The Sun. — London, England, 1867-03-06 00:00:00

liiIPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. Tice LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PETITION. The Bishop of PETERBORO' presented a petition from the clergy and churchwardens of Camltridge against the sale of intoxicating drinks on Sunday. ODESSA. MARRIAGE BILL. Tho Earl of BELMORE moved the second reading of the Odessa Marriage Bill. The bill was then road a second time. Tho house then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. THE ABYSSINIAN PRISONERS. Mr. D. GRIFFITH asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the British artisans who had bean or were about to be taken out by Col. Merewether to Massowah were to be exchanged for the captives now detained in Abyssinia, or were to be sent into that country after the latter were released; and, if so, whether it would not require great attention to provent the transaction from pimply resulting in the change of one set of prisoners for ex - iot her ? Lord STANLEY said that orders had been given to Colonel Merewether that artisans were not to go into the interior of the country until all the prisoners were released. The artisans went on their own responsibility, after a full explanation of all the circumstances of the case. TILE TORNADO. Mr. LUSK asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if eight of the crew of the Tornado were still kept close prisoners by the Spanish authorities ; and seeing that it was admitted in a despatch to Sir J. Cramp ton, dated Foreign Office, February Bth, 1867, that all ,the crew of this_ship had been " arbitrarily detained, on one pretext or another, for many months, and that " they have been subjected to hardships as unneces sary as they were cruel," if it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to take any steps to obtain redress for these unfortunate and ill-used British subjects ? Lord STANLEY said the eight persons were detained on the ground that their evidence might be required in the event of the decision of the prize court being ques tioned and carried to another tribunal. The matter of redress must be con.tidered when matters had further progressed. THE REFORM BILL—THE MINISTRY. On the motion that the house at its rising do adjourn I until two o'clock to-morrow, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that in the statement he made to the house last night he was un derstood to speak as ho did under some misapprehension. He had informed the house that three of his colleagues had retired, in consequence of tbo Cabinet of Lord Derby having reverted to its original policy, but he found that the original policy had not been announced. In the statement he made on the 23th of last month, he distinctly reverted to a statement that it was proposed to deal with the borough franchise in a more extensive manner, but the Cabinet had been obliged to relin quish it. The proposition of the Government bad been very much criticised, but there was no foundation for the remark that the sub ject of Reform had been taken up in a hasty and in considerate manner. In the autumn of last year Lord Derby wrote to him stating that the ques tion of Reform must be dealt with, and that in no niggardly spirit. That was his Lord Derby's first impression, that was his last, and that was the one upon which he was prepared to act. He bad had the expectation more than the hope that he should have been enabled to have introduced a measure sanctioned by the united ap proval of his colleagues ; but, unhappily, that was not the case. His three hon. friends bad, in acting as they had done, only yielded to their feelings like men of high honour. The measure he had explained was not a hasty one,butone of matured consideration, and ho felt it was one that could bo defended on principle. It was not the measure that ho preferred, but it was one that would have led to a great extension of the suffrage to the working class. That proposal however did not meet with approval, neither did it give satisfaction to the great Conservative party. The day after he had made his explanation the right hon. gentleman op posite (Mr. Gladstone) called this friends together, and he was informed that a resolution was come to that no proposal would be satisfactory that was not founded on a £5 rat ing. (Cries of " No, no.) An HON. MEMBER—It was not authentic. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER continued— It was about as accurate as information that'reached hon. gentlemen opposite from his (the Chancellor of the Exche quer's) side of the house. The matter seemed to the Go vernment to be fast sinking into the unsatisfactory state it was in last session, when Lord Derby called his col leagues together and informed them that the subject must be dealt with in the course ociginally proposed. The result was that throe of his ei,lieng,ues resigned, and if such a circumstance could have been prevented by his (the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) resignation, there was no personal sacrifice he was not prep trod to make to keep a united Cabinet and united party. There would, however, be no hesitation, no vacil lation in the measure the Government would propose. It would contain the definite opinion of the Government, and by that they would stand. (fle,ar, hear, and loud cheers. It was a proposition that would not be perplexing to Parliament, and it would also be quite intelligible to the country. (Hear, hear.) General PEEL said when he took office no pledge was taken from him about Reform. He had held opinions which he had felt called upon to change, and no person regretted certain hasty expressions contained in a speech that he had uttered more than he did, more particuarly that relative to the Thames flowing with blood. no should never cease to regret the expression. It was the unfortunate five resolutions, as he might call them, that lel to his retirement from the Cabinet. When ho found that that proposal went down in fact to household suf- rage, he could not give his assent to it, because it would swamp and overwhelm the small boroughs. Two other of his colleagues were of the same opinion, and that circumstance had led to their separation front their friends. Viscount CItANBORNE said he had come to the con clusion that the proposal of the Cabinet carne to house hold suffrage pure and simple, and, therefore, he could not give the measure his concurrence and support. Mr. D. GRIFFITH, whose rising was the signal for general laughter, said—The house may well believe that I would not for a moment presume to trespass upon it— (laughter) - on an occasion of this sort for the mere pur pose of continuing a discussion in which I have no claim to interfere. (Laughter and cheers.) I only wish to clear up a particular transactien, of which an account has ap peared in the public papers. On Wednesday, the 27th of February, there appeared in the Morning Adrertiser—(much laughter)—a statement in these terms—" After the with drawal of the resolutions last night Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli had a long interview in one of the retiring cham bers of the house." (Renewed laughter.) The statement of itself is of little importance, but it was contradicted in authoritative terms, as being without any foundation what ever. This morning the original statement was repro duced, not only that the two right hon. gentlemen referred to had a conference in a private room of the house on the 25th of February, but that the meeting was adjourned till the following day. (Laughter.) A deliberate statement of this kind by the public press is surely worthy of some remark. (Cries of " Oh, oh," amidst which the hon. gen tleman resumed his seat.) Mr. GLADSTONE, who was received with cheers, said 1 1 —There will be no difficulty, I think, in setting at rest the mind of the hon. gentleman who has just sat down with respect to a meeting which is supposed to have taken place between the right hon. gentleman the Chan cellor of the Exchequer and myself on the subject of Par liamentary Reform. There is no foundation whatever for the idea of such a communication having taken place. What did happen was this—and it is a curious illustration of what great things may grow out of small: On the evening referred to a question was likely to come forward of a very different order from the sub ject of Parliamentary Reform, on which 1 was unequivocally anxious to give my support to the Go vernment, should the course proposed be such as I could approve. I saw the right hon. gentleman, not for twenty minutes, but perhaps for twenty seconds, in which the right hon. gentleman briefly explained, and I said "Quite proper," which may have been overheard—another proof that "a little knowledge is a dangerous thing," a hosted imagination having applied the remark to a reform bill. (Laughter.) Sir, with regard to the statements which have been submitted to the house this evening, I do not think it would tend to the public advantage to comment cn the state of things in the Cabinet on the question of parlia mentary reform. I shall not., therefore, enter into any comment on the statement made by the right hon. gentle man the Chancellor of the Exchequer, andfar less on those of my right hon. friend the Secretary for War and the noble lord the member for Stamford. But there is a parti cular portion of the statement of the right hou. