we have given to foreigners for intercourse and commerce with us.—(Hear, hear.) I believe the ex periment of free trade is now about to be fairly made; Ihail Its advent, and I venture in your name, and in that of the community at large, to return my thanks to the people of South Lancashire for the noble manner in which they have contributed to the triumph of our great cause.—(Loud and prolonged applause.) The glee, " Here in cool grot," was executed with great eclat. The CHAIRMAN here called on Mr. Cobden, who, on pre senting himself, was received with a burst of 'rapturous cheering, again and again renewed, and accompanied by , waving of handkerchiefs and other demonstrations of attach ment. Mr. COBDEN spoke as follows :—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen—So often as I have had the honour of ad dressing meetings in this hall, I think I may venture to say that on no previous occasion have I seen an assemblage so numerous, so influential, and possessing the singular charac ter of being literally collected from all parts of the United Kingdom. I have had the pleasure to-day of shaking hands with friends of our good cause who have come from North Devon, Haddingtonshire in Scotland, and, I believe, almost every intermediat e coun ty. A n d, G en tl emen , I take this demonstration to be the more important at this moment, because I agree with my friend Mr. Villiers, who has told us in the eloquent, able, and exhaustive speech which he has just addressed to us, that it is of the utmost importance that it should be understood— not merely in this country, but throughout the civilized world—that it should be understood that those who !began the agitation for free trade, and those who carried it through, are now every one as stanch and firm to their principles as they were during their time of trial.—(Load cheers.) I see all those old friends around me ; they look as determined, as unwaverinea as firm now as they did ten years ago, and I am happy to say that none of them look any older.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) And, Gentlemen, we are as united now as we ever were ; we are unchanged as we were five years ago; and if we could succeed in putting down monopoly when its champions occupied the citadel, I ask our opponents now if they can succeed in restoring protection when their citadel is in the hands of free traders ?—(Hear, hear.) Ido not say this boastfully, nor in a spirit of triumph, for I am anxious that there should be nothing in this night's proceedings that should indicate for a moment that we are met to indulge a feeling of exultation over fallen foes.—(Loud cheers.) But when we see that other individual, the Duke of Richmond—(A laugh)---when we see a man who, however he may want discretion, want talent, want what we call here pluck — when we see a man who wears a coronet, and is called his Grace, summoning together large bodies of farmers belonging to the county in which I was born—Sussex; and when we see this Duke trying to hoodwink, gull, and bamboozle those poor men who have been duped for ten veers past— (Laughter)—and trying to persuade them that he can restore protection, leading the farmers of the south of England after a Will=o-the-wisp—why, we will save those farmers from getting into bogs and mires, by telling this Duke that we hi this hall, where we beat monopoly before, declare he shall not restore one shilling of protection again. I see that his Grace meets his friends, the farmers of Brighton, and tells them, that he will go to London, and present their petition to Lord John Russell, or to Lord Stanley, and that he, the Duke, will talk to them about restoring protection to the farmer.—(Hear, hear.) I tell his Grace that it is of no use his going to men in power to talk about restoring the corn-laws. Ws are in power on the corn-laws. --(Tremendous cheering, which continued several minutes.) Now I do feel somewhat indignant at this barefaced attempt to delude honest men.—(Cheers.) I have had credit given to me for seven years, for keeping my temper upon this sub ject.—(llear, and a laugh.) But I can't keep my temper with humbugs.—(Loud cheering.) I want it to be understood that, in dissolving this League, we are not going to be re vived again, to have a fresh contest about protection. We have done with that.—(Cheers,) It the Duke of Richmond had sense enough to be a reader, he would perceive that there is something coming up behind the Anti-corn-law League— to see that it is not merely protective duties that are getting out of favour in the country, but that there is ran opinion forming—aye, and gradually and surely growing up, too— which is decidedly opposed, not merely to duties or pro tecien, bat to duties for revenue at all.