The Sun. — London, England, 1867-01-23 00:00:00

--.. The Italian Financial Statement. FLORENCE, Jan. 18. Signor Scialoja delivered yesterday, in the Cham ber of Deputies, the second portion of his financial statement, detailing the means by which he proposed to meet the deficit resulting from the accounts of public revenue and expenditure, which he presented and explained to the Chamber in the sitting of the previous day. The house was crowded in every part, and the minister rose to make his statement amid profound silence. Signor Scialoja spoke as follows : " Yesterday, gentlemen, I had the honour to lay before the Chamber that portion of the financial statement having reference only to the public re venue and expenditure, and from the analysis I made of those accounts, it resulted that in future years we shall be able to count upon resources of no incon siderable extent which we have not possessed in the past. We may very confidently hope that by means of some small sacrifices we shall reach 1880 with the liquidation of 60 millions of the debt—that year being the period at which two very important items of the debt—the national loan and the domainial bonds—will be extinguishes]. The principal consi deration upon which my argument is founded is that the amount it of the deficit estimated for 1867 at 185 millions lire can only be modified to a very small extent either on the side of the excess or diminution —since the expenses have been accurately calculated and no extraordinary cases are anticipated that might render the estimate fallacious. It is now ne cessary to enter upon the measures which appear to me best calculated to enable us to effect gradually the equilibrium of the budget. Had not Italy passed through periods of war and revolution, and were she placed under more favourable economic condi tions, the means of recruiting the treasury would be easy. So, also, if in Italy that firmness of pur pose which I am rejoiced to see animates all were united to what I might call the sublimity of courage which so greatly characterises the young and vigor ous nation dwelling beyond the Atlantic, and which can only exist in a country whose material prospe rity, having endured and increased through a long series of years, has only been interrupted by a single war, I should say—Let us cover the 185 millions of deficit by 185 millions of taxes. In fact, after a most disastrous war of five years, America found her public debt increased by 15 milliards, obtained for the most part from the national capitalists, and in order to meet this heavy burden and the war ex penses, new and onerous taxes were imposed upon the nation, one alone of which yielded a revenue of one milliard and 500 millions. We have no means of obtaining so great a result. We must therefore, in order to cover our deficit, have recourse to more moderate measures than those adopted by the Ame ricans. Nevertheless, the complete independence we have now attained should inspire the taxpayers with fresh courage, from the certainty that they have reached the last stage of their sacrifices. I stated that our deficit amounted to 185 millions, 85 millions of which I intend to provide for by expe dients which will reduce the public expenditure, by supplementary taxes, and by modifications of exist ing taxes calculated to render them more produc tive. For the remaining 100 millions I propose providing by means which I shall explain in due course. Commencing with the 85 millions, I have the honour to explain to the Chamber that among the items comprised in the intangible portion of the budget, I have particularly devoted my attention to the pensions, which amount to 45 millions, and in crease annually ina measure disproportionate to the nature of the expense, in consequence of the pacific revolution which we have accomplished, and the necessity of furnishing means of subsistence to the men who have in some manner served the country. Distinguishing those pensions that must necessarily always exist from those which have resulted from our political condition and originated in retiring allowances, I have accurately examined both classes, and have drawn up a bill which will shortly be laid before you. This mea sure, by transferring the service of pensions to the Deposit and Loan Bank, and assigning to that esta blishment a revenue corresponding to the amount of the public indebtedness under this head in a year in which the expenditure may - serve as the basis for a normal reckoning, the Treasury will shortly effect a reduction of about 17 millions in the debt. It is necessary, in order to esta blish the basis of the public revenue and ex penditure, and the means of providing for the deficit, always to take into account the trans actions which form an indication of the greater or lesser degree of material prosperity enjoyed by the country, and otherwise tend to increase it. Ob serving, therefore, the immense annual movement of securities disclosed in the kingdom, we see that it is represented by an amount of three mil liards, upon which a light tax could be imposed of so much per thousand, placing the stamp upon each document after the English system, and rendering liable to this tax Government con cessions. By thus establishing an impost similar to that of the registry and stamp upon the transfer of moveable property, we produce a revenue of from 15 to 16 millions, causing scarcely any trouble and no expense for collection. For the other 52 millions it is necessary to provide by taxes, which will be complements of existing taxes rather than new im posts." The Minister then adverted to the project previ- ously brought forward by him upon the consolida tion of the land tax, and insisted anew upon the necessity that the income tax, distinct in its nature from the land tax, should reach that part of the income not affected by the land tax. "It is my firm idea and conviction," continued Signor Scialoja, " that the income tax is designed to reach all that enters the pockets of the taxpayers. (Move ment.) Ido not go far in this. Let us not imagine ourselves superior or inferior to the truth ; and I make this recommendation be cause—l speak frankly—it is a characteristic of Italians, and I am an Italian myself, to give way sometimes to exaggerated opinions— (" Oh !" and movement on the left) —and to be unwilling to comprehend the true bearing of things. The impressions of the Italians, it has been said by a man of genius, are phantasms—(murmurs on the left) —and I add that this produces no small incon venience, and might cause injurious results. The land tax is too onerous, and is ill distributed. With the same franknea as I have hitherto used in my statement, I shall state, gentlemen, why I speak thus cl€arly upon the measures to be taken to meet the financial deficit. To this course lam urged by two excellent reasons. In the first place, by the wish that, as far as regards myself, all disguise may cease between the Government and the Chamber; and, in the second, because in the ensuing month of February I shall have the honour to lay before you a bill relative to the assessment of the land tax. I declare frankly that I should not presume to present to the Chamber a . bill that I had not announced some time before, in order that you might be enabled maturely to consider and decide whether another man should sit in the place that I occupy. The tax upon articles of consumption under all its forms, in order to become useful to the State, must be gradually transformed into a tax upon produc tion. (Movement.) I will explain." The minister then proceeded to enter upon this subject, and ad verted to the two taxes that at once affected pro duction and consumption—that proposed by Signor Sella upon grist, and his own bill for taxing wine. " The committee appointed by the Chamber did not feel justified in rejecting these taxes upon produc tion, nor did they condemn the tendency towards them ; but after examining both, and seeking the weans of substituting if it were