The Sun. — London, England, 1841-06-28 00:00:00

MORNING SUN SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS FROM THE DAILY PAPEIPS OF SATURDAY. CHRONICLE.—The financial statement of the City Tories, whose blundering misrepresentations W 2 have recently had occasion to expose, was put forth as a cover to the equally false assertion that a Tory Government, if it came into power, would not impose new taxes. It is perfectly clear that ! a Tory, or any other Government, must do one of two things— either let the deficiency accumulate, till it ends in a national bankruptcy; or, make it good by restoring the balance between Incofne-and expenditure. The first alternative is out of the quisstion. Sir R. Peel himself has denounced the expedient of resorting to loans in times of peace as discreditable and dangerous. He stands pledged, if he come into office, to make good the deficiency at whatever cost. Now, as the Tories have not the good fortune to possess Aladdin's wonderful lamp, or the secret of the philosopher's stone, there are but two possible plans by which they can make good the deficiency. One is by reducing expenditure, the other by adding to reve nue; but it is certain they cannot, and they will not reduce expenditure.. This is evident, if we consider the following facts:—The interest of the national debt amounts, in round numbers, to ,000,0001. ; and the dead weight, as it is called, or charge on the Consolidated Fund for pensions, annuities, half-pay, andother permanent charges, secured by Act of Par liament, to 30;0,0001., making a total of 32.000,0001., upon which reduction is out of the question. The other items of ex penditure consist—first, of the grants for the army, navy, arid ordnance, the great branches of national defence ; secondly, of the grant for miscellaneous services, including salaries in public offices, and the expense of conducting the whole civil adminis tration of the country. Under the latter head it is notorious that no fuither reductions can be looked for, the Li berals having already carried retrenchment very con siderably beyond the point pronounced by the Duke of Wellington's Administration to be the ne plus ultra of economy. The charge for salaries- in the various public departments of the kingdom, which, in Mr. Goulburn's last budget, in 1830, was 3,055,5121., is now under 2,800,0001. The difference be tween the gross and net amount of the revenue, after deducting drawbacks, or in ether words, the cost of the Customs, Excise, and other establislimetes, fer collecting the revenue, was 4,575,0001. in the last year of the Duke of Wellington's Ad ministration; it is now only 4280,000/. Upwards of 1,200 offices have been abolished by the Whigs since 1830, and re ductions to the, extent of 20 per cent. and upwards effected in the salaries of the higher political offices of State, in diplomatic allowances, and in the expenses of colonial establishments. Here, then, there is clearly no-hope of reduction from the acce s sion of a swarm of Tory offiCials, with their appetites sharpened by ten years' exclu sion from place. There remain only the grants for national defence. Whether a Tory Government is likely to economise two millions out of these may be judged of from the following facts :—The great topic of charge against the Government by the Tories for the last three years has been, that the naval and military establishments of the country were reduced too low. Until the events of last year gave the he to these charges, by proving the sufficiency of our means, we heard of nothing but .complaints of the inadequacy of our fleet to cope with thOsesof France and Russia, and of the pusillanimity of Mi nisters, in not-proposing a very large and immediate addi tion to the usual votes. In 1840, Sir George Clerk moved an addition to the navy estimates proposed by the Government. In the debate on the army estimates of • the present year, in March last, Sir R. Peel said, "He for one was ready to give a cordial sanction to the proposition now made as to the military force of this country, in the firm conviction that the de mand now . made by the executive Government did not exceed the exigencies of the case." And in the debate on the Navy Estimates he observed that since other great Powers were adding ' to their naval force it was absolutely necessary that Ice should do the same. If the Tories were to come into power to-morrow, the necessity for keeping up the naval and military establishments of the country, instead of being dimi nished, would be considerably increased. It is notorious that in-that ease the chances of rupture with the United States would be increased, the tranquil settlement of affairs in Canada endangered, and an addition of at least 10,000 men to the force of Ireland rendered indispensable. It is clear, then, that it is not by reducing expenditure that a Tory Government can hope to make both ends meet. It remains, therefore, to add to 'revenue. Nov, this can be done only by one of two ways, First, by admitting foreign corn, provisions, sugar, coffee, and timber into consumption at duties productive to the re venue. Secondly, by imposing new taxes. To say that they will not do the one, is to all intents and purposes equivalent to saying that they will do the other. The Excise, the Assessed Taxes, the Stamps, and the Postage, are all as productive as it is possible to make them, without adding to the present, or imposing new, taxes. The Customs are the only branch of the revenue which admit of being rendered more productivs without inflicting any additional burden on the country. BO' in order to da so it is indispensable to attack the monopoly of the landed and colonial interest. If sugar is to be screwed up up from sd. or 6d. a lb., to Bd. or 10d., in order to put more money into the pockets of West India merchants and Proprietors, it is impossible to rea der the revenue derived from the sugar duties more productive. If the people are to he compelled to use rotten American timber, its order to create employment for a few old unseaworthy-tubs belonging to half-a-dozen opulent ship owners, it is impossible to increase the revenue derived from timber. If the labouring classes arc to be condemned to eat dear bread, beef, and bacon, to enable my Lord A. to roll in his carriage in London, and Squire B. to preserve pheasants and transport poaches s at his seat in the country, it is impos sible to restore the revenue by restoring general prosperity, and raising trade and manufactures from toe decline into which they have fallen. None know these facts better than the City Tories—none know better than they that the imposi tion of a home-tax, and an addition to the rates of postage, must be and will be among the very first measures of a Tory Administration—and yet they have the effrontery to ask why any one should suspect the Tories of an intention to put oa new taxes. POST.—The great cause now to be tried and decided upon by the electors of the United Kingdom, is emphatically the cause of the people—of the great mass of the working people. It is to be decided whether they are to be sacrificed for the sake of cheapness, and for the sake of recovering a revenue which has been lost through the extravagance, the blundering, and the weakness of the Whig-Radical Government. Eleven years ago, when the Tories lost the Government through dis union and eieputes among themselves, there was a public in come of about fifty millions, with a public expenditure of about forty-seven millions and a half. The Whig-Radicals have exactly reversed the matter, and the fruit of their great talents for Government is this, that they have a revenue of about forty-seven millions and a half with an expenditure of about fifty millions. This being the result of :Th i e r ir misgovern ment—a result which is of itself quite kiflrcient, and more than .sufficiint,,to justify their ignominious di nissal from office; they now .try to recover themselves by a selfish and heartless attack on the profits of the labouring classes. The simple matter of fact is, that labour and land are cheaper in foreign countries than they are here, and all who have incomes are - obliged to give a larger portion of them in return for labour and the produce of -the land than they would if they were allowed to employ fiheign labourers and foreign land. We grant the fact, but then we say, it is bet ter it should be so,for these people with fixed incomes are most of them very well off, and it is better that they should pay more then that they should take away the employment from our own peciple, and give it to foreigners. It is better they should pay more than that they should leave our own land to be -overgrown with docks and thistles, while &reign land would be covered with golden harvests by reason of the custom and encouragement of British annuitants and capitalists. But the Whig-Radical philosophers don't care a straw what becomes of the labourers, so that they can effect their purpose of staying in office. Lord John Russell knows well enough, and has in former times warned the people under his own hand, that the consequence of importing cheap corn from abroad would be turn over two or three millions of 'Working people to utter beggary. But at that time he was not in office, and had no personal or party advantage in that Policy from which the starving of two or three millions of people was in his opinion likely to result. At the present time he is in office; and he and his party hope to retain office by consenting to this experiment, which includes the frightful atrocity of reducing millions to " utter beggary." This being the case, he and his party have no hesitation at all about the matter. The people may starve—starve by millions ; but he and his party would thrive, and that is the thing for which ; pa triots as they 'are',-they most care. I - lERALD.--eAs usual, the excitement consequent on the approach of a general election is increasing, in intensity, from hour to hour. North and south, east and west—throughout broad Britain, resounds the note of preparation. Prone as we all are to exaggerate the importance of the present crisis, and to attribute -to 'corning events proportions of a more gigan tic scale than have 'appertained to similar bi rt h s i n former petiods ; there is. yet, ab undant re ason for all the hopes and Sears with which the British publi c may anticipate the p ro b a bl e result of the next two months upon their future destinies. There is that, in short, in the aspect of public affair s at this mo ment which has all the elements necessary to the creation GI a solicitude,--decided yet inexplicable, profound but undefined— abut the probabiliti es of the immediate futu re. We know, cert for-so me years past, there has b een an active conflict going on 'betw een principles mighty for good, and mighty for evil ; but of their preciseinherent tendencies or accidental direction, w ith regard to the ee prt r z i n t Co no_ an of em s our political and social 3 s we —a s is, tive character. W it h those ni Y— thing, of aauthentic o _r-st po sitivO associations we surmise rather than detect, and their as lan antagonist power of g s the impending coll i sion of an a nts serlaigh from the secrecy of Its operations w e cannot natives of a 'measure the dimensions. L ike w e rather feel ° and ion sli,turbed . by. some volcanic action , it were) subter conjecture, than see or understand, the (as or its energy in more mean movement which may soon devel oder some fee ling of palpable, destructive, and fatal forces. this Sort—under a conviction of the approach of a certain, but unaseertained (Linger—of the shock which all the principles that form the bases of the Throne , of the institutions, and of the establishments of the country , are menac ed the with cc b n love- y the progress and approximation of the evil genius of move ment"—the friends of order. of loyalty , of the Cons t itution, of the Church, of the healthful system on which our conven tional codes of moral and social government are framed—re .l4ri the national demonstration which is at hand. That na tional demonstration will be supplied by the returns of the gene ral election. TIMES.