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer which requires some no tice, because he has submitted a defence, or justitied the withdrawal of his proposal of parliamentary reform, which he submitted and so hastily withdrew, and thrown on this the Opposition side of the house, the responsibility of the course. I must, in the first place, continent ou the state ment of the right hon. gentleman that it was founded on a principle. When I hoard these words fall from the right hon. gentleman, I was curious to hear what interpretation might be put on the assertion from his following remarks. It was with surprise I listened to the statement that it was on the increase of the representation of the working classes. He said, in raising the constituency to 1,400,000, one fourth, or 350,000, would have been taken from the labour ing population, one-fourth front the landed interest, and the remaining moiety divided among various sections of the middle eliss. I do not stop to consider the accuracy of tlfat description, based on facts it is impossible to ad mit, but I go to the point advanced by the right hon. gen tleman, that the proposition was founded on a prin ciple, because it proposed to admit the labouring classes to the extent of a fourth of the con gituency. It is the , Apt UM@ DAD 18antQc1 that t 4 mit the working classes as a fourth of the whole con stituency is to be considered as a principle—l mean, es timating them in that numerical relation to the other parts. . During the whole of last session,when the bill which I had the honour to propose was under discussion, the objections constantly urged by the right hon. gentleman and those who supported him were, that it was not founded on a principle. I believe that, if the arithmetical proportions of that scheme are carefully looked into, it as nearly as pos sible invested the working classes with a fourth ; there fore, if the right hon. gentleman is serious in the opinion he expressed to-night, that the measure which was born and died on the 25th of February was one founded on prin ciple, I regret that tho discovery he has now for the first time divulged has not been sooner made, if it could not be announced last session, so that much of the trouble that has occurred, and possibly still awaits us, might have been avoided. But much more important is that portion of the right hon. gentleman's observations which refer to the de scription of his intentions, and the causes which led to the resolution to withdraw the scheme proposed; and I must enter my distinct and most unequivocal protest against the statement of the right hon. gentleman—(hear)—which is full from beginning to end of errors, totally unintentional, but at the same time of the grayest character. It is neces sary that I should remark on it, as there is one point of what I may call cardinal importance. The right hon. gen tleman says that if ho received inaccurate information, we were subject to the same misfortune. But there was this difference, that we do not found our statements in Parlia ment on it. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman says the measure on the basis of a £6 rating franchise was intro duced either with our knowledge or full approval; that it was not acceptable to members of the party who sit behind him. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was under stood to say that it was with the expectation of being favourably received by gentlemen opposite. Mr. GLADSTONE—Of course I withdraw that state ment of what I understood the right hon. gentleman to say, but I am right in saying that he came to the con clusion that he might fairly expect to receive support on this side of the house. The right hon. gentleman can not find any reason in fact, I am sure, for forming such a conclusion ; and of anything so improbable and so little supported by events I am at a loss to conceive. In June last year, when 1 unworthily held the plaee he now fills, we had full opportunity of stating our views on a £6 rating, and it was over and over again declared to be impossible to support a £6 franchise. (Hear, hear.) How, then, could he suppose that, having broken up our Government on the question of Reform, he was to expect that the proposition was now to meet with approval when it came on his re commendation? (Hear, hoar.) That was a groundless and unreasonable expectation ; and if it had influence on the course pursued on Monday week, I can only say that there was not a due care and diligence in ascertaining the solidity of the grounds on which it arose. But, more than this, tho right hon. gentleman said that expectation was disappointed by some proceedings taken by the Libera party, who had met together and determined to support a £5 franchise, and in consequence the Government felt that its withdrawal of the scheme had become necessary. The right hon. gentleman has been wholly and grossly misin• formed on this point. He has proceeded on seine rumour or report as groundless as that to which the hon. member for Devizes (Mr. D. Griffith) has referred. With respect to the proceedings of the Liberal party on the occasion alluded to, I may almost say that the subject of a £5 rating was not mentioned. (Hear, hear.) It certainly was men tioned by a single member, only to call forth an expression of opinion that any mention of such a subject was prema ture. And, so far from there being any determination, they wore not in a position to offer any opposition, as we were then only in possession of the plan promised by the right hon. gentleman, and much might occur between the delivery of the speech and the formation of a bill. Until a bill was actually introduced it was impossible to decide on what course we should resolve. But, the object of warm and general desire being to settle this question, the feeling was to support the first and second reading of the bill—(cheers)—and on the motion for the Speaker leaving the chair to go into committee, then would be the time to propose the amendments that we con sidered necessary for the improvement of the measure. There was nothing, therefore, in the proceedings of the Liberal party to justify the right hon. gentleman in his attempt—and I think 1 may apply the epithet—the un generous attempt, to cast on this side of the House the re sponsibility of the failure of that measure. (Cheers.) I have only one word more to say, that I feel the paramount importance of the opinion expressed in the closing words of the noble lord the member for Stamford on these col lateral discussions. I think they are calulated to introduce into our language or minds that which would not conduce to furthering the objects we have in view, and therefore I will abstain from further and preliminary comment. I do not think it necessary to dwell on what the right hon. gentleman has said ou infirmities of my own. To be made acquainted with our faults is one of the most efficient steps in moral progress, and a benefit to be received with thank fulness. 1 have frequently received assurances of this kind from the right hon. gentleman, and I sincerely re turn him my thanks. (Laughter.) But ho referred to an expression of my own in reference to what full from the right hon. gentleman yesterday with respect to the forth coming measure, and said that it was in his view gra tuitous. I might say in reply that they were deliberate and wore opportune—(hear, hear)—and that the bill is still in a vague and undefined shape does not lead me to repent of the observations I made. My object was to press on the Government a full sense of the responsibility of their present position with regard to the proposition they may be about to make. We are toll that they are the best judges of their own responsibility. I admit that; but at the same time I feel it to bo a duty we owe to the public, and it is indeed rather an act of friendship than otherwise to the Administration, at a time when great and serious issues are about to bo raised, to express in becoming and respectful terms our apprehensions as to the importance of the crisis. (Hear, hear.) My right hon. friend the Secretary of War says he has no faith in securities as such. I thank my right hon. friend not only in justifying ma in the few words I used yesterday, but for his suggestion. As the time ap proaches—though not perhaps so very near—when we may make another step towards information, I have no disposi tion to bring on topics of an intermediate character. Mr. LOWE