The Sun. — London, England, 1849-07-23 00:00:00

1~. 4 '~ . - 14 " Er - s respects."—(Laughter.) Let the meeting then apply t h a t observation to Francis Joseph, the Emperor of I Austria.—(Cheers.) Now, then, he appealed to their pre judice against Austria, and to their prejudice against Rus- Isis, and to their prejudice in favour of Hungary, carrying on, as she was now doing, a holy and just, and he trustod in Divine Providence a successful struggle. Mr. REYNOLDS here attempted to disturb the arrange ments of the meeting, and against the remonstrances of the Chairman, insisted for some few minutes in inflicting an inflammatory speech on the meeting. The two resolutions were then put to the meeting, and carried with loud applause. Mr. RicarAlil IPAYLOR then came forward to propose the newt resolution, and was warmly received. He observed the spirit which had prevailed throuh out the meeting with the greatest pride and satis faction, inasmuch as for a long time past he had seen great apathy in this country, which he believed was pro duced by the deceitful arts of the public press, with regard not only to the question of Hungary, but also the question of liberty throughout Europe, if not throughout the world.—(Loud cheers.) There was one subject which bore upon the subject before the meeting, and to which no allusion had been made—he meant the question of religious liberty, for they had already heard that, among other cexcelieet institutions which had been established in Hungery, was that of perfect religious liberty and equality.—Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) Hungary was the only country in Southern Europe where Itecormetion had been ablgto hold its ground.—(Cheers.) —Some persons who were formerly their friends had expressed an opinion favourable to Austria; but he (Mr. Taylor) spoke the truth when he said that that nation was nothing but an engine for priestly despotism. The power of Austria, it was said, was maintained for the defence of religious liberty; but so far from her being a friend to religious toleration, she had excited her influence during the last one hundred years in exterminating the Protestants from the Tyrol and other states.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think the Govern ment was so much to blame as some gentlemen imagined. It was the people who were to blame for not having urged the matter upon the ministry; but he had yet confidence in good old English pluck ; he yet believed that the English people were the friends of liberty, and were quite ready to go to war in its defence if it were necessary.—(Cheers.) They gloried in the success of Bern, and took delight in his strategems.—(Cheers.) The policy of the Times he could not understand. It was despicably jesuitical. It pretended to support the Ministry, and yet Lord Palmerston was constantly made the objects of its base attacks, not that his policy was bad, bat because they wanted to detach him from the Govern ment. He was, in a word, disgusted with its perfidious conduct. It had become the advocate of despotism and the supporter of the house of Hapsburg, whose history was one continued series of tyrannical incidents. Austria was spoken of as our friendly ally, but Austria itself was not a country—it was a house who had maintained power by troops and armies collected from barbarian races, and who had always been engaged in a conspiracy against the liber ties of Europe.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He had subdued and debased the finest Italian states, while one of its representatives prostituted his own daughter to Napoleon, to o btain possession of Venice.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped, therefore, the country would pay no atten tion to the nonsense of the one portion of the press about our friendly ally, Austria. Let them judge for themselves, rather than allow themselves to be press-ridden.—(Hear, hear.) He concluded by moving the following resolution :—" That this meeting regard the military intervention of Russia in the affairs of Hungary, as wholly unjustifiable in reason and in fact, inasmuch as besides re-opening and prolonging a san guinary contest which had been already virtually de cided—it is a gross violation of the law of nations—the indefeasible rights of Hungary—and perilous to the peace, the freedom, and the general welfare of Europe." Mr. CASSEL seconded the resolution, and observed that the letter which had appeared in the Times de nouncing the Hungarian nation had been the chief cause of this meeting being held. Hungarians might have bled for the dastard feeling exhibited towards her in a portion of the English press, but this meeting, and others of a like character, would convince them that whatever the Times might say the sympathies of the English people were in their favour.—(Cheers.) So much this meeting would ac complish, but there was something more it could do. A number of unfortunate Hungarians had been driven to seek shelter on our shores from the tyranny of France and Austria, and they were at present encamped at Folkstone. Lord Nugent and others bad gut up a subscription for their support, and he hoped they would coutribute to the subscription which was being raised for equipping and sending them back to their native homes to assist their fellow-countrymen in their present struggle for free dom .—(Cheers.) The resolution was then from the Chair, and carried by acclamation. Mr. M. MILNES seconded the motion. He said he would not have presented himself to that inconveniently crowded meeting after the eloquent speeches they had heard, had not his name been announced in connexion with the resolution. Whatever difference of opinion might exist among them, they all agreed and had met there this diy to sympathise with freedom, and the struggles of mankind .—(Hear, hear.) He fully agreed with the philosophic speech of Mr. Cobden, more 116(14,111 Lt ly that portion of it in which he contended that all States had a right to manage their own affairs—even ill if they thought proper ; tor it was a leading element in tl e lea of nations, which had been violated in the case of Hungary, that the intermeddling of other nations was fraught with danger. Austti i was marked out by the Congress of Vienna, in order that she might constitute a great military power in the centre of Europe, and present a bar against the aggression of Russia or the other nations. She was created an independent power, and Austria, which was subsideary to Russia, had no business there.— (Hear, hear.) Whilst he agreed nith a great portion of what had been said by Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston on Saturday, he could not conceal from him self that they should have held that the relations entered into at Vienna were being disturbed, and that neither Eng'and nor France would permit it, whatever might be said by the Times and other papers who wrote as it did, because it believed its policy would be pleasing to a certain class of the community.—(Cries of " No; it is bought: it has sold itself.") But let them have a few such meetings as this, and depend upon it the press, which was but their shadow, would follow them.—(Hear.) He could not conceive, in the la'e debate in the House of Commons, why there had been an unwillingness to allude to subjects which Mr. Canning would have stood up to defend.—(Cheers.) He knew that they would stand by Lord Palmerston, and would admire that states. manship that enabled him to say, years ago, that the then polit cal state of Europe was an unsafe and a crumbling state. He asked them to give force to that propo sition. This was a question above all persons ; and he asked them to hold that language that had been held by the Liberal party in the House of Com mons, who had said that, as far as England was con cerned, though they adopted the princple of non interference, it should be known that it was her ardent desire that other nations should enjoy that freedom which she herself enjoyed.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gen- Memel concluded by seconding the resolution ; and concluded by an eloquent appeal to the charities and sympathies of the meeting on behalf of the Hungarian officers and soldiers now at Folke stone, t) enab'e them to return to their country to assist in fighting the b a ttl e o f th e i r i n d epen d ence. The Hungarian cause was a just and righteous cause, and one which England was not only justified but bound to Bur port.—(Cheers.) 'I be resolution was then put and carried unanimously. Lord DUDLEY STUART said he had not many words to offer to the meeting at that late period of the day, and he did not think it would be necessary for him to employ more than a few words in obtaining their support to the resolution he was going to move, which was—" 'That the English Government do immediately recognise the independence of Hungery." —(Loud cheers.) He knew how it would be; they did not want a long speech, or a fine orator, but only an honest and earnest man to come forward and point to them the way that was right.—(Cheers.) They did not want many words to ask them to sympathise with Hungary; they did not want fine oratory to in duce them to declare that Englishmen would ever be with a people fighting for their liberties. —(Loud cheering.) He had always seen that ; he had never failed to meet with a noble response whenever the sub ject of a nation struggling for their independence was laid before the people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) He had often spoken to them of Poland—(Cheers)--he now spoke to them of Hungary, whose cause was like that of Poland. He spoke to them of the Hungarians, who, like the Poles, were struggling for all that was dear to man, and had sworn to lay down their lives on the altar of their country, and to resist to the death the evil machinations of despotism.—(Cheers.) The hired agents of Austria air d Hungary were never tired of going about the world disseminating all sorts of -calumnies against the friend of liberty—(Cheers)—and their agents were to be fund everywhere, among the high as well as the low, in the press, in public and in seeret places, and in Cabinets.