—Were it not for the sound reflective powers and -sterling interit of oer countrymen, we might almost dread that the nat io n al struggle, now forced upon us by the Whigs, would go far to realize our worst apprehensions of revolution ary violence and plunder. In connexion with the ignorant and unprincipled clamours of the Ministerial press, which, if. they had any influence, would render our commerce the de fenceless prey of every foreign interloper who might choose to invade it. we would implore the constituencies of the em pire, at this important crisis, to ponder well the frightful doctrines which the Whig-Radical faction are now un scrupulously broaching, as necessary for their party ends. In their pot-house harangues, and in their elec tioneering handbills, intimations are broadly given, that if A* projects of the Whig Cabinet cannot be accomplished by fair means, they must, as a last resource, defensible on grounds of extreme necessity, be resolutely carried into effect by a series of highway robberies. Their favourite rallying-cry at the pre,ent moment is that of "No Monopoly 1" What extent of meaning is attachable to this vague and vulgar rant, cannot be - matter of uncertainty. When accurately analysed, it pre sents Ui with the following results :—" No agricultural pro teeth-In—down with landlords and farmers. No sectarian pre ferences—down with the Bishops and Church. No machinery patents—down with the rights of genius. No medical Corpora.- tions—down with exclusive diplomas. No privileged lawyers , ;—down with accredited practitioners. No magisterial superiority—down with Mayors and Justices. No aristocra tic distinctions—clown with the peerage and throne." That many of the anti-Monopolists might be disposed to shrink from going the full length to which their cant principle would logi cally carry them affords no guarantee that their adoption of It, to a limited extent, may not eventually be productive of the most calamitous issues. Even with the very partial sanction whieh it has d a rea y received, the Morning Chronicle smarmed us a few days ago, that the threats of revolutionary ginnin g to becarn age were, in some quarters, be an e(nf y specimen- heard, of which, indeed, it gave us anti-monopoli,t,No doubt, the fierce and sanguinary bilked by the same ch ose panting s for blo3d were virtuously re will meetwith journal which laid ma„y Lib al them before the public, contemplated butcheries er • confederates who condemn his virtuous rebuke exhibiteit: nh even more energy than that dogmas now circulated by the B ut the wi ld and felonious correspondent only a ureco .ip,3rty of wh om t h e Chronicle's us diseipl e •us olve %%Wig a thy in practice all the spoliation, anarchy, and massacre, which, as an abstract contingency, they professedly shud dered to think of, or deny that it is likely to be realized. Either the Whig-Radicals mean what they say, or they do not. If they admit themselves to be insincere in their more violent declarations, then, of course, no dependence can be placed on their more measured and more moderate avowals. If, on the other hand, their advancing demands are put forth in sober earnest, and with an honest determination to work them out, then the country, we say, is rapidly approaching to a dismal and bloody revolution. There is more in their pretensions than a mere war of principles ; they are recklessly accelerating a war of plunder and the sword. ADVERTISER.—EIectors of Great Britain, now is the time to prove the mettle of your pasture, to show to the world that you know your rights, and knowing dare maintain them. Every scheme that a wicked ingenuity can devise will bo put in practice to cheat you of your suffrages. The bribe, the threat, the delusive sophistry, and the false promise will, as you may severally appear most liable to such influence, be in turn em ployed to seduce you to betray the first right of citizenship, and place your country at the mercy of a faction, whose outrages on the rights and interests of the people never yet knew any limit save its own incapacity. It is for you, Electors, to prove yourselves superior to these vile and debasing agencies. He who offers you a bribe, must believe you to be knaves ; he who attempts to delude you by false professions and arguments must suppose you to be fools ; and he who by a threat would frighten you from the faithful discharge of a great public duty, must regard you as cowards and slaves. Will you, by succumbing to Tory machinations, allow yourselves to be branded before your fellow-citizens with these degrading epi thets? Between you and the Tories there can exist no sym pathy. Their policy is to plunder the many for the aggran disement of the few ; yours should be to open to all parties, in all respects, a fair field of industrial effort, so as to extend to all in proportion to their merits, those advantages which are now engrossed by the monopolists. An im mense responsibility rests upon you. A glorious opportu nity now offers for striking off the fetters in which your rights, political and commercial, have been en chained. Should this opportunity escape, years may elapse before a similar one may present itself, years in which, should the Tories now triumph, you will have to mourn in re morseless bitterness over the apathy, the weakness, or tJie guilt which permitted so great a sacrifice of your own interests. In the present election, on one side appear Plenty, Progressive Free dom, and Peace ; on the other, Starvation, Slavery, and strife. Electors, make your choice. The objects for your selection are here presented to your judgment without exaggeration. Can you hesitate in your decision? 'GLOBE.—Most unwarrantable use having been made of the name of the Duke of Bedford by the Committee of Captain nous, founded upon a letter of the most private and familiar character, the Duke of Bedford has ad dressed to Captain Rout the following letter, which will set at rest all doubt, either as to the Duke of Bedford's politics, or as to his conduct to his tenants. That a land lord should not coerce his tenants to make them follow his own political course, is to a Tory inconceivable : " Friday Evening,.June 25. -• " Dear lions,—Since I saw you to-day, I have learnt that the most unfair and unwarrantable advantages have been taken of my letter to you and the grossest misre presentation founded upon it. I must again request of you not to lose any time in stating to your Committee, that if I take no part in the Westminster Election, it is on the principle of not interfering with my tenants and tradesmen, and that I am only following the course which has been pursued by my father and myself in other recent elections for Westminster. " You know that my political confidence has long been given to the present Crovernment.—Your's (Signed) " BEDFORD. In proportion to their diminishing hopes, the Tories put forth increasingly confident assurances of certain triumph. Their Journals this morning with most suspi cious unanimity, affirm that the results of the pending contest will place their party in a proud majority. We do not for a moment imagine that those who allow them selves to be made the channels of communication between the parties specially interested in the results of the con t3sts, and the public whom they seek to delude, place any reliance on the statements they are induced to put forth. In some of the instances we know they possess the means of arriving at the truth ; and would readily publish it—if it were convenient to do so. A few days will dissipate the delusions of those who place any con fidence in such prognostications. The truth will burst upon their astonished senses with appalling certainty. .The City of London election is, according. -to the Post, virtually decided :—" The Election Committees of both parties in the City of London made up their canvassing books yesterday. We are happy to be able to state that even the most sanguine Conservative could scarcely have expected a more favourable result than that which the canvassing books of the party indicate ; and we' believe we may safely say that very great care has been taken to put down no votes as certain, but those which have been actually and positively promised." The Times, with its usual slap-dash daring, exclaims—" The main interest, however, will undoubtedly centre in London. Should Lord John Russell be rejected by the metropolis, as we confidently expect he will, and 1.,0rd Morpeth by York shire, a defeat which is also said to be nearly inevitable, with what face will the Whigs present themselves to the new House of Commons ?" To which may fairly be re plied, should Lord J. Russell be elected by the metropolis, and Lord Morpeth byYorkshire,what becomes of the Times' reputation for foresight, or common acquaintance with notorious facts ; and with what face will the monopolists present themselves in the new House of Commons ? The Herald adds its testimony to the common stock. The obscurity of the phraseology is, we presume, designed to give weight to the authority on which the revelation is made :—" If, in the matter of elections, it were safe for any reasonable man to trust, after planting one foot on the ground, to the usual succession of the other, we should hear the footfall of victory to the Conservatives re-echoedfront the Guildhall y• London to the Chamber of Commerce at Glasgow." If the Ly-all Committee have really authorised the statements we • have quoted, it is in perfect keeping with the lying contents of the placards they have put forth for the purpose of calumniating Lord John Russell, against whom the puny artillery of their groundless hate is principally directed. His great talents, conse crated from an early period of his life to the cause of civil and religious liberty, which he defended and ad vanced when its enemies were numerous, powerful, and determined—the wise and Liberal policy of the Admi nistration of which he is a principal member, which has invariably sought, and still seeks, in the face of a powerful combination of monopolies, to relieve the dis tresses of the people, by releasing trade and commerce from the restrictions which prevent its successful exten sion—these public claims, joined with the acknowledged purity of his personal character, have justly rendered him extensively valued and beloved. His Lordship is the candidate who is more especially identified with the measures which propose to extend the commerce of the country, and thus to supply employment to the unem ployed ands suffering thousands of our manufacturing population. STANDARD.