rose, with several other members, who, how ever, gave place on calls for tho right hon. gentleman. Hu said—There is one cause which has found no defender in these. discussions. The right hon. gentleman the member for South Lancashire is naturally in favour of a £7 rental, while the Chancellor of the Exchequer has two pet views of his own ; he is both in favour of a £6 rating and of a household suffrage. When the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer accused the member for South Lancashire of opposing his bill because it was based on a principle—that, namely, of a £6 rating—seeing that the principle is only a translation of a £7 rental]2into a £6 rating, the right hon. gentleman, by implication, admits the principle in the Government measure of last year, and throws the onus on himself of all the delay that has occurred. He gave what was tantamount to an assurance to those who wanted to defeat the measure, and there can be no doubt on what principle most members acted ; be cause the measure did not carry with it any sufficient safeguard ; in fact, that it was the first stage on the way to household suffrage, at which we have arrived to-night. (Laughter.) Isit likely that there should be a ready acqui escence now in a contrary course, when, for the first time in English history, a Minister of the Crown pronounces the ominous and fatal words of "household suffrage ?" (Laughter.) If we were in want of such a policy, we might have got it easier than by placing the right hon. gentleman where he now sits, without any of the eject ments we have seen, and disruptions of party. But was it to enable the Chancellor of the Exchequer to bring in a measure of household suffrage that we combined against tho measure introduced by the late Government ? (Loud laughter and cheers.) Duty calls forth a tribute to tho consistency of the hon. member for Birmingham in always maintaining his opinion in favour of manhood suffrage, and in manfully resisting proposals short of that principle. He approached household suffrage from below, while the Chancellor of the Exchequer came from above. It is really difficult to discern any real distinction between the opinions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the hon. gentle man, unless it be that the one comes to the question from above, the other from below. (Laughter.) There must now be some strange attraction of affinity between the groat twin brethren. (Laughter.) The ship they ride on is called Hypocrisy, and the chief they serve under is Anarchy. What have they to say to this alliance? Are they consenting parties after the victory of their principle last year on the question whether the ancient constitution of this country shall be preserved in its integrity, or whether it is to be sacrificed to the views of the hon. member for Birmingham and the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer ? The decision rests with them and the country, and we all pause to see what decision they make. I cannot help saying this, because it appears that the ma jority of last year has now got nobody to defend it. We cannot expect any defence from the minority whom we defeated; those to whom we trusted the destinies of this country—(cheers)—have under-bid the majority whom they opposed because they were going too far, and have placed themselves in a position which differs only from them in being infinitely more democratic. We have had a great deal about figures to-night, and of hon. gentlemen who sat up on Sunday to read them, and we are told that the bill will be introduced on the 18th, and will then be urged forward at the greatest possible speed de die in diem, We have had delays enough, and if the right hon. gentle man wishes to facilitate the discussion in this hens; he had better place on the table the figures which are to form the subject of that discussion. We have not got them at pre sent. We have got the book of last year, in which we find a number of statements with regard to municipal franchises; but, as is shown in a very excellent letter by the hon. member for Cheltenham, which has ap peared in the Times, we have only 72 boroughs in which the two things are conterminous, and we can make a comparison between the municipal and the proposed Parliamentary franchise. It will, therefore, be of the ut most service to the house if the right hon. gentleman will furnish us with the opportunity of going through the pro- Ces§ which the three Secretaries el 5 tato lime &ono thrcough —(a laugh)— and seeing what is the real effect of the mea sure they propose. If we are to have these figures after the Reform Bill has been brought in, we probably shall not be in a position to go on with it as the right hon. gentle man wishes. Therefore I do hope he will consider the propriety of giving to the house in this instance some means of judging of the proposition he will make, so that we may not be as we have been, always in the position of receiving communications in such a manner that we are unable to act upon them. 1 thank the house for allowing one who is eminently of a past generation—(laughter)—and who re presents that which was a power last year, but which has been taken over by the right hon. gentleman to the other side—to say a few words on this subject. The truth is, what was a conflict last year has become a race this year, and the two parties are trying not which shall attack and which shall stand up for existing institutions, but which shall surpass the other in the attompt to reach the goal of a perfectly level democracy. (Cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE—I desire to offer a word of expla nation with regard to au expression of my right hon. friend, not at all intentional, but which was the result of a misapprehension. He said at the commencement of his I speech that I had defended the £7 franchise. Now I had no intention of entering into a defence of that franchise. The meaning of what I said was this—that the right hon. gentleman appeared to me to found his claim for a principle in the measure of last Monday week upon a numerical re lation that would have been just as applicable to the mea sure of last year. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER —Perhaps in explanation I may just observe that there were two misapprehensions by the right hon. gentleman, on which in fact his speech was mainly founded. (Laughter.) In the first place, when I referred to some vote of certain gentlemen opposite, I really did not refer to the bench which is opposed to me ; I meant to speak generally of the party opposite, and not of the right hon. gentleman. (" Oh, oh," and some interruption.) I hope gentlemen will allow me the same hearing as they gave to the sight hon. gentleman. My friends around me—(bowing to Lord Stanley and others on the Ministerial bench)—know that I did not intend to make the slightest reference to the right hon. gentleman. (Hear, hear.) The second mis apprehension was that the right hon. gentleman thought I withdrew that intended measure in consequence of the assumed want of support from the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) and his friends. On the contrary, I stated that the main reason why we withdrew it was the general discontent of the Conservative party. Mr. HORSMAN : I was not aware that any discussion was to take place, or explanation was to be given to-day. The noble lord's statement has rather taken us by sur prise; but 1 must say I agree with what has been said by my hon. friend the member for South Lancashire, that it is very difficult to sit still after that provocation given to us by the speeches of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. What we have heard to-day from the noble lord and the right hon. gentleman makes a great change in the situa tion. The Liberal party, I trust, will not withdraw from the resolution which they expressed, to give the Govern ment every assistance to settle the question of Reform ; but I must say, we go on to give that assistance under different feelings every day, under greater difficulty, and with greater responsibility. When a Ministry in a confessed minority undertakes to carry on a Reform Bill, such a state of things can only be tolerated because they make up in some way by character and ability what they want in numbers, or because they are supported by an opinion which is in itself a force. Is that the case with the present Government? They are, I must say, the weakest Government that even in our time has sat upon these benches, dealing with the greatest question of the day. How are they dealing with it? There has been a vague and general determination on this side of the House to giro effect to the very judicious counsel given to us by the right hon. gentleman the member for South Lancashire, at the commencement of the session, to combine for two objects—to effect a settlement of reform, and to effect it if possible