—(Cheers.) Therefore was it the more necessary that the truth should be told, and that the base machina tions of those servants of despotism should be exposed. He quite agreed with his Hon. Friend (Mr. Cobden) who said that every people had a right to establish its own form of government. It the Hungarians were strugglng in favour of a Government of which we could not ap prove, still we must sympathise with them when they drew their swords against foreign aggression.— (Hear, he a r.) It was sa id b y th e enem ies of Hungary that they had no sympathy with the present movement, because the Hungarians were strugeling to establish a Red Republic, and they also put forward another reason— that the Government of Hungary was carried on for t h e benefit d of the aristocracy. Now he there denied, havi ng i ced the subject carefully, the truth of both those a c u R u a t . obeers.) What and to defend the Hungarians were striving tolui:eta enjoyed for the was their own Constitution, which they ha n d last 800 years, and which was more like the Constitution of this country than any other that had been established They had their Kings, their Lords, and Coram theso they were now struggling for—they did IXt'sde mand more, and they would not be satisfied with an thing less.—(Cheers.) It was true that the franchise wya; on ly extended to the ruere. Now they were very different class to that which was known by the same name in this country.--(Cheers.) It was so large that it ought to be rather compared to the class of electors which existed here previously to the passing of the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.) But the Hungarians were not .964 - 111 #edk. with that body, they demanded some reform, :._and they at last got substituted for that privilege of birth, wOch entitled only about 100,000 to vote, a pro , petty ql cation such as we ourselves possessed. They now had p householders and freeholders , as we had. Thereyiet* vro reasons for expressing their sympathy ' ;4; - with Hungary; first, because, of all countries in the world, it was the most remarkable for its attachment to religious liberty; and, secondly, because it had carried out the principles of free trade.—(Cheers.) He did not find fault with the old Tories in the House of Lords who had grown grey in opposing the liberties of the people, standing up in defence of Austria; nor was be surprised that a Noble Lord should come down to the House of Commons to defend his uncle Lord Aberdeen, and denounce that great and good man now at the bead of Hungary as the infamous Kossuth—(Shame)—but he did denounce those who were once professed liberals for saking their principles and aiding the cause of despot ism.—(Load cheers.) He was rejoiced to see the man ner in which the name of General Bem had been re ceived.—(Cheers.) But a short time ago that gallant man was a poor despised Polish refugee in this country, de pendent upon a small pittance supplied to him by the Polish Association. He was suffering at the time from an old wound, but his poverty not enabling him to receive proper medical assistance at his own re sidence, he was compelled to seek relief in the University Hospital, where the late Dr. Liston succeeded in extracting a ball from his body which he had received while defending Poland against Russia, and he had lived to return to his native country of Galacia, to lead on the Hungarians to freedom and victory.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Austrians took delight in boasting of the coequests and gallantry of their Generals in Italy. but when they came to meet armies headed by Bern and Radetzky they were so triumphantly vanqui shed that they were forced to seek refuge in the territories of a neutral country, and call in the aid of Russian barbarians.— (Cheers.) Russia, no doubt, had immense numbers of troops at her command; but let them remember that from Xerxes down to Napoleon, the right of the few had overcome the tyranny of the multitude, and, however some people might despair, he for one had full confi dence in the ultimate success of the Hungarian cause. — (Cheers.) The Noble Lord concluded by proposing the following resolution:— " That the immediate recognition of the Government, de facto, of the kingdom of Hungary, by this country, is no less demanded by considerations of justice and policy, and the commercial interests of the two States, than with a view of putting a stop to the effusion of human blood, and of terminating the fearful atrocities which mark the progress of the Austro-Russion armies. Here there were calls for Mr. Roebuck, but that Hon. Gentleman did not present himself. We understood he was not then present. Mr. Mow Arr made an appeal to the meeting in aid of the fund in the course of collection. A vote of thanks was then awarded to the chairman, sad the meeting separated at half-past five o'clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT (THIS EVENING.) Their Lordships a E ssem O ble F d at Five LO o'clock. Messengers from the Commons requested a conference on the Encumbered Estates (Ireland) Bill. The Earl of ROSSE presented several petitions from the Irish clergy, praying for an increase in the number of lush bishops. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Mr. Remington Mills, complaining that although he i-esided in the county of Surrey be had been chosen as sheriff of London and Middlesex, and had been obliged to pay the fine. He should move an amen d men t t o exce pt p ersons in this situation in thf Corporations Bill. HUNGARY. The NOBLE and LEARNED LORD then asked if there was any intention of recognising Kossuth and the Hun garian rebels. A Noble Friend of his had said he thought the Hungarian insurrection not unjustifiable. He thought any innovation unjustifiable, and six years ago he had given an opinion contrary to the Hungarian Constitution. (The Noble and Learned Lord then read the opinion, in which he denounced the Hungarian constitution in most ener getic language. Tho Noble and Learned Lord concluded by saying that Prince Metternich had introduced such improvements in the constitution as to entitle him to the character of a great reformer. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE answered in such a low tone that not one sirgle word that he uttered was audible in the gallery, and therefore it is impossible even to guess at the purport of the answer. ENCUMBERED ESTATES (IRELAND) BILL. Lord CAMPBELL reported to the conference that the Commons agreed to all their Lordships' amendments except two; for disagreeing to which they had given their reasons. Ho moved that the amendment and the reasons be printed, and that the subject be taken into consideration on Thursday next.—Agreed to. EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN RAILWAY BILL. This Bill was read a thin] time and passtd. LUNACY. Lord MONTEAGLE drew the attention of the House to the dictum of the Lord Chief Baron, that no keeper of a lunatic asylum was authorised in keeping any per son in custody who was not dangerous to himself or to others. The great necessity of those persons who were detained in those asylums were not dangerous to themselves or to others one whit more than their Lordships themselves woe dangerous to themselves or to others.—(A laugh.) Great contusion :bad resulted from this dictum, many parishes bad given notice that they would no longer keep paupers in lunatic asylums, and. many speculators solicitors would institute actions which would lead to most painful results. He hoped that the letter of the Commi•sioners of Lunacy to the Lord Chancellor on this subjt et would bc. laid before the House. Lord BROUGHAM considered the subject as one of great interest. It w as quite char that it the Learned Judge did say what was represented a motion for a new trial was inevitable, and their Lordships might be called upon to decide judicially, and therefore it would be improper for their Lordships to give an opinion on the question, but he would advise no speculative attorney to bring an action, because he would most probably be saddled with the costa; but nothing could be cone until neat Michaelmas term. SLAVE TRADE. Earl NELSON presented A report from the Committee on the slave-trade. PETITIONS. The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented several peti tions complainir g of agricultural distress. STOCK IN TRADE BILL. The Earl of GRANVILLE moved the second read ing of the Stock in Trade Bill. The Earl of MALMESBURY rose to oppose the Bill, and was (LEFT SPEAKING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly after Twelve o'clock. CONSIDERATION OF LORDS' AMENDMENTS. The Lords' amendments to the following Bills were considered and agreed to:— Dublin, Ashbourne, Slane, and Drogheda Roads Act Continuation and Amendment. Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway, and Wilsontown, Morningside, and Coltness Railway Amalgamation. THIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third time and passed:— Hoghton's Divorce. Marylebone and Finchley Turnpike Roads. SECONIi READINGS. The following Bills were read a second time, and or dere(' to be committed:— Hon. C. C. Cavendibh's (Burlington House) Estate. W. H. F. Cavendish's Estate. Cripps's Divorce. Grenville's Estate. Sir Robert Piggot's Estate. Trenchard's Lord JOHN HAY presented a petition from Windsor n favour of the Protection to Women Bill. Lord EBRINGTON presented a petition from Ply mouth in favour of the Bankruptcy Bill. GAMBIA. Sir E. BUXTON pursuant to notice asked the Under- Secretary of State for the Colonies whether a sanguinary attack that had lately been made on two native towns by the British authorities at Gambia had been made with the sanctiou of the authorities at home; and whether he had any objection to lay on the table of the House the correspondenao that bad taken place between the Governor of Gambia and Earl Grey with respect to I this exhibition? Mr. HAWES said that the Government had no other information upon the subject than that which was con tained in the dispatch of the Governor. Whatever had been done had been done on the responsibility of the Governor of Gambia alone. He was not prepared at present to lay the dispatch from the Governor on the table of the House until there had been time to consider it, and the steps to be taken in consequence. CLERGY RELIEF BILL. Upon the motion that t i lie --- CleVißelief