—As there are some persons whose fa culty of vision extends but a very little way before them, though extremely accurate within its limited range, so there are others with very exact powers of observation, but wholly incapable of reasoning upon what they ob serve. The first may be confidently trusted to describe the ground under their feet, but would be the worst guides in the world to tell the direction of the road ; and the second, no less competent to testify to the truth of premises, are as little to be trusted in whatever concerns a conclusion. The Earl of litulnor is one of the intellec tually near-sighted persons of whom we speak. His .Lordship has caused to be printed in the Wilts I ndpen dent a letter, from which we make the following ex tracts : " If by protection is meant exclusion of wheat of foreign growth, it is clear that that sort of protection is not af forded by the present law. By Parliamentary Paper (House of Lords, 1841, No. 164), it appears that in the last ten years there have been entered for home consumption a far greater quantity of wheat than in any former period of the same length, the annual average for tan years ending 1820 being 422,076 quarters ; for ten years ending 1830, 534,762 quarters ; and for the last ten years, 908,118 quarters. Indeed, in this respect the protection afforded by the present law is less than that afforded by the Act of 1815, for by Parliamentary ti render a t ecl corn r Paper (House of Lords, 1841, No. 151) it appears that the annual average quantity of wheat entered for home consumption from 1815 to 1828 (both inclusive) was 389,442 quarters, whereas the annual average of the 12 years from 1829 to 1840 (both inclusive), during-which tb e , present law has been in operation, has been 1,025,250 quar ters. "If by protection is meant high price, in this respect also the p re sent Act is less efficacious than that of 1815, in asmuch as the average price for the whole of the first period was 645. ld., and for the latter, 58s. 4d. This i s extremely valuable information, and fully verifies the prediction of Lord Brougham, that the ef fect_m of the Corn-laws must be to render corn ultimately cheaper, and by a necessar y logical consequence t h at t h e repeal of t h ose l aws would ultimately dearer. Know this, you clamour ers for cheap b rea d. L or d R a d nor, h owever, goes too fast when ne assumes, upon the fact cited, that the Corn laws do not op the judgment of landowners mighttirm very reverse is e t i r e e f as a protection to agriculture. • The 4sVaend pronounce veryfarmers, the question to who will, we ex pect,elections ; but it is not distinctly u upon it at the approaching a vast to wait so long. The bare fact that, with t ni f crFase of the population since 1820, an increase, and Wales alone, the sayavergagooe six . millions in England m il l rea.se of importation for eaclr million t of increase quarters,into the w o h r o Unitedeo,oosa quartersli in been but 600,000 in England and Wales—this single fact demonstrates has prospered that agriculture has been protected, a n d gloriously under the protection. MONEY MA. and CITy NE WS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF SATURDAY POST.—The influential house of Coutts and Co h ave, are glad to find, sent ro und circular s to those of t ' heP e jrt we n g uese bondholders fur whom they are acting as bankers, stati n g that that they do not feel themsel ve s w arranted , as the Por tugu ese agency cannot show an amount of . Portuguese stock t en d ered for conversion of m o r e than one-third of the aggregate, ard in the absence of more direct information upon the subject, etin 'il g ; sending in the bonds of their friends for the purpose of. g them exchanged on or before Jul y 1, without positive instruc tions to do so The alarmed and wavering bondholders will no doubt be in terested in seeing the course taken by so eminent a fi rm. Th e conversion of one-third applies, it is to be observed, almost exclusively to the lower priced, or Three per Cent. stock, and this has been tendered principally by foreigner s, who bou g h t up at cheap rates. Net one - tenth p art of the Five per Cents. has been converted. Letters from Germany again allude to the Danube and Maine Canal speculation. At Frankfort there was decidedly more confidence in the payment by the Bavarian Goverament of the dividends as heretofore. The Stock of the State was above par, so that the fullest faith was placed in the good intentions of the Minister, and the desire to do strict j ustice towards its creditqrs. The people of Frankfort accordingly refrained from parting with their shares at a sacrifice. HERALD.—From a Ministerial paper having reported that more moneys had been received from Madrid (as pretended), and more still expected, for the liquidation of the long- . deferred claims of the British auxiliary legion, reports have arisen that the moneys in question, far from having been. remitted from Spain, have been raised here by some surreptitious operation of depo!its of new stock, or of Treasury Bonds of an old stock on hand, in the hands of some capitalist or other against usurious advances of the sums required. The stock deposited only to be brought to market in case of non-repayment of ad vances within a specified period. Another report is that ad- R KE vances have been made against some security of another Lind, the Spanish Government agreeing to receive one-half the ad vances in cash, and the other in Spanish Bonds afpar, but re paying the whole in hard dollars. C HRONICL E.—The resolutions adopted by the Committee of Portuguse bondholders, at their meeting on the 23d instant, call for justice to the thousands of sufferers " deprived of a capital amounting to upwards of one hundred millions ster ling." We must undeceive the public upon this poiat. The amount of the capital of loans due by the non-paying States of South America, and including Mexico and Chili, may be estimated in round numbers — At about.. X 17,200,000 The Foreigu debt of Portugal at about Spain, Active debt .. A:33,3'22,000 The Pas)ive The Deferred •••- 59,233,000 £8:4,233,000 88,000,0001., instead of one hundred millions, as stated by the committee of Portuguese bondholders. But it is to be kept in, view that the average rate at which the South American leans were issued, was about 82 per cent., or 18 per cent. below par, so that the amount actually advanced to represent the capital of 17,200,0001. May be computed at ... .. £14,104,000 Portuguese Bonds were issued at various dates, and various ps ices and rates of interest, but. on an average, they may be computed to have been issued at 70, so that instead of 11,800,0001., the amount advanced may be stated at What sum actually may have found its way into the Spanish Treasury, in exchange for the 59,233,0001. of Active, Passive, and Deferred Stock above specified, we cannot state with ac curacy, but if we take 50 per cent. as ►he average, and allow one-half, we cannot be very far wrong; hence we hare In all But even this restricted amount we have reason to think is a much larger sum than was ever paid by the people of this country in the capital advanced for foreign loans to the non pa'ing States; for our intelligent Correspondent whe furnished us with the valuable statistical tables of the foreign debt of Spain, which we have adopted as the 'basis of our preceding remarks regarding the debt of that country, shows distinctly that the total amount of the capital of the foreign debt of Spain, before the conversion of 1b34, amounted, in dollars, to 157,244,210, whereof only about 100,893,312 dollars were borrowed in this market ; equal, at 4s. 3d. per dollar, to 21,439,8311., which, at 60 per cent., amounts only to 12,863,934/. But it is erroneous to state the sums resulting from a fair average computation of the various rates at which the loans were taken, as having been actually paid to the treasuries of Spanish America, to Portugal, or to Spain. The contractors debited themselves with the corresponding amounts, but then they had credit for the commission, and other profits from the proceeds. Besides all which, they paid a very large pro poqion in various descriptions of munitions of war, warlike stores, and ships, and we need not add that they turned this traffic to excellent account. In the case of those unfortunate irritations of Governments whicksprung out of the revolutions tf the Spanish American colonies, large sums were credited in, .his form. It is but right that these facts should be stated, not ri defence for non-payment of the debt due, or in bar of the fulfilment of the contracts of loan, but in order to disabuse the public mind from exaggerated statements, so that no greater amount of misconduct may be charred against the debtor States than can be maintained on equitable principles. TIMES.—Among the papers received by the last arrival from New York is one from Vicksburg, which takes a view of the feeling of several States as to the moral obligation of pay ing dividends on their bonds, and thus forms a portion of a line of argument which has been well worth watching for some months past. The journal itself praises its own State (Missis sippi) for taking a bold ground against the march of a " de grading bondage," this strong expression meaning no more than a resort to taxation for the sake of fulfilling State obliga tions. Taking a view of the state of things in Mississippi, it is observed that in 1837 a law was passed pledging the State credit for 15,000,000 dollars, while to protect the people from taxation the citizens of the State were required to take the stock on mortgages of real estate to the full amount. This law was, it seems, in accordance with the constitution of Mississippi, submitted to the people at the next election, and representatives were returned in favour of it, but the complaint is, that the representatives when they met completely altered the character of the measure, as far as concerned the secu rity of the people against taxation. Under these cir cumstances, say the democrats of Mississippi, were the bonds thrown into the market, and, it is added, that they were sold even in violation of the terms of the Bill as modified. This history is used as an argumen against taxation. An Illinois meeting is also referred to (pro bably the one noticed some weeks ago), in which the people declared that " excessive taxation is the indelible badge of servitude, and the people who submit to it are already s l av e s ,' the word s having clearly a reference to taxation for payment of interest on the Bonds. Of the Stye of Michigan, it is ob served, that it has sold its Bondi to the Morris Canal Company, guaranteed by the " United States Bank," and that now both the Banks are broken, and unable to pay a dollar of their liabilities. These bonds must be sacrificed, in con sequence