possible a tax upon circulation proportionate to the value of the beve rages, they committed to the Government the care of seeking the pheenix of taxes, that which imposed upon circulation is less troublesome than that upon manufacture. When speaking in their report of the tax on grist, the committee above mentioned did not directly examine the merit of the proposal, but made a very sensible observation. They said that there was no proper administrative machinery to obtain from that tax an advantage oommensurate with its inconveniences. Although I had not the honour to agree on all points with the reporter of that committee, I nevertheless considered it indis pensable to consider the inconveniences pointed out. I now submit to you a system of taxes which, with- out having the vexatious form of direct taxes upon consumption, are rather taxes upon production, and reach the product at the moment when the producer derives the benefit from it. Within a fortnight I shall have the honour to submit to the Chamber some bills based upon this principle. To sancti on its utility neither precedent nor example is wanting. In the United States gutta pe:rcha manufacturers pay a tax which greatly benefits the Treasury. We see the same at home in gold and silver work, and when a similar tax can be imposed upon all objects, the constuup tion of which proceeds gradually with the cogni sance of all, we shall then obtain a revenue of fifteen to twenty millions. (Movement.) And adhering to the same principle of production, and recollect ing that in the present necessity of the Treasury it is necessary to impose a burden, only seeking to place it where it may be lightest and least sensible, I now declare that I cannot give up the most general production, which is consumed by all and which none can do without—that of grain. I do not propose to tax grist, but a tax upon mills. Whatever may be said against such an impost as being odious and unpopular, I must still believe that, applied in equal measure, it cannot be of a vexatious character, and still less be insupportable. (Movement.) The revenue that I propose to draw from this source being limited to 30 millions, you will agree that it is not intolerable, divided among 25 millions of Italians, none of whom can avoid paying it. (Movement on the left.) It is the duty of all—of Government and Parliament—to ask fresh sacrifices from the country. (No, no, on the left.) If, gentlemen, this state of things had been sooner comprehended, and if three years ago we had had the courage to make this sacrifice, we could have undertaken the war against Austria without having recourse to the extreme financial measures which were incumbent upon us." The Minister proceeded to demonstrate the augmentation of the deficit since 1863 to the present time, and expressed his conviction that if the measures he now proposes could then have been adopted, very many grievous necessities would have been avoided. He pointed out that the budget of 1863 showed a revenue of 519 millions, that of 1864 522 millions, while for 1867 the revenue is estimated at 756 millions, so that in three years there had been an augmentation of 234 millions. "If in 1863 (continued the Minister) the taxation had been voted which we then ought to have borne, we should not have had to augment the annual expenditure by fresh loans, and should now be much nearer an equilibrium. But in view of the condition in which we are now placed I consider that the Government, the Parliament, and the country have a great duty, an immense responsibility, that they are inevitably bound to turn to the past in order to be able to judge of the future. I have shown the consequences of not having adopted, three years ago, energetic, radical, and decisive measures ; and if now these measures are not taken, I leave you to imagine what results may be expected. You must not deceive yourselves ; it is dine to quit all ambiguity. In three years the evil would not be so serious as at the present moment, but it would have grown, quadrupled, and attained such proportions that per haps remedy would be impossible ; or coming too late would be without effect. May God avert it !" Signor Scialoja here rested for a few minutes. Upon resuming his statement he said--,, .1 have hitherto spoken only of 85 millions of deficit, so that 100 millions remains to be provided for. If Italy shall have a Government strongly supported by Parliament, if she shall acquire greater internal security, and shall show herself to the world not as eager for adventure, but as desirous of independ ence, the national prosperity cannot but develope itself in such a manner as not only to support the present taxation, but, under any special circum stances, to sustain any extraordinary impost. The great public works that have hitherto cost us heavy sacrifices will produce ample fruit, and taxation, which follows the development of the public wealth, will yield a larger product. In France the aug mentation of similar imposts has exceeded 20 per cent. per annum, and in some countries has even reached 40 per cent. I know that we are not in the position of France, neither do I propose to augment the taxes in that proportion. I repeat that Italy, after having passed through a difficul period of crisis, will develop her national wealth in a manner that will place her upon a level with the most prosperous nations. The adminis trative reforms, together with the law upon the accountability of the State, will contribute to this improvement, and meanwhile, by augmenting by 10 per cent. only those taxes of which I have already spoken, we shall in ten years reduce the deficit by 100 millions. We must therefore adopt extraordinary measures to provide for 450 or 500 millions in order to enable us to reduce the deficit gradually ; but if we apply to credit we shall im pose fresh burdens upon the budget and remain within the old vicious circle. We must then have recourse to extraordinary means, and we have a source of wealth which still remains for us to em ploy. You already anticipate my idea and divine that I am about to speak of the ecclesiastical pro perty. This matttr is to be considered from two points of view, that of policy and that of finance. You will permit me to touch briefly upon both these considerations. The conflict between Csar and the Pope, between Church and State, is of ancient date, but the origin of that conflict is to be found in causes which modern civilisation has removed. Liberty should terminate the contest. The Church should return under the regime of liberty, and liberty should not be arrested in its course by the Church. The idea heretofore entertained of the Church has falsified the idea of liberty, and therefore has it been said that the two powers, civil and ecclesiastical, should follow parallel courses without any controlling force to keep them in their separate paths, and prevent any deviation by either. We regard the Church in a different manner—its regulations, constitution, and statutes have been admitted or recognised by the State and consecrated as laws. In this way Church became State and State Church. At present this condition of things no longer exists. The statutes of the Church cannot, and ought not, to be any longer in Italy the law of the State. The State will not interfere with the statutes of the Church any more than it would with the management of a private company—it regards the church merely as it regards all other civil associations, never intervening in their affairs further than may be necessary to ensure that their statutes do not violate existing laws, and are executed with out prejudice to any right. This declaration, with its consequences, is enunciated in a bill which the Government will lay before the chamber to consecrate a new right, and practically estab lish the principle which is one of the most splendid results of modern civilisation. The ques tion is how to liquidate the ecclesiastical patrimony, and to divide it equitably between the