The Sun. — London, England, 1819-06-28 00:00:00

LITERARY REVIEW. ..4:t INVESTIGATION of the POLICY of NI I N ESTE It 3 .-...- Pamphlet, pp. 73. Tr is very seldom that a tract abounding with so much knowledge. good sense, and candour has fullen'tlithin our observation. We are told, in a brief preface, or rather advertisement, that " the greater part of the nark was written before the close of the year 1817, but the poblicatton of it Ns-as delayed by circumstances, in which the au thor only is interested." We beg leave to differ Stith biro .on that point, fur hi s observations are so striking, so pertinent, so perspictious,and so coosiocing, that if it had been brought forward as soon as it was written, it triiish: have been at tetoled with more beneficial effects than since the occasion !bat produced it has passed away. It is addressed .10 the Independent Electors of Great Britain, ant teas intended to, present such facts sand rea'iostingS to their miti . ls 'as were likely most vronely to inflnence therm in the choice of rht it Repirstot;tives at the Cieueral Election, which. was thin put? Cll,llld has shsce ta%en,,place.—*--The Author enters into au extensive csaminati , or of the conduct of ,Nlinivers throng!' the whole of that war, which at length was hrought to so glo rinas a cotichtionom , wily for this count; y,hot for sit E'tiolwe, which the firm perseverance or Great Britain has deliveted from oppression and probable anarchy. Ile examiiies this interesting subject with great a CIO ern' SS and has evi.lently qtnilifted himself, hy reading, reflection, ants study, to form a due est;m4 , e of hemt igin and progress of the war, as well as of ail matters of doMestic policy, and his erg :ments in defence of their measures are clear, dispassionate, and satisfactory. Among o:her to pics which have enabled Faction to delude Ignor ance, lie has fully justified the Suspension of the ridbeas Corpits Act, and animadverted with truth and energy on the dangyrous doctrines afloat, and the endeavours that were certainly preparing in order to overthrow the British Constitution, and to introduce all the pernicious theories which led to the downfall of the French Monarchy, and the consequent horrors of its hideous It evolution.- I,Ve understand that this work was written by young Author, who is preparing himself for theher. "NVe shall not mention the name that has been an nounced to us, because is e have not sufficient au thority, but, considering the great merit of the work itself, we conceive that his name one lit not to he a secret to the Ministers whose cause he has so ably defended. We do not say this roofer any idea that he wants their patronage, hut because ave conceive that it is their interest as well as duty to encourage li•erary powers and political know ledge, when they are exeocised in support of truth, and for the adsan , age of the Country. It. slick a young than had . come forward to former times, he would have sought for in the recesses of obscurity, and have found, encouragement for his talents. The present Ministry are not thought to be zealot's Patrons of the Press, and yet at no time in the history of this Comory was a loyal Press more necessary. Parliamentai y eloquence, anti the wisest allinioistration of public affairs, ale not sufficient to stem the torrent of JAC(:BINISM threaters overwl.ielin the Cwintl y• In all parts of the Empire the engines of democracy are note: actively at Work. That there are many loyal Journals t ltron - g hoot the United Kingdom must be admitted, but there is hardly arty place to be found where there is not, at least, an Opposition N e spoiner, and others devoted to Jticobiriisin, too well calcidated, openly, or insidiously, to instil into the mieds of the lower orders the poison of sCditioti. But to room to the wot k before us. After an historical review of the chief events that h ave o c curred during the Fogless of the war, and an impartial consideration of the measures adopted by Ministers, the Author proceeds to the question of Parliamentary Reform, upon which he reasons with so much good sense, judgment, and acute ness, that we shall present his observations in the foltowithg Extract, which forms the conclusion of a work so honourable to his talents,. and which affords a promising angury of the distinction that be is likely to acquire, in the pursuit of a pro fession to which be has devoted himself, and of which, we doobt not, that he will become a con spicuous ornament. " Before a reform can be reasonably demanded, some ex isting abuse should be pointed out, which it would be sure to redress; an abuse not merely in terms, but in fact, and in its consequences. It has not been wool that by the present sys tem of representation any individual is injured or liable to in jury, or that any real demonstrable good to the Kingdom that might be enjoyed is withheld. It has been said that a corrupt Admiuistration is supported by the present House of Commons, and that they would he removed and replaced by a better, or more effectually checked in evil measures, ware the people really represented in the body that conttouls them. But this position assumes that which can never be granted : that the ads of Government would be wiser if they were di rected by other men