without a displacement of the Government. But I must say the speech which we have heard from the Chancellor of the Exchequer renders the reconcilement of those two results more difficult. They have undertaken to deal with the question of reform. How have they undertaken to deal with it ? Why, the revela tions that have been made to-day show us that, so far as official confusion and legislative weakness go, there has been everything on our part to complain of, and now there is apparently an abandonment of principle and a breaking down both in credit and in character, unexampled, as far as I can remember, in the modern history of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) What is the next step? We learn that a Conservative Government, existing upon sufferance, are about to launch what they themselves would last year have called a democratic Reform Bill. My right hon. and gallant friend opposite (Gen. Peel) says he has changed his opi nion, and that he respects men for changing their opinions. Let us consider for one moment the nature of the change under the cireumstances in which it was made. In 1859 the present cabinet changed thoiropinions, and brought in a Reform Bill. They had been anti-reformers up to 1839. (No, no.) They brought in, I say, a Reform Bill in 1859 ; but the moment when they abandoned office they abandoned their conversion to reform, and it was only after a lapse of nine years, when they returned to those benches, that the convictions which they had left in their red boxes were again found, and again we have a second conversion. Now I do not hesitate to say that I hold it as a rule, and an un answerable rule, that for any groat party to hold itself free and the moinent it finds itself in office to turn round on the opinions which it has consistently and persistently main tained in opposition, is politically wrong and morally inde fensible. I do not know any instance which history gives us that is not a confirmation of that opinion. Even those cases which are relied on of the Duke of Wellington and Sir R. Peel rather confirm than shake this opinion. The Duke of Wellington, who was the most powerful and po pular man of his time, whan be proposed emancipation was driven from office, which he never resumed, lost his influ ence, and hopelessly broke up his party. A common dan ger drew them together in a common defence, and nine years afterwards Sir Robert Peel again united his party with great skill and capacity ; but once more he was driven from office, his party broken, his influence gone; and he never regained the position he had lost. But there was this difference. They commanded groat Parliamentary majorities ; they were sincerely converted. If the Duke of Wellington had been driven from office before the passing of the Emancipation Act, he would have fought for it in Opposition. If Sir Robert Peel had been driven from office before the passing of the great free-trade measure, he would always have been a free-trader. But the present Govern ment, driven from office in 1859, changed their opinions, and opposed the bill of the Government of 1860. (No, no.) I repeat, they opposed the bill. After six years they re turned to office, and I ask, what proof have we that their second conversion is more sincere than their first, especially when we learn that their new conviction is that Reform is not a question that should decide the fall of Governments ? In reality, the Government have given a choice of mea sures, and have acted the part not so much of Ministers as of auctioneers, knocking down the constitution to the loudest bidder. I won't refer to the £6 franchise, which almost fell stillborn in4B hours after its appearance, and we have heard no more about it ; but wo heard immediately afterwards that they had returned to their original policy— a policy which, if there be any truth in language or mean ing in words, there is not one member in that Cabinet who did not, 12 months ago, loudly and earnestly declaim was in his inmost conviction a policy of revolution. This may be supposed to be done for popularity. In my opinion it should rather be a matter for morality. It should always be borne in mind that a Government which wishes to be popular must commend itself to that which is inherent in tho English character, and must base its popularity on political respect. I do not think the course Government are taking is likely to secure for them that respect. We respect the hon. gentleman and the noble lord for aban doning their places and retaiuing their principles, rather than those who abandon their principles and retain their place's. (Cheers.) Lord STANLEY—The speech of the right lion. gentle man who has just sat down, and that of the right hon. member for Caine, have both been founded on some idea which I venture to say is an utter misapprehension. They have both spoken as if they believed it was the intention of those who sit on these benches to go further in a demo cratic direction than those who sit opposite, and to outbid them in bringing in a bill proceeding in that way. Now, I say plainly and distinctly that I cannot conceive any cir cumstances under which, in our position and with our antecedents, that would be an excellent course to adopt. I am sine it would not be an honourable course, nor one that those who sit on these benches would be disposed to follow. (Hear, hear.) I say that, in order to save some members of this house from disappointment. If the right hon. member for Caine, or any of those who think with I him, believe seriously that it is the intention to bring in a bill in the sense of that policy which has been ably and consistently advocated by the hon. member for Birming ham, I can assure him ho is utterly mistaken. I hope gen tlemen will recollect that they are discussing a measure which is not now before the house, of which they have heard no statement whatever, of ,the general purport and effect of which it is impossible they can know anything, and of which I submit they cannot accurately judge merely by some fragmentary expressions which have been used in relation to some portions of it by members who have spoken in this debate. We are quite ready to stand or fall by the judgment of the house on the measure wo bring is. (Hear, hear.) We only ask for ordinary fair play to say what this measure is before we proceed to dis cuss it. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BRIGHT shall not prolong this discussion more than two or three minutes, but I cannot help saying that I think wo have had an instructive evening. (A laugh.) Probably if hon. gentlemen opposite, and perhaps some right hon. gentlemen on this side, could have seen in vision a year ago what they see to-night, the result of our deliberations last session might have been very different. The right hon. member for Caine admits he is very much out of court, and that he ought not to be here at all. (Laughter.) Yet he was the great adviser last year to cer tain weak-minded gentlemen, and certain other passionate and fierce politicians who sit now in a very meek spirit opposite me. You will recollect his (Mr. Lowe's) speeches from that bench. There were violent—and I will say there were some logical—parts of his speech which he himself AVOW t 9 JIM said. TAW 9-41.9.) (Laughter.) T hen there were parts which I very much regret. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman made these speeches. He fanned the flame of discontent, and a number of gentlemen, who somehow or other were nearly all leaders, were those who in former times had been in office, and who also fanned that flame of discontent, combining with it pure party spirit, in order to throw out a Government which had offered to the country a measure of which the country dis tinctly approved. (Hear, hear.) When 1 say the country, understand me, I mean that if there were any who could not approve, they did not signify their disapprobation ; but the multitudes, at whose request or demand your Govern ment now propose to act, did in many hundreds of public meetings signify their approbation of the bill. (Hear, hear.) Well now, I ask hon. gentlemen opposite to dismiss for ever from their councils the right hon. member for Caine. (Laughter.) lie has once led you into very great diffi culty, and if you will take his advice now ho will greatly increase that difficulty. He is against extend ing the franchise by any reduction of it to any portion of his countrymen. That is not an opinion which I myself hold, nor, as he admits, is it held by any other member of this house. If that bo so, clearly on this, which is the question to-night and of the session, he is, as he says, out of court; and if ho does not withhold his advice in future, I recommend you not to adopt it. The hon. member for Stroud (Mr. Horsman) is very angry with the Government. Nobody has so much reason to be angry with the Government as I have, because I believe nobody grieved more last session after a bill which NO wished to pass. But could an hon. gentleman expect, who coalesced with gentlemen opposite to drive out the Government of Lord Russell andput in the Government of Lord Derby—did he so little know the state of public opinion, that he believed the Government of Lord Derby could take office, and refuse to deal with the question of reform ? Why, the Chancellor of the Exchequer knows, Lord Derby knows, and every man in the house knows perfectly well, that if the Government had met Parliament this session and declared they had no measure of reform to offer, they would resist any proposition for the extension of the franchise, the first week of the session would have been to them the week of their extermination as a Government. There would have been an end to them now and for ever. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, the right hon. gentleman is very angry with them because of the words " household suffrage." The right hon. gentleman has a household suffrage bill in his pocket, and he came down to-night with the expectation that it was to be brought in. (Much laughter.) In fact, we scarcely know, under the leadership of the hon. member for Caine and the hon. mem ber for Stroud, where we are or where we shall be. His bill for household suffrage has limitations. It may have been under the examination of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer and Lord Derby; and I know the right hon. gen tleman has been taking about his bill first to St. James's square, and then I believe to Carlton House-terrace ; but there has been no market for the article. (Laughter.) I am not in the least surprised, therefore, that he should get up and try to damage the wares of the right hon. gen tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Let me say one or two words to righthon. gentlemen opposite. You know as the hon. member for Caine has truly said, that I have, always, so long as I have discussed this question, thought household suffrage was the true basis of the franchise. (Hear.) I have been willing to support measures on that condition. lam willing to support them now, if the house could agree upon that, or any measure short of that, for I believe that is the just foundation of the borough franchise in this country. (Hear, hear.) We have been accustomed to hear of the evils arising from numbers of voters. You have had constituencies so narrow and contracted that you have got some sort of an idea that things which are safe in the hands of a million voters would be unsafe in the hands of two millions, as if the second million of your country men were not fitted in the same way as the first million, and as if they had not almost entirely the same interests. (Hear, hear.) There is no other country in the world in which the monarchy, the aristocracy — where there is one —or the wealthy class, is afraid of votes. Whether you go to America or Australia, or nearly every kingdom of Eu rope, you never hear discussions by any legislative body such as you find in this house. Other countries have no dread of their countrymen, and have no fear that the giv ing them votes would be destructive of the order of society or of the constitution under which they lived. I ask you whether last year, when the great body of the working people met to express an opinion on the bill of Lord Rus sell, whether they were not moderate and judicious in the course they took with regard to that bill, and in tho j udg ment they expressed upon it? (Hear, hoar.) I will ven ture to say they took a part much more patriotic in its results than that which you were unfortunately advised to take by the right hon. gentleman behind me ; and I wil l venture further to say that such is their moderation, atm such their comprehension of this question, that they will judge with great fairness and great patience any measure which the Government shall lay before the house ; and, if they should fail, the measure placed before tho house by the Government which shall succeed them. But now I implore you—and you know I am not speaking in the interest of the right hon. gentleman the member for South Lancashire (Mr. Gladstone), nor of his friends who may hereafter occupy those benches, nor in the spe cial interest of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with whom I have no political connection—l speak in the interest of a great cause and of millions of people, who at this moment, every day, read every syllable that is uttered in this house, and I ask you to deal with them as one class, or ono pal ty, or one section of a people should deal with every other section of that people—with a generous and liberal esti mate of their character, and of that which is due to them. (Hear, hear.) Don't try now, by any t r i c k s —(l aug ht er )— to cheat them of that which they have a right to expect from the declarations which you have made. (Hear, hear.) If you cannot go so far as I would wish you to go, try something less ; but let us have it simple and distinct, so that they will know that what you profess to give they will really receive. (Cheers.) I recollect in the demonstration, as it is called, which met here the other day—the right hon. gentle man (Mr. Lowe) says that those great demons trations have left no echo behind them. Lord Derby could tell him a very different story. (Hear, hear.) If I under stood rightly, the measure which the right hon. gentleman intends to introduce is rather the product of the brain of Lord Derby than of his own—of Lord D e rby himself, who is not supposed to be rash in his propensity as an innovator on the institutions of his country ; but Lord Derby is in favour of that wide extension of the suffrage to which it is ntioortohsletreemwayerbey-flaangds- by-and-by along the h th o a p t ed d g em en o t u le s m tr e a consent. But in streets, and on one of them—that carried by the carpenters there was a motto which, though it is not in the choicest English, will still be understood by many present. I com mend it to the attention of hon. gentlemen opposite and to the house, as conveying in it all the wisdom which I could possibly hope to put in any number of words I might utter; they said, " Deal with us on the square, we have been chiselled long enough." (Laughter and cheers.) Mr. SMOLLETT asked why, with their nu merical ma jority, the great Liberal party did not displace the pre sent Government and deal with Reform themselves ? He hoped the answer to that question would not be that the Liberal party distrusted their leaders and had no faith in them, because if that were the case it would discredit re sponsible Government, and be anything but satisfictory to tho house or to the country. Mr. B. STANHOPE said the reason why the Conserva tive party approached the Reform question in the way they did was on account of the Liberal party having cut the ground from under their feet. The subject then dropped. Mr. WATKIN, in moving for a committee to inquire into tho operation of the Limited Liability Act, based his motion on the ground that the act had failed to carry out its original object, as he showed by a long review of our recent commercial industry that it had been coincident with excessive speculation, and had led to unnecessary and expensive litigation. The effect of the inquiry, he suggested, would be to show that the act might be usefully modified and its machinery improved, and he expressed a strong conviction that the result would be to show that the area of irregularity was small. The motion was supported by Mr. MoniusoN and Mr. Alderman SALOMONS ; and Sir S. NORTRCOTE assented on the part of the Go vernment to the appointment of a committee, as Yr. Watkin's object was not to impugn the policy of the act. Re intimated that it was not the intention of the Govern ment, considering the circumstances of the session, to pro pose an inquiry into the operation of the Bank Act this year. Mr. M‘LAGAN brought in a Bill to amend the Scotch Gamo Laws. The adjourned debate on Mr. Leeman's Sale and Pur chase of Shares Bill was resumed, and after some discus sion the second reading was carried 13y 86 to 41. A debate arose on Mr. GoldneY's Execution of Deeds Bill, which was opposed by the Government, but ultimately the further consideration of it was adjourned until Friday week. The House then adjourned. The Boston, llartford, and Erie Railroad now runs its trains direct from its depot in Boston to Southbridge, 61 miles, a longer distance than is controlled by any of the seven principal lines lead ing out of that city, except the Boston aud Alaine, and Old Colony and Newport. The old Air Line cor poration from Boston to New York, and the Pro vidence, Hartford, and Fishkill Company have both lately consolidated with the Boston, Hartfor3, and Erie, which now controls a tot al length of 231 miles of tract, built, and in operation. The important links of the road yet remaining