The Sun. — London, England, 1841-07-23 00:00:00

.„,,..----.--''' ,he Howe a airing: nont this .n of the atten ded w id e .; to aud u o ' R oyal 4iieen on qa tO 1)I5 ,gightless 9ining to the Earl ? w e) , left f, v i s it to on Wed ,Ducbc— the cow .therlands 'Ar; Count won de 'fission ; rA ff A ires, tees Dille i Charge F" ind L a d l &dry, t o Indd, an 14941 Cou ntess eidog o, Roths 3 Y, a Agit -lioner: Coo g-sinitl4 Jone 111 ei ) ,P" 4,ran. t is [ajesty day fol C~~ i ro ntea an a p the i t ; re, 1) 1; Ina f 0, 1 k i a nd to t th e ticeable t o 1, an" i will go' sto ne ?!. throng ;awe 61 like Twe tb° d izo 'bout ve uld bs 005 jog )s--taken .... 31 — 6stke°4lbs taken Ike o -take" 111 10 g g , t l3lb 31b s 11b5 , Duke of 1 1 s 3 1 9 I 3 4 2 dr. O b aclej ; ' -t 61 t 3 8;c. tres' t- ce 6 bp., Os% 1 Son) i Added' 0 0 ) 12 0 0' 5 Xll ef rr h t ° o; wea 311°'V 1 I ) 0 • .2 3 a 0 ' 2 '' al !` seo°: ne o ker) 11 rle'''file oen leil ed, 139 t, Po o 't hog' d 310; 3 ;eared, ;er/ .0.. 4 the - MORN !NG- SVISt, LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADDRESS• "TO"THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY 0. LONDON, GENTLEMEN,—I request you to accept my sincere and hearty thanks for the honour you have conferred • bpon me by electing me one of your Representatives in the Commons' House of Parliament. " I should have made this acknowledgment at an earlier period, had I not been desirous of explaining to You the course which the general state of the returns will make it my duty to pursue. •• "ID order to do this the more clearly I must refer to Mme past events. • "In the early part of last year, when a resolution de claring a want of confidence in the Government was brought forward, I distinctly announced the intention of Proposing additional taxes to meet the increased expen diture of the country. ' "In the present year, so soon as the estimates had 1411 Completed, and the probable amoua of the revenue c ould bo calcillated, her Majesty's Ministers took into their serious consideration the disparity which still ali ated between the income of the country and the cost „ s ' l of its es t a bli s h men t s . 91 li; W-efound that the new taxes were not sufficient to a aPPly the deficiency. "We were of opinion that we could not, with due re gard to the honour and safety of the nation, reduce its k naval and.military forces. " But, -upon a careful view of our commercial imposts, w e eamete the conclusion, that by removing prohibitions, a nd lessening restriction, it was poss ible to re p lenish the Treasury, and at the same time t o secure to the working classes a greater command of the necessaries of life at 't,ady and moderate prices. " The first measure brought forward on this subject, W asintended'to give increased freedom of trade to our colonies. But in defending this measure, in a debate be e Raster, I stated that the Cabinet were resolved to apply the same principle to our whole commercial policy, sad had prepared propositions to carry their views into effect. " In the face of this declaration, it has been asserted that our commercial and financial plans were brought f orward only. because we had been defeated upon a clause to the Irish Qualification Bill. " It was difficult to refute our arguments ; it was easy to misconstrue our motives ; and those who were inca pable of discovering reasons, have not been unequal to the labour of inventing facts. " Others have said that, with a precarious majority in th e 'louse of Commons, we ought not to have announced measures of such vast importance. "'But had we resigned with a deficient revenue, and without pointing out the means of improving jt ' the same persons would, with far more j ustice, ha ve , accused us of being afraid to meet the di fficulties we had caused, and of imposing upon our successors an un , Popular or impracticable task. " It appeared to us, on the contrary , tha t it was our d uty ' to lay before the House of Commons plans which we deemed benefic:al ; when defeated there, we advised her Alajesty to appeal to the people at large. the ~ first opportunity of asking. for a clear a nd decided Judgment upon the policy we have proposed. " The resu l t o f . suc h an a pp ea l may now be easily foreseen, In the English cities and boroughs the re is a sm a l l majority in our favour. In the Scotch cit ies and b oroughs a very decisive majority the same way. In the Irish bor oug h s an d count i es there is also a majority in favour of the policy of the present Ministers. overw helming, the Q., n. Scotch counties the majority will be the other Z. aY ; and in the English counties that majority will be " To tho se w h o reco ll ec t L o rd Stanley's descriptio n of the o county representation, or who h ave observed result ect °f the Chandos clause of the Reform Act, this hovro,ll6ll not be at all surprising. It should be added, might er, L th at the manufacturing districts have not, as sn:rbeen expected, tended to restore the balance. Ministers of the Crown can stand without the con fidence of the House of Commons, our retirement from "me will immediately follow the condemnation of our Policy. In this altered position it would be inconsistent with my notions of public duty to harass the Govern tient of the day by vexatious opposition ; still less to deny to the Crown the means of maintaining the reputa tion of the country abroad and internal quiet at home. " -But when the great principles of religious, civil, and commercial liberty come into question, those principles must be firmly and fearlessly supported. Whatever party may be in power, they are so inseparably connected with the Progress of society, that —although the country may doubt may pause, may ponder—it will examine , d iscuss, and finally adopt them. " I am encouraged to this conviction by former vic- Lurie % Out of power, we obliged our opponents to abolish th ose tests by w hi c h political office was made exclusive, _n d a religious sacrament profaned. " Out of power, we forced our adversaries themselves m free the Roman Catholics from those disabilities which they - L 41, h ad declared indispensable for the maintenanc e of the Constitution and the safety of the Church "In power we obliged those who had refused to allow r epresent a ti ves o f M a nchester, Leeds, and Birmingham , to s it in the House of Commons , to submit to a much la rger and more sweeping measure of Reform. 4, T All power we obtained the sanction of Parliament to the abolition of slavery in our colonies. " In power, we have destroyed the monopoly of privi leges in our Municipal Corporations. "In power, we have carried into practical effect the Principles o f equality of civil privileges betwee n Pro stants and Roman Catholics, and have thereby secured t, the Crown the affectionate loyalty of the people of bland. "None of these measures received the hearty assent o f the main body of our opponents ; to several they op 2ed a violent and persevering resistance. But truth " i limphed over them, and will again. Returned to °lee they may adopt our' measures, and submit to the lai luence of reason ; or, if they refuse to do so, the y w . n obliged to relinquish power, and the monopoly of trade will share the fate of religious intolerance and Political exclusion. "But for the attainment of this object it is necessary to 6 vigilant and united ; to oppose zeal to zeal ; to Hatch minute details as well as to main tain g reat prin %,ll4es ; in short, to exert, for a gre at and salutar y end, "e same untiring activity which has been exhibited in more questionable cause. "As we do not distrust the justice of the measures we "e proposed, let not temporary failure check our P e rseverance. _ _ " I am well aware, indeed, that in the City of London, " 6 in some other places, great exertions have been made, and large sacrifices incurred, in behalf of this a llse. Nor can I conclude without again expressing 111 Y grateful sense of the support I have received in the 'ate unexpected, and, in many respects, unexampled contest. "I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, " Your obedient and faithful servant, Minto,ly 19, 1841: " J. RUSSELL." TO LADY FANNY RUSSELL, ON HER MARRIAGE WITH LORD JOHN. " TRIA. JUNCTA. IN UNO." Three cares now agitate brave Russell's breast— ki,ti Ills Queen, his Coun tr y , and his Lady-blest ; ' 4l . t The last will have his LOVE—the other two ! t i :l Not love alone, but LirE and HoNoun too. 0 precious Life ! so ready to expire, Should but his Country's need or good require I happy Queen and Country, to possess A patriot's soul so full of nobleness ! Yet, beauteous Lady, sad nor jealous be That those were wed to him, ere he to thee :--- Deem not thy lot, fair Fanny, undivine— Ilaving himself, all three are surely thine. MARRIAGE OF LORD i.IiUSSELL MINTO-HOUSE, NEAR, HAWICK, NORTH BRITAIN, Tors -1.?.41--This evening at five o'clock, Lord J. Russe ll, M.P., ciecretary of State for the Colonial Department, w as married by specia l license to Lady Frances Anna Maria Elliot, second daughter of the Earl and Countess of Minto. The Rev. Gil bert Elliot officiated at the ceremony, in the presence of a to?et circle of relatives, comprising the Earl and Countess of Lord Lord and Lady Dumfermline, Lord Edward Russell, Elliot, :11e: and Lady Elizabeth Elliot, Hon. Admiral George "'Pt, Captain Elliot, &e. The Earl of Minto gave the bride ' i tw aY, and the Misses Richardsons were the bridesmaids on the I PPy. occasion. 'fhe Noble Lord and Lady started about six ;,cleek for Bow-hill, the seat of the Duke of Buccleuch, near Selkirk, where they purpose residing until the second week in the ensuing month. A grand b a ll i s to b e g i ve n to-night by the Earl and Countess of Minto to th e f am ily tenantry, to which nearly 300 have been invited. A sumptuous fete is also to be given to-morrow 29 the lawn, for which great preparations are being made. There are two b an d s a lready engaged, and the piper is consi dered one of the first in Scotland. It will be seen from the above the circle was confined strictly to the are h eimmediate members of the family. Th e re j oicin g s, how tleon a more extended scale, and the humblest of the Noble Earl's dependents are to participate in the festivities. SERGEANT LUDLOW'S LAST.