under other influence. As far as the question can be elucidated by a reference to past times, this argument for reform is nugatory; for at all periods since the division of the State into parties, there has been an opposition to Government of which the strength is a just criterion of public opinion ; and it does not appear that when the cry.for reform has been loudest, the adverse party has ever been the must numerous. !" If the happiness of the people be the end and aim of all Govern►vents, it ought to he proved before a Constitution is suffered to undergo a change which may produce evil, that a❑ improvement ii► the condition of the great body of the population is reasonably to be expected; neither ought the prospect of it to consist merely in the harmony and concord of abstract propositions. It should appear unquestiutably that if an extension of rights be granted to any number of indivi• duals, they will derive a rea! benefit from the concession,and that it will conduce to the general good of the community aitbout bringing evil or injury upon any part of it. In no use system of ref6rin that bas been presented to the House.of Commons, have these considerations been attended to. It tors not appear that such towns as might receive the elective franchise, would be more than nominally bettered in their political condition. They possess at this moment the benefit of all existing laws, and the liberty of petitioning fur new ones; and they possess equal advantages of every Kind with these who have the right of sending representatives. Per ;,aps it will he objected that these arguments tend to chew that the whole representative system is uttreal or twminal : this, la.wever, weal(' be fire itr,,na just. To a eeriaiti eel tilt —... to that extent in which it is enjoyed at this day, the right of representation is incalculably valuable; it isthesafeguard of a nation's liberties; an effectual end never-failing check on the proceedings and designs of Parliament; and a fixed counter poise to 'Teal power. ,Beyond this it is in theory hazardous and delusive—in practieeVas far as our little axperience guides 'us, subversive of that order and justice on which alone free dom can ever be grafted it) security. It most not be forgot ten that the present election laws owe their establishment to the former dangerous and mischievous extent of the eight of voting. In very early times it was discovered that the quail ! ficatione of electors must he revised and fixed anew, so as to decrease their numbers, or that every election would render the country a scene of alarming tumult, which Would endan ger the purity of the House by the return of spurious Mem bers. There is no reason to suppose that at the present day, when the populatian is so much more nuMerous, and party agitations more siolent, that greater tranquillity and decency would he preserved. Judging, too, by the usual proceedings where the right of voting now exists, there can be little hope that venality and corruption would diminish as the elective privileges extended. If it is otherwise, we must suppose that the present body of electors in Great Britain are men of less integrity and independence 1 ban those who would be added to their number by the extension of the franchise. It there fore appeals, that as the right of voting is within the reach of all iedividuele who by their rank or property can he person ally interested in the affairs of the nation, and as there are already great numbers possessed of that privilege, who only use it for the purpose of pecuniary gain, its extension would but increase that corruption which the reformers pro ttte to redress. This observation does not, however, apply to large and popidous towns, like Birmingham and Manches ter, which Are unrepresented in Parliament. If a proposal for granting the elective franchise to such as these could be brought separately cad unconnected before Parliament, it would probably he met with unenitmtue assent. It is acci_ dent alone that has left these without the civil rights to which their wealth and censerpte.nce steam justly to entitle. them : and attinengleit world be difficult to point out any actual benefit which they would derive from time acquisition of them, the change would harmonize with the established system. These, however, are isolated exceptions to the ge neral denial of a necessity for re form. It is the independ ence and not the number of electors whirl) will secure the ' integrity of a House of Representatives. Many will he in duced to vote from motives of local interest ; some will al ways support a certain family ; others a particular party ; a few will be directed by pure disinterested patriotism ; but a great proportion will always yield to bribes of one kind or another. The latter class will increase in a double ratio to all others as electors become more numerous ; for the cor ruption so muds complained of rests not with the Constitu tion, nor with the House of Commons, nor with any of its individual Members. It originates in the imperfection of human nature ; and the morals of the whole nation must be improved before it can he destroyed. It has been said that where time morality of nature is insufficient to prevent crime, human laws should be brought to its assistance: but in