to be built are—from Southbridge to Palmer, 18 miles, to a connection with the Western Railroad; from Mechanicsville to Williamantic, Connecticut, 26 miles, to a direct connection and a new through route to Hartford and New York; from Waterbury, Connecticut, to Fishkill, N.Y., 77 miles, to a close connection with the Erie Road, and a through line to all points west, Miscellaneous American News. The following is the Springfield Republican's re view of the week ending 16th February :—The movement of the President and the Southern Go vernors, looking to reconstruction upon a basis combining the vital points of the pending Constitu tional Amendment, with a scheme of equal suffrage qualified by educational or property tests, has had the effect, contrary to natural and general expecta tion, to drive Congress to the opposite extreme, and the House has passed, by more than two-thirds votes, Mr. Stevens's Military Government Bill and a bill from Mr. Eliot, of the New Orleans committee, for reconstruction in Louisiana. The bills are at several points antagonistic to each other. An earnest effort was made by Mr. Banks, Mr. Bing ham, of Ohio ; and Mr. Raymond, of New York, and other Republicans, to stave off decisive action, in the hope that some course might be found by which all the objects sought by the most Radical might be gained, with the co-operation of the President. But Mr. Stevens and his friends evi dently prefer that the war with the President should go on, and be aggravated to the point of impeachment as soon as possible ; and the Demo crats co-operated with them, for obvious reasons of party policy. Neither bill was forced through with indecent haste, and the Democrats were allowed all the time they desired for the debate, which was not much. The Louisiana bill establishes a provisional Government, consisting of a Governor and nine Councillors, to be appointed by the Pre sident and confirmed by the Senate. It orders an election in June next for a Legislature and State officers, and in October for delegates to frame a new State Constitution. No one is to vote, hold office, or sit on a jury, who will not swear that he has not been a voluntary rebel since March, 1864, land there is to be no distinction on account of colour. Sufficient military force to carry through the programme is provided for. Mr. Stevens's bill provides for the government of the " so-called" Southern States by military commanders, who are to supersede the civil officers, laws, and courts, at their own discretion. An effort of Mr. Blaine, of Maine, to engraft on this bill a provision that each Southern Stare shall be admitted to representation when it adopts the pending Constitutional Amend ment and establishes equal suffrage was defeated by the union of the Democrats with the Radical mem bers. Whether these bills will pass the Senate, or, if so, whether they can obtain a two-thirds vote in both Houses, to override the impending veto, is as yet doubtful. If they should thus be come laws, it is expected that the President will disobey and resist both, when the next Congress will at once proceed to impeachment, and possibly to the attempt to oust the President before trial. Into the troubled future beyond no ray of light has yet penetrated. In other matters beside reconstruc tion Congress has also made progress; both branches have commenced holding evening sessions, and seem to realise that the remaining time of the session is short. The Nebraska Bill has been passed over the President's veto in both branches, the vote in the Senate standing 31 to 9, and in the House 120 to 44. No vote has yet been taken on the Colorado Bill, but that is hardly likely to fare as well as the other should a vote be taken on it this session, though Mr. Wade read in the Senate on Wednesday a resolution adopted at a mass meeting at Denver, Colorado, to the effect that the people of that Territory are very largely in favour of a State organisation, and pledging faith in its constitution, and in the State's ratification of the Constitutional Amendment. Another important thing accomplished is the pas- sage of the Bankrupt Bill by the Senate, by a vote of 22 to 20. Mr. Sumner tried hard to get the bill amended, so as to exclude the late rebels from its benefits, but he failed, and refused to vote on the bill at all. The final debate was enlivened by a speech from Mr. Conness, of California, who de clared his intention not to submit to the whip of Nir. Sumner as leader any longer. The most important amendment made in the bill by the Senate is that which takes the appointment of Re gisters in Bankruptcy from the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and gives it to the District Judges ; and for concurrence in this amendment the bill now goes back to the house. Other bills that have passed the Senate are the Invalid Pension Bill, the Post- Office Appropriation Bill, the Contingent Fund Deficiency Appropriation Bill, tho Bill to In crease the Salaries of Quartermaster-Sergeants, the Legislative, Judicial, and Executive Appropria tion Bill,—which was first amended so as to strike out the appropriations to the Daily Globe, for print ing the debates of Congress,—the bill to change the place for holding the United States Circuit Court in Rhode Island, the bill to punish the larceny of Government property by a fine of $5,000 and im prisonment, not less than one' nor more than ten years, and the bill to amend the postal laws, which modifies the existing schedule charges for postal money orders, authorises the re-issue of lost ones, punishing the counterfeiting thereof, and authorises the appointment of superintendents of foreign mails and dead letters. The upper branch has also passed the joint resolution giving increased compensation to the Government clerks at Washington, with an amendment extending the benefits of the resolution to everybody employed by the Government at Washington. Four men lately belonging to the crew of the steamship City of Bath arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, from Georgetown, Wednesday evening, the 13th of Feb. They report that their steamer was burned at sea on Sunday morning off Cape Hatteras, and of twenty-six persons on board all are believed to have been lost excepting these four. The City of Bath was on her way from Boston to Savannah. Cape Hatteras will earn a terrible notoriety for disaster. If small boats lived in such a sea as that in which the Evening Star foundered, what caused the loss of the twenty-two persons who are said to have perished in the City , of Bath? The circumstance is mysterious, and will require full explanation. The following are the words addressed to us by a distinguished citizen of America in a letter from New York, dated Feb. 9 :—" Our national future is one that requires, on the part of Congress, great wisdom as well as firmness. Crude efforts at the problem of Reconstruction, the difficulties of which the course of the President has immeasurably in creased, will continue to be made and abandoned ; and some persons may hastily conclude that the case is hopeless, that a harmonious restoration of our Union is impossible, and that anarchy or re newed civil war is inevitable. But such persons are either ignorant or forgetful of the enlightened patriotism and common sense of the American people, by whom the subject is discussed in every part of the country. And for my own part, although our national dangers may even be greater in times of peace than they were during the war, I look for a happy issue in good time from the troubles that encompass us ; and I am inclined to believe that the lengthened time required for our extrication may be atoned for, in the more thorough and permanent adjustment, which I believe we shall reach at last." These words of good cheer come from a man whose illustrious descent can add little to the reputation he has attained among his countrymen, by his great and brilliant talents. Congress has abolished the tax on cotton, and made at least one move to conciliate the South. Notwithstanding the restrictions imposed by roads destroyed, and railways without rolling stock, the staple is arriving from the interior at the ports in increasing quantities. From an average of 65,000 bales a week the number has increased first to 70,000, then to 78,000, and now to 82,000. Dr. Forbes has, after all, proved no prophet, and the most liberal estimates are likely to be exceeded. The estimate of the Indian officer was 1,200,000 bales, but it is believed now to be clear that the crop will exceed 2,000,000 bales. Up to the 7th of February last it is thought that 1,100,000 bales have been received at all the ports. Of these 500,000 have been exported, and 600,000 are in store, while over 92,000 are in the interior at Memphis, Augusta, Macon, and other cities. This accounts for 1,200,000 bales passed from the plan tations, and it is calculated that at least 800,000 remain