Church and State--which we effect by giving two-thirds to the Church and one-third to the State. Two methods of performing this liquidation are stated in the minis terial bill, providing either for the case that the Church may be willing to effect the operation in concert with us, or that the Government alone may have to carry it out. The liquidation pre-supposes that the sanction of all the laws previously voted establishes the manner by which. the State will be always guaranteed against any possible eventuality, and will prcduce exactly the 600 millions, which I have stated to be necessary to effect the equilibrium of the budget." The minister proceeded to define the conditions of the convention executed with the house of Langrand Dumonceau for the payment to be made by them on account of the corporations and the bishops of 600 millions lire in six years, by half ; yearly instalments of 50 millions. "Iu the events of the ecclesiastical authorities not consenting to the treaty, it will nevertheless be executed, always with due regard to the rights appertaining,to the Church. The alienation of the ecclesiastical property will be effected by lots, the purchasers being allowed a cer tain delay between the sale and payment of the pur chase money, which delay will be fixed by royal de cree. Within the period of ten years all these pro perties will be converted into public rentes, and the law of suppression voted by the Ch .mber will thus be fully carried into effect. Such is the scheme of the bill which I lay before you, and the benefit ex- THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 23, 1867. pect(xl from it by the Treasury will arise from hav ing adopted a measure urgently demanded by the principles upon which our institutions are founded. I have not hitherto alluded to the debt of the State to the National Bank. On this head I would point out that when a State has a debt of 60 mil lions redeemable in twelve years, and further a resource of 600 millions, it possesses two sources of wealth which enables it to meet its obliga tions. The period of the restitution of the debt to the Bank cannot be definitively established, and greatly depends upon the mode in which the operation upon the ecclesiastical property is effected. The 600 millions may either be obtained in six years, or it may be agreed to extend that period, or shorten it by some subsidiary operation. The measure of the forced circulation of the Bank notes constantly occupies me, and I can only find consolation for the regret which I feel on this ac count in the absolute necessity under which we were placed at the beginning of the war. I must add, however, that if I now had the necessary funds to liquidate one debt with the Bank, and it only re mained for me to transfer them from the Treasury to the Bank, I should not abolish the forced circu lation except in a gradual manner, in order to avoid many inconveniences. Destiny, which is not favourable to us in economic and financial matters, does not smile upon us this year in another very im portant matter. I allude to the crops, the scarcity of which this year is an evil which afflicts all Eu rope, and does not spare us, and will render it necessary for us to go abroad for grain and all other produce we require. But to make these purchases gold is required, and should the forced circulation of the notes be abolished, all would apply to the Bank for specie ; and the notes would suffer a rela tive depreciation from another cause." In continua tion the minister entered upon the question of the relations between the railways and the State, a modification in which he considered advisable. ! The subventions absorb the enormous sum of 60 mil lions. By means of a conversion this heavy charge might be diminished, at the same time reducing the tariffs, and thus developing circulation and public wealth. In a few days the minister would present a bill for this conversion to the Chamber. Signor Scialoja concluded by appealing to the self-sacri ficing spirit of the Parliament and the nation, and demonstrating the advantages that would result to the credit of the State from the measures he had proposed. "If our stock," he added, " could be raised by the present measures to the price of 60, the wealth of the country, taking into account that more than two-thirds of the scrip of our public debt is held in Italy, would be augmented by about 515 millions. (Movement.) Yes, were I not certain that our stock must shortly rise in value, I should not have ventured to state this. But I am convinced of my assertion, and will say not if, but when the rente shall reach 75 the public wealth of Italy will be augmented by more than a milliard, and Italians will rejoice at having accepted those sacrifices which either by me or others in my position must be proposed to them. A few days ago I was asked by an illustrious per- sonage how Italy would extricate herself from the present crisis. I replied in brief terms, and am glad to close my long discourse with the same words— Italy, at whatever cost,will uphold her name—ltaly will completely fulfil her engagements ; Italy will always and fully meet her obligations." (Applause from the tribunes and benches of the Chamber— applause also on the right.) Signor CRISPI demanded that the Chamber should commence immediately the debate upon the financial statement. Signor SCIALOJA here laid upon the table five bills, including the measure relative to the ecclesias tical property, and the bill imposing a tax of 2k per 1,000 upon the negotiation of securities, &c. lle stated that he bad no objection to offer to the pro position of Signor Crispi, but on the contrary ap proved it, and begged the Chamber to take the budget under consideration as soon as possible. Signor Cutsri thanked the Minister for the pre sentation of the bills, and asked the Chamber to fix a day for the urgent discussion of the Ecclesiastical Property Bill. Signor MANCINI opposed this request, and de manded that the Minister should separate the legis lative measures relative to the liberty of the Church from the financial measures. Signor Crispi's proposal of urgency for the dis cussion of the Ecclesiastical Properties Bill was finally adopted almost unanimously, and the sitting closed at 5.30 p.m. Railway and other Companies. LONDON, CHATHAM, AND DOVER. In the account of the proceedings at the meet ing of common fund shareholders which appeared in The Sun of yesterday it was stated that Mr. S. 11. Burbury said that Mr. Bacon's opinion was that the debentures issued previously to the creation of the common fund would take precedence until paid off. It should have been that Mr. Bacon considered the question doubtful whether the common fund would take priority over such debentures. way property in the country paying good divi dends, and it did not follow that because one or two of the principal railways required more money than was originally anticipated every new railway was a bad property. They had not only to suffer throuph the panic, but from the effect of malicious rumours which had been circulated to the effect that their securities represented spurious railways worth nothing at all. They had very great difficulties to contend against, and when contractor after contrac tor failed to meet his engagements in consequence of the bad times, they had to look more closely into their securities, and in some instances they had to provide the money to place lines of railway in a paying position; and in others, where their interests were better protected, they had added directors to the boards of railways in which they were interested. In one case the manager had been placed upon one of those boards, and in another one of the new direc tom had kindly consented to serve, so as to see that their property was well cared for, for there were no Lloyd's bonds or over issues of debentures. Their examination had been very strict, but so far they had not discovered that they held a single spurious security. In order