of the defalcation, and any taxation to pay the divi dends of their seeuriiies is regarded with the strongest indig nation. The tone assumed in this discussion is very singular. The argument is by no means carried on in a strain of apo logy, but the bondholders themselves are attacked ender the coined name of " fund-mongers," and the doctrine held forth that it would be an act of honour and patriotism, nay, of duly. for the States to repudiate their bonds. Surely, language Ake this may be taken as a sign of the times. DEAR BEEF IN FRANCE. (From Gulignani's Messenger.) The Debuts has an article on the scarcity of butcher's meat in this country, which places some points of the subject in a new light, and which is particularly of inte rest at a moment when there is a demand for the com paratively free introduction of another necessary of life into a neighbouring country. The Debate says : " It is absolutely essential that the Legislature of 1842 should, at the very commencement of the session, take up a question which cannot perhaps be postponed without danger. Many things may be put off, but hunger admits of no postponement, and we must of necessity listen to its claims. This fact admitted, we must, however, observe that the question of the du ties on foreign cattle, important as it may be, is not the essential point to be considered in affinr. We will re. , fer to a period when the duties were almost nominal—the year 1820, for instance, at which time each head of cattle paid only 3f. to 4f., and show how many oxen, &c., then entered France. The number of oxen and bulls was 15,000, and. that of cows and calves, 28,000—total 43,000. And now, with the much larger duties of 50, 25, and 15 f., which, by the Way, have failed in pro ducing the object for which they were imposed. viz. the protection of the breader in France, and the develop ment of the bovine race, what is the number im ported ? Oxen and bulls, 10,000, and cows and calves, 25,000 to 28,000, say total 35,000, which is 8,000 less than under the old tariff. If we were to reduce the present duty of 50f. to 20f., or even 10f.—if we we were even to go back to the low duty of 1820, would this suffice to bring into the market from abroad such an increase as would be of importance compared with the annual consumption of France, which amounts to 3,400,000 head of cattle, without reckoning six or seven millions of sheep ? Such is the annual consumption in this country ; we will not speak of the 34 millions of po pulation, for, alas ! of this number there is a full third who know not what it is to eat butcher's meat, and who, among other civic rights to which our political Reformers pay little attention, are deprived of one of the most es sential, viz., that of recruiting physical strength by sub stantial and generous food. In order to show how far the duty on foreign cattle produces this state of things, for which a remedy must be found, it is only necessary to state that the duty on foreign cattle imported into France, under whatever tariff, has never exceeded 1 to 11 per cent. The Debuts does not, when alluding to the falling off in the augmentation of duties, take into account the in crease in the population of France, which would make the 8,000 equal, perhaps, to 15,000 or 16,000. The par celling out of lands in France is prejudicial to the breed ing of cattle on a large scale, small farmers having neither the amount of capital nor the extent of laud which are requisite for this essential branch of agriculture. The want of water in the south of France is mentioned by the Debuts as one of the great obstacles to the breeding, of cattle, and to remove this it recommends the forma tion of canals of irrigation, and mentions, as an instance of what may be efflicted, that the Agricultural Company of Arcachon has succeeded in converting nearly 30,000 acres of unproductive land into .ich fields of pasture. To convey from different sources abundance of water to dry lands, and 'to drain those which are marshy, are measures Which are within the means of the nation ; but for which capital is necessary, and hitherto there has been but little enterprise in the way. We remember that one of the favourite projects of M. Casimir Perier was to fertilize the waste lands of Bri tany, but that he was unable to form a Company for that purpose, although he offered to devote a large portion of his own fortune to the scheme, and invited the co-opera tion of foreign capitalists. The Debuts concludes as follows: --- ;‘To reduce the price of butchers' meat would be ad vantageous to agriculturists, to breeders, and to the owners of the soil, for if the latter have remained safe in the midst of our political movements, they must not forget that their interest is to conciliate the affection of the mass. Cheap meat, like cheap bread, is one of the most precious elements of national strength, of the con tentment of the people, and of public security. It is a better guarantee to thu owners of the soil for the pro tection of their property, than all the protecting tariffs that could be made." A WOMAN BURIED ALIVE.—On Tuesday last a young woman, a servant •in a highly respectable family, was seized by an apopletic fit, and, as was sup posed, died. On being, a few hours after, carried to the Greek Church for interment, she was observed to be warm, and on a medical man being sent for, was pro nounced to be yet living. She is now, according to some reports, doing well, others say she is since dead. This is by no means, during a few years residence in Smyrna, the first time that we have heard of a similar accident having happened. how indeed can it be otherwise, when corpses, of Greeks especially, are hurried to interment in less than twelve hours after death is supposed to take place ? Somo strong measures should be adopted to prevent so horrible a circumstance from ever occurring, by 'not allowing a body to be carried out till at least 24 hours have elapsed after death. — Smyrna Observer of May 21. I{AILWAYS.—The following are the amounts of the receipts of the principal railways in operation for the Past week, up to the date to which the respective returns are made :—London and Blackwall, 950/. ; Hull and Selby, 750/. ; North Midland, 4,380/. ; Midland Countiei, 0,844/. ; Birming. ham and Gloucester, 1,639/. ; Birmingham and Derby , I,IB SL ; London an d S outh-Western, 6,8951.; Great Western, 12,400/. ; London and Gree nw i c h, 935/ . ; N ort h ern an d Eastern. 7891. ; London and Birmingham, 19,555/. ; Manchester and Binning :lard: .7. 1,32 1 3 0 5 1.; East ern Counties, 867/. ; Great North of E n g" ; and Croydon, 688/. THE PRESEN T ELEcTlorls.—ln zunning one's eye along the list of candidates at the present elections, one cannot fail being struck with the important fact that among the Liberal candidates are to be found nearly all the historical names consecrated in English history, such as the Russells, llowards Cdvendishes, and, with one ex ception, the Stanleys, THE SUN, LONDON. MONDAY, JUNE 28. 1841. ADDRESS OF THE POLITICAL INSTITUTE TO THE ELECTORS OF GREAT BRITAIN. Members of an Association, founded to aid the great move ment of the age towards a wide extension of popular freedom and happiness, we thank it our 'duty to address you at this most important crisis. The tools of no faction, and biassed by no personal interests or class associations against the rights or any division of our countrymen, our suggestions will be honest and independent ; it will be for your calm reason to de cide if they are just and prudent. The first suggestion we submit to you is, that the present struggle is one between the Aristocracy and the Democracy. It is a struggle between them, not about the possession of power, it is true, but about what is nearly as important, the possession of the outworks and best strongholds of power—the monopolies. The landed aristocrats levy on us, through laws of their own making, an annual tribute of many millions, more even than we are obliged to pay in taxes to the State. The Colonial Aristocracy levy also another tribute on us, less in amount, but equally unjust, and equally marking their feudal superiority. The struggle is, shall these fiscal exactions, the causes of our wretchedness as the badges of our servitude, be perpetuated or not ? The monopolists say they shall, and are in arms to maintain them at all hazards. Every man who hates the people, and would crush their liberties, supports them. Every interest which can only Le maintained by injus tice and popular debasement, is with them. There is no bigot, no unprincipled oppressor in any corner of Europe, who does not wish them success. There is no disguise then, there can be no disguise, about the nature of the struggle. It is between us and the extorting faction that rule us, between the people and those that prey on the people. As we are fa vourable to the privileged anti their monopolies, so must we be opposed to our own order and lair legislation. There are but two sides, and the case admits of no cowardly neutrality—we must join as freemen the ranks of the plundered Democracy, or march as slaves in those of the plundering Aristocracy. The monopolizers will unite to a man to enforce their reign of im . poverishment and tyranny. is there, then, one of the Demo cracy base enough to lend them his aid ? If there be, he is alike a traitor to his own order and to humanity. Misguided or unprincipled men have told yeti that the Mi nisterial propositions are not worth your support. Believe it not. They extend not as far as we wish, or as far as they ulti_ mately must ; but they are additions of great value to a class by whom the smallest improvement is sensitively felt—the poor. Sugar from Brazils pays this. per cwt., and occasionally enters our parts. Ministers propose to reduce it to 3ds. So large a reduction, independently of the profits it brings to the artisan in increasing our foreign trade, catinat be without its advan tage to the consumer. We pay 60s. or more a quarter for corn. Change the law, we shall pay but 40s. or less. The difference, one-third of the whole, must again go to the con sumer. We say this is much. It is much that protection is moved lower down the scale; that the people are to know some thing about it, besides paying its charges. It is much that the rich planter can no longer raise sugar to what price he pleases, nor continue to charge us more millions a year to revenge our stopping his slavery atrocities. It is much that the idle landlord can indulge no more his luxurious and demoralizing appetites from the starvation prices extorted out of the poor man's loaf. Yes, believe us, Electors, there is much of good in the charges themselves, and there is more in the changes they must lead to. Have you ever compared the condition of our corn-growing landlords with those on the Continent ? The foreign land lords' agricultural skill is less, their machinery more imperfect, yet they sell their produce to the poor and the destitute nearly two-thirds cheaper titan our luxurious aristocrats. Clothing and everything else we make in this country is cheaper than on the Continent. Why, then, are the prices of agricultural manu factures so enormously