—Mr. Godson, 'LP., the new Queen's Counsel in this circuit, was ac- Ipanied into Court on Friday morning by his son, a fine intelligent little fellow, of M a le or ten, who was warmly s naken by the hand by s everal learned gentlemen. Among h.oersin:au inquired whether he was " any one's God son ?" said Mr. Whately to the Learned Sergeant, who 144 , a _d risen between him and his witness, " that is a good 413 " , Mr. Sergeant, and now sit down," which he accord- Uigly °~t , • s THE RAJA OF SATTARA. In our report of the second day's debate at the India House we were unable to give the concluding remarks of Mr. Thompson. As we feel persuaded the case we have been the almost exclusive means of bringing so fully be fore the public, will, at no distant day, assume a feature of national importance, we insert the conclusion of Mr. Thompson's speech, and a corrected version of Captain Cogan's : • Mr. THOMPSON, in continuation, said—l must 1 10 1 omit to notice the compliment paid by the Honour able Proprietor behind me (Mr. Belden), to the perfect disinterestedness of the Government, in the part they have taken against the Raja. " They had nothing to gain by the deposal of the Raja —nothing. Though they deposed the Raja, they took neither his silver, his g old, nor his jewels ; least of all, did they aim at the eaten :lion of territory ; for it is his brother, Appa Sahib, whom they have placed on the throne. What object, then, beyond that of just retribution, had they to pro mote ?" All this sounds mighty well ; but, what is the fact ? In the minute of Sir James Carnac, dated Sep. tember 4th, 1839, there are these remarkable and signify cant words, distinctly holding out the acqu isi t ion of Sattara, as the certain reward of his deposal. Sir James, expecting that his conduct, in not immediately annexing the Sattara state, will be objected to by certain members of the Government, says that if he has erred, in at once resuming the dominion of Sattara, " the course of events will, in a few years, afford a fair opportunity of rectifying what may be deemed erroneous." "Neither," says he, " the Raja about to be deposed, nor his brother who is to be substituted in his place, have any children, and at their period of life it is not very likely that they will hereafter have any ; and I know of no other party who can claim the succession by hereditary right. It follows, therefore, that on the demise of the new Raja, the Sattara State would lapse to the British Government---(Cheers)—un less, indeed, it shall be judged expedient to allow this line of Princes to be continued, by the Hindoo custom of adoption, a question which should be left entirely open for consideration when the event on which it depends 'shall actually occur."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And in the same minute he states his apprehension that, by a pressure of circumstances, entirely beyond our control (doubtless as these have been), the whole of the native States of India are, perhaps, destined ultimately to fall within the vortex of our rule.—(Hear, hear.) Here, then, it is on record, that the acquisition of the Sat tara State was one of the governing influences which de termined the deposal of the Raja. He was childless, it is true ; but he had the indisputable right to adopt. His brother was also childless, with the certainty that no child would be born to him; to him the right of adop tion is denied, and upon his death (likely to be speedy from his excesses) his territories lapse to the dominions , of these just, magnanimous, and, as they tell you, disin terested lords paramount of India—uhless the fiat of these master judges of expediency shall then decree otherwise.' What hope there is that they will so decree, may be extracted from the fact that the acts of Sir James Carnac received their " warm commendation." But the 1 fate of Sattara is not intended to be singular. The doom of every other native state within the grasp of these lords paramount, is already shadowed forth while they tell you that this will be brought about by events beyond their control. Here behold the history of all the past annihilated Princes of India.—(Cheering.) Sir, I must say a word on the subject of the amnesty offered the Raja, inasmuch as it has been held up in this Court as an act of superlative generosity, calculated to extort the admiration of all the members of this Court. Let us look at that amnesty. Its preamble contains an implication of the guilt of the Raja ; it sets forth that he had been misled by evil advisers—had committed a breach of the treaty—and had entered into communi cations hostile to the British Government ; and had there fore exposed himself to the sacrifice of the British alliance and protection. Nevertheless, he was offered an act of oblivion, and restoration to the confidence of the Govern ment, if would sign certain articles with such a pre amble. Now, Sir, what is the result of this attempt at negotiation on the part of Sir James Carnac ? The Raja declared his innocence, and expressed his determi nation never to sign any document which called in ques tion his grateful and loyal attachment to the British Government. He nobly said to the Government, " You present to me the alternative of subscribing my own guilt, or giving up my throne and kingdom. I can sacrifice my kingdom, but I will preserve my honour."—(Cheers.) Re had shown that these were no idle or vaunting words. Ile had gone into exile, and I believe took with him a pure, loyal, and honourable mind ; and I wish those who have sent him there may realise as strong a conviction of the uprightness of their conduct, as that which I be lieve consoles the Raja in his obscurity. But, Sir, sup pose the Raja had been the ungrateful, profligate, and treasonous intriguer that he has been represented to be, would he not have signed this memorandum, and, if ne cessary, five hundred more, and been a traitor still ? If he had been for years before carrying on hostile machi nations against the Government, would he not have readily, greedily have subscribed such conditions, with such a preamble ? I assert it, in my eyes there is some thing of moral sublimity in the conduct of this Hindoo Prince. There is a love of truth, a regard for honour, a determination to cherish, under all threatened evils, the testimony of an unaccusing conscience, which commands my profound admiration, and makes me wish that the example of this Indian might find many imita- ' tors among Isis Christian rulers. But again, Sir, if Sir James Rivet Carnac believed him guilty of acts that deserved deposal, what right had he to compound with treason, and to offer this act of obli vion ? He either was innocent or guilty. If innocent, he was entitled to sit upon the throne unimpeached ; if guilty, or supposed to be guilty, he ought to have been tried, and then, upon conviction, he would have been displaced without sympathy, and the character of the British Government would have been without sus picion and without disgrace. But it was not so ; he was deposed, not because he was guilty, but because he asseverated his entire innocence, and demanded—what English law grants to the meanest wretch accused of crime—a full, an open, and an impartial trial. As to the alleged treasonable intercourse with Goa, why, henceforth if any Hon. Member desire to raise a smile at the expense of the Government of India, he need but refer to the supremely ridiculous story, that the Raja of Sattara was engaged in a plot with the Portuguese Viceroy at Goa, to annihilate the British power in India. That Viceroy is now at home. He fills a high office at the Court of Lisbon, and is said to be related by blood to the reigning Queen. A special mission was despatched to Lisbon to investigate the charge in a personal interview with Don Manoel de Castro, and I call upon a Gallant Friend pre sent to tell us during this debate what reception he met with—to tell us whether the ex-Viceroy did not spurn the imputation with indignant warmth, and declare the whole a false and foul imputation for wicked purposes. But, Sir this matter is not to be so dismisssed. I ask if, when it came to the knowledge of the Indian Government that this alleged correspondence had been carrying on for years, and they professed to believe it, they took measures to call the Viceroy to account, and, as in duty bound, gave information to the British Government that our Foreign Minister might take the steps demanded, to demand explanation of the Portuguese Government, a power in strict and friendly alliance ? Sir, I require to know if down to this hour any step of the kind has been taken ? And yet the Raja has been hurled like a traitor from his throne, on the ground that he has, in breach of treaty, and with the design of an enemy to the British Government, conducted a correspondence with Goa. Now, Sir, I place you, and those around you, in this dilemma. Either you believed this, or you did not. If you did not, you cruelly, and without just cause, de posed the Rajah. If you did believe it, show us the proof of your having seriously, or at all, represented the case to the proper parties in this country ; or escape from the charge of having concealed meditated treason from your Queen and her Ministers. Sir, if I know of treason, and do not disclose it, I myself become a trai tor, by the compromise I make with the enemies of my Sovereign and my country.