Bill, as amended, be considered, Mr. MULLINGS moved, after clause 3, to add the following clause:—" And be it enacted, that immediately upon the transmission of such: certificate letters of orders and statement, such person shall forfeit all right, title, and interest in the preferment held by him, and to the possession of the parsonage house, buildings, lands, tithes, and other hereditaments belonging to or held with and as appurtenant to the same, and to the receipt and benefit of the rents, issues, profits, and proceeds thereof, subject, nevertheless, and without prejudice to the claims of sequestration creditors as hereinafter provided." On the clause being ordered to be brought up, Mr. GOULBURN said that he could not by any means assent to the introduction of a clause like this. The Bill, as it now stood, provided that if any one had been ordained to holy orders whose principles were altered could, upon a declaration that his faith was changed, obtain a power to retire altogether from the Church. By this clause, if a cler gy man had contracted debts, doctrines however whichm ue h he we re contrary desired tto escape to hisb frome belief', preach inghwould still be compelled to remain in his living s i mp l e y for the sake of securing the creditor. This he thought was a monstrous stretch of an Act of Parliament, and caleuhited to create a greater evil than that which it was intended t eo e tu n tg d oh e dtt the et o o remedy.exi s tence ostand pfla' suchor r t o r that reason he could not as atheelaßuisiel. The clause , and must say that time, mwhueLn w as then brought up, and read a second LINGS enlained the legal effect of the clause , and showed that, tho ug h i t would cot ivii living affect the spiritual' position of any clergyman whosewa s u f nder se questration, yet.it would h ave the advantt ing all the temporalities of a li v i ng i nto the e b o n a cdarry a of the ordinary diocesan, and thus th e creditor would be 1 secured. Air. BOUVERIE said that the clause would be of no avail, inasmuch as it would in no way affect the fortune of 4 clergYuaaa who obtaiued a second living. Mr. SPOONER said that the clause would certainly avail, for if the seqmestration were obtained under a judgment, and the clergyman obtained another living, the power of that sequestration would follow the debtor. Mr. MULLINGS then stated that he had no personal object to serve, and would withdraw the motion. The clause was then withdrawn. At the suggestion of Dr. NICHOLL words were ordered to be put in for amending the form of the de claration. After several verbal alterations suggested by Mr. Goulburn, Dr. Nicholl, and other Members, an altera tion was proposed giving power to secede from the Church after a certain short notice, on which Mr. GOULBURN said that the Church had very wisely instituted regulations by which every man was prevented from entering upon its sacred functions with out due deliberation. Those functions were so holy, of so high and elevated a character, that there ought to be every bar placed before either the admission to and the abandoment of them. They would not admit of a clergyman sitting in that House, because they believed that a seat in that assembly would be inconsistent with the performance of his clerical duties, and yet they were ready to grant a power by which the moat serious ob ligations might be set aside with the same ease that he would any lay profession. This was likely to occasion great mischief, and he should therefore move for the omission of the words by which so great a facility was conferred. Mr. STAFFORD said that as he was favourable to the principle of the Bill he was anxious that it should pass without mutilation. He did not know whether his Right Hon. Friend was aware of the fact, but it never theless was so, that the clause as it now stood had been unanimously assented to by the Committee. There was no difference whatever upon the subject among its members, and as the observations which had been made in moving this amendment squally applied, or perhaps more forcibly applied, to the whole Bill than to the clause as it stood, he should oppose it. Mr. SPOONER said that he was as favourable to the principle of the Bill as his Hon. Friend who had just sat down, and being so he was anxious to carry it out as usefully as possible. There ought not to be any such facility for throwing off those functions which clergymen had so solemnly assumed, and if the amendment was pressed he should certainly vote along with him. After a few words from Mr. HOPE, indicating a de sire, that in making a provision for the secession of minis t f of s h th o e u l C d h b u e r c o h b , s e t r h v e e . d m a o s d c e o a s n e d l r a d s e p r s o s o s f i b l t e h , e Church i Mr. BOUVERIE said that he could not share in the apprehensions that members of the clerical body would for a slight or frivolous reason be ready to throw off those duties which they had so solemnly undertaken to fulfil. The reason why clergymen were excluded from the House of Commons was that their ministerial duties were incompatible with the discharge of legislative functions. In that regulation the clery had very gene rally and almost unanimously concurred, and as that was an object which was one of honourable ambition to most men, he thought that that was an ample proof of the little likelihood that the privilege would be abused, Mr. GOULBURN said that the last thing which he desired was to cast any imputation upon the clergy. He then withdrew his amendment. Mr. HAGGET said that it was perfectly impossible for this Bill to pass through the House this session, and he, therefore, would make another appeal to the Hon. Member to delay any further proceedings on the Bill at present. If such a Bill was to be passed, it ought to be introduced by the Government, who alone had the power to pass an opposed Bill through the House in one ses sion. The time would come, and perhaps shortly, when the Church would - be efficiently heard in the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs.—(Hear.) Mr. BOUVERIE said that it was not his fault that the Bill had not been earlier brought before the House, and he certainly should persevere. The amendments as altered were then passed, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. SUNDAY TRADING (METROPOLIS) BILL. On the motion that this Bill be read a second time, Mr. Hindley, Sir W. Hall, Lord Robert Grosvenor, and several other Members, presented petitions from Finsbury, Islington, Marylebone, and several other por tions of the metropolis, in favour of the Bill. One of these especially Mr. Hindley wished to draw attention to. It was numerously signed by the shopmen of Lambeth, and stated that they had time neither for recreation or improvement, or for attending upon Divine worship. Sir G. GREY trusted that the Hon. Member would not, at this period of the session press this Bill upon the House, as it was evident that there was a per ect impossibility of its passing through the House this session, and the debate upon it would in all probability prevent the discussion upon those Bills which might possibly become law at the end of the session. Mr. HINDLEY said, that on the 12th of July last year he had agreed to postpone the details of his Bill till the present session, the principle having already been affirmed, and the Right Hon. Baronet having stated that he would speak to Mr. Waddington on the subject. When he came to town at the beginning of the present session, he had called at the Home-office, but could get no_decisive determination from the Government, 'Or the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir G. Grey), on whose support he was aware he must rely. He found that the Right Hon. Baronet had not spoken to Mr. Waddington at ell. He had himself written to the Right Hon. Baro net on three subjects. On two of these he got replies, but none upon_this. lie had been deirous to bring in the Bill as early as possible ; but the Hon. Member for Hoiiiton (Mr. Locke) had a Bill of a somewhat antago nistic nature upon the paper, and he wished aach of the Bills to be discussed upon its own merits, as he had, therefore, postponed his own Bill. Sir G. GRkY said that he was by no moans unfriendly to the principle of the Bill; but the peculiarity was that all the difficulty lay in the details, and if the Hon. Member would postpone the Bill and bring it on early in the next session, he would give it his best con sideration. Mr. AGLIONBY said that he thought the responsi bility of withdrawing this Bill ought not to lay upon the Right Hon. Baronet, or even upon the Government, for the matter was more the business of the House than theirs. Lord Dudley Stuart, Lord Robert Grosvenor, Sir W. Clay, and Mr. Disraeli, severally made appeals to the Hon. Member to withdraw the B►ll. Mr. LAW thought that it would be better to divide at once than have a discussion which led to nothing. Mr. BARING WALL then moved that the debate be adjourned till Wednesday week. After some hesitation the House divided, when there appeared For the adjournment of the debate 56 Agaitst it 25 Majority The Bill is consequently lost, as it is understood that the House will be adjourned on the day specified, or on the day before it. CRUELTY TO ANIMALS. The House then went into Committee on the Cruelty to Animals Bill, when considerable discussion ensued upon the legal effect of much of the phraseology of the Bill, during which the Attorney-General suggested se veral verbal alterations. After some objections as to the difficulty of working the third clause, it was struck out. On the motion of Mr. HENRY, the following clause was introduced, a conversation having ensued as to the amount of the penalty to be levied, and it was ultimately reduced from ten to five pounds. And be it enacted, that if at any time after the passing of this Act any person shall ride, or, being the owner, shall permit any other person to ride, any animal in any steeple-chase, or other race in which any hedges, fences, walls, hurdles, or other erec tions, or any ditches, dykes, streams, brooks, or rivers, are intended to be leaped or jumped over by the animals engaged in such steeple-chase or other race as aforesaid, then and in every such case, if any damage or injury shall