—(Hear, hear.) I venture to say that you will never live to see another states man in this country who will ever propose a custom-house duty on any raw material, or on any article of first necessity, such as corn.—(Cheers.) I question, indeed, whether you will ever live to see a statesman in this country—at least a statesman who has any aspirations for future fame, who will ever propose another excise tax, or another custom-house duty at all.—(Loud cheers.) Is this a time when a roan who has an eye to look abroad, and sagacity to understand the tendencies of the public mind ; is this a time for a man having an honest purpose in view, to tell a body of farmers that by running up and down the country, and shouting in articulate sounds at his back, that they can get the corn-laws restored.—(Hear, hear.) .Why, 1 am as anxious not to see such evident delusions practised upon the poor people, as I am that the League, which we are going; to bury, shall not be resuscitated.—(Hear, hear.) Besides, Iwant to see the farmers, who are being bamboozled, look about them—consult with their neighbours as to the grievances which they feel, and the difficulties which they have to undergo, in order that they may set really to work to remove any circumstance which may prevent them from ex ercising their industry.—(Hear, hear.) Why, if these griev ances or impediments do exist, either in the form of game-laws, or the want of better laws relating to the con nexion between landlord and tenant—if their difficulties refer to any local or general question which admits of legislation at all—then I do say that the farmers will find in this assembly, and those whom this assembly represents, a body as willing to do justice to them as to any Protec tionist landlord of them all.—(Cheers.) The only question which can now arise in the farmers' minds is this, how are we to compete with foreigners? It is no use talking of having a restriction put upon the supply of food. Farmers must compete with foreigners as we do—as you do.—(Loud Cheers.) You must spin and weave as cheaply as anybody in the world. They must do the same with regard to the production of corn and cattle.—(Cheers.) You seek for no protection. If the farmers can point out an item of protec tion which you enjoy, then I will vote against it. I will vote for protection neither to the farmer nor to anybody else. They say that they want high prices as a condition to their trade being carried on. I tell them on the other hand that such a wish is in compatible with the interests of the community, and that we will not foster the class of farmers at the ex pense of the other classes of the country. Let them go back and test the condition of the country in every respect during the last ten or twelve years, and they will find that in pro portion as the prices of food have been high, in prop ortion, in fact, as they have had their own wishes, have the rest of the community suffered in every phase, moral, social, politi cal, and pecuniary in which it is possible to svill not, sub- view them.— (Cheers.) Then I say that we cannot, and we unit to a principle which, if it be successful, fh com forts, dimi nished r esults in increase of crime, increase of pauperism, diminished means of general education, and diminished prospe rity.—(hear,is, that we must have ritv.—(llear, hear.) hood as cheap as it can\b‘erh'part weoduceda upon the face of the earth. We will allow no impediment to frustrate i the importation ,, of the fi r st necessary of life, and if there be anybodywho deems that state of things which . contributes . to the happiness of the people to be incompatible with his own well being—then to him I say, " Search out the cause of the phenomenon, and if it can be removed, we will contribute to that removal, setting to work with as much zeal and ardour as any Protectionist in whom vou ever trusted."— (Loud cheering.) With this general declaration of our de termination to maintain fro trade in corn—of our willing- 6 4 4 .../ - ' 7 " r--- -:t.,-.. 4".: 1 ( ,;:- t,' , .:- 4 "4:....7.A.A r'''.-.*r.,tl , LT t'l laVt':,ell l- ~,.. ( t ,l,-..i,... 4 . 7 4 :ty a `t4 44, 44. ) , _ you Ines aecomplished your Breaal/Pindiatin one sense, that there is no existing mode, by which man, woman, or child, was taught or led to the truth, which does not claim to a certain extent a portion of our tribut of praise. But when that was done, it was still necessary that their efforts should be collected into certain leading channels, which would convey your wishes to the audible nerves of those whose duty it was to hear and t o obey. — (Loud cheer ing.) I need not tell you that I p o i nt to the consti tuencies of the country. You are a const i tuency, but you are not a ll. In speaking to you I sp ea k to all, and if I point backwards to the success that is pass e d I also point forward to the success that will be needful afterwards.