--(Hear, and cheers.) We have now reached the sad and fatal sequel of this story. The Raja is dethroned. He is now in exile at Benares, 700 or 800 miles from his throne and people — disgraced—plundered—expatriated ; taken at midnight from his palace, and hurried with such guilty precipi tancy away, that in the flight no halt is permitted to a mother in the agonies of child-birth—none to the fa ther, even when the pangs and sweat of death are upon him. Conspiracy, perjury, spoliation, and death are the stages of this melancholy his tory. Sir, I shall presently sit down to make way for others who may easily evince more ability than I possess, to do justice to the cause of this injured Prince, but cannot feel more zeal or a more intense anxiety that the decisions of this Court may be such as will do credit to the profession which it makes of attach ment to the welfare of the natives of India. But ere I retire I shall venture to make one or two general observations, suggested by the case before us. Sir, we have, in the course of this debate, heard much of expediency, and it would appear that in that one word lay the entire phi losophy of your Government. I verily believe it to be so. From the moment that Lord Clive drew the sword for you at Madras, and conquered at Plassey, until now, you have regulated your proceedings at home and abroad by the principle of expediency. You have not laid righteous ness to the line, nor judgment to the plummet. You have not asked what is right, but what is politic. You have too frequently turned a deaf ear to the demands of eternal justice, and squared your conduct according to that principle which has been, from the beginning, the bane and curse of the world—the principle of political expediency. Above you is the marble statue of the greatest (I wish I could add the best) man that ever swayed the destiny of India. That transcendent man bent the energies of his almost superhuman mind—not to the observance of the strict rules of justice, but to the accom plishment of the plans of a splendid ambition upon princi ples of political expediency. As your rule in India com menced so has it continued, even down to the deposal of the Raja of Sattara, and the amendment of the Chair, which asserts that it is not expedient to reverse the deci sion which has been come to. Sir, if India is to be saved to this country, it must be henceforth ruled—not by the imitators of Lord Clive or Warren Hastings; but by men who will do justly, and love mercy, and carry the princi ples of private honour into public life. Sir, I speak here to-day less as a mere holder of India stock than as a citi zen in common with yourself of this empire, as one jealous for the honour of the British name and the integrity of the dependencies of the Crown. •We have, I will not say by what means, got possession of a vast country. It is populous, it is rich, it is capable of improvement to au in definite extent. How, I ask, is the honour of which we are so proud to be preserved unsullied ? How are our distant possessions to be retained and transmitted ? Why, by one way, and by one, way only. By acting upon principles of unbending honour ; by conciliating and attaching the natives of our territories ; and by redressing_ every injury which is brought t o y our know ledge. You may say we are the only tenants at will ;at all events we occupy under a very short lease, the re newal of .which is uncertain, and though things may not be altogether what they ought to be, they will last our TFIE SUN, LONDON', FRIDAY, JTTLY 23. 1841: time, and we shall leave our successors to take care of themselves. Sir, this is neither honest nor loyal. This Company are the stewards over a domain which they are bound to in ana ze with all the regard to its improve ment of which they are capable. The Company are not the proprietors of India, India is the property of the Crown and the nation, and should be managed for the be nefit, first of the natives of the soil, and then for the advan tage of the entire population of the British empire. If by acts of injustice and oppression you alienate the feel ings of the people, your tenure of possession will be tran sient ; and losing the hearts of the people, you will next lose the country you have taken from them. But if you pursue a different course, a glorious and honourable career is before you. If you take pity on the impoverished and often starving natives of India, and when my Hon. Friend shall bring forward his most important motion, shall take measures to revise and equitably settle the system of land-taxa tion in your Indian territory ;—if you will apply your means to the opening up of the infinitely varied resources of the East to the unrestricted enterprise of the people of this country, you will be honoured as the instruments of bestowing boundless blessings both upon the country ruled, and the people of the ruling State. Finally, gentlemen, you may deny justice in this Court, but there are higher Courts of appeal, and to those Courts most assuredly the case will be carried. Mr. Burke ex pressed his thankfulness that the proceedings of this body were, as they could not but be, under the control of Parlia ment, the fountain ofitspower,and therefore bound to watch over the exerciseof its delegated authority, and restrain it when engaged in injurious or oppressive measures. There is, too, another bar at which you must stand—it is the bar of the public opinion of your country. If proved before that tribunal to have done wrong, you will ultimately be obliged to reverse your decision. The public, when in possession of the facts, will rise as one man, and demand that the injustice perpetrated in their name shall be re paired. I beseech you, then, be wise in time. Let jus tice be done here. If not convinced of the perfect inno cence of the Raja, yet give him the benefit of the doubt of his guilt. Remember— " To err is human, to forgive divine." I claim not for the Raja exemption from the infirmities common to our nature ; far from it. All I contend for is the total insufficiency of what is called the evidence in this case to sustain the charge of treason upon which you have dethroned this Prince. Hasten, then, to retrace your steps. What you do, do without compulsion, and without delay. Do what you do graciously. Remember— " The quality of mercy is not straimnl." Be neither ashamed nor afraid to do right. Fear not the consequences. You will be upheld, supported, cheered onwards, and eventually richly rewarded. But ;f you resolutely persist in withholding reparation, then, respectfully, but explicitly, I tell you that the year 1854 is coming ; and that when you sue for a new grant of power, you will be told you have abused that which you 'lave already been intrusted with, and the empire you have misgoverned will be transferred to other hands. (The Hon. Proprietor concluded his speech amidst loud sheers, having spoken nearly three hours.) Captain COGAN rose and said, Mr. Chairman, I deem it necessary to say a few words ere this debate closes. The Deputy Chairman, on the first day's debate, laid much :tress on the alleged agents and agencies of the unfortu nate Raja, and quoted the number of lacs of rupees that ne had expended upon them. I now, Sir, find in these secret papers my name coupled with 2,500 rupees (2501.). In last year's debate I stated to this Court that I was totally ignorant of this circumstance, except by rumour. I however lost no time in obtaining information, through the Raja's Vakeels in England, and I will now read you a letter from the party who did get the 2,500 rupees, which will satisfy; the Court that I have not quite made aiy fortune in the robbery of the Raja.—(Cheers.) A letter from Hurmunt Row Goonajee, to the Vakeels of his Highness, the ex-Raja of Sattara, in England ; dated Bombay, 31st December, 1841. " I have received your letter, dated England, 4th November, 1840, stating that I had sent for the sum of 2,500 rupees for Cantain Cogan, from his Highness at Sattara, and the letters which I had written had gone from Sattara to the East India House, and became known to Captain Cogan, who desired you to write to me respecting it. " I now inform you, that at the first interview I had , with Captain Cogan in Bombay, I implored him to assist in the matter of his Highness. " Then Captain Cogan :replied that the Governor, who is coming to India, is a good man, and well ac painted with the Indian affairs, and who, no doubt, will listen to both parties and judge whatever is true, and I said that the officers of the Indian Government have broken the friendship between the two Govern ments, by deciding ex parte, but Captain Cogan said the new Governor will not do so. Then Captain Cogan proceeded to Arbustan or Persian Gulf. " I communicated this affair to his Highness at Sat tara, after which the Governor soon arrived at Bombay. Twenty days after the Governor's arrival, Captain Cogan returned from Arbustan, when I had an inter view with him, and acquainted him that the Governor intended visiting Sattara ; therefore, I requested him to accompany the Governor to Sattara, then he replied, if the Governor will permit me I have no objection: ac cordingly I wrote to his Highness, who then addressed a letter to Captain Cogan. The contents of that letter were, that Captain Cogan should visit Sattara, with the permission of the Governor ; this letter Captain Cogan represented to the Governor. " I considered that if the Governor will consent to Captain Cogan's visiting Sattara, then he will require his travelling expenses. I thought it was not proper he should expend his own money upon his Highness's busi ness, therefore, I inquired of Captain Cogan about his travelling expenses, who replied, if I should visit Sattara, I will expend my own money, I do not require any from you. " Accordingly I wrote a complimentary letter to his Highness explaining the above interview, and received a draft of 2,500 rupees from Hurryrajaram of Sattara, upon Morotum Balmuckund of Bombay. I wrote for this money to maintain the respect of his Highness ; I thought it was not proper to let Captain Cogan expend his own money upon his Highness's business, and as Captain Cogan was not permitted to visit Sattara, I never offered him any sum. " The Governor went to Poonah, and after five or six days Captain Cogan went there ; then I considered per haps that the Governor will consent to Captain Cogan's visiting Sattara, therefore I thought of going there, and for my own expense I received 200 rupees from the sum, passing a receipt ; but I being confined with fever, was prevented going to Poonab, therefore I deputed Ramrow Vissram, the Karkoon of his Highness, to Poonah, and gave for his expense 100 rupees from the sum I received, and the remainder 100 I used to my own expense, and the remainder sum of 2,300 rupees is deposited with the banker, of which you can inquire. " According to my letter to his Highness, stating about the expenses, I received the draft of 2,500 rupees, but afterwards his Highness being dethroned and sent to Limbgaum, where he was placed in strict imprisonment, where nobody was allowed t? go nor to receive any letter, so I could not inform his Highness of the result, therefore his Highness must be unacquainted with this affair, nor can I say whether his Highness, after reaching Benares, was made acquainted with the particulars of this matter. " All these five paragraphs are written in the spirit of truth." Now, Sir, here is the original ; I would recommend its being sent back to India, in order that it be tested by the keen-sighted and impartial Messrs. Ovans and Wil loughby. The most unjustifiable motives have been attribut ed to Dr. Milne for assisting the unfortunate Raja. I come not here to defend Dr. Milne. He can well defend him self ; but this much I must say—ls it likely that one of your old and highly respectable servants, who has him self established, and still supports, a