occur or be occasioned to such animal whilst engaged in such steeple-chase or other race as aforesaid, every such person shall be deemed to have wantonly and cruelly used such animal, and for every such offence shall forfeit - and pay a penalty of pounds. On clause 8, which proposed some regulations for se curing the cleanliness of cattle being put, it was sug gested that its continuance was only calculated to throw ridicule upon the Bill, and it was accordingly withdrawn. On clause 11, which instituted a penalty of 101. for cruelty committed in sl ►ughtering cattle, being put The ATTORNEY-GENERAL suggested that it should be five pounds instead of ten. The alteration was adopted. On clause 15 being put, the object of which is to re gulate the carriage of cattle and sheep by railway, Mr Alderman COPELAND said that there could be no greater cruelty inflicted than that which might be witnessed daily:in the, carriage of calves ti Smithfirld. market, and he hoped that a clause would be introduced to meet the caste. Sir G. GREY said that he believed the offence was covered by the provision of the seventh clause. To this Mr. Ellis, Sir W. Molesworth, Mr. Palmer, and other Members objected, the House was cleared for a division, as to whether the clause should be in its pre sent shape, but the objections were withdrawn and agreed to. On the interpretation clause being put, in consequence of an observation made by the Attorney-General, Mr. STUART suggested that the description of ani mals intended to be included under the protection of the B►ll, might be safely left to the consideration of the ma gistrate. It was well known that three-fourths of the difficulties which were experienced from Acts of Parlia ment arose from these interpretation clauses, and he was, therefore, anxious that this claws() should be left out altogether. Alter observations from the ATTORNEY-GENERAL and the Marquis of WORCESTER, the clause was agreed to. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved that the Bill should nos extend to Scotland. Sir G. CLERK then rose to move that the operation of this Bill should not extend to Scotland. He said that there would be some doubt from the term United King dom being used as to whether the Bill extended into Scotland :or Rot. He was happy to say that they did not need a special statute on this subjeot in that country, and if the Bill were to be extended to it there would be a necessity to alter the phraseology of the Bill from first to last. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the Bill was not formally expressed as being extended to Scotland, but that the fines wolud be leviable in that country as well as in this. In consequence of the observation of an Hort . . MEM; BER, Sir DAVID DUNDAS said that he was not aware that there was any peculiar cruelty practised in Scot land. If the Hon. Member knew of such, he was bound as a Scotch Member, to bring in a Bill to amend the evil. Mr. BROWN then read a letter from Scotland which stated seveal instances of cruelty in that country, and adduced legal opinions to show that the law there was perfectly inefficient for the repression of that erimi uality. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the machinery of th© Bill would not work in Scotland. Mr. W. BROWN then withdrew his opposition to the further progress of the Bill, and said that in a future session he would bring in a Bill with respect to Scotland. Mr. HENRY then moved, at the end of the third clause to insert the following enactment:—" And be it enacted, that if at any time after the passing of this Act any person shall ride, or being the owner, shall permit any other person to ride, any animal in any steeple chase or other race in which any hedges, fences, walls, hurdles, or other erections ; or any ditches, dykes, streams, brooks, or rivers, are intended to be leaped or jumped over by the animals engaged, or such steeple-chace or other race as aforesrid, then, and in every such case, if any damage or injury shall occur or be oc casioned to such animal whilst engaged in such steeple-chace or other race as aforesaid, every such person shall be deemed to have wantonly and cruelly used such animal, and for every offence shall forfeit and pay a penalty of 1001. The Hon. Member denounced steeple-chasing as cruel and unfeeling, and that it should be put a stop to by a heavy penalty. Sir C. BURRELL thought that cases in which horses were backed to perform unusual feats on the high road should be ircluded in the clause. He greatly approvdd of the clause. go ti a le ß c i lals case, it t p r e e o v u e l n d t n c o r t u e b l t e y e t a o i d a n o i b e i l En s ; Mr. MACKINNON had introduced no less than an sy he ue cYh' I tbr o es u i l na l advocate that whisk was cruel. He thought, however, that this clause would injure the Bill altogether; for it would be said if steeple chasing was cruel, so also was horse racing and bunting. In fact, if that clause was adopted, persons would be afraid of g a up i n g in the Patk.—(Hear, litar.) He should, therefore, divide the House upon the clause. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, though he did not approve of the clause in its present shape, for it did not make as it ought to do steeple. chasing illegal, would vote for it if the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Lyrnington divided the House against it. He thought it better to declare, by the clause, that every person engaged in steeple -chasing should be deemed guilty of cruelty to animals. Mr. ELLIS supported the clause, and deprecated the practice of steeple-chasing. M r . R. PALMER thought that steeple-chasing ought to be put a stop to, but he was much afraid the clause as it stood would interfere with gentlemen racing with their horses in an open meado w.' Mr. F. FRENCH could not see the cruelty of steeple chasing. for the horse was often very much excited by his, rider.—(Laughter.) Mr. LAW thought that steeple chasing ought to be put down, and suggested that the words " cruelly over riding" would meet the views of the Hon. Member. I ICoionel THOMPSON remarked that the words over driving included, in his opinion, over-riding. He thought it better to leave the propriety of steeple-chasing to pub lic opinion.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. NEWDEG ATE thought steeple chasing a low sport, and the sooner it was put a stop to the better. He thought if it was left to the decree of public opinion, it would soon become obsolete. Mr. HENRY said he would adopt the amendment suggested by. the Attorney. General. Mr. W. EVANS thought the spirit of steeplechasing anything but manly. It they did not put it down it might be said that they legislated in that House against the poor and for the rich. Mr. B. DENISON had an utter contempt for steeple chasing, but he doubted the policy of legislating to put it down. The Marquis of WORCESTER opposed the clause, as likely to endanger the Bill, though he by no means approved of steeple-chasing. After some observations from Mr. Mackinnon, Mrl Stu in Wortley, and Mr. Heywood, Mr. P. PRYSE had ridden many steeple-chasers, and could not agree that it was a cruel sport. After a few words from Mr. LAW and Mr. ELLIOTT, strangers were ordered to withdraw. . The Committee divided, when there appeared— For the clause... ..• Against it ••• ••• Majority against the clause ... 8 The clause was consequently lost. The other clauses were then agreed to, and the B passed through Committee, and the report was ordered to he read to .morrow. The House then resumed. PROTECTION OF WOMEN BILL. .. ... 50 ... 58 The Hous9 then went into Committee on the Bill. Mr. R. SPOONER, proposed several amendments, which, with several alterations, were agreed to, and the Bill passed through Committee, and was ordered to be reported to-morrow. MARRIAGE BILL. Mr. STUART WORTLEY moved that this Bill, as amended should be further considered. Mr. GOULBURN wished to know what course his Right Honourable Friend who had the carriage of the Bill intended to pursue with respect, to the Bill? If he persisted in the third reading of the Bill, he should adopt every measure that the forms of the House would allow to, through its third reading. He should not, however' object to its passing the present stage, provided his Right [lon. Friend did not press the third n.ailing. Mr. STUART WORTLEY would have persevered with the Bill if he had seen any chance of its passing this session, but as he saw no hope of that, he would ask the House to enable him to perfect the Bill by passing it through iss present stage. The 13111 as amended was then considered and afire' d to. 'CHATTELS PARTITION AND SALE BILL. This Bill patsvd through Committee. COMPOUND HOUSEHOLDERS BILL. This Bill was read a second data, and ordered to be committed to-morrow at twelve o'clock. POOR•LAW UNION CHARGES ACT AMEND. MENT . BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. COLLECTION OF RATES (DUBLIN) BILL. This Bill was read a third time and passed. THE ENCUMBERED ESTATES (I REL AND) BILL. The SOLICIROR-GENERAL appeared at the bar, and stated that the House of Lords desired a conference with the House of Commons with respect to the altera tions that had been in the amendment of the Lords to tde Bill. The Members appointed to conduct the conference then proceeded to the Lords, and on their return The SOLICITOR-GENERAL informed the House that they had delivered their reasons to the House of Lords for disagreeing with the amendments of their Lordships, and left the Bill and amendments with them. DUBLIN IMPROVEMENT (No. 2) BILL. This Bill was read a third time and pasted, after a short discussion. NEW FOREST AND WALTHAM FOREST. The report of this measure was brought up and ac'reed to. NEW FOREST AND WALTHAM FORREST BILL. This Bill went through Committee and was ordered o be reported to-morrow. ROYAL PAVILION (BRIGHTON) BILL. This Bill as amended was considered and agreed to, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time at twelve o'clock to-morrow. PILOTAGE BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. THE GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. AUDIT OF RAILWAY ACCOUNTS BILL. The second reading of this Bill was postponed to this thy three months on the motion of Mr. HAY rER, The other orders of the day, appointed for Twelve o'clock were then dispo3ed of, and the_Houie adjourned at Half-past Six to Eight o'clock. TAT TERSA LL'S—T HIS EVENING Szx o'CLocx. GOODWOOD STAHEL 10 to 1 agst Collingwood 12 to 1 agst Maid of Masham 12 to 1 agst Phiudit 13 to 1 agst Gi-elle 14 to 1 agst Maid of Lyme 20 to 1 agst Van Dirman 20 to 1 agst Tophana 20 to 1 agst Bacchanalian 33 to 1 agst Remembrance CRATWICKE STAKES. Even on Tadmor GOODWOOD CUP. 3 to 1 agst The Hero 9 to 2 agst Tadmor 9 to 4 agst Canezou 15 to 1 agst Burneo DERBY. 