—(Hear, hear.) If it does so happen that we do not all separate, then, the study of what is gone by must be our direction for the future. Remember, then, that so soon as it becomes manifest, through the legitimate organs of power in this * country, that the popular will has decided en the great point on which we meet to speak this evening, the question is decided. If one power will not grant what the popular will demands, another power will take its place and do it. Have but the will, and if one power grant it not, it I will but hold forth an opportunity ,for another power to bid s a d7e h ia u i r t t o fe 3 1 ,0 t u o comfortsthe interests er at estss some of e e the xpe w nd or i l t d ut re a . nd us ligher. I can i mag i ne many things, which, with your habitsn and op i nions, you wish for the cessation of andditu r 3 e , ius must the d will tree a n which o mustcorru meetptsy again e your domestic happiness, I lay th e axe to the root omefleosst Useless xP t rp t e r ei , and in no long time, 3.0 congratulate each other on a second series, of which th e first w" harbinger. Al r e a d y your power is felt. Wha t bulthtlie last but that the e ff ect of your economical habits did ear is rising upwards, and the Lords of the Admiralty are about to take stock at Christmas.—(Hear, and laughter.) There is hope in that I say; nay more, there is the certainty of success in it. You have hardly shown yourselves,; and here you have conquered—when you do show yourselves what demand will you be obliged to stop at, that you may have retrenchment, peace; for peace is the pledge of retrenchment, as war is the great outlet of national expenditure. It is an old saying, that to have peace we must be prepared for war. Well, suppose I close with that sentiment. You want to be prepared for, war. I have a principle which is not bran new, but which has some novelty on this sub ject. Suppose it is a settled object that we must prepare for war. Let us bear in mind, that in the uncer tainty of all human events, we do not know but that at some future time it may be necessary to make a great na tional exertion. What are we to do ? Look around at the men—the conduct of your neighbours—to whom every 11812 can point, who have risen from small beginnings, till their wealth now appears to have no end. How did they come by it ? Not by spending every shilling as fast as they got it.—(Cheers.) Not by borrowing at the pawnbrokers.— (Great laughter and cheering.) No man ever heard of them in these latitudes ; and what is funding by a nation but hor• rowing at the pawnbrokers.—(Loud cheers.) What can be more clear, if there be any analogy between public and private prudence, than that the way to be pre pared for war is not to spend all beforehand ? Take the case of France. It is possible that a compact of the despots of Europe might invade that country, and so induce the same necessity for defence as in former times. What then ? Are the people of France to keep, themselves prepared? No, the last thing we hear of them is that they propose to reduce their army by 120,000 men. I congratu late them on the happiness which will fill 120,000 French cottages when all these men come home.—(Leud cheering.) What dancing and merrymaking there will be. Wh at a crop of honest popularity for the Government which shall do this. And would it not give them strength ? Would not every man, each with two more by his aide, come forward again, if foreign invasion rendered it necessary for the service of their country ? Now, in Heaven's name, if there is any prudence in this, do leave us in this country a few shillings to fructify in our pockets.—(Loud cheers.) You have ways and means which none know better than you, to make an honest economy increase and multiply, if only you are al lowed a little in store, and why should the management of the State be different from the management of our private concerns? I believe that a sense of this truth has reached the nations of Europe. Well, let us take the lead in this as we have done in other questions—let us hazard a little, do not wait till others step into the front before you—but let us an nounce to the world that the people of England have asked their Government, and that their Government did not refuse, to take the lead in removing the greatest evil in the way of human happiness.—(Cheers.) There is work before you. There is agitation before it can be done; and what harm will there be in you when agitation is done with you?— (Cheers and laughter.) By some people that word agitation is very unjustly treated; for though there is a harmful and injurious agitation, there is also a healthy agitation, which ie necessary to the existence of life. We have lived in agi tation all of us. It has brought no harm to us, nor to any body else, that we know of.