charity school in the village in which he was born in Scotland, would co vertly rob the Raja ? Sir, this fact is an answer to any that has been said on the subject. — (Applause.) But, Sir, when the Deputy Chairman speaks of agencies influencing the Raja, I cannot but think he bad not read all the papers connected with the case. " No one will forget the circumstances under which Sir Robert Grant was soon after taken from the evil to come—from the signally disastrous result of that policy which he believed only to require ' dexterity' to be suc cessful ; whilst I have been spared, I am thankful to say, to witness the catastrophe which I predicted, and the dis comfiture of the Bombay Government, by the execution on the part of the Raja of that determination which he repeated to me from the window of his palace as I bade him farewell :—‘ THAT HE WOULD SURRENDER - HIS TERRITORY RATHER THAN CONCEDE TIIE SMALLEST POINT TILL HIS GRIEVANCES HAD BEEN HEARD AND REDRESSED. ' Was there the influence of any agency at this time, Sir ? No ; but you have here the noble dictates of a noble mind. The only Communication I ever made to the Raja up to the date of his dethronement was this : " Copy of letter from Captain Cogan to his Highness the Rao. of Sattara, dated the 29th July, 1839. " May it please your Highness—l have been honoured by the receipt of your Highness's letter, and feel the high consideration your Highness has conterred upon me by this instance of your favour, and by inviting me to visit your Highness at Sattara, should the Government of Bombay not object ; this I should have had pleasure by doing, but circumstances render it very inconvenient. I hope, however, your Highness will keep cheerful. God will give yoU protection against intriguers, and his Ex cellency our good Governor, Sir James Carnac, can esti mate the high character of Hindoo princes. If I were permitted, I would say to your Highness, attend in all respects to the advice of the Governor, and all will be well. "Your Highness's obliged and faithful servant, "R. COGAN." Now, Sir, is there any thing very treasonable in this ? —(Cheers.) But, Sir, had I been aware of the intended conditions of the Bombay Government, I would have ad vised him very differently. But, Sir, is it not extraordi nary, that whilst evcry topic of falsehood and fabrication, too disgusting to be noticed, in the way of intercepted letters, have been sent to this country, mine is not forth coming ? I mention this, Sir, as an extraordinary fact. —(Hear, hear.) Admitting, for example, that I had been the paid agent of the Raja, would that have added to the Raja's guilt ? Or where would have been the im propriety in me, unconnected as I am with your service ? But I, at the same time wish this Court to understand that the only money transaction I ever had in my life with the Raja of Sattara or his agents, until lately, when I assisted them to get away from this country, was, that I lent him nearly two hundred pounds, to keep them from actual want, when they were left in absolute destitution, and their appeals unattended to by the gentlemen on the other side of the bar.— <Loud cheers.) I now beg to tell this Court, that I was proud to be the bearer of Mr. Hume's letter to the ex-Governor of Goa, at Lisbon. I had two interviews with that no bleman ; they were brief, but to my mind conclusive as to the Raja's entire innocence. I can only here state the substance of what took place, but that I will do.— (Hear, hear.) On presenting Mr. Hume's letter, Don Manoel informed me that he had been in correspond : ence with the Raja's Vakeels in London on this subject. That he could not believe that the British authorities I were serious in supposing that any intrigues had evei: existed between himself and the Raja.—(Loud cheers.) He remarked that the very style in which the papers were couched, independently a their subject, carried falsehood with it.---(Hear, hear.) That as to 30,000 men, which Portugal was to send to the Raja, it was well known that at that time Portug al could not have s en t 30, i n stead of 30, 000 . — (Id laughter and cheers.) I showed him copies of his alleged letters to tli t Ri‘ja, at wliich he laukhed, and as sured me they we re nothing but fabrications. If the British Government really believed be wrote them , they must have consider e d him mad.—(Cheers) He evinced much indignation, and complained of the very unhand some manner in which the British Government had used his name— (Loud cries of" Hear, hear") —and expressed his astonishment that a matter considered of such mag nitude should h ave b een k ept s o carefully from himself and his Govern men t. Th e a b ove , Sir, was the purport of my interview with the ex-Governor, _though much more was said.—(Chee rs .) I h ave peru se d, . Sir, with great care, all the papers connected with this case ; and my attention has been devoted to the protracted debate con sequent on these papers. I do declare most solemnly that to my mind the. Raja is as innocent of treason against the British Government as the Hon. Directors oil the other side of the bar, who have signed his dethronement and exile.—(Great applause.) The changes have been rung over and over again by some of the Hon. Direc tors, and their two steady supporters on this side of the bar, dwelling upon the opinions of the authorities in India—the Court of Directors and Board of Control. Why, Sir, the President of the Board of Control told me 18 months since, that he would support the Governments of India right or wrong.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I now congratulate him on his determination, and the laurels lie has reaped therefrom.--(Cheers.) But, Sir, are we met here to confirm the opinions of the authorities before quoted, or are we met here to question them, by the exercise of our own reason, and to form our own dis passionate judgment?—(Hear.) I therefore ask, Sir, for specific evidence on specific points. The defenders of the Raja's dethronement bewildered us with quantity, in the shape of 40 or 50 volumes of it.—(A laugh.) But, Sir, have they followed the able and dispassionate course adopted by my Learned Friend the mover, or the Gallant Director, General Robertson, who have shat tered this fabric of falsehood to its foundation? Have the supporters of the British Government attempted to unravel the 401.'s worth of evidence bought near Goa, containing the Viceroy's letters ? Have they com mented on the perjured evidence of the native officers, or of the Brahmin Untajee ? No, Sir ; we are called upon to swallow the whole 50 volumes, but to ask no questions. An Hon. Proprietor, Mr. Weeding, in the course of this debate, has told us: that my Gallant friend, Gen. Lod wick, was guilty of a breach of duty for circulating his letter to the Court of Directors. Why, Sir, this very letter, the circulation of which has given the Hon. Proprietor (Mr. Weeding) so much pain, has been be fore the British public for the last three months, through the medium of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) The same Hon. Proprietor tolls us that the Gallant General has committed his employers, by giving light to confi dential correspo n d ence . Is this the mode, Sir, that this, Hon. Proprietor, now sitting in his judicial character, would elicit truth ? Are these the feelings, Sir, upon which lie comes to a decision on the guilt or innocence of the Raja ? If they be, I envy him them not. Are we not bound, Sir, to elicit the whole truth, and is not every honest man bound not merely to speak the truth, but the whole truth?—(Cheers.) Mr. WEEDING explained. Captain CoGAN resumed—l now beg to call the attention of this Court to a subject of the gravest importance, being the Sattara Commission. We have it distinctly stated by General Lodwick, that his colleagues (Mr. Willoughby and Colonel Oyans) would not allow the cross-examination of the suspicious and even perjured witnesses. Now, Sir, was there ever such an outrage on the common principles of justice as this ? Here are three gentlemen appointed to investi gate a matter involving the throne of a helpless and de pendent Prince ; the president proposes a cross-exami nation of the witnesses, and is positively prevented by the before-named gentlemen. This charge is not founded, Sir, upon purchased evidence ; it is founded on the evi dence of an officer who has been an ornament to your service for forty years Ido say, Sir, it is the duty, of the Court of Directors of this Company to issue orders to suspend from duty Colonel Ovans and Mr. Willoughby, pending an inquiry into their conduct.—(Loud applause.) Is this the administration of justice, Sir, that is to retain us the Possession of that Empire which we hold by the thread of opinion ? I say, No. I could not, Sir, but observe with extreme regret the very cruel and gratuitous insult which the Hon. Director, Mr. Warden, offered to the unfortunate Prince whose case is under discus sion, and who is far distant and cannot answer for him self. Mr. Warden asserts that the Raja had been guilty of asserting a most distinct falsehood. Well may a man, who has been a party to the Raja's ruin, add insult to injury on the absent victim of his power. But the Raja is a Mahratta, a native of India, and therefore not to be believed. Does Mr. Warden speak thus of bis own countrymen ? lam afraid to go further, Sir, lest my feelings should carry me away.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. WARDEN here rose and explained that his infor mation was from Capt. Grant. Capt. CoGAN proceeded, and stated that he would as soon believe the Raja as the HOn. Director or Captain Grant; that he considered the insult gratuitous.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, a word regarding Ballajee Punt. In looking over the papers last printed we find the friend of this individual (Col. Ovans) addressing the Bombay Go ' vernor to confirm certain jagheers, given by the new. Raja for one year's servitude to the Sattara State, amounting to 1,000/. per annum, in perpetuity to him and his successors.—(Loud cheering.) Now, Sir, on what plea does Colonel Ovans urge the guarantee of the British Government to this personage ? On no other ground than that he had given them the information that had led to the ex-Raja's dethronement. Now, Sir, where, in all the mass of evidence before the Court, do we find this man's name ?—(Hear, hear.) No, Sir, his name was too significant to be associated with that of his Prince. I leave this fact for the decision of the Court, with this explanation of the disgraceful agency that has led to all the evil consequences which followed.