20 to 1 agst William the Conqueror 50 to 1 agst Seneca I THE CITY ELECTION.—On- Saturday a very large meeting of the friends of the Lord Mayor assembled at the Mansion-house for the purpose of making arrange ments for securing the return of his Lordship to Par liament for the City. Several of the most influential men reported in the committee that they had found in the various districts which they visited for the purpose of sounding the public opinion on the subject of the election, that in every instance they had been assured of the most steady support of the movement in favour of his Lordship, and that whatever certain parties, who are always on the look out for election profits in one way or other, may do in bringing forward the name of a sup posed candidate, no man will venture upon so desperate a speculation as a contest for the vacant seat. One of the strongest evidences of the feeling of the constituency appeared in the meeting alluded to, from the fact that wen who are connected with all parties came forward to tPrider their services. The "long-shore men" are, as a matter of course, entertaining the hope of a contest, from which they may derive benefit from their votes, which their agents are always in readiness to barter. It is unnecessary to observe that the members of the corpora tion are most resolutely engaged in forwarding the Lord Mayor's object of sitting fur the City of which he is the very popular Chief Magistrate. [ADvEivrisEmENT.]—The unfailing success of Hol oway's Pills and Ointment in the Cure of Ringworm, and all Diseases of th e Ski n . — A medical gentleman, residing at Lima whose c hild hid b een severe ly a fflicted with Ringworm for upwards of six years, tried every known remedy to cure this dreadful disease but in vain, as it was of so inveterate a cha racter as to baffle the skill of himself and other practitioners. As a last resource he was persuaded to use Holloway's Oint ment and Pills, these medicines baying obtained much cele brity in all parts of South America, and they had the happy effect of sound l y curing the c hild an d p er f ec tly era di ca ti ng th e disease f rom the system.—Sold by all Druggists, and at Pro fessor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. CASE OP C APTAIN D OU GLAS.—We are informed that the sentence ou C apta i n G. D oug l as , l ate o f t h e 16 th Regiment, is about to undergo revision.—Guernsey' Star. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 21. HUNGARY. (Continued from The Sun of Saturday). Mr. M. MILNES, in seconding the resolution, said he conceived the question they had to consider was whether the British Minister for Foreign Affairs had duly ex pressed the opinions of this country with regard to the entrance Of Russian armies into the kingdom of Hungary. Ile would certainly be unwilling to believe that the Noble Lord—who had shown that he entertained such large and expansive views with regard to the foreign af fairs of Europe—(Hear, hear)—could have seen without concern this event, which he (Mr. Milnes) considered was far more important, and replete with far more fatal consequences, than any event which had occurred during the last two remarkable years; for, notwithstanding the great confusion and tumults which had taken place in some states from attempts to change the territorial dispositions of the treaty of Vienna, nothing had oc curred to lead to the expectation that any considerable change would be made in those territorial arrange ments, except the single event to which the atten tion of the House was now called. That event would render the future independence of Austria absolutely impossible; and if the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) were the enemy of Austria, as had been foolishly and vainly represented, it would be to him a matter of high gratification to see the independence of the Austrian empire utterly submerged in the waters of Russian ab solutism. It was very easy to say that a province had revolted frown Austria; that the troops of the Emperor were engaged elsewhere, and that it was therefore most convenient for him to seek the assistance of his neigh bour the Emperor of Russia to put down this slight in. surrection. This was the diplomatic form in which the matter was represented, but the House would see on consideration how delusive and superficial that represen tation was, and how it really evaded the whole question at issue. What was this insurrection of Hungary against Austria? Was it not a civil war of the most frightful and desperate character? Two-fifths of the empire of Austria were ranged against the remaining portion of the empire. So long as the question remained that of a civil war it bore a complete analogy to the great civil war in this country; and the Parliamentary paradox then so famous, " It is to serve his Majesty that we against him fight," was perfectly carried out in Hungary. In the old days of peril and difficulty Hungary had frequently shown herself the most loyal part of the empire ; and until the Emperor of Austria called in fereign aid, not one word was uttered by the Hungarians against him—their com plaint was against his Ministers. But the armies which the Emperor of Russia had sent to subdue the kingdom of Hungary were so enormous that it was almost im possible that any effort of patriotism on the part of the Hungarian people could prevent the destruction of theirin • dependence,and the consequence would be, that Hungary would become essentially and practically a Russian pro vince. He should remind the House that before this Russian intervention no terms had been proposed to the Hungarians by the Austrian Government, and no attempt had been made to effect a satisfactory arrangement without calling in an immense alien force. He would be glad to hear that the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs had either pressed upon the Austrian Government the policy of at tempting to come to terms with the Hungarians, or that he had, since the intervention, represented as strongly as he could the fatal consequences of that intervention to the independence of the Austrian empire. It had been truly said that this was not an aristocratic or de mocratic question ; it was purely a national one. Many most eminent individuals—and, amongst others, a valued friend of his own, Count Casimir Bathyany, the Foreign Minister of the Hungarian nation, a man of the highest character, possessing a princely fortune, and who had never been associated with political tumults and plots— had risked not only their fortunes but their lives in the attempt to secure the independence of their country. If Austria had acted with anything like justice and fairness in her transactions with Hungary, at the time when the whole empire was heaving with the conscious ness of a new political life, if she had honestly accepted the policy forced upon her by events, and assisted the Hungarians in the development of their own institutions and nationality, while she checked their encroachment on the national rights of other portions of the empire; had she said, "you shall be free and independent,but Croatia shall not be less so," I firmly believe that the Austrian federation would have been established afresh on the soundest basis, and Hungary would have been rendered one of the most attached and loyal portions of the Aus trian empire. The House would bear in mind that no Republic had even now been proclaimed in Hungary-- that no pretence for a republican form of government had at any time been put forward. The present poli tical state of Hungary was a regency, at the head of which was that distinguished man Koasuth, which was acknowledged by the Diet, and which was simply an in terregnum of a provisional character, that might be put an end to at any moment by a constitutional election to the Crown of Hungary. And although the Russian in. tervention had been followed by the depositic nof the house of Hapsburg—as the revolution in England by that of the Stuarts--yet it was always comp tent to the Diet t.t return in their steps and elect the present Emperor King of Hungary. He knew that it was the earnest de sire of the Hungarian Government to take the young Emperor to Pesth and crown him there, up to the last moment of fair contest. lie recognised the statesmmhke spirit of the Noble Foreign Secretary in the circumstance that that Noble Lord, looking somewhat beyond ordinary politicians, had years ago anticipated the awful changes which had recently occurred. When others supposed that the state of Europe would remain unchanged, the Noble Lord saw the latent power working in the hearts of na lions, and called upon the governors of the world to be prepared for the changes that were coming—(lieer)— and the Noble Lord had been accused of having brought about existing evils, simply because he had anticipated them. It was an absurdity to suppose that any English Minister would foment foreign discontents for the sake of producing tumults in the world.