—(Cheers and laughter.) Let us go on then. I hops we shall not be alarmed, though we see some small symptoms of another agitation. Let us endeavour to do our best to improve the constitution that we may leave onr posterity something to be grateful to our memories for, as we have to the memories of those who pre ceded us. I propose that we should drink to the health of those constituencies which have returned free-trade Mem bers to Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) DS r. Bainax then came forward, and was warmly received. He said—Amongst the thousands present for the purpose of rejoicing over the final end of the corn-laws, he claimed to be one of those who had so much reason to rejoice. He had been looking back mentally to thirty-four years past, when the position of this country was very different to what it was at present. On the 17th of February, it would be thirty. four years since Lord Ripon offered to the House of Commons resolutions of great consequence. One of those resolutions asserted the desirability of taxing corn ; and a Bill, founded en that resolution, was introduced in March ; two days after it was brought in, and passed its second reading ; and seven days after it passed the House, with ahurry that the House of Commons would not employ on a Bill affecting dogs in draw ing carts. In the course of twenty days it passed the Lords. What was the object of that Bill? To raise the price of corn to eighty shillings per quarter, and whenever it reaches that point the country was in a state of confusion. It wasi n tracing back that law they saw the great revolution they had effected. He (Mr. Bright) conceived that the Corn Bill of 1815 combined within itself all the tyrannies that Govern ments had exercised over the human race. The corn-law was passed to make the consumers give a larger amount to the proprietors of the soil than they had a right to. How did the proprietors of land look on the League? They looked on the League with disgust, and when at this moment their possessions might have been wrested from them, were it not for our victory, they were not thankful to the League. Why? It was not until 1838 that population had so in creased, and that competition had become so sharp, that combinations were formed, and in the following spring the Anti Corn-law League was established.—(Cheers.) Within the last week he had been looking over the first pamphlet of the League, and in the first number there w as d eve l oped something like the programme of the whole thing. Ur. Paulton was then lecturing gratuitously. That lecturing was continued up to the Bth of December, when he (Mr. Bright) and Mr. Cobden read the celebrated article in the Times, announcing Sir Robert Peel's intention to repeal the Corn-laws, which he had made great efforts previously to sustain. Amongst other places to which Mr. Poulton wen was Tamworth, but he was refused the use of the Town hall by the Mayor. The people of Tamworth are extremely cautious—( Cheers and laughter)—and the con sequence was no lecture could be given in Tamworth. H hoped, however, that the people of T amwort h h a d s i nce rea d the lectures which had been delivered to them and to th country, upon this subject, by their celebrated Member. —( Hearty cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman referred to the presence of two farmers on the platform (Mr. Hope and Mr. Miller), and said that he wished that the land of the country was at the disposal of the capital and skill of the country. — (Great applause.) They did not speak of force during their agitation, though he bad been honoured by the notice of a Noble Lord, who stated that they were dangerous parties. He was listening to the Noble Lord when he was reading a paper in the House—and, though be did not wish to turn the Members out of that House, he did wish that the people should be so repre sented as to control the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) Wh en meetings were held in this hall, and in Covent-garden Theatre, the country became aroused to the necessity of corn law repeal, and without risking something worse, the Go vernment could not hesitate to turn round and repeal the Act they had hitherto supported; they had no compromise, the thing was a wicked pretence, and they demanded its repeal, and it was granted without a compromise; there was a complete capitulation ; they marched out ; the reason of the people was triumphant, therefore it was complete.— (Cheers.) What was to be done for the future? There was nothing which they wished for that was unattainable, if the same means were used.