—(Cheers.) THE MAJORITY AND MINORITY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sex,—Whilst the Tory politicians "who see through all things with their half-shut eyes" are making merry on the score of their majority, by a curious coincidence the Radicals are congratulating themselves on their large minority, mes judice—with far greater' reason, the great body of the future opposition is essentially Radical in its feelings, and probably more united in its opinions and views, than any opposition which ever sat on the benches assigned to it. The fact is, that your "good old Whig" was a Reformer adapted: to the meridian of such times as that Royal Master of the Cere monies, George the Fourth, disgraced ; Reform was then a theme of elegant declamation, the Whigs spoke well, but were deficient in practice ; thank Heaven! we have proved the party of such men as the Bennets, Grahams, and Lord Stanley', the two latter compreh en di ng a subdivision known as "Aris tocratic Whigs,". a, hybrid in my mind more to be suspected than the most thorough-going Conservative. Instead of these worn-out Whigs, a body of men have been returned better suited to the times, which require greater energy and more extended views ; the Tory party can never perpetrate any of their old atrocities, whilst we are sure of such an opposition, and I venture to predict that not many years will elapse before the Government of the country will be confided to men who du not play at Reform in jest, whilst they experience the same de ference for the essentials of the Constitution as their present opponents. 1 look u pon an extension of the franchise, and the Vote by Ballot, as inevitable at no distant period ; indeed you will find there are more Members pledged to support the Ballot, returned to the present Parliament, than have ever ad vocated that measure heretofore. I am, Mr. Editor, faithfully yours, RADIX. LONDON UNIVERSITY. THE NEW PARLIAMENT. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin,—We have heard of the Long Parliament, the Borough-mongering and the Reform Parliaments—now we have, what I trust history will term it, " the Judas Borough and County Serf Parliament," The unblushing and open bribery in all the smaller, and in some cases larger boroughs—the driving of the tenantry in counties to the poll as cattle, induce me to suggest that Peel and the Tory gang,when in power, to pass an Act " regulating the price of votes in boroughs, and that in Counties it be considered unnecessary for the tenants to vote, but that the geese, .pigs, cows, &c., be driven the poll to represent their owners, with the qualification and the party they are to vote for, tied round their necks." This will be a capital plan to en sure the stability of priestcraft and Toryism, and an ad mirable plan to ensure free and independent election. To the eternal honour of Scotland she has been true to Liberal principles. Her farmers, the most shrewd and experienced in the world, have not been humbugged by the wooden-headed Squirearchy of England. They know full well, that the Corn-law is merely a scheme to keep up rents, and ruin and degrade the farmer. Ireland, that land of misrule and oppression, has also been true to Liberal principles, under fearful provoca tion and insult from the Tory faction ; her clergy and people daily insulted thrcugh the means of the Tory Journals, as if they wished to plunge that unhappy land into rebellion. The unrepresented millions of England, the people of Scotland and Ireland, repudiate the felon-faction ; and, with all their majority, they have no right to make laws or govern the people of Britain. Their power will be of short duration. The Chartists of England and Scotland are more powerful than ever ; they are gather ing up their strength, and are now looked more favourably upon by the middle classes, so that in a few months we shall hear of an alliance offensive and defensive con cluded between the' Chartists, the middle classes, the free traders, and the repealers of Ireland, before which formidable powers the Tories, though their majority were 500, will crumble to dust. Let there be mutual concession and conciliation between the parties I have named. Let them have one object, one plan of national regeneration, say Household Suffrage and the Ballot. Throw oil on the troubled waters, act with kindness and good faith to the working classes, and the union I have alluded to will speedily be accom plished—it can be done. The cause of democracy is promising. The events now passing in France indicate portentous changes— one revolution gave us the Reform Bill, the next will seal the fate of oligarchical power. Let the cry be " Union," " The Queen," and " The People, the only source of political power." B. London, July 22, 1841. THE FORCE OF IMITATION.—The force o: imitation is immense in the young. It soon corn pels the child to talk the language of those around, and do as far as possible all they do. Without this im pulse, little advance could be made. With the impulse of imitation, there soon co-operates that of habit, and then that of belief. What we have done we do more easily, and, moreover, acquire an inclination to do again ; and what we witness, or have communicated to us by others, we gradually acquiesce in and are reconciled to, objection and repugnance declining by repetition of the facts or opinions, till ugl4ljos, may be confounded with beauty, vice with virtue, fill@irdity with sense, and what is proofless with what is certain. The disposition to be lieve is so strong in us, that experience only of deception brings us to doubt each other. The child believes all it is told ; and incessantly asks questions, necessarily be lieving that it will be told the truth. It soon may deceive others -; but still it believes implicitly. till taught by experience that others must not always be believed. This disposition to believe other remains throughout life, and without it social intercourse would he confusion. It is shown by our asking the way of strangers in the street, and in fact all day long ; though experience of the bad feeling s and of the ignorance of others prevents uni form belie f. l. The importance of imitation, habit, and belief, must be far greater than the mischief. They en able us to act fong before positive knowledge would qualify us ; they produce uniformity of thought, action, manner, and language, among those who associate, so that there is peace, comprehension, and co-operation. Their evils are the absurd or detrimental views and practices of in dividual nations, sects, or parties. But in man's natural progress, the understanding becomes more cultivated, and intercourse between sects and parties becomes greater. We are naturally impelled to effect everything more easily and rapidly, and means of intercourse, whether by locomotion or signs, are advanced beyond all precon ceived views of possibility, and thus the distance between individuals and nations becomes a trifle. Hence each sees many things that it considers indispensable dispensed with by others advantageously ; each sees many things effected better by others ; one avails himself speedily of the improvements of another, in doc trine, conduct, and all matters of science and arts, and the narrow sectarian wretchedness of mixing with but one party, is more and more broken down. Thus are the evils of imitations, belief, and habit, at length corrected. Experience is enlarged, and judgment better exercised ; all are brought more to think for themselves,—that is, to become less and less the slaves of narrow imitation, habit, and belief. Now each child, though it thinks and acts chiefly through these three impulses, advances more and more in experience, and in disposition and power to judge. It questions and objects ; and at length begins to think considerably for itself, though the greater part of mankind are, in the immense majority of their opi nions and doings, still the unconscious slaves of imitation, habit, and belief, through the defect of sound education and the narrowness, of their reading and direct inter course.—Elliotson's Human Physiology. MORALITY 07 ODD FELLOWS. It was stated by Mr. Fletcher, at the Odd Fellows Dinner at Broms grove on Monday, that out of 200,000 Odd Fellows only twenty had keen charged with offending against the laws of their country. _ _ The lion. Mr. Bourke, the unsuccessful can didate for Kildare, it is said, receives a great addition to his income by the death of his aunt, '.Lady Catherine Bourke. A sample of new barley was shown in our mar ket on Saturday, and afterwards brought to our office, for which 6s. per bushel was asked, and ss. refused. It was of a good colour, and of excellent quality.— Wor cester Journal. THE IRON TRADE.—By recent advices from the works, we learn that orders are flowing in, and prices beginning to look up. To have to record an improve ment in so important an article of local commerce is in deed a gratifying eircumstance.—Bristol Standard. SINGULAR EFFECT OF LIGHTNING ON GLASS.—About noon on Thursday this town was visited by the storm which we find was so general throughout the country. The peals of thunder were awfully loud, and in several instances succeeded the lightning without a moment's interval, showing the close proximity of the discharge. Several haystacks and barns were fired in different places, as mentioned in the letters of our Corre spondents. The County Lunatic Asylum, on Banning Heath, was struck by the electric fluid, but no material da mage was sustained. A chimney-pot was shat tered into fragments, and a stack of chimneys was slightly injured, several of the stones being partially displaced. In Maidstone the lightning struck a chimney about fourteen feet high on the pipe manufactory of Mr. Britter, near the county gaol, and produced some singular effects. A brick at the corner of the chimney was removed an inch from its place, and the edge of the brick adjoining it was chipped off as if from the blow of a hammer. The fluid then fell on the tiles just below, three of which were removed, and it ap pears as if it had then dispersed, and had been pro jected against the dwellin g -house opposite, the four win dows of which facing the chimney, and at about fif teen or twenty feet distant, `,present a very singular ap pearance. In several panes oval blisters have been raised like the air bubbles seen in badly-manufactured sheet glass. When first discovered they were covered with a fine dark-coloured powder, which was unfortunately brushed away without being minutely examined, and there is a similar appearance inside some of the blisters. When the building - was struck, four men at work in the manufactory 'were knocked down, and were of course dreadfully alarmed. Mr. and Mrs. Britter were sitting in a room facing the workshop, and they describe the lightning as darting . by them like a ball of fire. Hap pily they were uninjured. The storm lasted altogether nearly three hours, it having returned for a short time after its first visit, prior to its entire cessation.