to be quite on the right side they had provided for all possible losses by deduct ing from their assets £170,689—n0t that the money was lost, but in order to provide for such matters as might not be immediately met. He had no doubt that the majority of the lines now constructed were bona fide good lines, and if the shareholders co-ope rated with the board, he had little doubt that at no distant period they would be able to realise their securities advantageously, and that all the shares which represented public works would pass into the hands of bona fide investors, and that the company would again be placed in a very satisfactory position. If the shareholders assisted the board to keep their engagements, and abstained from realising until public confidence in that description of property was restored, they would be able to dispose of those securities to far greater advantage than they could at present. Although they keld £1,447,000 worth of securities, the nominal amount of them was £2,400,000. Mr. PAULL, M.P., seconded the motion for the adoption of the report. Mr. MORRISON moved, as an addition to the mo tion,—" That no further call be made, except with the consent of a majority of shareholders in number and amount in public meeting assembled." Mr. GALSWORTIIY said he should like to know upon what basis the securities had been valued, so as to ascertain, if possible, their actual value ; also how much of th e cap i tal of the company was yield ing interest, and how much was not unproductive. He remarked that the aggregate depreciation in the value of their shares amounted to £720,000, not withstanding the ample value of the securities held, and the question was what course should be pursued to enable them to recover that depreciation ? He suggested that no more cab should be made, and that the expenses of management should be reduced. The CHAIRMAN, in replying to various questions, explained that it was extremely painful to t h e b oar d to forfeit share s , and, th ere f ore, w h en ever there was a just and reas ona bl e cause alleged for the non-pay ment of the call in arrear, they had reinstated the shares on payment of a small fine and the amount of the call, and they would do so with respect to the whole of the 475 shares on application. Of the £6,000 due on calls in arrear mentioned in the re port £l,OOO had since been paid. The amount of unpaid interest due in January last, for which they had not taken credit, was Z 132,000. The balance of interest received during the past six months was £17,989, out o f which theyhad to deduct the work ingru e criterion expenses. ymwosotrctharetfhuel cwohnoslideearmatoirotheetbaetleiedv.edTthh of tThete value market of p the r ice s e c w u o r u i t l i d e a a ff o o d r d after n no f th ul e l they board were were at present confining their operations to agency business. It would be absurd to pass a resolution that there should be no more calls, because the creditors would be able to satisfy them by bringing in their claims at once. I le suggested that in or der to avoid all anticipations of a ccll the share holders themselves might advance money on deben tures with unexceptionable security. The report was unanimously adopted, and it was agreed that the question as to the directors' remu neration should be considered at a special meeting. The retiring directors and auditors were re-elected, and a vote of thanks to the chairman concluded the proceedings. the very centre and heart of the City, was one where the improvement was much needed, and it was the duty of the commission to embrace the favourable opportunity which presented itself of carrying it out. If they did so, they might reasonably expect a libe ral contribution in aid both from the Metropolitan Board of Works and the Corporation. Alderman W. LAWEENCE,M.P., warmly supported the amendment, observing that the present must certainly be considered the most favourable oppor tunity for obtaining possession of the premises re quired for the improvement ; for whilst property outside the City might deteriorate in value, that situate around the Bank of England and in the heart of the City was increasing in value. Ile also contended that the commission would by taking the property show Parliament the great necessity there was for an improvement rate to be levied in the City, so as to enable them to effect those public improve ments which the public interests so much demanded and which the Commissioners of Sewers, notwith standing their Parliamentarypowers, were unable to carry out. The subject gave rise to considerable discussion, in the course of which Mr. J. T. Bedford and other members supported the report, urging that the pre sent was a most inopportune time for carrying out the improvement. Ultimately thequestion was put, and on a division the motion for the adoption of the report was carried by a majority of one only, there being for the mo tion 19, against it 18. Two other amendments were proposed, but they were very similarly received, and in the end the re port was agreed to. THE SNOW IN THE STREETS. The commissioners then proceeded to hear the ad journed summonses which bad been taken out by the inspectors of pavements against the contractors for street cleansing, for not duly cleansing and removing the snow, ice, and frozen matter, according to the terms of their several contracts, from streets of the City during the recent frost. The whole of the con tractors, viz., Mr. E. Reddin, Mr. Easton, Mr. Stephens, and Mr. W. Winn attended. The inspectors were severally heard, and enume rated the thoroughfares from which the snow had been removed on the 2d, 3d, 4th, and sth inst., being the days following the heavy fall of snow, but most of them stated that the contractors had em ployed additional carts and men in the emergency. The contractors, in reply, stated the additional staff which they had employed on the days referred to, and urged that they had done all in their power to make the streets available for the traffic. Deputy WHITE, Deputy FARRAR, and other members, thought that under the exceptional cir cumstances of the case no fine should be imposed upon the contractors, especially as they seemed to have done all in their power to meet the emergency hich had arisen. On the other hand, other mem bers thought that as the contractors were now paid so much in excess of former contracts, they ought to be prepared to meet any emergency of the kind which might arise. After a very careful consideration of all the cases the contractors were fined in the following amounts, viz.:—Mr. Reddin, £2BO 10s. ; Mr. Easton, £313 10s. ; Mr. Stephens, £166 10s. ; and Mr. W. Winn, £199. The medical officer to-day presented a report on the sanatory condition of the city of London during the past year, an abstract of which will be presented to our readers in a day or two. The remaining business having been disposed of the Court adjourned. Mr. Samuel Warren on Economy in Fuel, Mr. Samuel Warren, the Recorder of Hull, and the author of "Ten Thousand a Year," " The Diary of a late Physician," &c., has addressed the following letter to the Mayor of Hull on a subject of importance to every householder : " Vittoria Hotel, Hull, Jan., 18G7. " My dear Mr. Mayor,—Wishing you and all the town and corporation a happy and prosperous new year and many of them, I cannot leave for town without offering a practical suggQstiou to yourself and every householder in Hull, which may at least show my good-will. On that suggestion I have profitably acted for seven years, and it relates to coal. Do you wish to have the full benefit, that is without waste, of every ounce of coal you pay for ; to save nearly one-third of your ordinary consumption ; to have a fire lit in the morning, which with a little care will last nearly the whole of the day, with possibly a single replenish ing, and so save trouble as well as coal, and have warmth equally distributed through your apart ment, great or small ? —then attend to the follow ing practical