the present case both are united. If The venality which is said to - imfect the system existed only in the House, the election laws would be strong enough to guard the people against its effects. But where electors and candidates of all degrees and opinions join in the practice of corruption, the'laws have &me their utmost. If any ask why they are not enf:ireed, they must answer the question themselves. The offence is too general for punishment, and womild only.be increased by an augmentation of voters. No plan of Parliamentary Re form has been directed against this evil ; and the Reformers have therefore passed by a view of the question which might hate helped them on their way among moderate and well disposed neutrals. If the present Electors of Great Britain, consistine of the most respectable among the middle classes, and the least dependent among the poor, are to be swayed by bribes, or influenced by motives of personal interest, boa/ would it he if the Elective Franchise were enjoyed by the incalculable numbers who, ignorant alike of their own and of their country's political concerns, have no views beyond the desire of providing for themselves and their fa milies. May it not be presumed, that they would be at the devotion of whoever would bribe them highest; or, that hay log no just notions of men and things, they might be made the effective instruments and promoters of faction. 'May not any effect he expected, sooner than that, with the unbiassed voice of reason and truth, they should bestow their suffrages on such as might he safely trusted with the diversified inte rests of a great nation ? " The influence, which the nobility bas gradually acquired during the last century, in the House of Commons, though contrary to the letter of our constitution, will probably be found, when its consequences become more palpaple, to he a correction of an evil formerly much dreaded though little understood. It will finally confirm the stability of the Go vernment, and may be considered as an improvement which has insensibly grown out of an experience of its necessity. While this power was in its infancy, an able and ingenious writer of the last century, commenting on the distant, but anticipated determination of our present form of Govern ment, into either an absolute Monarchy or a Republic, ob serves, that in tine latter case, if the House of Commons, after uniting in itself all the capacities of the State, should, as it probably would, declare itself perpetual, we should suffer all the tyranny of one factions, subdivided into many. The dan ger thus dreaded from the tendency of the present Govern ment to a Democracy, is effectually averted, by the commix ture of the Nubility with the Commons; while, from the state of parties in Parliament, divided into opposite and conflicting. interests, the prerogative of the Crown is neither augmented nor infringed ; the medium of communication between King and People is strengthened, and their respective interests drawn more closely together. But, notwithstanding the be nefit immediately derived from this union of bodies in the state, great stress has been laid by reformers, on an oriel made to prove at the bar of the House, that eighty-four indi viduils could procure a majority in the Commons. They might have said, that three hundred and twenty Commoner* conk' do the same thing. And what is the inference to he drawn from either fact; simply, that while Parliament is composed of a certain number of members, there must ne cessarily be a majority constituted by some power or other. Bot as that power is continually changing; as the same Lords. who procure the return of four members to one Parliament, may not be able to influence the election of two the those Peers cannot be said, as some hare assert ed, to engross the whole Legislative Power. The sane observations would 'apply to a certain naniber of Coun ties and Towns, as, were they to combine against the rest, they might for one Parliament, and no more, oppress them without restraint, But a general election is a tribunal at which 31 must appear, and answer foe their cdfidad; and this power rf the majority will stand or fall ace,ordingly as it has been exercised. Its possessors are therefore bound, by a sense of heir own interest, the strongest tie that regulates human actions, to labour for the benefit of the peoplg. This is the court that they have invariably pursued, and from which it nay be safely said they will never depart, unless forced into contention by the intemperate attacks of ene mies to peace and"'V•ue liberty. HOever perfect aad beau tiful in description, maybe the state of things promised by reformers, the blessings which we actually enjoy, and the security in ,ur bands, for their lung and prosperous conti nuance, must never be disregarded. An increase of liberty, and a perfect House of Cournon , , are the benefits we aro told a change would produce. The first is an indefinite ad vantage, perhaps hardly to be desired ; or, if really neces sary, attainable through the saute channel which has con veyed to us that which we already possess; and the assem bly, wholly and purely popular, which we are to receive, is but a comp:ond of impossibilities and , uncertainties. It there is now a balance in the Constitution, it