—Maid stone Journal. EDINBURGH CASTLE.—On Thursday morn ing the first division of the 58th regiment left the Castle for Glasgow, from whence they are to proceed to Dub lin. They were followed by a second division on Mon day, and the remainder of the regiment take their de parture to-morrow (Thursday). The 10th regiment will temporarily replace them here, till the arrival of the 53d from Portsmouth, when the 10th will move to Glas gowl to relieve the 29th. 1 HOP INTELLIGENCE.—WORCESTER, JULY 17.—Business in this market is quite at a stand, and is likely to remain in the same languid state for some weeks longer ; both dealers and consumers seeming determined to keep down their stocks as low as possible in expectation of prices being still lower. The crop is going on favourably, the duty being called 20,0001., which good judges consider a fair estimate. LIBERAL CLUB AT ENNIS.—On Sunday a meeting of gentlemen assembled at Carmody's Hotel, to form a County Liberal Club. The room was crowded to suffocation. Major M‘Namara, M.P., Mr. Cor nelius O'Brien, M.P., Mr. Hewitt Bridgeman, M.P., and I may say the entire Catholic and Protestant Liberal Aristocracy and Democracy of this great and wealthy county were in attendance. On the entire the meeting formed a club, pledging themselves to apply a portion of their funds towards redressing any tenant who may be persecuted by his landlord for the exercise of his vote. This is as it should be in Clare, and I am only sorry that such a club had not been formed three years ago. If there had, there would be no Van deleurs, or others bold or foolish enough to disturb the Liberal movements of the county, the same as in Li merick. But it is not too late—Clare has done and will do its duty, and never more securely than 'through the agency of this Independent Liberal Club.—Limerick Reporter. DUNDEIi.—We are sorry we are unable to give an y better accounts of trade. Although there is per haps less doing than formerl y , yet our quotations are merely nominal. Several arrivals of flax have taken Ilace during the week from Riga, and the lower ports in the Baltic. Flax continues to maintain its price in Riga, and is held stiff at the last prices. The St. Peterburgh flax, we understand, is ill cleaned, and will not, we suspect, prove to be of good quality. Last letters from Archangel state that nothing was doing; 130 R. for Obortyn, and 125 R. only offered. No tows and codillas offered for sale.—Ayr Gbeerver. M'Mahon, the man charged with the murder of Molony, at the late election, was admitted to bail, the proof of identity against him having failed.—Limeric k Reporter. FIRST EXAMINATION FOR THE DEGRXE OF BACHELOR OF MEDICINE. JULY, 1841.—Eighty candidates presented themselves at this examination. The following is a list, alphabetically ar ranged in two div6iorts, of those who passed : FIRST Divisiow.—Ballard, EdWard, University College ; Beaumont, Henry, University College; Davis, John Jones, London Hospital ; Davis, John Hafl, University College ; Fearnside, Henry, University College ; Fox, Joseph John, University College ; Francis, Dayrell Joseph Thackwell, Guy's Hospital ; Garrod, Alfred Baring, University College ; Gull, William Withey, Guy's Hospital ; Hadwen, Arthur, University College ; Hudson, John, Leeds and University College; Humble William Edward, University College ; Jacob, Henry Long:University College ; Jenner, William, University College; Inman, Thomas, King's College ; Johnson, George, King's College ; Leonard, Thomas, University College • Letheby, Henry, Aldersgate ; Matthew, Thomas Patrick, University College ; Parker, Nicholas Lon don Hospital; Raper, William Augustus, University C ollege; Savage, Henry, University College ; Stedman, Silas Stilwell, University College; Swayne, Joseph Griffiths, Bristol Medical School ; Tapson, Alfred Joseph , University C ollege; Topham, John, University College. SECOND DivlsloN.—Make, James, University College ; Blomfield, Thomas Alfred, University College ; Bunce, Richard, Bristol Idedical School ; Evans John, University College ; Francis, Charles Richard , Middlesex Hospital ; Graham, Thomas, Middles ex Hospital ; Hearne, Edwin, Colle g'v;an Heath, George Yeoman, U n i vers ity Burnell, Webb-street ; J ones , Th omas Universitycollege ; Jones, Lloyd, University College ; Langmore, John Charles, Lon don Hospital ; -Martin, Joseph Telford, Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland ; Maynard, Thomas Brooke Elliott, Bristol Medical School ; llleryon, Edward,, University Col lege; Mott, Charles, Webb-street; Noyes, Henry George, Guy's Hospital ; , Padley, George, Guy's Hospital ; Paler, William, London Hospital; Randall, John, Aldersgate; Smith, Henry, SL Bartholomew's Hospital ; Staples, Charles Theo dore, Military Hospital at Ceylon, and University College ; Stiff', William Phillitnore, University College ; Ware, Charles Witham Henry, EXAHINATIOII FOR HONOURS. A u l n a i t y th er e s w it , y ß co ris i t le o g l e ll . ledical School ; Williams. [The names are arranged in the order of pnficieney : ] ANATOMY AND PstratoLooit.—Ballard, Edward, Univer- sity College. E X HIBITION AND GOLD MEDAL.--411ittheW, Thomas Pat, rick, University College. GOLD MEDAL.—Tapson, Alfred Joseph, University , Col lege ; Stedman, Silas Stilwell, University College ; Inman, Thomas, King's College; Davies, John Jones, London Hos pital ; Fox, Joseph John, University College ; Swayne, Joseph Griffiths, Bristol Medical School. CHEMISTRY.—BaIIard, Edward, University College. EXHIBITION AND GOLD MEDAL.--FOX, Joseph John, University College. GOLD blEDAL.—lnman, Thoinas, King's College ; Hum ble 2 William Edward, University College. MATERIA MEDICA AND PHARDIACEUTIcAL —lnman, Thomas, King's College. EXHIBITION AND GOLD lIIEDAL.--DaVieS, John Jones; London Hospital. GOLD MEDAL.—Tapson, Alfred John, University College; Humble, William Edward, University College. EXAMINERS.—J. F. Daniell, F. Kiernan, J. S. Henslow, J. Pert ira, and W. Sharpey. At the late B.A. examinations for honours, Sanmel Newt'', 8.A., obtained a certificate in mathematics and natural philo sophy ; and Samuel Coulter Davison, 8.A., in dupla., , 13 Ptii . these gentlemen are of University College. THE PRESENT AGE. The paper by Dr. Charming, to which we yesterday referred, was delivered before the Mercantile Library Company at Philadelphia, on May 11, 1841. It is en titled " The Present Age; an Address," &c., and its chief purport is to point out the universal diffusion of know ledge, science, art, and comfort. The discourse has been republished at Glasgow, by Hedderwick and Son, and is well worthy of being added to our literature. It is pregnant with that bright faith in the destiny of man, those noble hopes of his improvement, and that bound less confidence in nature, which has ever distinguished the wisest philosophers, and which well becomes the aspirant of immortality, and the being of an hour. We purpose to make copious extracts from this pamphlet, as we cannot lay before our readers any more welcome truths than those enumerated by Dr. Channing, clothed in a more pleasing garb. We shall quote first what he says of the DIFFUSION OF SCIENCE. " Where is Science now ? Locked up in a few Col legec, or Royal societies, or inaccessible volumes ? Are its experiments mysterious for a few privileged eyes ? Are its portals guarded by a dark phraseology, which, to the multitude, is a foreign tongue ? No ; Science has now left her retreats, her shades, her selected company of votaries, and, with familiar tone, begun the work of instructing the race. Through the press, discoveries and theories, once the monopoly of philosophers, have become the property of the multitude. Its professors, heard not long ago in the University or some narrow school, now speak in the Mechanic Institute. The doc- trine, that the should understand the principles of his art, should be able to explain the laws and pro cesses which he turns to account ; that, instead of work- ing as a machine, he should join intelligence to his toil, is no longer listened to as a dream. Science, once the greatest of distinctions, is becoming popular. A lady gives us conversations on chemistry, revealing to the minds of our youth vast laws of the universe, which, 50 years ago, had not dawned on the greatest Minds. The school-books of our children contain grand views of the creation. There are parts of our country, in which Ly ceums spring up in almost every village, for the purpose of mutual aid in the study of natural science. The cha racteristic of our age, then, is not the improvement of science, rapid as this is, so much as its extension to all men. " But one of the distinctions of our time is, that science has passed from speculation into life. Indeed, it is not pursued enough for its intellectual and contem plative uses. It is sought as a mighty power, by which nature is not only to be opened to thought, but to be subjected to our needs. It is conferring on us that domi nion over earth, sea, and air, which was prophesied in the first command given to man by his Maker ; and this dominion isnow employed, not to exalt a few, but to mul tiply the comforts and ornaments of life for the multi tude of men. Science has become an inexhaustible me chanician ; and by her forges, and mills, and steam cars, and printer's presses, is bestowing on milliohs, not only comforts, but luxuries which were once the distinction of a few. " Above all, Science investigates the laws of social progress, of arts, and institutions of government, and po litical economy, proposing, as its great end, the allevia tion of all human burthens, the weal of all the members of the human race. In truth, nothing is more characte ristic of our age, than the vast range of inquiry which is opening more and more to the multitude of men. Thought frees the old bounds to which men used to con fine themselves. It holds nothing too sacred for