suggestion, upen which I have acted at home with complete success, for, as I have said, seve n years, and with a like result recommended to very many friends. The suggestion is not my own. I met with it seven years ago in the Builder, a valuable London journal. Ordinary fire-grates have open grates at the bottom, the result of which of course is to place the coal between two draughts, one from below and the other from above, up the chimney, awl ensure two things, rapid consumption and diminished heat in the apartment. When I arrived at my hotel last Wednesday afternoon—a bitter cold day—l found a large fire, which was twice replenished before I went to bed. The coal was excellent, but could scarcely get warm. I prevailed on my worthy land lord to try my experiment on my fire-grate here. lie has done so, and with what result? Ask him. But I will tell you that to-day my fire was made up at ten a.m. It is now five p.m. I have enjoyed and am enjoying a most comfortable warmth, without having to sit within a yard of the fire. Not an ounce of additional coal had been placed on it, nothing having been required but now and then, at long intervals, a poke from beneath and a pressing down from above. Now, how is this brought about ? I will tell you. Send for an iron monger or blacksmith, and order him to take the measure of the bottom of your grate and make you a sheet-iron plate of about one-sixth of an inch in thickness, or even less, which, if your grate be large, will cost you two shillings. Simply lay this, and light your fire as usual. It will soon }mum up, but you must keep pretty open the lowest bar, so as to secure a light draught. When the fire has begun to burn poke it gently from beneath and the flame will gradually get through the entire mass of coals, the iron plate beneath gets red-hot, and so keeps up a constaut combustion, at the same time dispersing the heat through the room, instead of its being sent up the chimney, thus entirely consuming the coal, instead of filling the hearth with ashes. In my own house I tried the experiment for a week in the breakfast-room, then in the dining-room, then in the kitchen, with uniform and complete suc cess ; and then I had the sheet-iron plate put into every fireplace and there are many throughout the house—with equal success. So I do with the fireplace in my official residence. When the fire is once made, say about ten a.m., for the day, an occasional poke and possibly a single replenishment suffices for the day. In my own case, and also at my hotel here, where three scuttles were required, one now suffices. You must not smile at the simplicity of my suggestion, but attribute my offering to a sincere desire to contribute what little is in my power to promote the comfort of, and les sen expense to, every householder in the good old town of Hull. Try the experiment fairly, I beg of you, at our fine Town-hall, and begin with my friends the town clerk and the clerk of the peace, and if that experiment fails I will pay the cost of the two little sheets of iron. Before beginning, come and ask my worthy host, Mr. Minton, how the experi ment has answered here. As I write for the general good of the town, for householders great and small, I hope you will take the trouble of giving publicity to this letter, for the winter is now, and may con tinue to be, severe the price of coal is high, and the pressure of it heavy, " Believe me, my dear mayor, sincerely yours, SAMUEL WARREN, Recorder. " P Tr this plan do not answer, and there oe chimneys of such peculiar construction as to prevent it, all that you have to do is to withdraw the ircn plate, which is not fixed, but simply laid on the lowest bar. Mr. Ilainton is going to have all his grates supplied with these plates. Vittoria Hotel ; Hull, Jan. p, Ina v- 1- DELHI. It appears that the portion of the railway between Delhi and Meerut is nearly completed, and also the portion between Umritsur and the Beas river. It is expected that:these portions of the line will be opened for passenger traffic early in the present year. RAILWAY BILLS. Yesterday the examiners on standing orders con tinued their sittings at the House of Commons. Before Mr. Frere the following among other unop posed bills were reported as having complied with the standing orders :--Midland (additional powers), North London, Thames Embankment (North) Ap proaches. A long argument was held respecting the opposed bill of the Midland and Glasgow and South-Western Railway Companies, but the oppo sition was overruled, and the bill was reported as having complied with the standing orders. Before Mr. Palgrave the following unopposel bills passed as having complied with the standing orders :--The South Wales and Great Western direct, the Carnar von and Llanberis, and the Great Western (various powers). With respect to the opposed bills there was no appearance!in the case of the Mersey Extensions. The London and North Western (new works, &c.) was reported as having complied with the standing orders ; and the Wolverhampton and Walsall as not having complied with the standing orders. LONDON FINANCIAL (LIMITED). The seventh half-yearly general meeting of this association was held onMonday at the Baltic,Thread needle-street ; Mr. M. E. Rodocanachi in the chair. The report stated that, after deducting expenses, for the half-year ending Dec. 31, there remained a balance of £13,858 at the credit of profit and loss. The board regretted that they were unable to recom mend the payment of a dividend for the past six months. During the eventful and disastrous times which they have just passed the affairs of the asso ciation had received the careful attention of the board, and no effort had been spared to preserve and improve the various securities. The greater port' on of them on which advances had been made represented railway property of finished lines in the Unite i Kingdom, and extended over 20 railways requiring time and arrangement to develope the traffic. The contingent liabilities upon calls that might be made on shares held by the association and all other engagements did not exceed a total of £50,000. The call on 475 shares due in April last not having been met, those shares upon which £l5 per share only had been paid were forfeited. The amount remaining unpaid on Dec. 31 last in respect of the call on July 10 last was £6,170. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, said it was one which the board believed honest and true in every respect, and he thought with the explanations he could give they would ad mit that it was satisfactory. lle need not go into the history of the late panic, but merely mention that from June to December last things did not im prove in the city, so far as railway property with which they were connected was concerned. In con sequence of some disclosures of mismanagement in regard to certain railways, the public seemed to have taken fright at all railway securities, quite forgetting that there were £100,000,000 of rail- City Sewers Commission. The Commissioners of Sewers of the City of Lon don met yesterday at Guildhall, under the presi dency of Mr. Deputy De Jersey. Among the matters on the paper of business for consideration were the adjourned summonses against the contrac tors for not removing the snow from the streets of the City during the recent severe frostf and also a motion relative to the proposed improvement in Throgniorton-street, both of which subjects have given rise to considerable discusAo n at previous commission. T he meeting was ver y numerously . meetings of theattended. After the disposal of certain routine business, The Chairman brought up the report from the Improvement Committee on the question of taking the house No. 37, Throgmorton•sttztt,hfoorrouthgehfpaurre-. and improving were held on lease from the year 1859 for a term of 23 years, at a rental of t t, e le £2BO per annum, and that lessee I p t o a se pp o e f ar w e i d de th ni a n t g the premises floor as a tavern, e was about to afitn