would then be overthrown; if there is now a check to the encroachments of a preponderant democracy, they would then be irresistible. The change Enigitt lead to revolution, or endanger thr pre sent settlement of property ; while the only visible good held out, is the destruction of the existing order of things, whicli, if not perfect, is, at least, the best this world contains, and is adapted in all its parts to the country in which it has grown and fluerished. These are facts not to be controvert ed by any ingenuity-of theoretic reasoning. " The conduct of Parliament in its attention to the king dom's welfare being unimpeachable, its enemies condemn the manner in which it is constituted. But if an assemble, comprehending so much wealth, talent, and integrity, as the House of Commons,were chosen by sets or by decimation from among the people at large, it would be unwise in the urati,ti that prospered under its guidance, to quarrel with the tood, , i Of its election. Political institutions most be judged by their practical effect, and not ley the manner of their forma tion. Let the House of Commons be tried by this criterion. If the influence of the Nobles be objected to, let us see whe ther their interests have been promoted, while those of the people have been neglected. If the power of the Crown b e dreaded, let the records of Parliament tell, whether it has hero supported or enlarged by any subduction of the people's liberties. It would involve every disputed question of domes tic policy to examine the conduct of the Legislature as it affects the inferior classes, who have lately been made to cry the loudest for a reform. If, however, they could reflect on the nature of the boon they ask, they would discover, by the mode in which they are taxed, the point on which the disin terestedness of legislative justice is most conspicuous, abun ,dant cause fur satisfaction. They would see, that however bumble their condition, the richest and greatest in the realm are ever watchful of their rights and possessions, attentive to their necessities, mindful of their sufferings, and anxious fur their happiness. It is remarked by an able writer not illiberal in his opinions of human nature, that in a Govern ment, where the riches and power are united in the hands of a few perso-s, " they will readily conspire to lay the whole burt hen on the poor, and oppress thentstill further, to the distant( agement of all industry,"—hut, how happilyalifferent has been the conduct of those to whose direction the consti tution has confided the welfare and property of British sub jects. Have they spared themselves, and cast the weight of imposts on the pour? Hare they not, on the Con'rary, in pro viding for the vast expenditure of the Ciovermuent, laid taxes of the highest possible ratio un all articles of luxury, which can be procured only by the rich ; on the trausrer, whether by gift, sale, or demise, of large property, which can In, ef fcctedonly by the rich; on rents of lands and houses, which, multiplying as they rise in amount, are felt most sensibly b y the rich ; and, finally, on incomes, which tax, passing entirely over the poor, and hut gently visiting the middle classes, fell, while coutinued by the wisdom of Parliament, with undi minished weight on the well-ascertained revenues of the rich and great. ' " It is not, however, in the conduct of Parliament that the more prudent advocates for reform have sought fur reasons to call fur a change in the Constitution. It seems, lather, that they object to the persons who compose the legislature. But very few have yet fairly considered the nature of the assembly, which is proposed as a substitute fur 'the House of Com mons. To a third estate, purely democrat lent, the other two branches of the legislature would be an insufficient court terpoise; and it is probable that a revolution would quickly follow the first contest between them. The Crown, undefended front popular,eneroachtuent, in one of the broadest avenues to the perogative, would be separated from the nation with which it now acts in concert. There arc in deed few evils that a kingdom can experience from a specu lative attempt to reform its constitution, that England would be secure from, were a new and uncontrollable political power to be placed in hands unaccustomed to use it. It must ever be' remembered, that the Legislature, as it is now constituted, it as open to the complaints of the people as it would be wider a perfect democracy. Though it might be made subject to the more frequent controul of the people, it could not be more influenced by their opinion. The two great parties, into which Parliament has formed itself, upon the usages of the most prosperous century of our Constitu tion, operate as a mutual check upon each other ; and being rival candidates for popular approbation, the basis of all lasting power, appeal to the nation at large, as a final anal absolute judge, upon every question touching the general welfare. The right of decision thus vested in the great bcdy of the people, has been exercised with effect, ever since the true constitutional privileges of the swhject have been deft.mai and confirmed. It has been exercised in the support of Go vernment, thron.ol long and exhausting wars; it has bee:, manifested in the overthrow of administrations, whenever their counsels. have become pernicious to their country—it will continue to guard the nation from foreign and domestic danger, al long as its trite value an-1 power are anown, and its possessors refuse to barter it for the delusive promises uI Reformers." Hume. ARTISTS IN ENGLAND.