to be brought forward. As we write, we learn the tax is re-imposed. The Iron Age is sorry to see that by a vote of 22 to 20 the Bankrupt Bill WM defeated in the Senate, There appears to be still a prospect of its reconside ration and eventual passage, which, it is hoped, may be realiSed ; but the time of the present Congress is very short, and there should be nothing for the re mainder of the session but direct earnest, practica work. It remarks, "We are disappointed to find that so many as twenty Senators are opposed to a bill so much needed, and so generally demanded by the country. The bill is not by any means all that we could wish. Especially do we object to the un limited homestead exemption clause, but still so desir ous are we to wipe out the national disgrace of having no bankrupt law at all we were desirous to have this, looking to time and further experience to cause improvements in it. An earnest representation should be made to the Senate not to delay action on it. Its defeat would be a national disgrace and misfortune." The steamship City of Boston, of the Inman mail line, which arrived at New York, Feb. 2, after a ten days' passage from Liverpool, has completed within the year no less than ten round voyages between Liverpool and New York, being a distance of more than sixty thousand nautical,•or seventy thousand statute, miles—a performance believed to have never before been equalled by any vessel. An exhibition of the locomotive invented and patented by Silvester Marsh, of Chicago, for over coming steep gradeson railways by means of an iron centre cog-rail, took place at Boston. The minia ture model locomotive propelled by a small car, loaded heavily with iron, up a grade of upwards of 1,700 feet to the mile, with great facility and steadi ness. Many members of the Legislature were present. Bangor has voted to loan its credit to the extent of half a million to aid in the construction of the railroad from that city to Milford, in Piscataquis county, and the heart of the richest mineral section of the State. A connection will be made at Mil ford with the European and North American Rail way, and some of the trade which would otherwise go to Portland, Bangor hopes to secure to herself, by means of the new route. A portion of the bridge of the Illinois Central Railroad, at Galena, has also been swept away. The breakwater at Aurora, 111., was injured, and the island was overflowed, covering the first floor of business houses and compelling families to leave their dwellings. DISASTROUS FLOODS AT THE WEST.--DESTRUC TION OF RAILROAD BRIDGES.—The railroad bridge across the Republican river at Fort Riley, Kansas, was carried away by the high water on Thursday morning, the 14th of February, taking with it ten men who were endeavouring to make it secure. Part of the bridge was secured at Womigo, and no lives were lost. Other bridges across rivers in that sec tion are in imminent danger. The Missouri at Kansas City has risen three feet since Thursday morning, and is still rising. The flood in the Ottawa river was very high, and several bridges have been washed away. Emory E. Hovey, of West Waterford, Vermont, has sold from his nine cows, during the nine months of last season, 1,896 pounds of butter for $824.84, or about $9l per cow. MUSCLE AND MACHINERY.—The great objection to farming hitherto has been " hard work." Farm labour is done too much by hand. What manu facturer of the present day could succeed with only such aid ? The human drudge of the farm would rise physically and intellectually in his calling. Farmers cannot afford to be machines when think ing power rules the world. They must use machi nery, and harness either steam, wind, or horse power to their car. This last must ever be the common motor of the farm, as it is within the reach of all. By horse power the farmer can mow and reap, turn and pitch, thresh and grind, saw and bore, chop, feed,. and crush roots. It is not profitable to 'arm as those did who lived centuries ago. Labour is higher, taxes are steeper, and commercial values rising. A better agriculture must arise than the past has known, or the farmer will " go''under." If our hills and valleys ever become properly culti vated, the farmer has got work to do. Leaks must be stopped, time economised, intellectual and social elevation must be achieved, farmers' clubs must be sustained, and machinery must supersede muscle. To make any business tolerable, it must be shown capable of yielding something besides health and bread, and that is about all that farming has hitherto shown. Farming will become profitable when the farmer understands himself and saves all that he now wastes.—The Farm and Fireside. The Iron Age gives an account of the recent dis covery of an immense vein of black-band iron ore in Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, and states that, after full and exact inquiries, instead of exaggeration in the former reports, its importance and magnitude have been under-rated. The dis covery is attributed to Mr. E. MbGinnes, of Pottsville. The Pottsville Standard states on this subject :—" We are happy to announce that a close inspection of the black-band vein of iron ore has very much exceeded the estimate placed upon its value by the public, and surpassed that pre viously formed of it by themselves. The vein is first met with upon the south dip of an anti clinal axis, 60 feet from the surface. 'The dip is gentle, perhaps not more than 30 degrees, and the vein is being sloped upward to the axis, where it dips down north. A gangway has been driven westward, perhaps forty or more yards, and the iron extracted in a manner somewhat similar to coal. Eastwardly, however, the sloping is done without gangways—the ore being moved down to the shaft by sleds. 'The vein varies gradually from 3} to 41 feet in thickness. Its thickness has, in no instance, fallen below 3 feet 3 inches, while the greatest thickness attained is five feet. It is roofed by a hard sandstone rock, with imbedded siliceous pebbles, and upwards of 15 feet thick. The roof is so hard and smooth that no prop timber what ever is required, a few small stumps only being requisite along the gangways. The bottom of the vein consists of two feet of slate, containing no dules of iron ore equally as rich as the main vein, and it will doubtless prove advisable to rip up this slate, extract the ore it contains, and throw the balance away as gob to support the roof. The process of mining is extremely simple and in expensive, and with proper system we have no doubt could be accomplished on a large scale at frotu fifty to sixty cents per ton. As yet every thing is new, and it will require time and experience to introduce improvements and reduce the cost to the minimum. Assuming that the owners of the land were now working the ore on their own ac count, on a large and systematic scale, and that they had arranged along the slope of Mill Creek some twenty furnaces similar to those of the Dowlais estate in South Wales ; assuming this, let us inquire how far we might hope to compete with those famous works or similar establishments in Scotland, for the complete possession of the iron market of the United States. First. It will require about 21- tons of the black-band to make one ton of pig metal. We assume that it could be mined by the owners at sixty cents per ton—(2,ooo lbs.) This would make $1 65, to which add 10 cents per ton for royalty, 271 cents, and the whole cost of the ore at the furnace would be $1921 —say $2. The royalty here allowed (10 cents. per ton), estimating each acre of land to contain 15,000 tons of ore, would make it worth $1,500 per acre, exclusive of coal and surface value, and would therefore be ample for lands which have not recently com manded more than from $BO to $lOO per acre. Second. To produce a ton of pig metal from time ore would require, we judge, not over one gross ton of anthracite coal ; because the ore itself is very rich in coal and carbonaceous matter, as, indeed, are all the ores of the coal measures ; and because it is also open and porous, contains but little silica, phosphorus, sulphur, or other sluggish matter, but on the contrary is rich in lime and manganese, and other light fluxes. In Wales it has to be roasted to coke the bitumen with which it is associated, or otherwise the tarry secretions, while undergoing calcination in the furnace, would clog up the draught, and produce scaffolding. Our ore being associated with anthracite (coal already coked) requires no such treatment, and is, moreover, much richer in iron and coal. While the Welsh and Scotch ores require roasting and 1,000 pounds of fuel, our ores require no roasting and less than 900 i pounds and where they require 1,000 pounds of • ore, ours will require but 850 pounds, and in that ratio to the production of pig metal. The Vermont Chronicle not proving satisfactory to the Congregationalists of that State under