—(Cheers.) As a people we have found out we have some power.—(Cheers.) We have die covered we were not born with saddles on our backs, and country gentlemen with spurs.—(Laughter.) We have also found out that we can use and combine our powers. Ile was anxious that the people should have an increasing intelligence, to show them how to us e p ower .—(Cheers.) There was a revolution taking place in the country which was bloodless, but would the Government learn from the past? He believed that Government would not learn_.-- (Cheers.) Their Government would not learn as long as t h e y were irresponsible to the p eop l e .—(Ch ee rs.) For thirty years they allowed the co rn -l aws to ex i s t, and the reeult hai been to spread democr a ti c f ee li ng , an d the people wer e what P d . He (Mr. look ing at the Governme n t w i t h a diff er ent ffeelingfrom" g it would, had these l aws never been as Government with Bright) wished he cou ld l oo k upon the Lords. The Duke respect. Look at th e House 0f o rnaments, but was of Richmond was one of its against its will it not humiliati ng t o see that House (Cheers.) From thi s passing the Bill repealing the core-la ws. —(Cheers.) a v for'ward to a new era. Th ey night he (Mr. Bright) looked had many disasters at home; they had disasters in the si s t er tion for all this in the indi cations compensation island ; but there was of a healthy political action in th cations which existed t discuss ndition of freedom tha t e country.—(liproaraL _ id bed, and h trusted e that public questions s what they had learned from the past would b e memory of thi s useful for the and whilst the odious corn-law was future; about to expire rej oicing, amidst our they s h ould ever re member that there was n o political g oo d to which we can d seek to be successful, whi ch if asp i r e an it by we cannot obtain, we labour to obtain t h e se means which morality and s anctioned religion (Applause.) Mr. Bright concluded by proposing the " Anti-corn-law struggle." Mr. MILNER GIBSON, in proposin g the next sentiment, sa id that the Duk e o f Wellington had at one tim e avowed a that the object o f t h e corn-law was to give the possessors of the :and a position in the social scale, to keep down the trad ing and commercial classes, and to make them secondary to the aristocracy and to agriculture.—(Cheers.) The whole policy of England had been to elevate the landed interest, and to give it a higher position in the country. A man might sell beef and bread andhave a place in the Government of the country, but if he sold calicoes or dealt in clothing he was not to be trusted. The repeal of the corn-laws was & triumph over the spirit of feudalism.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Gibson) was of opinion that free-trade would promote peace, and show to the world that they had confidence in their principles, they should reduce the expenses of their fighting" establishments, which weighed so heavily upon them.— (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by pro posing " The Agricultural, Commercial, and Manufacturing Interests," whose welfare is best promoted by the removal or all legislative restrictions.- (Cheers.) Mr. Horn, of Fenton Barnes, was called upon, and re sponded in a brief speech. This gentleman, at a few 'lutes to twelve o'clock, concluded his observations, and at their close a party of singers, who were stationed in the gal lery, sang Mackay's celebrated song, " There's a good time corning, boys." That time had come, protection had ceased a and he proposed that they should thew their appreciation of' it by giving three tremendous cheers. The call of the Chairman was, as twelve o'clock struck,. responded to in the most enthusiastic manner. The whole company rose en masse and cheered most vociferously for several minutes, hats and handkerchiefs were waving, and the cheering was again and again renewed. At the conclu sion of the cheering, Mr. George Thompson addressed a few observations to the meeting, and the proceedings terminated at half-past twelve o'clock. eeeive' ‘ • --i-elece under which mess niae nr —and e li tile; expression of our ein cerest hope that the fanners will not allow themselves to be duped, I pass from the subject, and that the more willingly, as my friend Mr. Villiers has most ably said really every thing which can be said about ft.