—It appears from a list ►f each class in s et red in a late number of Annall pf the Fine Arts,that modern patronage has created 'n England not less than 931 profescion,il artists 7arion 4 description q, in and near the metropolis ; whom there are 532 painters, 45 sculptors, 1 49 architects, 93 engravers in tine, 38 in mixed tiles, 19 in mezzotinto, 83 in aequatinta, 22 on rood ; and deserves to be especially noticed , inong the painters, there are no secs than 43 adies. THEATRICAL REGISTER. Prrformcd on Saturday Night. Tit EAT Ft F. ROTA COVENT-CA EDEN.—Ki ng Eh'nry the Eigh th i i: Cardinal W o l s ey, M r . Y oung; Kathari ne , Mice After which, Cozening. T o which was added, The riillrt and his Men. THEATRE ROTA v, thYNIARKETi DRURY-LANZ COMPAm". The Jew of Litbeek : th e Jew of Lisbeck, Mr. Rae : an; Miss S. Booili. After which, Moder n A n ti ques . To was added, The Turnpike Gat,. THEATan Itorar,, F.Nottmtt Oreaa-Houst.—UpAll ~ißht• Admiral Blunt, Mr. Dowton; Juliana, Miss Kelly. A"" which, Bachelors' Wires. PRICE 0 STOCKS THIS DAT AT TWELVE O'CLOCK. India Bonds. 4s. 1 , 5 • dl i s t : Exch. Bills, 2d, 23. 3 s• ''S. d t 4 Ow nittm .. diS• 'j iff • • . Cons. for July • • . 63 Vi Bank 5 21a 3 per Cent. Red 6 q -1 4 per Cents • • 4 :i44i Bank L. Ann... 17 13-IGths MAILS. AEMIVrn-2 Dublin, 2 Waterford, 1 Guernsey and Je r self Franc,, I Flanders. DUE-1 Holland, I Gottenborgb, 1 Lisbon, I Malta, I xa►p' burgh. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO•MORRO IV ', Mornimg,36 aftvr 6. I Et - ening, 2 inmates after THE SUN. SOLEM QUIS DICERE FALSUM ArlDliAT ? LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 23, 1319. Adrian of a very interestln4 and inivorleaC naturz have bee') received this day, on the 811• theruicity of which our Readers may confide"fil rely. It appears, that the Marquess Ds CAsi YRUJIO, tbe.Printe Minister at the Court of Mad drill, has been removed, and ordered to 10'4' to the town of Avila, in OW C.:wile, where he was to arrive on 'he 14 h inst. He was Or' wetly Secretary to the 'Marquess del CAmOf %Olen the latter was Ambassador in this Co!lntl' Ile was suspected to be too strongly attaclied to file interests of the United States of Anleric" being related by marriage to the Ex-Presiden t ' Mr. AnANts. The Minister of War h.rs been removed, and appointed Captain General of' Grenada, as a hind of honourable retiremeA• lz is supposrd that these changes are connected ‘vi ts the Cession of the Floridr.s, anti it may, COW e ' quently, be fairly doubted whether the Trea l l making that Cession to tie United States trill be ratified by the Court of Spain. REPORTED CAPTURE OF SIR GREGOR WGIIEG°g AND HIS TROOPS. BRIvroL, JUNE 26.--A rrived the Bristol £l 4 ''' vsv, from Jamaica; she,spoke off Cape Nicholls an American schooner from Porto Bello, boat" ` l ,to Baltimore, who stated, that after Sir Ga7O lt i\l`Gau,cort had been in posseFs-ion of that 10' 4 14 days, a tlevere Battle took place, in which 3 6° , prirates, and 70 of his Offi cers were kill e d, a 'l tI. hirnself and the rest of his force wounded 03 taken prisoners. We received yesterday and this morning 1116 Paris Papers of Tburs i day and Friday last. Jo th a Chattiber of Peers, the discnsiion on the pr"i vt , respecting the financial accounts was cont inne d . and closed on Wednesday, %Th en it was „gree d to by a majority of 136 to 3. Wednesday, itt the Chamber of Deputies, the discussion of tits Budget of Ways and Means was proceed ed in. M. MANUEL, at great length, went o cer the whole system of the Government, commercial, and financial. Amongst colter 50;44 es ' tions, he strongly recommended the entering into f commercial relations with th e I n d epen d en ts South America,and the negociat ion of aTreaty the Government of. Hayti, with the view of S P • curing some indemnity to the twfortunate Ex-C ° ‘ lonists of that island, and re-opening its ports t° French commerce. When he had finished, the Ceti: Gauc:te called for the printing'of his speech this was opposed by the C3!6 Droii, and the (l ea cision being doubt tul, the question was again p"'S when the whole of the C6'6 Gauche, together w ill) the Ministers, voted for the printing, and. I " Ct e Droit against ; the printing ;NHS ordered" . The further discussion was ajourned tillThursd ° P On the last mentioned day the discussion on the whole of the Budget of Ways aid Means WA! closed, and after hearing a Report from the C° ll)‘. 'lnitzez on vAri o ns Petitions, the Chamber a djoar li ed. The deliberation was to he commenced ° iv Friday on the A rt icl es of Ways and Means, a n the Amendments proposetl by the Committee. 1 The ilioniteur of Thorschy contains a 3 ° Y 6 Ordnnnance, allowing the exportation of f law and biscuit. 'l'n g KING, on Wednesday, presided " t Cooncil of Ministers. It is said his MA.I gIr : was to go out this d a y f or t h e fi rst time since his im!isposiiion, end to remove to Si• Iti CI to