disproportionate ? Not, as our land lords say, because they pay one-third more wages, for their poor labourers pay the difference back twice over. They pay it in that more than doubled price of food ; they pay it in working one-third longer than the foreign labourer ; they pay it working one-third harder. The explanation was in the landlords' exclusive power of law-making. Their legislatori cal legerdemain gets them first more produce for less money, it gets them, secondly, more money fur less produce, and thus they win, and the people of England lose, more than a hundred millions a year. Happy power, most disinterestedly exercised ! And yet men wonder why there is wretchedness in the land. If in national works, then, there be much in a commence ment, it i 3 something to have begun the business of humbling our corn-growing aristocracy. No business ever more required commencement; Europe holds no aristocracy so dispropor tionately rich, so demoralised, so insolent. They monopolize the whole State ; the land is their's, the Army is their's, the Navy is their's, the Church is their's, the Excise and Customs are their's, the Colonies are their's, the Universities are their's, the two Houses of Parliament are their's, the rob bery of commerce is their's, the plunder of the people is their's, the revenues of the State are their's, the honours of the Government are their's ' the power of the empire is heir's, everything is their's but drudgery and taxation. t Remember this against them, Englishmen, now that it may tell against them, in your elections. Be not seduced by their septennial practice ofvarnishing over their wrongs to you with professions of anxiety for your welfare. To every specious as surance, to every sophistical defence, indignantly reply, " You are the richest landlords of Europe ; why are your peasantry among the most wretched? You have governed the country as you liked the last 70 years. • How is it that there is no class in it happy but your own ? The disinterestedness of your rule is proved by your own overgrown luxury and insolence ; its wisdom in our wretchedness and discontent. It is time to humble you." Yes. Electors, it is time, high time, to humble them. And now is the moment ; circumstances aid us. The measures of Ministers put the means in our hands ; they are not perfect. but they are serviceable—as such let us use them—let us we them with energy ; they deserve it; let us use them with prd dence—there is no success without it. Be united. Take any man's aid who will fight your battle with the enemy. Forget for a while your more or less extensive views of Constitutional Reform. This is not their time. There 18 a practical good within our reach. Our powers concentrated, 'tis won ; and the victory of justice can hurt no good theory. Disunited, 'tis lost, and with it our common good. If the enemy win, it will mat ter little which of our theories is the best. We advise you, therefore, first to give no vote to any candi date who will not support the proposed financial changes; their utility may be limited, but we cannot afford to forego it for unlikely chances of greater. 2. To support no candidate, however liberal, who will divide the popular party without any reasonable chance of success. In such a ease to seek an impracticable good, is to find prac tical evil. Let us love democracy, but love it wisely. 3. To elect a stanch Radical wherever it is possible. We want men who will fight the aristocracy at all points. 4. Where you cannot return a Radical, to influence the eleetors to select the most liberal candidate that can be pro cured. He will fight the aristocracy at some points, and, next to the importance of having a good Member, is the having a Member not bad. 5. Wherever there are two rival Liberal candidates, to decide their pretensions forthwith by ballet. Our first principle is to give the enemy no victory. Finally, To adopt, as the great rule in your policy in these elections, as in all other public proceedings, the question which will most serve the cause of the . people. Electors of England !—Now is your time to serve that noble eause. Arouse ye, then. Be no longer the tools or slaves of your tyrant aristocracy. Stand now for the people. United, prudent, energetic ; show by your conduct that you are worthy of the occasion with which fortune now tries you. Prove that you understand the character of the war—that you appreciate the nature of the crisis. Crush the monopolies— take the fang out of the aristocrats—that is your mission of to day. A in , d , sler mission awaits you —to which this but opens the way. Fulfil boldly the vocation of the present, and the day is not far within the future, when you will find yourselves again united, teaching your insolent masters that ye, the millions, are men and Englishmen as they, as much created for the blessings of nature, as much entitled to the powers of self-government as they, when ye will declare to them, with the resistless voice of an aroused and mighty people, that ye will submit no more to their usurped and abused superiority—for that tke hour has at length arrived in which, rising in the peaceful poiver of your right. you are calmly to vindicate the dignity of manhood and the justice of Providence, impugned by their long-borne oppressions. (Signed on behalf of the Members) T. PIERS HEALEY JOHN HUAIFFREYS PARRY. A. MORTON. EDWARD EDW ARDS. W. SM A RT. T. WILLIAMS, M.D. A. WALKER. Provisional Committee. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. St a,—ln reading your leadin& article, inserted in last night's Sun, respecting the line of conduct most likely to be adopted by dna clergy, I could nut help calling to mind the following recent characteristic fact The Tory candidates for th e W es t Ridi ng , W or tl e y an d Denison, started from this town on their canvassing to Holm firth, Delph, and Alarsden, last Wednesday. At the latter place the Rev. M. Maxfield, th e v ill age p as t or , i n t ro d uce d Al r. Wortley to the electors, who, in his address to them, made use of the following language:_" The Whigs tell you that the alteration in the sugar duties, brought forward by them, would reduce the price of that article three-pence per lb. I mean told you it is a d—d lie." Did the worthy incum bent rebuke this scion of aristocracy for his blackguardism ? Not he, indeed. Nay, did he-not identify himself with this low phraseology by neglecting so to do? No wonder there are three Dissenters to one Churchman, when the clergy of the Church associate and make 'common cause with such men. Mr. Denison also stated at the same place, that in the United States the Americans had a tax on corn ; but he was speedily silenced by a person in the crowd calling out, " I have lived in that country 15 years, and I know what you now state to be false ; they have no tax at all upon what they themselves pro duce."—Your's, faithfully, Huddersfield, June 25, 1841.1 JOHN SMITH. HORRID MURDER AT .18..NARESBOROUGII.- It is our painful duty, as journalists, this week to record one of the most atrocious and cold-blooded murders which has ever disgraced our criminal annals, com mitted early on the morning of Saturday last, in this town. The unfortunate victim is Mr. Joseph Cocker, a respectable and inoffensive old man, land lord of the White Hart, near to the Market-Place, who of late has resided alone, managing his own honsehold affairs, with the exception of a char woman once or twice a-week. On the night of Friday, three young men named John Bennison, Henry Nutter, and Charles Gill, apparently from previous arrangement, went to the house of Mr. Cocker, with an intention to rob and murder him ; they stayed some time, and had some refreshment, and as it was very late, the poor old man treated them with some ale, in order that theymight go away peaceably ; but, awful to relate, it was now the time when the tragic scene was to be accomplished. One of the panty locked the door, and Bennison com mitted the diabolical deed by beating out the brains of his victim with a h a n - tm er taken for the purpose ; they then left the house, but thinking they had not perfectly finished their bloody design, returne d, an d aga i n beat the deceased in a dreadfullmann er w i t h a po k er anti the weapon before alluded to. Providentially, at this crisis, a woman named Snow, the wife of a shoemaker who lives near the place, hear ing. a moan, thought the deceased might have been taken ill, and had the curiosity to go and look through a window, whe n s h e was h orror s tricken to beholl Mr. Cocker lying i n hi s gore at the feet of his assailants, pre senting a shocking spectacle ; an alarm was instantly given, and the fiends decamped, taking with them the hammer and some silver they had lobbed the house of. They took the Harrogate road, and threw the hammer into the Nidd, near to the High Bridge, but finally agreed to return into the town, where they were appre hended shortly afterwards; and admitted their guilt. An inquest was held on the following afternoon, when the Jury returned a verdict of " Wilful Murder" against John Bennison as principal, and Henry Nutter and Charles Gill as accessories in aiding and abetting. The prisoners were conveyed to York Castle at four o'clock on Sunday morning.— York Couramt. THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS AND TORYISM. ELECTION TACTICS OF LORD JOHN MANNERS. In their present desperate attempt to clutch at the spoils of office, the Tories are driven to the employment of every shift that they think likely to be, in the smallest degree, useful to their case. We last week exposed at some length the disingenuous tactics, and the beautiful disregard for truth, of their old and hardened leader, Sir Robert Peel. We have now to occupy ourselves with the shifting and crafty behaviour of one of the callow birdlings of the same black and voracious brood. Looking about on every side for the means of snatch ing their prey, the Tory leaders have inveigled a young lord, by name and title Lord John Manners, and brought him as a raw but hopeful recruit, to swell out th 4 ranks of their candidates. Having caught him, they send him down to Newark, to succeed Sir Thomas Wilde, and to reap the fruits of that infernal system of corruption and intimidation against which the Solici tor-General has struggled so long and so manfully. Not content with this, finding their young recruit apt and useful to their hands, they resolve to turn him to yet better account. They accordingly clap a few tawdry ri- bands in his hat, transform him - into a regular recruit ing sergeant, and send him down amongst the Papists, to beat up for fools and knaves to drink Sir Robert's health in the bounty-money which that crafty chief, un able to pay his troops qfler they have enlisted, dispenses so liberally, to entice them before they have enlisted. The pamphlet to which we alluded last week, we take to be a proof that the Noble Lord needs a few Catholic voters in and round Newark to insure his return ; that the iron visage of the _Duke of Newcastle's tyranny in that ill-fated borough needs to be decked out with a few flowers of artifice and delusion, to make its attractions complete ; and, lastly, that some