—(Heer, hear.) And now, as we meet here for the last time as members of that great and united body which effected the emancipation of our industry, I cannot help saying that I should feel the deepest regret in separating this evening, were it not, that there is something in the toast which I am about to propose which leaves me a hope that we shall not separate after all. —(Tremendous cheering.) The toast which I have to pro pose is, " Free Trade and Peac e — t h e b est guarantees of po pular rights—the best promoters of national industry, and the most effectual means for the reduction of national burdee.s." —(Loud cheers.) Well, I repeat, I don't think that we shall separate for long after all, for if free trade and peace be united together, why then I think that we have something vet to do before we have finished our work.—(Hear, hear.) I think that we may conscientiously co-operate to carry out the second object of the toast ; indeed, I do not think that there is one of this assembly but will be as willing to work for one as for the other, and who will not agree with me that the most logical conclusion to Which we can come in arguing the matter is this, that having effected free-trade, we are bound to see if we cannot carry peace also.—(Hear, hear.) Now, when I speak of peace, let it be clearly and erstood what I mean. I have not had, for many years, any great fear of war; and for this reason, that the nations of the world have already spent so much money in war, that they are too poor to go to war again —that what I want is, to reap the benefits of peace. We have not peace.—(Hear, hear.) The present state of things is but an armed truce.—(Cheers.) Our warlike esta blishments cost us more every year new than they did in any one year of the seven years' war in the middle of last century.—((;heers.) Yes, we now pay more for peace than we did then for war. Now I don't call such a peace peace at all.—(Hear, hear.) What I want is, that the advocates of peace should try and secure to the country the bene fits of peace.—(Cheers.) I can talk to you on this subject of peace in a very (afferent spirit and with the expectation of very different responses from those which I am in the habit of meeting with in that assembly to which lam about to proceed.—(Hear and a laugh.) Why, in that said assembly—as my friend Mr. Milner Gibson well remarked—if you prognosticate peace, they charge you with telling them of the millenium.—(A laugh.) Nay, if you even express a hope for peace, up jump halt a dozen gentle men, exclaiming, " Peace —nonsense! You see how wrong Cobden was when he talked of peace in Europe." Again and again have people declaimed upon that topic. Why, if they really represented the feelings of this assembly, they would not exult, even though I were wrong; they would come, not with smiling aspects, but with doleful counte nances, and say, " Well, you were too sanguine, and we are all much disappointed."—(Hear, hear.) !tat there is nothing of the kind. My alleged error is treated of in the most exulting tone, as if it involved a triumph over somebody else—a triumph not certainly for our interests. Now I will tell you how this arises. The vast exp en dit ure you allow of in your warlike establishments creates a powerful interest with which you have to battle. The eighteen millions you spend in fighting men make fighting men more fashionable in society : they can give employment to the people—they can build the best clubs in London—they manage to give a tone to society— they can make it worth the while of journals to write for them, and altogether they exercise a greater influence than can be easily counteracted.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I wish to see the same excellent people, who have been so long exert ing themselves to accomplish free-trade, exert their influ ence to bring about a real state of peace ; and, notwithstand ing all that has been said upon the subject, I believe that there never was a time when the whole of Europe was so much prepared to listen to the pacific advances of England as it is at present.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Villiers has told us that what passes in this room is not without its influence abroad and over the world. This I can cor roborate. I have seen the proceedings of our last meeting in this hall, in the French, the German, and the Italian papers. Indeed my own humble sayings have been made the subject of daily comment in the Paris as well as the London journals.—(Hear.) Now this is a state of matters which gives us great opportunities for in fluencing public opinion throughout the world. Let us bear in mind that the press is now free throughout Europe. (Cheers.) There are no longer censors in Germany, ready to clip out with their scissors the objectionable paragraphs.— (Hear, hear.) More than that, they will not return. I think I may promise you that there will be no censorship in Germany again until the Protectionists restore the Corn laws in England.