—(Hear, hear.) A foreign Minister of England knew that his popularity depended upon maintaining peace ; and to suppose that he would risk disturbing the peace of Eu rope without any national or commercial object was a delusion that could only arise from pas sion and prejudice. He (Mr. Milnes) believed that this was one of many questions of a similar nature with which they would have to deal in future years, and he was convinced that to secure the peace and order of Europe the principles of constitutional liberty must be generally established. He had never attached great im portance to forms of government; he thought, indeed, the representative system the most expedient and prac ticable, as showing the real consent of the people to the government and the laws ; but he was not disposed to quarrel with any government, certainly not with that of Russia, as long as it satisfied its own people and did not interfere with the independence of others. Thus the great principle of this country must be non-intervention 'in the affairs of foreign nations. Another eminent Mi -ulster, indeed, besides his Noble Friend, had foreseen the evils that were approaching Austria; for a Prussian diplomatist mentioned in a recently published work that Prince Metternich had in 1847 remarked to him, " I am no prophet, but I am a state physician, and I know from the symptoms of this country that the dis ease is fatal!" Fatal, indeed! Fatal to a dying system which deserved to perish, but not fatal, if social order is combined with liberty and independence—not fatal, if Austria, acting on federal and constitutional principles, accepts the political principles which all the force and corruption of the old system could not repress—but fatal indeed, absolutely fatal, if Hungary is conquered and Austria becomes a satrapy of the Czar.—(Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK said with international law we bad not now to deal; for it was a kind of international morality, and must be regulated by international policy. Unfortunately, the Emperor of Russia was not the only person who had be en guilty of this intervention.—(Hear, hear.) The Republic of France was found infringing the non-intervention, and in their attack on the people of Rome they were as greatly cul pableas the despot of Russia. The deliberations in ihst House at That moment would never reach the ears of the people of Russia, and, perhaps, not even of Hungary, under the despotism to which they were subje3t. This was, therefore, a question to be taken up vigorously by the Government. He be lieved our people had a sympathy with their fellows in the world, and had a desire to see good government spread all over the world, and the banner of des potism trampled under foot, whether that ban ner waved over the armies either of Russia or of France.—(Cheers.) Greece had arisen up in insur rection against our old ally, and mostly indebted are the people of Greece to this country for establishing their present King on the throne. If, then, we interfered in that case, he asked now, in a much greater case, why we were to be passive in this most despotic and tyrannical intervention on the part of Russia? The Emperor of Russia once in Hungary, or once at Constantinople, bow soon might he interfere in our Indian empire, and how soon might he be in Egypt or Syria; and how soon might we be involved in war with him; for our highway to India lay through the Red Sea ? (Hear, hear.) He contended that the people of this country had a most direct interest in this question, and he contended this was an English question. He asked, therefore, the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to employ the moral power of this great country in the settlement of this question.—(Hear, hear.) He entreated the Noble Lord and the House to present such a front to foreign nations as to show that any act of aggression exhibited towards Eng land would never go unredressed or unpunished.-- (Cheers.) And then, depend upon it, from the Emperor of Russia down to the meanest State in Italy, every power in Europe would be taught the principle of yielding obedience, not merely to England, but to the suggestions which humanity makes through her to all the nations of the earth. Let the Noble Lord assume that attitude and act on those suggestions, and he would endear his name to his own country, not only by being a benefactor to his country, but because he was a wise and politic states man.—(Loud cheers.) Colonel THOMPSON said he came from men who looked upon the shedding of blood as an evil, and upon war as illegal; but they did ❑ot the less sympathise with the oppression of foreign nations. The spirit of the English people was for freedom everywhere 1 (Hear, hear.) Until that cloud which lowered upon the world—Russia—was divided and divested of some por tion of its power, despotism would stalk abroad and dis turb the peace of the world.--(Hear.) For Russia con sisted of two races, Northern and Southern Russia, and what a blessing it would be if the one should neutralise the barbarian despotism of the other.—(Hear, hear.) Libertycouldinot fail to progress throughout the world; but during the last two years, when the hopes of men were high, it had suffered a downfal, and political eco nbroy had run riot and admitted enemies into the citadel; but. like other great movements, it would again proceed a s it should.—(Cheers.) Mr..MACGIREGOR said, being much acquainted with 1 the institutions of Hungary, he trusted he would be per mitted to offer a fow observations. According to the present constitution of Hungary, the Emperor of Aus tria could never be King of Hungary without the ap probation of the Diet. He disapproved of the Russian interference, and was in favour of this country only interfering merely by the expression of its opinion as to that interference. The Austrians taxed commodities which passed through it on its way to Hun gary 60 per cent., and prevented its own productions from going to any o:her country ; a state of things which ho was surprised the Hungarians had so lcng sub mitted to. Hungary, situated as she was in the centre of Europe, and possessing fine rivers and the means of carrying on a great amount of commerce, had been kept behind other nations in prosperity on account of the unfortunate policy of her kings. Lord CLAUI) HAMILTON said the constitution of Hungary, which would have been a palladium of libelee', was merely an rngine of despotism, since its aristocracy possessed enormous privileges, and its peasantry were the most debased in Europe.—(Hear, hear.) M. Kossuth, who was highly eulogised by the Liberal party, had with his confederates been the means of preventing those great improvements which Szyceni had begun, and had been driven in consequence into exile and a madhouse. 230,000 of the nobles were exempt from arrest, taxes, tolls, military service, and various other advantages; and those monstrous exemptions were at present in existence. lle defied the Hun. Member (Mr. Osborne) to show that he constitution of Hungary was one which g i ve th e people the liberty whi c h h held the Russians were about to deprive them of'. Lord PALMERSTON said, in the few observations which he deemed it his duty to make upon the motion of his Honourable Friend and upon what had passed in the course of this day's debate, he wished to guard himself, in the first place, against the possi bility that anything he might say might expose him to the imputation of entertaining unfriendly feelings to wards the Government and empire of Austria.—(Hear, hear.) He knew well that imputations had been cast upon her Majesty's Government, and upon himself as the organ of that Government, in regard to their foreign re lations, more particularly that with Austria—imputations had been cast upon them with respect to that intercourse, which, it h a d b een state d, was gu id e d b y , an d i mpe ll e d by, personal feelings of hatred.--(Hear, hear.) But these imputations, let them come from what quarter they might—let them be either written or spoken—if sin cere, they were the result of ignorance and folly; if insincere, he left others to qualify and in terpret them. It was the grossest ignorance to suppose that the Government of this country, or the man who fur the time was charged with the conduct of their foreign relations, could be influenced in the manage ment of their affairs by any other feeling than what he, according to his political opinions, and according to his views of this country, and the general interests of the civilized world, considered to be his duty.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, Austria was a power towards which the Government of this country ought on many ac counts to entertain feelings of great consideration.. They had been told that Austria was an ancient ally. They had had the terms " ally " and " allies," rung in their ears by those who must be ignorant of the ex pression they were using, or who must have forgot that they were using a totally unmeaning term. What was ally ? An ally was one to whom they were bound by treaty and engagement to carry on some operation, political or otherwise, but to call it an ally merely because it was in a state of friendship with them was an expression pos sessed of no meaning whatever, because it was applicable to every power in the world with whom they were not in a state of war.—(Hear, hear.) But Austria had been their ally; they had been allied with Austria in most important European transactions, and the remem brance of that alliance ought undoubtedly to create in the breast of every Englishman who had a remembrance of the history of his country, feelings of regard towards a power with whom they had been in alliance. It was perfectly true that, in the course of those repeated alli ances, Austria—not from any fault of hers, but from the pressure of irresistible necessity—had been repeatedly compelled to part from that alli ance, and break the en g a g ements by which she had bound herself to this country. This country had yielded to the necessity of the moment, and no generous mind would think that those circumstances should diminish the respect which, though those former transactions had not been kept up, should exist between the Governments of the two countries; but there were higher and larger considerations which ought to render the maintenance of Austria important to every European statesman. Austria was a moat impor tant element in the balance of European power. It stood in the centre of Europe, a barrier against en croachments on the one hand and invasion on , the other, and the liberties of Europe were bound up in the existence of Austria amongst European powers; and, therefore, anything which tended by direct or even by a remote contingency to cripple Austria, still more to reduce her from the position of a great power to that of a secondary state, must be in-• jurious to Europe and one which could not be too highly d. precated. However, as had been stated, Austria had for a long course of time not been identified with the ad vancement of liberty in Europe. Indeed, in the opinion of a great pat t of the Continent, the policy of Austria had been inimical to the progress of liberty.