and p t hteh upper p b p a e s r e basement rooms as sd offices, li r o e u e nd s and it was stated as ement were let to a £ 7O O a-yea r . U n d er t h ese y that ear ltyh tenant e g n r a o n u t n a d t fl a o r o e r n ta of n d b circuwstances the committee st a t e d there would be many interests to compensate. They accordingly had laid before them a statement of, assets and lia bilities, with a view to show 'what amount of cash there might be available during the next three years, and it showed the amount already incurred by the commission for widening and improving certain streets was so large as to render it necessary that extreme caution should be used before they em barked at the present time in works involving an expenditure of a considerable sum of money. The committee, however, expressed an opinion that the proposed widening of Throgmorton-street at the point in question was most desirable ; but, looking to the present financial position of the commission, they did not consider themselves justified in recom mending that the house referred to should be taken at the present time. From the statement submitted to committee, it appeared that up to the 18th inst. the commissioners had already incurred liabilities for improvements already agreed to and compensation fixed to the extent of £95,261. The estimated pro bable amount for improvements to be effected, but the compensation for which was under settlement, was £33,812 ; and the liabilities for scavenging, lighting, law expenses,&c., were estimated at £lO,OOO. The account also included an estimated expenditure for three years, excluding improvements, amounting to £266,400. The total amount of liabilities there fore reached £405,473. On the other side of the ac count it was shown that there was cash in hand amounting t 018,265; outstanding rates to be received about £12,000 ; rates in aid of improvement by the Metropolitan Board of Works, and not yet recoived, £10,435 ; and land and ground rent in hand esti mated at £22,275. The estimated produce of the consolidated rate at ls. 6d. in the pound on the pre sent rental of the City, v i z ., £1,510,000, for three years was £336,000, and the estimated produce from hoards, scaffolds, &c., was £12,000. In addition to the above amounts the sum of £13,500 was added in respect of the ground in Newgate-street and Blue coat-buildings already sold. The total amount of the assets was therefore named at £414,475. To this statement was added a note, that any sums that may hereafter be voted by the Court of Common Council or by the Metropolitan Board of Works in aid of improvements already done, or which were now under settlement, would be so much addition to the assets, and therefore might be applied to future improvements. The CHAIRMAN briefly introduced the subject, and moved the adoption of the report. Mr. J. E. SAUNDERS moved an amendment ' effect that notices be given to take 1 4-- _...0 the 37, Throgmorton-street, fn- ' ' _.e premises, No. the thoroughfare .... Gne purpose of widening , f ne urged that this spot, in SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The republication of Mr. Disraeli's Speeches on Parliamentary Reform, without the withdrawal of a word, the change of a single phrase, or the modification of a sentiment, is a crucial test of the speaker's powers. We could have tolerated, and perhaps desired, some amend ment here and there—the removal of an obnoxious sentence, or the correction of some blemish of taste, but the editor has been audacious, and possibly at the same time discreet, in reprinting these speeches just as they were delivered. Few of us, for ex ample, would have complained if last year's blunder of importing Mr. Gladstone's boyish escapades at the Oxford Union into the final speech of the great Parliamentary debate had been quietly effaced, but it is reproduced without the attempt to soften the outrage on good taste. Some future readers, again, may be puzzled to understand why Mr. Disraeli should have spoken of himself in 1860 as the leader of the Opposition, " the Quarterly Review notwith standing ;" for though Mr. Disraeli's editor, Mr. Corry, faithfully reproduces the phrase, he adds no note to explain its meaning. Ephemeral allusions and blots such as these might have been removed without offence, but their presence proves the fidelity of the reprint, and they serve by contrast to bring out the real merits of Mr. Disraeli's speeches. They are like the patches worn in the age of hair powder, though we can scarcely suppose they were designedly adopted, as those devices were by the artful beauties of the Augustan period. The most striking characteristic of these speeches is their completeness and consistency. They ex tend over a period of eighteen years, and it would almcst seem that from the commencement Mr. Disraeli had thoroughly studied the subject, and had arrived at definite conclusions upon it. The sin gularity of this merit becomes most apparent when we compare Mr. Disraeli with our other public men who have treated the same subject. Eighteen years ago Lord Russell was still resting on the prin ciple of finality. It is needless, and it would be invidious, to enumerate all the phases Mr. Glad stone has gone through in the, interval. Mr. Bright's career has been tolerably consistent with itself, though even he at one time advised his friends to " repudiate without mercy" all propo sals for reducing the franchise unaccompanied by a redistribution of seats, and was last year the special patron of a mere franchise bill. Mr. Bright's consis tency, too, such as it is, has been maintained at the cost of very narrow and partial views of the reform question. But whatever faults we may charge upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he has many, we cannot deny him the merit of complete and con sistent opinions on this subject. It is plain he must have taken great pains to master it at the outset, and he has not neglected to consider the argume n t s and suggestions which have been advanced from time to time since. It is a natural consequence of this study that he should always have insisted upon the necessity of a comprehensive measure, in oppo sition to tinkering proposals of partial amendment ; and it is doubtless due to the broad view he takes of the existing constitution that he has protested so emphatically against what he once called the feeble and dangerous policy of merely reducing county and town qualifications. There can be no doubt he was right in using this language. There is a cer tain plausibility in recommending that the occupa tion qualification should be reduced, but this plan of meeting the cry for reform is but a stopgap, the resource of men at once shallow-minded and timid, who are content to accept anything which will last their time, careless whether the deluge or any other catastrophe comes after them. No reason can be adduced for stopping at any proposed line ; on the contrary, the arguments which supported the first step lead, by an irresistible chain of inference, to others in the same direction, until we have com pleted the enfranchisement of all. The Chancellor of the Exchequer is honourably distinguished by his careful study of the reform question, and yet he has hitherto failed as a refor mer. To what are we to attribute this apparent contradiction ? It is impossible to sup pose that a merely factious opposition has denied him the opportunity of solving a problem which so many desire to see settled. The obstacles to his suc cess are deeper, though they are, perhaps, not irre movable. Ile has advocated lateral extension, rightly insisting upon the necessity of devising qua lifications which shall correspond as far as possible with the varied circumstances of modern life; but he has failed to appreciate and to satisfy the popular movement which is equally characteristic of our time. It is true, as Mr. Disraeli has often declared, that th e English Constitution looks upon the Fran chise as a privilege to be obtained and exercised for their country's benefit by those who show them selves worthy of the honour, but who can say that our tests do not include as many entitled by all moral considerations to vote as those who are now admitted ? The Franchise is a privilege, the right to return members of the house of Commons is a privilege—such and such men have the one, such and such places are endowed with the other ; but we may as well confess at once that it is impossible in this age to defend privileges which are arbitrarily conferred. 