—(Loud cheers.) Therefore it is lam glad to have this opportunity of letting not only our own fellow countrymen, but all Europe, know that those men and wo men who exerted themselves with so much self-saeeifice and so much honour to themselves to emancipate industry—that they are as determined now to watch over and preserve the peaceable relations of ,this country with foreign nations— ( Hear, hear)—that they are as much opposed to war as to monopoly—(Cheers)—and as determined that peace shall be henceforward a real peace, and not a mock one.—(Hear.) I am glad to tell you there are some pros pects of our making a little progress next session, even in the coming session. —(Hear, hear.) I must not, and you must not, expect too much. We are not accustomed—we Leaguers—and we do not expect, to have these changes made in a session, or a year ; but, at all events, we shall see a step taken in the right direction, and that is a very different thing from last year, when there was a step taken in the wrong direction.—(Hear, hear.) What I want to see is our friends everywhere, in their different localities, uniting to put down this spirit of war, which has spread abroad amongst us, and helping those men in the House of Commons who will be prepared to bring forward measures for the reduction of our expenditure for warlike purposes.—Near, hear.) If we have the co-opera tion of those who are represented by this great assemblage, Awn I assure you that they will not take seven years to effect large reductions in the military and naval expenditure of this country.—(Hear, hear.) I hold that a reduction of our expenditure and a lightening of our burdens are abso lutely needful—(Hear, hear)—for the well-being of the com munity. I say that we are very heavily weighted—that there is too much money wasted—and that it is degrading to us, and unbecoming of us, as a commercial people, to permit such waste, such malversation of our funds.—(Hear, hear.) I do not ask my friends to put themselves in the position of being taunted with the reproach that they wish by a hop, skip, and a jump to abolish all armaments, and to abandon all means of defence. I do not ask any one to put himself into that position. I do not in tend now, mark me, to ask whether that be or be not the only position tenable, when referred to the highest standard-..that of the New Testament. If we judge by that test, then I fear that the extreme views would be found right, and the moderate views wrong. But, speaking as a politi cian, as a legislator, and as a man of the world, I stand here to advocate a large reduction in our expenditure for warlike purposes.—(Hear, hear.) I do not think it necessary on this, the 31st of January, 1849, to discuss the other, and wide peaceful alternative ; I decline to receive it ; but what I do advocate is a long stride in the direction of the Peace So ciety—(Hear)—and an instant start if we can make it. But when we propose so rational a measure as the reduction to 10,000,0001. per annum of the amount spent in what is face tiously called our peace establishment, I am charged with wishing to disband the army and navy, and so to lay us open to any attack.—(Hear.) Why, think of the sum of 10,000,0001.; it is twice as large a sum as the whole revenue of Prussia, it is larger than that of Austria, it is half of that of Russia, and twice as much as that of the United States; and yet, when I talk about paring down our warlike establishments to this sum ' they turn on me and call me a Quaker.—(Cheers a nd laughter.) They say, " La! his head is turned with free trade—lie went to the continent, was feted there, and came hack saying that everybody was for tree-trade and peace." • ow I never said, either in jpublic or in private, that I was sanguine that the nations of the continent would follow our example in a year or two. What I said was, that I believed that it would take foreign nations many years of discussion before there was reasonable probability of their following our example; and I defy anybody to prove that, either in public or in private, I said more or less. As regards peace, I fully adhere, however, to my opinions. Ido not think anything of the late revolutions. Why, almost every revo lution which has happened was justified by the events which produced it.—(Hear, hear.) 1 heard Lord John Russell say, in the House of Commons, that the people of the Continent were paying a heavy price for their liberties; but, he said not higher than they were worth. But I maintain this, that we have fairly and logically connected free institutions abroad with the progress of pacific prime iples ; for, notwith standing what has been said of the tendency of the demo cratic principle towards war, I deny it. I say that the snore we have freedom of communication—the more the people are accustomed to take part in their own affairs the more that public opinion is brought to act upon foreign as well as domestic matters, the greater chanceltliere is for the preservation of peace. I hope to live to see the time when foreign affairs will be taken altogether out of the secrets of a cabinet, or of a foreign minister, and will be made to un dergo a discussion as publicly among ourselves as domestic affairs do now. lam against all monopolies of states, and I hope to see the monopoly of the Foreign-office and the mono poly of the cabinet so invaded, that they shall not be allowed to engage in a treaty which may involve you in the liabili ties and risks of war without its first undergoing public discussion.