hues are entertained of its being possible to kill two birds with ono stone, by catching a few foolish stray Catholic votes elsewhere with the same artifice which is intended to serve its first turn at Newark. Lord John Manners we imagine to be one of that party whom the world calls Puseyites. We have so often professed our respect for the motives and intentions of some of this party, and our cordial good-will to them all, so far as they are sincere, that we shall not be sus pected of any unfriendliness towards them if we reso lutely and promptly protest against the propriety of any person—even though he be an inexperienced and "rather NO" Tory lordling—abusing our generosity and for bearance so far as to make it subserve a very unfair, and rather vulgar electioneering stratagem. The request to Lord Edward Howard to vote against himself, is amusing and characteristic enough ; but the same exhortation, addressed to the whole Catholic body, is still more amusing ;it is positively puny It is im . possible to hit upO'n a more astounding absurdity than that of trying to persuade the Catholics of Great Britain, on the ground of some mongrel principle, to take part against their own self-preservation ; against religious freedom for their poor ; against the religious and ortho dox education of all of them ; against the salvation of our Irish brethren from—it maybe massacre—is cer tain to be the most brutal and loathsome injustice ; in a word, against a great struggle to prevent either the re-enactment of the penal laws throughout the empire, or the administration of the laws now existing in the spirit of the penal laws. This is certainly one of the most modest specimens of assurance that it has ever fallen to our lot to encounter ; and as these propositions are—though in some sort verbally disclaimed, yet in reality—urged by the young man* with a vast degree of lofty dignity, and a most coxcombical assumption of superiority, backed even by offers of favour and good will if we should be so fortunate as to please him, we will venture to use the greatest plainness in explaining to the Catholics of Newark why we think it their bound en duty not to be gulled by the honeyed language of the noble candidate, but to poll every Catholic elector against him at the Newark poll-books. His Lordship desires us to adopt the suicidal policy we have just decribed, on the ground of its being impe ratively demanded of us by a certain principle. And what, let us ask, is this imperative principle ? Oh, it is to " stand upon the old ways ; " to " keep up the old English aristocracy ; " to " preserve what little re mains (I speak not now of endeavouring the res toration of aught that has been lost or neglected) of old-fashioned charity and social intercourse between the higher and the lower classes ; " to withdraw from the fellowship of the Atheist, the Democrat, the Dissenter, and the Leveller ; " to " unite ourselves to no party ;" but to " act upon our principles unfettered by any ties ;" mid, finally, to support a Tory candidate as readily as a Whig candidate, provided the Tory candi date will prcimise—(and we can believe his promise—for Tory candidates are a false and perfidious race upon the hustings)—to secure for our priests " permission to ad minister the rights of our religion in workhouses and prisons ;" and we suppose, though this is not mentioned, full and impartial justice in all respects for all Catholics in every part of the empire. If we had done this in past years, says his Lordship, if the English Catholics " had spoken out," " the piratical expedition from the Isle of Dogs might have been averted ;" and along with it the failure of Charles the Fifth" of Spain, which our cha ritable author " lays at the door of the English Roman Catholics." His Lordship's call upon us to separate from atheists is indeed a call to separate from all parties. The Tories have as large a share in atheism as any other party that ever breathed, and they have had it for a longer time ; nay, the atheism which has been let loose in these latter days, and has spread such frightful devasta tion over Europe, first issued from the kennel of the Eery pack. The first cry of atheism in England was a Tory cry. All through the last century the main upholders of Tory principles in England were atheists_orsceptics. All through the last century the Act-of-Parliancent-begotten establishment was defended by Tory atheists and sceptics. Lord Herbert of Cher bury, Hobbes, Bolingbroke ' Hume, and Gibbon—the line stretches out from the days of James the First to the threshold of the prs'nnt century. From these Tory philosophers it was that ciltaire, Rousseau, and their later followers, drank that periicio .. us and damnable in spiration, the frighful effects of have for a time frightened the atheists whom the establisNuent encloses within its gates, or numbers among its weTh.wishers, from an open avowal , of their profligate and degraJin . g tenets. We'never heard of the Tories proclaiming their aversion to an alliance with atheism, until their gentle manly atheism had given birth to a democratic atheism of an honester breed, which impartially toppled down earthly kings as well as the Heavenly ; Prelates as well as the God of whom they are th e AlinisterS. Even now, at this very moment, we are in doubt whether, if we were to join the Tory party, we should not be joining as many secret and hypocritical atheists, as in joining the Liberal party we should have to join bold-faced and avowed atheists. It is so hard to have to choose between atheism pure and atheism and hypocrisy conjoined, that we quite approve of his Lord ship's advice to form an independent party, and to yield ourselves up unreservedly to neither of the two factions in this Protestant country. As to forsaking the company of levellers and democrats, as his Lordship wisely advises, we have the same difficulty as before ; or rather, we have the same reason to applaud his exhorta tions to us to be independent. We have as great au aversion to levelling as his Lordship ; we have quite as warm a love of " old-fashioned charity and social inter course between the higher and the lower classes ;" and we have done the little that lies in our power to shame the unchristian aristocracy of this country out of their shameful violation of these old English principles ; nay, we have gone even further than his Lordship, who, it seems, would be content with the preservation of the small remains of Christian feeling which now, form the last link between the noble and the ignoble, while we aim at " the restoration of all that has been lost or ne glected," as the only means of warding off the most fear ful convulsions. But then, on the other side, we know full well that if we were to join . with the Tories, we should form no junction whatever with old English feel ings and principles. It is precisely because we love to stand upon the old ways that we hate and loathe from our inmost souls the pestilential novelties of Toryism. It is precisely because we venerate—as a whole—our old English aristocracy, and the majestic and compre hensive Constitution, which with their aid, the Church founded,—conservative as it was of all the natural forces and powers of society, of democracy as well as of aristocracy, cf the people as well as of the King ; pro tecting all, but restraining all within their proper limits—it is precise:ly because we venerate the old Catholic nionarchy,-the old Catholic aristocracy, the old Catholic democracy, the old Catholic priesthood, the old Catholic Constitution which loved all these, and trusted them all, and bound them up into one coherent and harmonious system, that we abhor and detest the monstrosity of that modern Toryismwhich had its birth (in the days when the foundations of anarchy and Protestantism were being laid) in the adoration that, in defiance of gospel and law, authority and reason, was offimed up to the bloated sen- sualist and tyrant whose execrable offences formed the basis upon which the Protestant Establishment was built. Levelling we dislike; democracy, as an exclusive system, we dislike; aristocracy and monarchy, as exclusive sys tems, we dislike also. But we take leave to tell his Lord ship, that we c insider Toryism and Level ism (if we may coin a word) as merely different and opposite symptoms of the same moral pestilence, to the putrifying influences of which our modern sects and parties have all owed the mi ;fortune of their birth. As it is impossible, then, for a Catholic who really loves and understands the good old times to lore Levelling, so it is equa impossible for him, and for the same reasons, to love T oryism. —Tablet. * We have never been so happy as to hear the name of Lord John Manners mentioned before the last fortnight, and there fore we must crave pardon, if we are in error in supposing that the present delinquent is the John James Robert Man ners, who, according to the peerage, was born in Dec. 1818, and, therefore, at the present moment, wants just half a year of being 23 years of age. COLONEL SIBTHORP AND THE ODD FEL- Lows.—Colonel Sibthorp, on Monday night last was pro posed as a member of the City of Lincoln Lodge of Odd Fellows. The ceremony of initiation proceeded unin terruptedly until the gallant gentleman was required to give the pledge, « I will never wrong a brother, nor see a brother wronged, but in all cases will apprise him of approaching. danger." To this he refused to respond, declaring that he could not bind himself down to the principles of the lodge ; and, with many professions of loyalty to the Sovereign, he took his hat and retreated, leaving the brethren in amazement at the sudden change in his determination, particularly as the fulfilment of the pledge dem an d s nothing repugnant to morality or right feeling, to which the Colonel is so keenly sensitive. Many affect to wonder at the matter. Why should they ? The Colonel most likely deemed that he was to be permitted to insinuate himself into the body and Toryise it ; but finding a bar to his purposes, he could not leap it ; his conscience would not allow him to vow not to injure a brother ! when he knew that exclusive dealing, and every other practicable species of vindic tiveness, were the elements of Tory " principles I" Lincoln Mercury, LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, June 26. DOE DEH. HENRY C. STURT t. - WILLIAM HOBBS. This case was partly heard on Friday, and the defence was opened at the sitting of Court to-day, It was an ejectment to recover certain lands, &c: in the manor of Hoxton, of considerable value, which had been in the possession of the Stun family for upwards of fifty years. In the year 1839, however, the present defendant, having served an ejectment on tile tenant in possession of the name of Matthews, by collusion with that person ob tained possession, which he has since held up to the pe riod of bringing the present action. The case excited much interest from the higk''station and wealth of one of the one party, and the mean condition and poverty of the other; a topic which the Learned Counsel for the de fence did not neglect to make a fair use of Mr. Start, the member for Dorsetshire, a man of