—(flear.) He would warn thp Austrian Government not to trust too much. There were persons who saw in the relations of countries nothing, and valtu d them for nothing but political opinions. There were men who had spent their whole lives in attachment to the Government of Austria, who had deserted her in their later days. The example of such men was a pattern of a g ed imbecility. His Gallant Friend needed no apology for bringing the sub • ject forward. The House would not expect him to follow those who had spoken to-day, and pass judgment upon the Austrian and Hungarian nations. He believed that the war between Hungary and Austria had enliehed the hearts of the whole English people in favour of the Mag yars. He believed that the question now to be fought for on the plains of Hungary was, whether Hungary should retain her nationality, or become a province of Austria.—(Hear, bear.) It was impossible to see without regret large armies brought together as they were in Hungary.—(Hear, hear.) But let what would take place Austria must lose. If Hungary was laid waste, it must be recollected that was laid waste which was the great resource of Austria.—(Hear, hear.) It was most to be desired that this great contest might be brought to a termi nation by some arrangement with the contending par ties. The Government of this country thought that no opportunity had as yet been afforded them to interfere, but it would be the duty of the Government, if such an opportunity occurred, not to let it pass by.—(Hear, hear.) .The people of England. were, desirous of main• taming peace.—(Hear, hear.) They wished to be on the best footing. with all nations in the world, but it must be known to all nations that this country would not submit to wrong, and that other countries must respect the honour of Eogland.—(Hear, hear.) The proud position England occupied prevented ber from being a passive spectator of what was taking place in other countries, but she must be careful how she interfered. England was strong, and would make her opinions prevail.—(Hear, hear.) England bad been accused of meddling with other nations, by expressing opinions the re. sults had proved that if these opinions had been adopted, the best results would have ensued. There were cases in which this country ought not hastily to interfere with countries that had embarked in hos tilities.—(Hear, hear.) All that this country could do in the present instance was to use their friendly endeavours to arrrange matters between the belligerent parties. A great deal had been said about sham mediation on the part of the Government of the country. He answered that by stating that they had every prospect of making the mediation between Denmark and Prussia a reality. To suppose that the Government of this country wished other than peace among all countries and sovereigns betrayed a folly that he could hardly have conceived. It might do well for a leading article in a newspaper, but it would not do for a speech in Parliament. Lord DUDLEY STUART said—Sir, the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs having now spoken, the chief interest of this debate will naturally be thought to have passed away. Nevertheless, lam anxious to offer a few observations, and they shall be very few, to the House before the discussion closes. I think that the House, the country, and Europe, are in debted to my Hon. and Gallant Friend the Member for Middlesex for having called the attention of the House, in the admirable and effective speech which he has de livered, to this subject, which is one so important, that I do not believe that any debate which has taken place this session will excite so much interest throughout Europe as the one in which we are now engaged; and in this House, in this country, and in Europe, there is per haps no man who will feel more indebted to my Honourable and Gallant Friend than the Noble Lord (Lord John Russell), the First Minister of the Crown; for my Hon. and Gallant Friend has given the Noble Lord an opportunity of explaining an expression, somewhat unfortunate, which he used lately, when in speaking of the struggle now carried on by Hungary with Austria, he described it as an insurrection. My Noble Friend has given an explanation which appears to me perfectly satisfactory, for he has told the House—and such a sentiment can surprise no one when coming from a Russell—that in using the term insurrection he did not mean to say that an insurrection might not be justifiable. It is impossible for this House to contemplate without the deepest interest the struggle now taking place between the despotic powers and the brave and resolute patriots of Hungary, the results of which, if the former prevail, will be another partition of Poland, and will reduce another noble people, numbering fifteen millions of souls, to the state of Russian serfs, or send thousands of them, like the Poles, to wander as miserable exiles through the world. These gallant Hungarians, whatever may be said by the Noble Lord (Lord C. Hamilton) opposite, are not in arms for any revolutionary purpose, or to defend any wild, visionary, or ultra-democratic doctrines, but to assert the rights belonging to them by the constitution which they have enjoyed for eight hundred years, and in virtue of which alone their Sovereigns have had any title to the throne—rights which all the Kings of Hungary down to the Emperor Ferdinand, in 1848, have bound themselves by the most solemn oaths to maintain. The Noble Lord (Lord Clnnd Hamilton) opposite, in a speech strong in violence of expression, but weak in argument, and not founded on facts, has had the hardihood to call the constitution of Hungary an in famous constitution; and has dared to speak of that great man Ludwig Kossuth as the infamous Kossath. These expressions will be remembered, and the Noble Lord, wherever he goes, will be pointed at in the streets as the man who ventured to use them. But the name of Kossuth, however much maligned by the Nable Lord, will go down to posterity as one of the greatest men and of the noblest patriots of the country to which he belongs. If, however, this consti ,ution is so infamous, will the Noble Lord explain how ii is that those whom he so much reverences and admires, the Emperors of Austria, have repeatedly, and down to the year 1848, bound themselves by the most solemn oaths to maintain and to defend it ? There can be no inf +my greater than this, except that of which the last Emperor was guilty, viz , having taken such an oath, afterwards to violate it. But we see the value which despots attach to oaths the most solemn, for both the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Russia have perjured themselves in the mast shamefully way by vio lationg their oaths to the people over whom they rule. The Noble Lord tells us of the defects and vices of the Hungarian consitution, but totally ignores the reforms in that constitution which have voluntarily been adopted by the Hungarians. That is a plan constantly pursued by the school to which the Noble Lord belongs. In, speaking of f ree states, t h ey a l ways d well on d e f ec ts and abuses which once prevailed; but always forget, or don't, choose to remember, that those evils have long sin" been remedied. So in speaking of Poland they are ea' stantly enlarging on the defects of the old Polish system , end wholly overlook the fact that that system was en tirely reformed by the voluntary act of the Polish. Ps' „riots when they enacted the ruinous constitution of 179 1 . There were, no doubt, detects and vices in the constitu tion of Hungary, but these have been remedied, and s reform introduced, just as in this country abuses have b-en removed by the introduction of the Reform Act; The constitution of Hungary, which the Noble Lott' calls infamous, is remarkable for its similarity to our own, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons, an here ditary S wereign, an hereditary Chamber of Peers, and a t.:h amber of Representatives elected by the people—sn u I will tell the Noble Lord in what position the Emp. r i g of Austria stands in reference to the Hungarian peoP e * Exactly in that is which William the Fourth would have stood if, supposing suc h a thing to be possible, he had, after passing the Reform brought over troops from his kingdom of Hanover to destroy the Constitution without the consent of Perlis merle The Noble Lord in his endeavours to malign Kossuth would have us believe that such reforms as 1 10 1 been made in th e cons tit u ti on o f H ungary w ere n° t made by him, b u t are d ue ent i re l y to C ount S zyce ni. ~ agree with the Noble Lord, and_ probably this is the onlY point in which I do agree with him, in looking on the character of Count Szyceni with respect and admiratio n. I believe him to be an enlightened patriotic man, it 2!: mated with a sincere d esire t o ren d er serv i ce to '4" country. I believe that he has rendered good service in the amelioration oQier internal condition. I believe M in to have been the most liberal 'of th e Cola! party ; but it was not he th a t es tablishe s , the librty of the press, it was not he who by a una ll „ v f mous decision of the Diet procured the emancipation the peasants. These great reforms are due to the e ll. lightened wisdom and salutary influence of the " famous Kossuth." The Noble Lord would have us 11 .' lieve that the sole object of the patriotic party in gu ll ; gary is to establish the ascendancy of the Magyars oVet all the rest of the inhabitants. I always observe 1116 4 persons like the Noble Lord, wh o are t h e enemies o f popular institutions, although utterly unmoved by., 1 , amount of oppression perpetrated by despotic can set no bounds to their vituperation when they dt cover anything wrong done by any constitutional atitri .. u d rity. lam glad, however, to find that the Noble Le h '. is the enemy of ascendancy. I hope _a, will remember that "principle in reference to Relay,. The Magyars may, heretofore, have been obnoxious,,r it this respect to the reproaches of the N o ble Lord. J: Od they have renounced th ose errors , an d h ave coneilisrhe all the different races—the Sclavonians, th e Croats, Servians, &c.