— (Loud and continued cheering.) And I am equally prepared to maintain that the free-trade prin ciples necessarily conduce to peace; and I maintain this without reference to what has been done on the Continent. I take free-trade as the settled principle of England, and I say that is a guarantee for the peace of England. Formerly our colonies were the most potent argument—the most pre vailing reason for our going to war. It was justly stated by Mr. Huskisson that all the wars of England for the last two centuries may be traced to our desire f or a commerc i a l monopoly. I believe it may be fairly stated that all our wars—all our bloody contests for the last 200 years, have sprung from a latent belief that by acquiring commercial supremacy, by dint of force upon the ocean, we should be able to recompense ourselves for the expenses of the war. So, in the beginning of the last French war, for seven years we were engaged, not in fighting the French at their own doors, and on their own coasts, but in the capture and seizure of their colonies. We were never happy unless the bells were ringing for some island captured or some continent seized; and it was believed by the mass of the people, and by many eminent statesmen in this coun try, whilst you were spending tens and hundreds of millions, e that the possession of those islands, the acquisition o a f t t t h h o ag s continents, would reimburse you for all the outlay. the E triumph delusion is past. We have put in practice, bee seventy years ago, that a nation does i i ) . t c:i g l al ar countr. He of League principles, what Adam Smith gain commercial advantages by confining its trade to a pari totropical grow demonstrated also, seventy years ago, that, en countries for the sake of growing our a o uca is as unprofitable as if we were to get our own vegetables Adam Smith thus demonstrated market.—(Cheers.) What . penetrating a century in ad vanceby the force of own e t a t. t g p o iL r a d a l instead of sending . for them to the common kit w c his genius, penetrating in practice.—(Cheers.) But of his age, that we shall promote our own - to war— pros if so, how will it we have h b a elieved hereafter, that there is any profit in going war?_ (Cheers.) Ithat We know better now, and say England has made a particularly our tropical colonies, on the capture p 6 rity by engaging in a long and bloody great step towards peace, for it is now demonstrated that our a w n e d so much congratulated ourselves during and the tha last a s o t Nocvfoal‘rov,nhliiieacti'e turned out worse than useless to us, far as the profit and loss of the last year is concerned, the vast for and the loss in a pecuniary sense has been great, while th e l o ss to o v v r e e r e w e r h v e a l m t o i n n g . of s e a a y c , then,. e h this i s i humanity guaranteether has been I full faith that other na ti ons will reciprocate these feelings— that an increase in your imports will lead, as my friend Villiers has said, to an increase in your exports, and that by thus connecting a n d logically identifying as we have done, the principles o f free -trade with the principles of peace, you will gradually, not immediately, but gradually and cer tainly, circulate and spread our opinions through the uni versal world. I believe we are now at the beginning of a great world-wide revolution, which is destined to circulate round the globe, and to end only with time itself; and 1 be lieve that the beginning and the dawn of that revolution were laid at our own meetings in the Free-trade Hall. — (Prolonged and universal cheering, in the midst of which the Hon. Gentleman sat down.) Colonel THOXIPSON was received with load cheers. He said—My appointed mission to-night is to call your atten tion to the organs or leading instruments through whom The Marquis of finsdowne (Lord President of the Coun— cil) gave a full dress dinner yesterday, at Lansdowne House, to the mover and seconder of the address in the House o f Lords, several of the Cabinet Ministers and Officers of SW .e of the Queen's Household, and a party of Peers. - ;n 44 - .6 2 0 ...- 0 - 0 ...- .0- 0 o 8 0 - A •-.- 0 0 - 0 0 - 0- 0 (1 - 0 - 0 .... ty of ,try law I