investi- gation. It calls the past to account ; and treats hoary opinions as if they were of yesterday's growth. No reverence drives it back,—no great name terrifies it. The foundations of what seems — most settled must be ex plored. Undoubtedly this is a perilous tendency. Men forget the limits of their powers. They question the in finite, the unsearchable, with an audacious self-reliance. They shock pious and reveling minds, and rush into an extravagance of doubt, more unphilosophical and foolish than the weakest credulity. Still, in this dangerous wildness, we see what lam stating,—the tendency to expansion in the movements of thought." DIFFUSION OF THE FINE ARTS. " In the fine arts we see, too, the tendency to univer sality. It is said, that the spirit of the great artists has died out ; but the taste for their works is spreading. By the improvements of engraving, and the invention of casts, the genius of the great masters is going abroad. Their conceptions are no longer pent up in galleries open to but few, but meet us in our homes, and are the household pleasures of millions. Works, de signed for the halls and eyes of Emperors, Popes, and Nobles, find their way, in no poor representations, into humble dwellings, and sometimes give a consciousness of kindred powers to the child of poverty. The art of drawing, which lies at the foundation of most of the fine arts, and is the best education of the eye for nature, is becoming a branch of common education, and in some countries is taught in schools to which all classes are admitted." After adverting to the attempts now making to diffuse education universally, ])r. Channing makes the follow ing remarks, which are probably as applicable to Eng land as to the United State, on the DIFFUSION OF ORATORY. " If we may trust•our newspapers, we are a nation of orators. Every meeting overflows with eloquence. Men of all conditions find a tongue for public debate. Un doubtedly, there is more sound than sense in our end less speeches before all kinds of assemblies and societies. But no man, I think, can attend our public meetings without being struck with the force and propriety of ex pression in multitudes, whose condition has confined them to a very imperfect culture. This exercise of the intellect, which has almost become a national cha racteristic, is not to be undervalued. Speech is not merely the dress, as it is often called, but the very body of thought. It is to the intellect what the muscles are to the principle of physical life. The mind acts and strengthens itself through words. It is a chaos till de fined, organised by language. The attempt to give clear precise utterance to thought, is one of the most effectual processes of mental discipline. It is, therefore, no doubtful sign of the growing intelligence of a people, when the power of expression is cultivated extensively for the purpose of acting on multitudes." We will quote only one passage of what Dr. Channing says of religion, remarking that his observations can scarcely apply to the State religion, which is only an other name for the monopoly of State endownments, and is adverse to diffusion and universality : DIFFUSION OF RELIGION. "One of the great distinctions of our times, is found in the more clear and vital perception of the truth, that the universal impartial love, which is the glory of God, is the characteristic spirit and glory of Christianity. To this we owe the extension of philanthropic and religious ef fort, beyond all former experience. How much we are better, on the whole, than former times, I do not say ; but that benevolence is acting on a larger scale, in more various forms, to more distant objects, this we cannot deny. Call it pretension or enthusiasm, or what you will, the fact remains ; and it attests the diffu sive tendencies of our times. Benevolence now gathers together her armies. Vast associations are spread over whole countries for assailing evils, which, it is thought, cannot be met by the single-handed. There is hardly a form of evil, which has not awakened some antagonist effort. Associated benevolence gives eyes to the blind and ears to the deaf, and is achieving even greater wonders ; that is, it approaches the mind without the avenues of eye and ear, and gives to the hopelessly blind and deaf the invaluable knowledge which these senses afford to others. Benevolence now shuts out no human being, however low, from its regard. It goes to the cell of the criminal with words of hope, and is labour ing to mitigate public punishment, to make it the in strument not of vengeance but reform. It remembers the slave, pleads his cause with God and man, recognises in him a human brother, respects in him the sacred rights of humanity, and claims for him, not as a boon, but as a right, that freedom, without which humanity withers and God's child is degraded into a tool or a brute. Still more, benevolence now is passing all limits of country and ocean. It would send our own best blessing to the ends of the earth. It would make the wilderness of heathenism bloom, and join all nations in the bonds of one holy and loving faith. Thus, if we look at the re ligious movements of the age, we see in them that ten dency to diffusion and universality, which I have named as its most striking characteristic." TUE DIFFUSION AND UNIVERSALITY OF INDUSTRY. " How numberless are the forms which thi s takes passion subsistence, p Into how many channels is human labouru for acquisi tion, pouring itsel ti forth oil, n ! 0 tHfoorw simple widely spread means übtshinee, but for wea lth! o f What vast enterprises agitate the rush into all the departments of tradecomm linitY ! What a universal, the insanity of speculatio l ! How next to spring up ! Industry pierces the speculation What new arts with her axe the everlasting silence.()rests, and startles men, commerce is the Commandi To you, Gentle has no limits but the habitable commanding interest ; and this creeps along the shore, or lingers world. It no longer but penetrates into ever inlet, ers in accustomed tracks, of uncivilised lands, sends plunges into the heart rivers, girdles the earth withs steam-ships up unexplored railroads, and thus breaks down the estrangements noble calling. It of nations. Commerce is a mediates between distant nations, and makes men's wants, not as formerly, stimulants to war , but bonds of peace. The universal intellectual activity of which I have spoken, is due in no small degree, to commerce, which sp rea d s th e t h ou ghts, inventions, and writings of great men over t h e eart h, and gathers scien tificand liter ar y men everyw h ere i n t o an i n tellectual re public. So it carr i es a b roa d t h e m i ss ionary, the Bible, the Cross, and is giving universality to true religion. Gentlemen, allow me to express an earnest desire and hope, that the merchants of this country will carry on their calling with these generous views. Let them not pursue it for themselves alone. Let them rejoice to spread improvements far and wide, and to unite men in more friendly ties. Let them adopt maxims of trade, which will establish general confidence. Especially in their intercourse with less civilised tribes, let them feel themselves bound to be harbingers of civilisation. Let their voyages be missions of humanity, useful arts, science, and religion. It is a painful thought, that com merce, instead of enlightening and purifying less privi leged communities, has t oo often made the name of ristian hateful to them, has carried to the savage, not our useful arts and mild faith, but weapons of war and the intoxicating draught. I call not on God to smite with his lightnings, to overwhelm with his storms, the accursed ship which goes to the ignorant, rude na tive, freighted with poison and death ; which goes to add new ferocity to savage life, new licentiousness to savage sensuality. I have learned not to call down fire from heaven. But, in the name of humanity, of religion, of God, I implore the merchants of this country, not to use the light of a hi g her civilisation to corrupt, y' to are Establish destroy our un civilised brethren. Brethr en they in those rude huts , in that wild attire . ..lish with and charit y. Before an intercourse o f u seful n ess, justice, Before they can under s ta n d t he name of Christ, hrist, let them see his spirit in those by whom it • is borne. It has been said, that the commerce of our country is not only corrupting uncivilised countries, but that it wears & deeper, more damning stain ; that, in spi • te of the laws moßvimsr SUN. of the lands and the protest of nations, it sometimes lends itself to the slave-trade ; that, by its capital, and accom modations, and swift sailers, and false papers, and pros tituted flag, it takes a part in tearing the African from his home and native shore, and in dooming him, first to the horrors of the middle passage, and then to the hope lessness of perpetual bondage. Even on men so fallen I call down no curse. May they find forgiveness from God through the pains of sincere repentance ; but con tinuing what they are, can I help shrinking from them as among the most infamous of their rac e ?" Those arrogant and ambitious Governments, who fear to trust human nature, but have an overweening confi dence in themselves, should study the following passage:— THE GROWTH OF SOCIETY. " I see the danger of the present state of society, per haps as clearly as any one. But still I rejoice to have been born in this acre. It is still true that human na . . ture Was made for growth, expansion ' • this is its prope r life, and this must not be checked because it has perils. The child, when it shoots up into youth, exchanges its early repose and security for new passions, for strong emotions, which are full of danger ; but would we keep him for ever a child ? Danger we cannot avoid. It is a grand element of human life. We always walk on precipices. It is unmanly, unwise, it shows a want of faith in God and humanity, to deny to others and our- selves free scope and the expansion of our best powers, because of the possible collisions and pains to be feared from extending activity. Many,indeed, sigh for security as the supreme good. But God intends us for something better, for effort, conflict, and progress. And is it not well to live in a stirring and mighty world, even though we suffer from it ? If we look at outward nature, we find ourselves surrounded with vast and fearful elements, air, sea, and fire, which sometimes burst all bounds, and overwhelm man and his labours in ruin. But who of