present management, a new organ of the denomination has been started at _Montpelier, called the Vermont Congregationalist. It is edited by Rev. J. Q. Bit tinger, of St. Alban's, assisted by a corps of clergy men, and published by C. W. Willard. The first number has spirited editorials, and is generally readable and interesting. The name is not well chosen, as there is already a Congregationalist ill Boston. A new paper called the Leader, Radical in politics, appeared at Washington on the evening of the th February. Mr. James F. Otis, a kindly, genial gentleman, who, without great scholarship, was known for some thirty years as a pleasant and graceful writer, and was connected at different times with The Ex press and Spirit of the Times in New York, and with The .Netv Orleans Picayune, died at Boston on the 2d inst. Mr. Bayard Taylor has jast arrived in Europe. Mr. Donald G. Mitchell—lk Marvel—is pre paring a work on landscape gardening. Mr. C. W. Howard, of Kingston, Georgia, announces a Southern history of the war. Mr. Coffin—Barry Gray—is said to be complet ing a novel of American life, founded on facts which have occurred „within thirty years ; scene near the Catskills. Mr. Richard T. Colburn has nearly finished his " Recollections of Twenty Campaigns," a w ork which gives the author's experience as a cotton planter near Natchez, and his army adventures under Fremont and Lyon, at Vicksburg, in the Army of the Potomac, and subsequently as cor respondent of the World. M. Du Chaillu expects to visit America this month or next. " Why Coloured People in Philadelphia aro Excluded from the Street Cars." (Philadelphia , 1866. Pamphlet, pp. 27.) —The author of this paper, says the Nation, has put on record his pro test against one of the most curious relics of the ancient barbarity still extant. It is a strange anomaly that Philadelphia has done as much for the extinction of slavery and the triumph of freedom as any other city of the Union, that it was the seat of the first organisation for raising coloured troops, that it fed and clothed them at its refreshme nt saloons, that it cares for them in its Soldiers' Hoene now, and that, in spite of all this, to this day n° negro can ride in one of its passenger cars. Th e pamphlet tells in plain, straightforward, manly phrases, and with a simplicity that lends strength to its rare bits of sharp sarcasm, the history of the efforts that have been made to remedy this mis chievous prejudice. In spite of committees, 01 public meetings, of courts of law with decisions clearly against it, of applications for legislative action, which were strangled and not discussed, there is such a bad sentiment in the general public, such a universal agreement in this wretched pre judice, that the mischief holds its own. Of course , it is indefensible on any ground of sense or reason o r humanity, and nobody pretends to meet it with aI 3 Y argument of that sort. Nevertheless, by commo n consent, the privilege or right, call it which r il please, that is accorded in every oth er town of the country, is denied in Philadelphia. The c alm, measured tone of this pamphlet will lend its valrl e when, hereafter, the people of Philadelphia shall. look back on the curiosities of their older daYs ' the same merit makes it worth reading and Pre serving in other places which can afford to look down on Philadelphia with some complacency , s o far at least as this particular fault is concerned. °l' course the good to be done by it is not confined t° securing to the coloured people the right of rici lu° , in street-cars, for that will come when the re3' to work of the pamphlet is done. It is meant show to the white people of Philadelphia the wick cj ; f ness of fostering and keeping alive prejudices. tin f race and distinctions of colour, in a way that in jures the whites in the eyes of all other white me n, and blunts their own perception of right and wrong and holds the coloured people at a point lower than their rightful place, humble as that may be. COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS—TUESDAY. Tho show of grain this week is moderato. We contiail? to have little demand for wheat, and prices may be `l no et nominally unalterod. B a rley, except finest quality, 18 . Pie qr lower than Tuesday last. Oats and beaus a slow 5" and prices unchanged. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. and We had a fair attendance at our market to-41:0, the wheat met with a moderate consumptive request 40 the rates of Friday last. Flour in better demand, and slig il th ' e , dearer. Oats and oatmeal in fair request to -day, 31 1, 4 „„, n e, former brought a trifle over late rates. In bark)", Beane, and peas we have no change to note. Indian corn, ..ss et an improved demand from Ireland, has advanced is P qr—prime mixed selling at 37s 3d to 37s 6d per 4801 b. LYNN—MONDAY. bit, New wheat, —s to —s ; new rod, —s to —s ; 0 1,1 for 62s to 70s ; old red, 58s to 62s per 36 stone. Barley ow, malting, 46s to ols ; secondary, 37s to 38s. Oats, peas, 24s to 28s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 44s to 48 5 . 36s to 40s per 28 stone. MARKET. HARBOROUGII.—TuEsDAY• 36 Old white wheat, 60s to 73s ; now red, 5 0 s to 68s P.e33ost. stone. Barley, fine, 52s ; other kinds, 23s to 3 6 s Pe r ,, Oats, new, 22s to 23s ; old, 30s to 31s per qr. 1 4331 ''' 50s to 555; new, 46s to 48s pr qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TUESD AY. White wheat, 668 to 74s ; red, 50s to 66s per 3 6 Barley for malting, 40s to 52s per qr • fee d, 32s to 3g; p°' 30 stone. Oats. old, 30s to 355; new: 22s to 29s Pol . Beans, old, 52s to 548 . ; new, 46s to 50s per qr. SHEFFIELD —WE DNESDAY. The market was well supplied this morning with lion 30; grown wheat, and fairly sup plied with other grain. 1-i,,, improved attendance, au.d more activity in the trade. FiTL wheat must be quoted at the extreme prices of last woe, a Beans and choice oat s met with ready sale for seed. •''' other grain unchanged• a i lied wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels ' , ls 6d to 23s - , White do do ..613 01. 2.is 04 4 _. 6 1 New red do do •4os Od 21 ' ~,i New white do do 23s 6,1 25 8 "- 2 ,py 01 Beans do • • • • do 1.6•30c1 Peas, per qr. Grinding' us ley, per qr Malting barley, i 0 Oats, do F10ur....2s 3d to . ...: 84 per 14th .3 1 , 3: t . : 00 : ) 3 . ddid 1 3.e : s : o g ,, lad " i man believes that it can give some facts in THE QUEEN'S LITERARY LABOURS.-- - T i l O SCOW is said to to the literary work on which her Majesty be engaged, and states that the work referred tn. by a literary journal "is probably one entitled ' Leaves from my Journal iu the Highlands,' writ_ ten by her Majesty, and which has been circar lated privately, but very sparingly, for half a Y d e l :' ,. or more. Another work, on the sayings an d , relatioa ings of the Prince Consort, principally w ritten "?.. Gen. Grey, but prefaced by her Majesty, has bee n printed, but not yet circulated." _.....--- Births. FIELD—On the 4th inst., at Hampstead, the Wife o f A1131:1 Field, Esq., of a daughter. r birS. - r FITZWILLIAM—On the 4th inst., at Milton , the 1' Fitzilliam, prematurely, of a on, stillborn. Wif e LOCOCK—On the sth inst., at 6, Cambridge-square, of C. C. Locock, Esq., barrister-at - law , of a daughte;i., Mon t soN—On the 4th just., at 6, Coates-crescent' 1,:1"11-6, burgh, the wife of J. B. B row n-Morison, of 1110': Kinross-shire, of a son and heir. Gl P Lll . E c lt ;i T lb — er e t, OP o N f General Marriages. • ii i olio toi,, douse, lyndal s ,1 , t itli titililioe West s i t n , o s , inst . „; t o Iriltfi2;cot.ntiuci b do e, 9 , 0 r Wales District Bank, to Mary C th jngc, only tlaug"' of the late James Co a ell - llfracemb°l puer, bsq., of Laston, Devon. i rcly 11 • - 14" InE— EnNEY-011 the 28th Ult., at the parish clii . . y, Edgbaston, George E. llyde, Faq., of Worceste,r, to )1.11 eldest daughter of J. F. Ferney, Es q., of Edgbastou. Mana E g it l e V — r ra° o xn f al Deaths. 3 ID . 13uux—On the 4th inst ,at Cheli e nbam, R. D. fur"' . Assist.-Surgeon (h-p.). Royal Artil ler y , aged a'2. illiam U. B EssE r —On the 2d inst., at G reat Yarmouth, W Bessey, Esq., J.l'., aged 68. ll Em mi N s—On the 2d iust a t liaStings Chas. I len ' n'in °' .. ~ , aged 40. MELToN—On the 4th • d - W. Velteri, inst., at G, Bedford -tow, Esq., aged 58. Swete, I:sq. SWETE—On the 4th inst., at Torquay, J. B. formerly of Oxn, aged 80. A&• 11. WrrnEns—On the 4th inst at 3, Welling-ton-street, -, • lc Withers, Manager Loudon and Westminster 13311 S ou thwark Branch, age d 58. l ace, YEATES —On the 3 d inst., at geed 82. tland - p 13°.nor, S uss ex, Edmund Yentas, Esq., age J 112. Lyndon : Printed and lished by IVII4 L IAIII AN of No. 112. Strand, iii ater at Tile SUN °dive. ct Strand , in the Fred:let of the Savoy, in the COoptY Middlefitlf.—Wcdnesclay, Abrcli 6, 1867. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 6 1867.