'There is a sentiment of equality which asks why this man or this place should be favoured while another man and another place equally worthy are neglected, and though we may try to avoid such questions, we shall find the attempt as wise as the action of the ostrich thrusting its head into the sand to avoid seeing its pursuers. A refusal to recognise facts is always suicidal, and one main cause of Mr. Disraeli's failure is that he has refused to acknow ledge the tendency to equality exhibited all around us, which may be shaped to useful ends, bu t cannot be directly counteracted or safely neglected. The Reformer must face the necessity of reducing the electoral qualifications. So much is incumbent upon him. He must further face the necessity of redis tributing the seats. A Reform Bill might be de sirable if these things were not wanted, but these are the requirements which make a Reform Bill inevitable. If there were no one discontented because he failel to reach time existing electoral qualifications, if there were no mass of men complaining that their influence on legis lation was overborne by the influence of a smaller number of their fellow-citizens, we might go on without a Reform Bill at all. This is im possible; and, since it is imposslle, it is clear that no Reform Bill will correspond to the exigencies of the time which does not allay these two prime sourm of dizeontent. flow is it possible to devise a scheme satisfying this condition which will not, directly or by necessary inference, deprive large classes of their present share in the Government ? Mr. Bright, in his hasty passion against things as they are, does not recognise the difficulty, and would put the country under the denomination of the most numerous class. The Chancellor of the Exchequer sees what is to be done, but the scheme he has hitherto advanced would fail to accomplish it, and would succeed in provoking the resentment of those still unenfranchised. His plan of securing the representation of different interests, while con ceding the franchise laterally and, to some extent, vertically, turns upon an adjustment of boundaries and a weeding out from the county registers of all who may be suspected of borough interests. In this way he would still provide for the representation of the landed interest by counties, and of the men of commerce and of wealth by borough districts, while the more popular towns would be given up to those who can secure their suffrage by professing Demo cratic opinions. This was the essence of the scheme embodied in the bill of Lord Derby's Ministry in 1859 ; it was the plan shadowed forth by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer in his criticisms on the two bills of last year. But it has already been rejected, and if brought forward again would be again re jected. It would leave one blot of our system—the unequal distribution of representation—unaffected, and it would carry the different Parliamentary con stituencies behind sharp lines of antagonism. We should see in England something like what is seen in Scotland, where all the county members are ranged on one side, and all the borough members on the other. 11' e cannot afford to test the stability of such an arrangement. A legislative scheme which aggravates the divergence of classes is self condemned. We must adopt some more simple, some less invidious way of securing the representa tion of all sections of social life. HERALD.—It would be very unjust to attribute the cold reception which the new constitutional re forms have obtained from the Parisian press to the perversity of the old parties. As our correspondent, who recrards them as of the highest importance and of the most beneficial character, observes, the dis appointment and suspicion are general. Sharing in the main his views, we must yet add they are not unnatural or unfair. Of the four reforms which the Emperor announces, the character and scope of two only are definitely known, and the more important of those two is undoubtedly a diminution rather than an extension of the liberties the nation enjoyed. The debate upon the address may have often been protracted au unreasonable time. It may have caused the Government inconvenience and embar rassment, but it was a right precious to the country. Since 1861 the Chambers have had the rights and v the r n p n o l e - I n v e t . r to T c h r e i criticise minority e v u h l °le express their views, a policy of the Go even when most hostile to t he course taken by the Emperor c l o any France passed, as it were, dthe advantage was not wholly on the side ' un h d e e under h n o\ annual anybody. The e situation review, of w i t h o ut asking leave from anybo of the Opposition. Although the great orators of the they often served the cause of off most of the glory, 4‘ old parties naturally carried the Government by the revelations . which their speeches made o f old-world. opinions which the ff na tion generally had long tnrown , d of the very serious differences in their own camp ; and it must not be forgotten that M. Billault, and even M. Rouher, have delivered speeches in these debates which have done much to conciliate confidence for the Government both at home and abroad. But the question is not whether the debates upon the address were convenient to the Government, but whether they were regarded as useful by the coun try, or even by that minority of opponents of the Empire who make liberty the price of their complete adhesion. There can be no doubt they were so regarded, and that the privilege of interpellation is felt by them to be but a miserable substitute. What chance is there of any question being recommended for dis cussion by two out of the five bureaus of the Senate, an 1 four out of the nine of the Corps Legislatif, if the Government entertains the slightest objection to the interpellation ? henceforth the Opposition will depend for their opportunities of criticising the policy of the Government, of expressing their wishes, and developing the wants of the country, as they understand them, upon the favour of the Govern ment. The Government wiil probably have tact and liberality enough to give them, as a rule, the oppor tunities they desire ; but indulgences of that kind must necessarily be regarded as a very sorry substi tute for the rights before possessed, and only a long experience of the liberality of the Government will remove the painful impression produced by the sup pression of these debates upon the Address. And the change could not have been made at a worse mo ment. This year's debates upon the Address pre sumed to have a peculiar interest and importance. Since the great bodies of the State had last an appor tunity of expressing their opinions events of the utmost importance have occurred. To the policy of the Government has been prettygenerally attributed a change in the political conformation of Europe, which is humiliating to the pride and injurious to the interests of France. It was certain that the Government would have to sustain in these debates a rude attack, and rumour weeks ago attributed to it the design to relieve itself of the difficulty by sup pressing the Address. What could be more unfor tunate, therefore, so far as the effect upon public opinion is concerned, than this reform which sup presses the Address and provides in its place only the poor privilege of interpellation ? We quite be lieve that the Government has not had the inten tion which rumour attributed