us would annihilate these awful forces, would make the ocean a standing pool, and put to silence the loud blast, in order that life may escape every peril . ; This myste rious, infinite, irresistible might of nature, breaking out in countless forms and motions, makes nature the true school for man, and gives it all its interest. In the soul, still mightier forces are pent up, and their expansion has its perils. But all are from God, who has blended with them checks, restraints, balances, re-actions, by which all work together for good. Let us never forget that amidst this fearful stir there is a Paternal Providence, under which the education of our race has gone on, and a higher condition of humanity has been achieved. " There are, however, not a few, who have painful fears of evil from the restless, earnest action, which we have seen spreading itself more and more through all departments of society. They call the age wild, lawless, presumptuous, without reverence. All men, they tell us, are bursting their spheres, quitting their ranks, aspiring selfishly after gain and pre-eminence. The blind mul titude are forsaking their natural leaders. The poor, who are the majority, are contriving against the rich. Still more, a dangerous fanaticism threatens destruction to the world under the name of Reform ; society totters ; pre pertyis shaken ; and the universal freedom of thought and action, of which so many boast, is the precursor of social storms, which only despotism can calm. Such are the alarms of not a few ; and it is right that fear should utter its prophecies as well as hope: But it is the true office of fear to give a wise direction to human effort, not to chill or destroy it. To despair of the race, even , in the worst times, is - unmanly, unchristian. How much more so in times like the present What I most lament in these apprehensions, Is the utter distrust of human nature which they discover. Its highest powers are thought only to be restrained. They are thought to be safe only when in fetters. To me there is an approach to impiety in thinking so meanly of God's greatest work. Human nature is not a tiger which needs a constant chain. In this case, it is the chain which makes the tiger. It is the oppressor who has made man fit only for a yoke." We shall finish by quoting an eloquent tpassage, in which Dr. Channing overthrows the opinion that the diffu sion of knowledge leads to the subversion of society, however dangerous it is to tyrants and tyranny. It shows that the slave conservatism of Peel and Stanley, of the priests and the landlords, is opposed to THE HEAL CONSERVATISM OF SOCIETY. " When I look into the great movements of the age, particularly as manifested in our own country, they seem to me to justify no overwhelming fear. True, they are earnest and wide-spreading ; but the objects for which they are directed are pledges against extensive harm. For example, ought the general diffusion of science, and literature, and thought, to strike dread ? Do habits of reading bread revolt ? Does the astronomer traverse the skies, or the geologist pierce the earth, to gather materials for assault on the social state ? Does the study of nature stir up rebellion against its author ? Is it the lesson which men learn from history, that they are to better their condition by disturbing the State ? Does the reading of poetry train us to insurrection ? Does the diffusion of a sense of beauty through a people in cline them to tumult ? Are not works of genius and the fine arts soothing influences ? Is not a shelf of books, in a poor man's house, some pledge of his keeping the peace ? It is not denied, that thought, in its freedom, questions and assails the holiest truth. But is truth so weak, so puny, as to need to be guarded by bayonets from assault ? Has truth no beauty, no might ? Has the human soul no power to weigh its evidence, to reve rence its grandeur ? Besides, does not freedom of thought, when most unrestrained, carry a conservative power in itself ? In such a state of things, the erring do not all embrace the same error. Whilst truth is one and the same, falsehood is infinitely various. It is a house divided against itself, and cannot stand. Error soon passes away, unless upheld by restraint on thought. History tells us, and the lesson is invaluable, that the physical force, which has pnt down free inquiry, has been the main bulwark of the superstitions and illusions • of past ages. " In the next place, if we look at the chief direction of the universal activity of the age, we shall find that it is a conservative one, so as to render social convulsion next to impossible. On what, after all, are the main energies of this restlessness spent ? On property, on wealth. High and low, rich and poor, are running the race of accumula tion. Property is the prize for which all strain their nerves; and the vast majority compass in some measure this end. And is such a society in danger of revulsion ? Is tu mult the way to wealth ? Is a state of insecurity coveted by men who own something and hope for more ? Are civil laws, which, after all, have property for their chief concern, very likely to be trodden under foot by its wor shippers ? Of all the dreams of fear, few seem to me more baseless than the dread of anarchy among a people who are possessed almost to a man with the passion for gain. lam especially amused when, among such a people, I sometimes hear of danger to property and society, from enthusiastic, romantic Reformers, who preach levelling doctrines, equality of wealth, quaker plainness of dress, vegetable food, and community-sys tems, where all are to toil and divide earnings alike. What ! Dang,er from romance and enthusiasm in this money-getting, self-seeking, self-indulging, self-display ing land ! I confess that to me it is a comfort to see some outbreak of enthusiasm, whether transcendental, philanthropic, or religious, as a proof that the human spirit is not wholly ingalfed in matter and business, that it can lift up a little the mountains of worldliness and. sense with which it is so borne down. It will be time enough to fear, when we shall see fanaticism of any kind stopping ever so little the wheels of business or pleasure, driving ever so little from man's mind the idea of gain, or from woman's the love of display. Are any of you. dreading an innovating enthusiasm ? You need only to step into the streets to be assured that property and the world are standing their ground against the spirit of re form as stoutly as the most worldly man could desire. " Another view which quiets my fear as to social or der, from the universal activity of the times, is the fact that this activity appears so much in the form of steady labour. It is one distinction of modern over ancient times, that we have grown more patient of toil. Our danger is from habits of drudgery. The citizens of Greece and Rome were above work. We seem to work with something of the instinct of the ant and the bee ; and this is no mean security against lawlessness and revolt. - - . --. " Another circumstance of our times which favours a quiet state of things, is the love of comforts which the progress of arts and industry has spread over the com munity. In feudal ages, and ancient times, the mass of the population had no such pleasant homes, no such de fences against cold and storms, no such decent apparel, no such abundant and savoury meals, as fall to the lot of our population. Now, it must be confessed, though not very flattering to human nature, that men are very slow to part with these comforts, even in defence of a good cause, much less to throw them away in wild and sense less civil broils. e Th e piwerous part of society are , of course, par ticularly 1121)&0 the fear of which I have spoken. They see danger esEecianY in the extension of power and free dom of all •nds to the labouring classes of society. bsuusr pdiecn o i os f n i e l universal enough reproach. p s h a r l o ta p oc i hl bear, a i i Th e y look with a jealous eye on attempts to elevate ththough one would think, that to improve a man eses was the surest way to disarm his violence. They talk of urs r i a e systemis bhm m eeaulnonua T dade l n i o e lfa y to i t i daihte a asss the great enemies to ' They dread a conspiracy of the needy against tbesoc:eltil used as tools ; but the stirring and guiding the manual in its poorer ranks. The m do w a N ure i o ee t g r dhn o , tototuht t be ranks. ass m a y, i n _ Communities ‘\,e fall by the voices of the prosperous . powers of insurrection are found above are referred to Rome, which was robbed robbed of her liberties, and reduced to the most de by the lawlessness of the plebeians,gading vassalage, themselves to demagogues, and gave the republic into the hands of a dictator. But what made the plebeians an ? idle, dissolute, rapacious horde It was the system of universal rapine, which, under the name of conquest, had been carried on f or t ages by patricians, by all the powers of the State • a s the spoils of the pil i .a..e a'semwhich glutted Rome with world—which fed her popula tion_ without labour, f7o mthe public treasures, and cor rupted them by public shows. It was • this which helped to make the metropolis of the earth a sink of crime and pollution, such as the world had never known. It was time that the gr an d ro bb er - state s h ou ld be cast down from her guilty eminence. Her brutish populace, which followed Caesar's car with shouts, was not worse than the venal, crouching Senate which registered bis decrees. Let not the poor bear the burden of the rich. At this moment, we are groaning over the depressed and disho noured state of our country ; and who, let me ask, have shaken its credit, and made so many of its institutions bankrupt ? The poor or the rich ? Whence is it that the income of the widow, the orphan, the aged, have been narrowed, and multitudes on both sides of the ocean brought to the brink of want ? Is it from an outbreak of popular fury ? Is it from gangs of thieves sprung from the mob ? We know the truth, and it shows us where the great danger to property lies. " Communities fall by the vices of the the small. The French Revolution •- is perpetually sounded in our ears, as a warning ' against the law lessness of the people. But whence • came this re volution ? Who were the regicides ? Who el behead C Leuis XVI. ? You tell m e th e • Jacobins ; but his tory tells a different tale. I will show you the 71bs St taken ,st) ~!, Save• /wage, dp A , r iot,' - -able u stand Part (e; I , vi tJg7 I