old family, high connections, and great wealth; William Mobbs. the de fendant, a man born in a workhouse, and without any visible means of subsistence, whose father was said by the witnesses to be a man of " irregular habitS," which were explained to mean " playing at skittles at a public house adjoining his residence, and being brought home drunk from thence every oilier night in the week." By this course of dissipation, it was said on the part of the defence, he had dissipated 'a large fortune, consisting of property in Hoxton which he had acquired through his first wife, and reduced himself to that state that he was obliged to spend the last years of his life, with his second wife and her two children, James Mobbs, an elder brother of the defendant (since dead), and the defendant, in the parish workhouse. The chief evidence in support of the defendant's claim was a will signed by John Mobbs, his father, a year before his death (in 1791), and whilst in the workhouse ; by which he devised in the most untechnical and un grammatical terms, " estates," " plate," and " funded pro perty," in a manner that seemed incomprehensible on the part of one who, though having or thinking he had a claim to the first, had certainly none whatever to the two last species of property. This will came out of the cus tody of the Barbers' Company, in whose muniment room it was said to be discovered by the brother of the defen dant, since dead, who had made a previous search some time before without success. Great doubt was thrown on this part of the evidence. There were also produced two receipts fir rent in 1774, signed John Mobbs, and other evidences which were open to exception. On the part of the plaintiff it was shown that he de duced title from his grandfather, who was seised in fee of the manor of Hoxton ; that the rents had been ever since 1793 paid to him and his family ; and that old in habitants, one of whom had lived for fifty-seven years opposite to the house in which defendant's father, John Mobbs, was said to have resided, had never heard of such a person, or of such a claim being made as the one now set up. Lord DENMAN summed up, and the Jury, after a sho: deliberation, returned a verdict for the plaintiff. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, June 26. BELL V. GARDINER. This was an action on a promissory note for 300/. Mr. Sergeant Ch l annell and Mr. Whitehurst appeared for the plaintiff ; Mr. Sergeant Talfourd and another Learned Gentleman for the defendant. This was an action commenced by the plaintiff as the public officer of the Provincial Bank of England, who were the holders of the promissory note in question, against the defendant, a schoolmaster, who had given the note by way of taking up a bill, for the payment of which he had been applied to as indorsee. It appeared that the bill, which the defendant' had indorsed, had subse quently to that indorsement been altered both as to the date of the bill and the day at which it was stated to be come due ; and the defence was that that alteration hav ing been made without the defendant's knowledge or consent, his liability ceased, and that consequently the present plaintiff, to whom the second security had been given, could not recover upon it. The questions in fact raised upon that plea were, whether the defendant had knowledge that • alteration in. 'the bill when the pro missory note was given. On one side letters and con versations were given in evidence for the purpose of lead ing to the inference that the defendant was not aware of the alteration ; whilst on the other side it was sworn that the former bill was produced and handed to the de fendant when the promissory note was given. After the summing up of the Learned JUDGE, the Jury found a verdict for the defendant. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. HATTON-GARDEN. On Saturday Mr. Sibert, master-tailor, of Fleet-street, attended by numerous other respectable tradesmen, ap plied to Mr. Combe for his advice and assistance, under the following circumstances : Mr. Siber'i stated that a man of respectable appear ance.and good address, and blind, whose name was dis covered to be Rigby, and who was connected with a gang of swindlers, had with his associates been practising the most extensive acts of swindling in the neighbourhood of the Strand, Fleet-street, Holborn, and the west end of die town, and scarcely a respectable trad esman resid ing in the Strand and Fleet-street had escaped being cheated. In some instances they had obtained goods to the amount of 100/., 2001., and 300/. Rigby, who was the principal against whom theyapplied,represented him self as an independent man; he was generally accompa nied by a groom, who was connected with him in his swindling transactions, and the plausibility of his man ners lulled suspicion; and after giving, large orders for goods, he directed them to be sent to a house in the neighbourhood of Bedford-row, Holborn, which being done, and the money subsequently applied for, they found that the house was besieged by defrauded trades men, who were laughed at, and refused payment for their goods. 111r.ComnE inquired whether any of the applicants could bring forward any case to substantiate a false pre tence, for dui purpose of obtaining the goods, and to warrant an apprehension? Mr. Sibert replied, that they certainly parted with their 'goods in such a way....that•st might be construed legally into a matter of debtor and creditor, but it was evident they were the unsuspecting dupes of swindlers. He, however, mentioned one case, in which something, he thought, bordering upon a false pretence, was adopted. They (the applicants) did not like, singly or individually, to take the responsibility upon themselves of giving the party into custody until they applied for ae vice upon the subject. Mr. Comm could not assist them : they might, if they thought proper, give the party into custody upon their own responsibility, and endeavour to make out a case. Mr. Sibert said, that it was a lamentable thing that respectable tradesmen should be liable to such gross im positions by designing persons, and said, if the law could not catch hold of them, it would be a caution to the public, and check such vagabonds, if the press would give publicity to the case. Mr. COMBE suggested that, as he could not assist them, the best thing they could do would be to consult with some respectable attorney' on the subject, to in struct . them how to proceed to catch hold of the party so as to fix them with one false pretence. The appli cants gave a description of the blind man, who had been the. principal in the transaction, and it corresponded in every respect with that of a person who held a promi nent situation at the bar of this court between one and two years ago, when he was charged with being con cerned with another party, who advertised in the news papers that he could procure a clerkship on the London and Birmingham Railway for a douceur of 50/., and committed for trial- They were placed at the bar of the Old Bailey, when the former pleaded guilty, and the latter took his trial. They were convicted, and sen tenced to a year's imprisonment in the House of Cor rection. The former, who at the time of his appre hension lived at Newington, Surrey, as a broker, was afficted in his sight, and after being confined in the House of Correction for a very short period lost his sight altogether, and he was eventually pardoned and set at liberty (as we understand), in consequence of his heavy affliction, by Lord Normanby. The applicants thanked his Worship for his attention, and left the court, saying they would con:,ult with an attorney, according to his advice. MARYLEBONE. John locks, driver of the 474, was placed at the bar, before. Mr. Long, charged with the double of fence of attempted rape and .robbery. Ann Ormond, a delicate-looking young woman, about 19 years of age, stated that on the previous evening she rode in the priso ner's vehicle to Portman-square, and after setting down a gentleman who accompanied her she gave directions that she should be driven to the City-road. The priso ner then got inside, passing the reins through the front window, and had not proceeded Many yards when he behaved with the greatest indecency, and otherwise con ducted himself ,towards her in such a manner as to con vince liar that his object was to violate her person. She made a violent resistance, and while struggling with the prisoner he tore from her side a pocket, containing two shillings in silver and some papers. , Police-constable 157 D said that hearing some one cry out for assistance, he hastened to the spot and found the prosecutrix, who had alighted from the cab, standing in the road. The prisoner was upOn the box, and when he saw witness he jumped down, exclaiming that he had lost his whip. He (witness) saw • him go round to the back of the vehicle and pick up something, which he threw away into an area, and on taxing him with the robbery he said ‘, I snatched the pocket off, and you'll find the two shillings in the bottom of the cab ; don't be a fool, but let me go, and I'll give you a crown for your self." Witness then took the prisoner into custody, and subsequently discovered the two shillings in the bottom of the vehicle as before stated ; the pocket, with the pa pers in it, were also picked pp in the area. The prisoner. who it was stated was not a licensed driver, and that lie had no right.i'vhatever to have been in possession of the cab, was committed. A great singing festival : has just been held at LuNig,:tburg (Louisburg), at which 74 singing societies, compriAng 2,300 singers, frOm the towns and villages of the neighbourhood, assembled. The North Germans will also be astir next month, for the Hamburg Rstiva , at which, among other attractions, M. Liszt has been en gaged to appear. But the greatest piece of foreign mu sical new:: during the week, figures in the Belgian jour nals, which announce the invention, by M. Sax, of a steam organ—a monster-instrument, with vibrating plates (huge steel bars to which immense paessure alone can commu nicate vibration),—capable of being heard ooer a whole pro vince !—Athenaunt. We regret to announce the alarming illness of Sir G. Pigot. Bart., of Patshull, near this town, the father of R. Pio, Esq., the Member tor Bridgnorth. The disease of the esqwmed Baronet is said to have been water on the chest.— Wolverhampton Chronicle. FALMOUTH, THURSDAY.