to it, and which its acts would seem to confirm. It has indeed declared that it will invite discussion upon the questions which the suppression of the Address would enable it to shirk. To meet difficulty in this way is a characteristic of the Emperor. But then, if, as we humbly believe, his intention has been to increase the influence of the Legislature upon the Govern ment, to give greater scope for the prompt discussion of questions in which the nation interests itself, how . injudicious to select this moment for it. The country naturally values the Address far above the interpel lation. At any time the change would be unwelcome. To make it now, to make it in the name of liberty, is naturally to provoke irritation, and to make men even suspect the reality of the other concessions which are promised. Had the Emperor, leaving the Chambers the right of address, given them by this decree.that of interpellation thus carefully guarded, and promised the laws for restoring the press its liberty, and amending the law in favour of the right of public meeting, his reforms would have been greeted with universal acclamation, and he would have vanquished, for the moment, all opposition. We quite believe that the restoration of liberty to the press far outweighs in value any possible injury which may be done by the suppression of the Address. It is very improbable that the Emperor can propose to confide to the tribunals those powers of warning and suppression which his Ministers have heretofore exercised. He cannot intend to confide to theist other than the usual powers of punishment :for offences against public order and security. They will fine and imprison journalists whom they maY find guilty of the offences laid to their charge, but they will not, we feel convinced, have power to sup press newspapers. However, at present, all this is uncertain. Until the draft of the new law i s pub lished, or some authoritative explanation of its cha racter is given, the newspapers naturally are unable to determine whether they will be greatly benefited by the change. Everything will depend upon the text of the law, and judging what they have not seen by what they have seen they may be excused • for doubting whether this new liberty will not prove a loss. We have no doubt that the laws relative to the press and to the right of meeting will dissipate all these suspicions, because we cannot believe a man of the Emperor's sagacity would mock France in the dangerous fashion of making all his concessions—whether real extensions of liberty or not is not the question—of such a character as to induce the belief that he took away more than he gave. In any case, let the new law on the press make no other change than to deprive the Govern ment of all its arbitrary power over the newspapers , and let the system of suppression be maintained , the gain would be an enormous one for France. No journalist can be sure that what he writes maY not be interpreted by the agents of the Government into a misrepresentation of its intentions dictated by a hostile feeling. He can tell pretty well whe ther what he writes is likely to bring him within the grasp of the law. Before the tribunals he can defend himself, and can explain his meaning with out being guilty of servility. If the tribunals have the power of suppression given them it will be 3 power not to be used at their discretion, but a punishment to be applied in certain cases defined with some precision. We believe, then, that France, and especially the French press, have obtained a large and real extension of liberties, but at the . same time we cannot deny that the unfortunate and most unseasonable suppression of the address, which is made to head th e li s t o f th ese new liberties, justifies that coldness and suspicion of the pres s and the public, for which we shall before long bear them denounced as ungenerous and ungrateful. COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS-TUESDAY. The wheat trade is flat to-day, and the sales made are very few, at about last week's rates. Fine barley corll - late prices, but ordinary sorts meet with littlo alto" ration. No change in the value of oats and beans. Average prices : Wheat, 59s 11d; barley, 41s lid; oath' 27s 71d. SHEFFIELD W— .. EDNESDAY. Th'ro WIIR a NI- supvly of wheat on offer by sample, fo r , ' which there was a good demand at the full prices of la s " week. A steady trade in beans and oats at late quotation s. Barley somewhat scarce, and selling at extreme figural . No change in flour and other articles. Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....23s 01 to 21s 01 White do do - ....25s Od 27s Od New red do do ....218 Od 236 01 New white do do „ „24s Oa 26 4 Od Beans do do ....20s Od 22s 01 Peas, per qr Ps oa .193 ( jd Grinding ba ley, per qr 35s Od 38s Od Matting barley, co los Od 48s 0 1 Oats, do 27s Od 323 Oil F10ur....1s 101 to 2s t,d per 141 t), LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. At this day's market the re was a f a i r at t en d ance of t h e town and country trad e , b u t th e b us i ness d one I°t , limited, and quite of a ret a il c h aracter. Wh ea t an d /lo l l r , were firmly held, but rath er a s l ow sa l e. I n oats an d oal' o meal there was no change to note. Barley and pe a brought more money, but beans remained without change • Indian corn, with scarce l y any of f er i ng, b roug h t 43s 11°r 4801 b for mixed and white American. LYNN—MONDAY. New wheat, 54s to 58 s ; new re d, 40s to 48s old whit e r 67s to 71s ; old red, 59 s t o 63 s p er 36 st on e. Barley t„ malting-, 46s to 52s ; secondary ' 37s to 38s. Oats, rie",,' 24s to 28s per 24 ston e . B eans , small, 42s to 445. ro - ' 36s to 40s per 28 stone. MARKET HARBOROUGH.—MONDAY. 3 6 Old white wheat, 60s to 73s ; new red, 50s to 68s pe r t . stone. Barley, fine, 52s ; other kinds, 23s to 36s per 3ua . Oats, new, 22s to 23s ; old, 30s to 34s per qr. Beans, o f 50s to 555; new, 46s to 48s per qr. BRISTOL—TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was an average attenda o Good wheat fetched former prices. The trade in middllr. qualities was suspended till the result of the large sa lo vertised for Thursday next is known. Barloy 6d de ar°r' oats the same. MELTON MOWERAY.—TIMSDAY. .6 moo' 13„- White wheat, 66s to 74s Bred, 50s to GGs per 0 fi er Barley for malting, 40s to 52s per qr ; feed, 32s to 3 1 °_,,f 0 t. 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 355; new, 22s to 29s per ' Beans, old, 52s to 545; new, 46s to 50s per qr. ' _.....4 Births. - COSTE—On the 22d inst., at 2, Spring Villas, Tottei 3ll3° green, Mrs. Samuel Costo, of a son. Oh ENGLAND—On the 19th inst., at The Grove, Bathe ast near Bath, the wife of Lieut.-Col. England, of a son. Marriages. 1 1 111.' lIANBURY—LAMPEIERE -011 the 17th inst., at Ewe ll , rey, Walter George, third son of the Rev. A. 11 . 0"..0 , vicar of Bury St. Mary, Suffolk, to Isabella, viving daughter of the late Capt. W. C. La,mpeierel R.11.A.. of Ewell. 1 ° WAVES—MACKENZIE—On the 15th inst., at St. -k g irte• Church, ltotnford, John, youngest son of the late , t he IVailes, Esq., of Leeds, to Mary, eldest daughter 0 ' to r late C. 11. Mackenzie, Esq., of .13rintSconabe, Glutie ° shire. third Deaths. lkfA r BucKLrr-On the 21st inst., at Higher Ardwie k, chester, Edmund Buckley, I;:sq., aged 87. f i'bel CHAPPELL-0U the 22d inst., J. R. Chappell, Esq. , °- Elms, Wood-green. Coox-On the 20th inst., at Eastbourne, Susselc , I°4 Ozon Cook, Esq., aged 70. v. t torl' FREETII-On the 19th inst., at 80, Coleshill-street,_ :To.. square, Gen. Sir James Freeth, K. 0.13., K.ll, 3 .11, --- , - . 1 - 0 0 London : Printed and Pubiimhed by WILLIAM A ,„ -„ jl - 1. of No. 112, Strand , Pfinier at Tim SUN ()Toe , 'l f 01 Strand, in the Precinct of the Sawn, in the Go° Middlesex.:-Wednesday, January 23, 1507. J 15Ni Fel l . lA.l! read' tra c t tuall rn for ° XPi• th en the 1\1( .01111 Ott atroll tll, 111[1.y k it ,11/1 1 101 '-----: 1- 1 - the c 13 0 - oQ RPer tt hay. Ranec P r