—in the land, by offering to all equal righter and conceding to them all j us t d eman d s . A n d w ise n , ' they to do so; for unless they so acted, th e y cou ld t i e hope for, and would not_ deserve succ e ss. Th e l'lni or Lord tells us that the pres en t s t rugg l e b e i ng entirely ke the benefit of the Magyar a ri s t ocracy , t h e people tlost no interest in it, and that they are forced into it, sg° l o their will, by Polish and oth e r f ore i gn o ffi cers . He l3 , e I alleged this particularly with regard to Transylvani e n ' se , want to know if this was the case, how it can have nla pened that, when the Austrian forces had overrun._", taken possession of the whole of that prollTo these forces aided by the people were unable to re o ol General Bern, who proceeded there with a very l e o f number of men, and in a short time swept the vvhg, oo . them out, so that not one Austrian remained in sylvania. When General Bem first accepted s ' t o mand he had but 8,000 men an d ten p i eces of ennoo• He was ordered to mar c h t o T rans yl van i a , and A ti tec or rised to apply to the Hu ngar i an G enera l for svh° six stores, ammunition, or money he might require._ en weeks afterwards he wrote, "You s e n t mew ith 8,0 00 w oo d and ten pieces of cannon. I have now 26,000 In ect if twenty-four pieces of cannon. I have no need to ? e r r I for stores and ammunition or money, for wili e st') want is supplied to me in the country."-- - k g re ign The Noble Lord deprecated the employment of In d ere officers by the Hungarians —are there no foreign ' d fi l ero in the Austrian army ? Were there no Englis, ll es i serving in that army? I happen to know the ' .. 7; 19 with have been applied to by English families to inter',..„j o g tn General Bern in favour of their relatives, who being 001 the Austrian service, have been made prisoner° ` 7 5 , 30 er General, and he has responded to the appeal in a i r t ,, o f 0 showing that he unites to the courage and shin ;T or os great commander, the qualities of a kind and ge heart. But when the Hungarians are censured for e vo e ing themselves of the assistance of foreign officers, isvi,j,l • forget that the Austrians have called in to o f then - a whole foreign army ? I denounce the interferer., 01 Russia in this contest as a violation of the nar nations—that I boldly maintain. What are the as cumstances under which the i n t er f erence of a f; ()r t , Of power in the affairs of anoth er s t ate i s b y the 'for nations tolerated? It is o nly w h en the dealallAirf such interference, and my Noble Friend the Seen of State for Fareign Affairs will not controvert 1 1 0, only when the demand for that inte r f erence i s wo e At the lawful or actual Sovereign or head of the state'„ for the time re hen application was made by Aus t A r ,Toria the assistance of Russia, the E m p eror o f •i Not was not Sovereign of Hungary de jure or de dejure, for it is only in virtue of an oath to the `bt iun the sovereignty of that country can h°_',led fully claimed. That oath the Emperor of Anstr: ov en not taken—he has never taken it—he has D0',, 0 offered to take it. He was certainly not Sovere s T oo of facto, for at the same time he solicited the assi,t Russia, his armies, beaten by the gallant 8et: 0 % 19 _7 00 o 0 binski, and Georgey, had been ignominiously ?rt_ d bit of Hungary; no part of the country acknowl ogr e territe r n ' t authority, and there was only a small strip ofe"- occupied by his forces. I rejoice that the Governor w, of Austria, always so arbitrary, mean, a nd oppres s a' facto. ow has been thus humiliated by the gallantry of the ft rians. She may boast, indeed, of the successes o f R a der to , obtained over raw and undisciplined Italians, or oVe i r oo t army far inferior in numb e r s , w hi c h, h owever , would o f have been overcome but for the treachery o f 51 to those commanding it, but whenever sh e h as a tt e mPt e d i s s cope with the Hungarians she has been shamefully' sin gracefully beaten; her armies have been routed Ag o i• and again,. forced to seek safety by flying into the ie b e r tory of a neutral state, her fortresses capturect.„ o f generals disgraced. My Noble Friend the Secret7ice State for Foreign Affairs has spoken of the if:o° r ue° of of supporting Austria, with a view to the bal: to , power in Europe. I used to think S O But Austria is effete; she is no longer tr y is of being useful in that way—her p 0 of is gone; she has become nothing but t e be tter the ands" of Russia—henceforward she can be t!,_ ,g• than a Russian province, and will only serve fortn:f the . t grandisement of that Power. But this make s 1 real °C• more importance to maintain Hungary. The. curity for the balance of p ffungerYower is to be foun d In 1" tablishment of countri es like Poland and tw o. se twenty millions of P o l es an d fi !teen m illions Of _ re el rians living und er f ree i nst i tut i ons wou ld forme fully conducee .l ff l e c mti vyto o advocacy barrierthe oalan ßussia, ndd w Ie l and fahraeve would o f po w e , I n Europ a lways 2 1 ' t he tamed that I was advocating pre-eminently with irnetgearredsts,toconaHmunegreairayl, as for we l ll fi a rm s lm interests of England. I say the same our our b e lieve cll deeply political, are cannot par concerned in the success of that country. e nnu F e iend ticipate in the gloomy anticipations of my,ll° D e Rus sia as to the result of this contest. The armies or over , may be enormous, and their numbers may appear whelmning; but examples of immense armaments melt, ing away when brought against people defending of independence, have not been wanting, from the days ~h Xerxes to those of Napoleon. The climate , the tot,'d fever, the impossibility of providing adequate w for such enormous masses, will be po ~b ' s t auxiliaries to the arms of the Hungarians;fo u r : o f ..rote d noble nation—which my Noble Friend the SeeLre:radlop. State for Foreign Affairs has told the Nob le posite, whatever he may say to the contrary 15 " w ith as one in the defence of its liberties—will, I T t here wo o the blessing of God, ulti ma t e ly prevail% d, passages in the speech of my Noble Friend, with ine standing his diplomatic caution, which I heardlid will in ' finite pleasure. They do him great honour, A so that he to __. auc t crease that popularity which I tun happy enjoys. I again repeat my thanks to u d:bate• Gallant Friend for having brought which will enlighten the public on 5n ! 1 e..,..e to with insret" and the present state of things in Ilu n ih e 004 demonstrate to the world the interest felt ga m ria r s . p w eo y pl t e D by w t o h u e ld ßr w it a is r h n H t o h u e se st th e course pursued by Russia. Tear after year s_b e er she increasing her power in the East.— ( fear,ilieis r couotrY l had nearly closed the Black Sea against t t the " e- Mr. OSBORNE said that the Noble Lord a , no country against boa and her object now was to close the Danube again", a tn" of the Foreign Department having intimates would o f 010 OP official dispatches had been received, he wi mot thdraw his ion. The Report on the Committee of Ways and Means watt then agreed to. 01.3 tittl e The Stamp, &c., Allowance Bill was read and passed. and The ass J e u d d . gments (Ireland) Bill was read a tbird The Royal Pavilion (Brighton) Bill wen t through Committee. FORE T. NEW FOREST AND WALTHAM Bill' The House went into Committee on th is , resolution was agreed to upon which to folln ee °%- iR D ATTACHMENTS, COURTS OF (IRELAND) BILL. an d the thir d g was d for Mon next. This Bill, as amended, was considered , readin The other ordere orders of the day day were disposed or; and th e 0,0.0 c, House adjourned at ten minutes after Four DIED. On the 15th inst., at Buxton.' and 56, Elizabeth LO%, relict of M. C. de Castro, Esq.; of On the 18th inst.,. at Richmond, Mr. Jasper Selland, Queenhithe-whari, Upper Thames-street, aged 43. On the 17th inst., at Northampton-terrace, latington, c. Iluggons, Esq., aged 60. - London: Printed and Published by BIURDO.YOLIING, 9 ► No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sus .0410%. FtrAnd., in the Precinct et the Savoy; in:::C he - Iliddleae2C, alcudsy, July 23, 1819, TO TrIE a ni ti f y Yig THEr sel g f GE la NTL Mr. I Ot this City, t a e ter Although f of the elector l 'ider the cite , fillsition and MY conduc Of you. I have bee: and I have su kerce and 1 4 beat e i .41 I:: t be:t r r n4:l y ; :t4l t lePli l'si t lyis i e h er the i euri i l e' e p; : saaeni; c ld r : ailt o ct e lteal n i oli s e i ':nei n t ein:d s ;cii'l 4 , :lo : r uroc of y3 b roo e : e r o ts im : W hich I have teished statio klf t ' I lterests to th Mansion 111 CONTI T. orTh U the e Cniteoratndi theythat of ' le Y Will be rl Atract, ,for 7 l " Of Thr( D„ kyar Cie ER NA :::::4eryrt Thee:Cc:: 11,3%T0 Tender -v 821 3 , notice stliorised In Naha hs iaolvera b„ 4l o 'd bY le ti -M e bonrid Performan tic E gate-street , or wit DAVIT olbwir , 01 7 , 4 f oy G. I . 83,_That this t4i72t 1 13 - , the h a ,.itact thei k en ' t inherited k B of Austr 4 9 by W That this Z_wsraging in ' e ctited by 1 ' bona ' . condu c t t 4 °Yed by Rid th 4. That affairs of this B vrbati s aaanich as be e e ll has b cc/ 1 , 4 ons the At ea, the f ree( by Lon] til t T hat the i e co nsia ga opt of th e eration s of h t " 0 states, th "'an blood It e . ogress of 'rod by F . im At That Ar a P ci _ esented t v ol bY the 4() j o h n a s t tpe 1 ePr er this meeti -----_______— AIM A PUB] ta'p Exeter Elalln¢ o'clock in the CHAR The Alleg( 44, Craven-, ...—_____._....: L°ND° tttlecie Public i 3 O PEC; a nd boat for ' l .) ellr j ect e . n Le ,1 the 'T the 25' t etler al. mar 11 °IsT DO x, —o ti keett " 11, , ' ,,1 1 °.! the .443 '" hel qseiy August ; 13 Atn T y h cieks i n to h a " beN t :b r AT, th, aotC,atephi 14 41 ‘ 1 CA 10T h° W him Whi m , S on Wilt b e inter all oys t a i l "ther. 11, 1 ,4 1 T h , L e ker, „ I ,!‘eotor thel Der of b e f , 1141, 7 144 , th Te ul7. t:e4 r % " , et a eole: . b e Ler top gtatt, R a u N o t To tilt-tro7 Ca ac g k l 'ke. 1110,11 .....„ .. 1 * 1 i 41 4 lik i si 4t4 !.i Ve ry q te 1 %1 th e 1, qi Tim e. --,...... 8. u 8 4 ,, 10 24 9 1? 40 12 to i 6 20 t 20 220' THE G, JULY 23, 1849, ;Erith