—We regret to have to announce the decease of his Excellency hl Governor of Sierra Leone and its dependencies, which took place about the Ist of May. He was succeeded by the Advo cate-Cieneral. MORNING SITS THE " HAUNTED" HOUSE AT CLEWER, NEAR WINDSOR. The extraordinary knocking (e,upposeu - ix, agains, t the door of the water-closet) liaving still continued even increased violence, an intelligent man, helon,gitig 10 the Windsor police, has been stationed ~n the pr,:iai , e s during the week, and notwithstanding he has frequentlY been within two or three yards of the spot from whence the sound proceeded, at the very time, he has not been able to make the least discovery of its, apparently, terious origin. A scientific gentleman, from London, having seen in the papers on account of the noise heard in the house, has visited the premises three times during the 1 "t text days (the last time was on Monday, at the request of the tenant), and tried various experiments to endeavour so discover the cause, but without the least success. The boards of the tloor,• both inside and around the cloet, have been all taken up, and excavations made to the . depth of several feet. • The drain has been opened 5.11; closely examined, and the party has even gone so far wit,u his experiments as to have the water in an adjoining ditch analysed. Mr.. Manley, the parish s e x ton, attended with the grave-digger's sounding iron, and sounded the ground within and without, to the depth of upwards of five feet, but no clew was obtained, and the knocking still c ; ) 1 1/ ,:, tinned, at intervals, as before. On Monday 14 6 4 „,`,: t ; noises were more frequent and vi o lent than ever. 111 policeman, who was on the alert during the whole th counted, within • 12 hours, 13 distinct knockingl, of tT same character as haVe been before described. On the following day (Tuesday) at two o'clock, ti l l : family removed from the house, taking with them t whole of their furniture. Previously to their loot the knocking came on at half-paut sev en o'clock t" mornin the policeman bein there. As a g, n extraordinary sensati g on was created throughugs: the neighbourhood on the subject, as well as certain i s ur r picions excited, four r e spe c t a bl e gen tl e men of Windsor were determined to end eavour t o ascer t a in if the 11° ;,, had been caused by m eans o f t r i c k er y (which strongly suspected) or not. They, therefore, by sion of the agent of the party to whom the vropertY longs, agreed to go to the hou se th a t evening, 11M1 re main there there during the whole of the night. They did s(' 's accompanied by the policeman, and two other Peri who resided in the neighbourhood. From nine oclec,; the hour at which the arrived, until eiht o'clock t :;, following morning, when' they left, " not a sou nd I 'v e! . heard," nor did either the candles .or the fire burn blunt The policeman has been in the house ever since, an d n the slightest noise has been heard. t hat It does, certainly, app ear e x cee di ng ly strange t i n . s l these " mysterious, ' and by . some called " suP erns— lf noises," should have c ease d f rom th e ti me o f the f: re leaving the house. If it were a trick, of whic h I R. r can now be but little doubt, it was an exc eedingly ele although a very mischievous and wanton one. It appears to be a second edition of the Coc k -11W e ghost. THE MARKETS-(SATURDAY'I NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL. t ad Meat was in moderate supply, trade for Mutton, Larebt, Pork was dull, and prices inclined to be lo w e r . Beef and Ve nd, ; in fair supply. Beef, 3s. 4d. to 4s. ; Mutton, 3s. 6d. to to Lamb, ss. to ss. 6d ; Veal, 4s. to sg. ; and Pork, a for 4s. &1., per stone of 81bs. There was a moderate denlan Poultry, the supplies large, and prices as last quoted. WTECHAEL . Ine‘i Trade moderate, Hl at advan c ed rates. MARKET The supp ly of Os; was small. Beef, 3s. to 4s. 4d. ; Mutton, 3s. to . 0 ' Veal, 3s. to 4s. Bd. ; Pork, 4s. to ss. ; Lunb, 49.torti4, Clover, 41. to 61.; Meadow Hay, 3/. to 4/. 12s. ; •o f • 31. to 31. 103. ; Straw, I/. 16g. to 2/. .• TEA MARKET. t o uch - The mat ket for free trade was firm, b u t there wa' business dune. Company's Congou p ro d uce d 2s. id. TALLOW MARKET. A DO . A fair business transacted in R uss i an Tallow, 1 0 7; Jr' • firm. P. Y. Candle on the s pot was 47 5 . per c wt., and f o r livery in last three months 48s. was asked. ' • FRUIT MARKET. .mr• ‘ Oll, Prices were supported with di ffi culty, t h e market be. 7. and the stock is large of all sorts of Fruit. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. Vii! Per 1 Wheat. Barley. Oat s . Besot. .o'7 ...- ••""r - •••••••• ••• •-•• • . • ••••••• ............... ..•••• '' ' ' A. Per Quaiter.l s. to s. a. to a . s. t o s . s . '0 a. Ai 38 '- Abingdon ... 58 67 27 31 25 31 4 0 44 .... Andover £6 62 27 28 23 27 -*" ........ Banbury 5l 60 24 •31 23 27 —.-; . 4 0 'r e Basii.gstoke 58 70 25 31 22 28 40 4‘ ..- Cirenc"ster 54 62 .27 31 24 26 3.3 40 s l 0 ff.. Coventry — 62 2s 33 24 30 :19 ---•'..-- Laventry Derby 64 61 27 : 3 M 26 37 11 r liowden — 66 34 19 Bd . , a 313 Hungerford 50 70 29 37 25 30 40 '— Mallon - 41 6 $ Mai- enliead 52 74 32 35 25 31 40 48 '''''' Nottingham 61 68 26 33 .3 .20 37 41 "" e Waid„ „0„ age 63 80 34 40 26 32 36 '``) - 40 Warwick Winchester 63 30 29 38 York — 60 33 22 , a 11l Per Bushel s.d. a. d. s.d. a. d. 2. d. s. d. s. cl. c d . IA 0 Birmingham 70 34 36 46 36 40 1 50 70 1 8 HULL. CORN MARKET • Wheat, Whitt (per Quarter) 565. 68 i ; $ ,,t4. B , Iced 'a,. •••• •-• i di. Foreign sa;, lio3. 411 ,. Barley. Malting •2os. 3 0 '• ,g ; . ..; .: Grinding 'NIL 2f. • „ s „ Oats, British Foreign (in bond) - s. d. cd.ls. d, _a•!'! r 3 51 6 A 1 4 , K O E ; 1. 5 . 0 56 : 63 v s : 1 . 7,. 'IA. 5t 4 . , s„ 51 s. lio3. %. , 295. 3 0 '• !iii. 'Yr. .:'' ):3i. no; 1•29 ,4 ' 191 O s ' 1)2 i 4 - 40 Beans 3.3 s : 261 " 5 6(. Pease, Grey . ' os, 9•4 Blue and White 3 6 5. , 4 ',,as. Linseed 11. 5 0 6. 555 OS Flour (per sack) . ....5. a te' s.sk Rapeseed per 10 quarters) i. EDINBURGH CORN MARKET. re°,l,l. Wheat. Barley. 1 Oats. 1 m ea ns. 4 . 0 • First lfis. Od 38s. Od. 30s. WI. 434 Od• 40 0 Snood lid 0 35 0 27 0 40 0 39 Third (4 0 32 0 f. 3 0 31 0 Average price of Wheat 34 7s. 4.. 0 PRICES OF PROVISIONS. S.C. ,idto r 0 Beef, per its. ......... Us. 3d. to 09.7,1. Fresh Butter, lls. f 1 h „, 1/ h1utt0u—............. 0 5 0 7 Salt Ditt 0 ....,.... 0 '" Y‘;', Vea1........................ 0 5 010 Ditto, per ew t... 00 ii 0 1'0riC............—...... 0 5 0 7 Eggs, per dos... 41 - 'ti 0 Laniu, per qr. .... 6 3 tI 5 0 OatStraw(kpl.).. 5 0 P 6 Eallow, ewt.........37 0 34 0 Wheat Ditto 5 Quartern L0af ..... UBi 0 0 Parley Ditto ~ a ..... .. o 6 v 0 rotatoes.l4lb..... 0 0 0 4 Hay, petit...,..... 1 EDINZURGH MEAL MARKET per 6 Per Sack of 280 lb. Imp. Per Stone et 111 b. ~,0 i . 0 ..... ,- 1, First Oatmeal EI 18 0 First Oatmeal. ....... • 0 1 iecond ditto._ ll6 0 Second ditto . ..... .. ..... " 0 ll Barleytneal. ... llO 0 8ar1epaea1.............- 0 • Peasenteal _ 1 8 0 Pcas.mcal ...... . .......... Pot Barley from t! to 455, per saCk CORNWALL MARKETS.. ( ~:ulated at :14 gallons to the bushel./ (Calculated at 24 gallons totlcebushe, Pr Wh ea t. 1 Barley. .......---..-, ..,, ' 4 l l s. d. to s. d. a. d. to s. d. L' `p; 0 Truro —o 80 —0 3 0 ''' . o jg Hel.tone St. Austell — 0 7 7 0 3 1"" 0 I 0 nodum. — 0 80— 0 4 4 0 g 0 iskcard 0 7 6 ..L 0 S 0". 0 %+ Launceston _ U 7. 4 . 4 0 3U . .." , 6 , o 2 Calm... Herd 7 6 8 0 3 0 30 Penzance 7 4 8 6 0 4 0 "" ' I 9 ! ° 1 . 6 111. 0 MINING INTELIA y UEWCE. l Quantity of Copper ures sold at Itedruth Ist week... -* ~.,g , 0 m. Avenge Produce .... ...... ..... Ivo ob. v -2uantit yof tine Copper ..... ............ nnty. Amount of sale. 1 r .6J6 . 7s . Ltd —Average It tandard. " [ADYE ETISEM E N T. ] CettS4 STRUCTURE OF THE TEETH . -- Th ee f is well known to physiologists, are co mpose' fi t ' co el- - 1 ; structure, which is covered with a coating of eer, substance of a fibrous nature, and so hard as ; I ,o l ' fire with a steel. Not w ith s t an di n g its apPatn ilt li t ;i t ' ll ; the enamel is, however, extremely and it thus becomes highly i m p o rtant to asc r ert no rti o preparations are best ad a pt e d t o preserve so substance in its pristine inte gr ity and beauty vials% not hesitate therefore to recommend Odonto, or Pearl Dentifrice," as the most vall'eeth t of purifying, embellishing, and preserving the gums yet offered to the public, susceptime is olos MA hillf GOLD WATCHES, LONDON Catt e t A. B. SAVORY and SONS, Watchmakers , 114tn i lecr', London, opposite the Bank of England, submit "", of very large STOCK of GOLD WATCHES, f?`c/iOOO., which are made and finished under the careful o s s c i, is ‘Y` experienced workmen on their own premises , an d e ranted for correct performance. SIZE FOR LADIES. , 0 Fine Vertical W a t c h es , j ewe ll e d, i n eng ine -fur° X gold cases and gold dials, warranted ...........• .• Fine Vertical Watches, jewelled, with double' Ii backed engine -turned gold cases and gold dial 4 12 warranted ........................ ................ Patent detach e d L ever W atc h es , jewelled in Pug 1 4 a holes, with double-backed gold cases and ggio 14 dials, warranted• ... ................................... SIZE FOR GENTLEMEN. Patent detached Lever Watches, holes, seconds, and double-backed gold . case . ' 19 warranted ................... ......... Patent detached Lever Watches, capped, Je"e • 11 in six holes, seconds, double - backed gold case 1 7 and enamel dials, warranted ..................... . e . d • , 0 Patent detached Lever Watches , capped, je wel! 0 . in six holes, seconds, double-backed gold cas .0 1 and gold dials, warranted ........................... is;01 Either of the Gentlemen's Watches util e s e cua d hunting cases for 3/. 3s. each extra. r 4 ". Watches purchased in exchange. jewelled in four is, tbi'dois ,PAPIER MACRE TEA TRAYS. 6 `l*„. 1. 0 : ro o if.; FULL SIZED GOTHIC SHAPE. Sull r ; - 0 1 ; 0i t: Table Knives, with ivor handles, 14s. P er . 09 Poles for Window Curtains, 1 inch diameter, " t - 1 0 , ‘ gt "o : rie inches, Is. &I. per foot ; bronzed fenders, 4 l ee fes ofri b iror Catalogues gratis, containing the prices of stover , • hid irons, K it c h en u t ensi l *,an d ever y a rticle in full° • um!! rP trei RIPPON and BURTON, Wells-street , Oaf° Established 1820. %, gr ° ' BIRTHS. De O an n , Gu nnel' t o h f e a 2 d B a th ug u h l t t e . r ,.at St. Mary Church, Torqus,' Mr s ' On the 18th inst., at Lutterworth Rectory, f• J o H f aim O l a t oi n s ell o s i n o h n . E e , sq2Bo. British fs i h n a st d a. Chaplain,, u a e t ht Al er m e.n :: f e aa r d: daughter.m , the wife to hi * dy Of S' ( the Beg On the 23d inst., at Gre b nk Lancashire, t o O n n the the Shi rr' ' of ' h • Shi rr daughter. a ,Arth, r jun., Esq., of a tlau . ghter . , rburfr i On the 25th inst., Mrs. Henr Stokes , " Stoke Newington, of so . Y hill, Mrs. Francis svig ia, , at Wanstead, the lady °' „et, n. ,I,lest MA li It IK D. Bobe rt bire , t o On the 23d inst., at En:ham, Oxfordshire, 1 . 0 0,, 1 . 081 - son of Thomas Raikes, Esq., of Watford', %alio Era Al. " nets, second daught,r of the late Hon. - , 00 1 toll ton, of Freeland Lodge, Oxfordsh I .; 10 I ' oftl i° On the 24th inst., at t. S Alattio's-in-the•..•::isuilit't 223d4thinilts•: at Maze' Wilson, Esq., M.D., of Sheffield , to AIM only late William Sansom, Esq., of the same place. --------- sort ? DIED. tio gat. Sit On the 20th inst., at Sidinount Cot►ag`, ' w idott :, Is t. Britain, the Right Hon. Lady :Mary Bet:100mo octioquil Thomas Sidney Becky ith, K. C. 8., eldest daug o r the '' Sir W. Douglas, of Kelhead, Bart., and sister fit ioor of Queensberv. , Guard * On the 20th inst., at Shoeburyness v--t Lieutenant Sydney King, R.N. of London: Printed and Published by IVIV_Te i e., SW jo No. 112, Strand, at The Sun ()lee, 1",,4"1:50. the county of iVititilesex.-- :Monday, Jan° R Ui t r n kay