The Sun. — London, England, 1867-02-27 00:00:00

IMPEB.IAL PARLIAHENT HOUSE OF LORDS-LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS BILL. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that with regard to the public Schools Bill, which stood first on that day's notice, he would present a petition from one of the public schools, that of Rugby. THE ADDRESS OF CONGRATULATION. THE LORD CHAMBERLAIN brought up to the house her Majesty's reply to the Address of Congratulation, which had been addressed to her Majesty on the occasion of the confinement of the Princess of Wales and the birth of a princess; the reply stated that her Majesty thoroughly appreciated and thanked the house for the expression of sympathy that that address contained. THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS BILL. The Earl of DERBY moved the second reading of this bill, which was agreed to. THE ADMIRALTY PROBATE AND DIVORCE COURTS BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second read ing of this bill, and stated that it was the intention of the bill to place the Judge of the Probate in the Court of Admiralty whenever a vacancy should occur, and to create two new judge ships, which would supply an adequate number of judges to conduct the rapidly increasing business of these courts. It would be perfectly patent to their lordships how great was the necessity for these additions, when they took into consideration the extraordinary extent to which the business had increased in all these courts. Iu the Court of Admiralty, while in 1811 there were only 237 suits, in 1866 there were 627. It was true that many of the cases that would come formerly before the Admiralty, such as the claims of sailors, &c., did not come before that court now, but the Admiralty Court still took into consideration cases relative to the ownership of ships ; charter parties, &c., which had mate rially added to their business. It was also thought that when the Divorce Court was first instituted that in the first year there might be a large amount of business, still it would not continue. However, it had been found to be different, and that, while in 1838 there were only 376 motions, there were in 1863 780. Ono of the principal advantages to be derived from the operation of the bill would be that there would be two judges to each Court, two to the Admiralty, two to the Probate, and two to the Divorce Courts, and such an arrangement as that must materially facilitate the carrying out of the public business. There would also be a full Court ready at any time to decide upon any question which might arise from the decision of any in dividual judge. The salary of the judges was an important portion of the bill, and he (the Lord Chancellor) did not think that any objection would be taken to it when the position which those learned gentlemen had to main tain was taken into consideration. There would also be the fees attaching to the position of the Dcan of Arches. After having introduced these remarks relative to the bill, the noble lord moved the second reading. Lord GRAN WORTH stated that he could not do other wise than oppose the bill. He thought that there was already quite a sufficient amount of judicial appointments to carry out the functions which they were expected to perform, and that the increased number provided for by this bill would be superfluous. Ho then entered into the whole question of the proceedings in the Court of Admiralty. The bill was read a second time; but its further conside ration is to be postponed until the measure for the extension of the Admiralty jurisdiction comes before the house. The Confederation of the British North American Colo nies Bill was read a third time and passed, and Their lordships adjourned at seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING. The SrEAlun took the chair at 4 o'clock. ROYAL COMMISSION. The SPEAKER attended at the bar of the House of Peers to hear the Royal assent given to the Habeas Corpus Suspension (Ireland) Act. THE REFORM BILL—WITHDRAWAL OF THE GOVERNMENT RESOLUTIONS. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he deemed it would be for the convenience of the house if he took the earliest opportunity of stating the course the Go vernment intended to pursue. The great object the Go- vernment had in view was to secure for the propositions of her Majesty's Government a fair and candid reception. It was impossible to conceal from himself the effect of the observations of the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets and other hon. members some nights ago, and more espe cially the remarks of the right hon. gentleman opposite, (Mr. Gladstone), that there would be a moral under standing that any bill that the Government might introduce would receive a frank and candid consideration, and that the second reading of the bill would meet with no opposition. (Cries of " Olt, oh.") lie deemed it right, after a consideration of all that had been said, to state that the Government lid not propose to ask the house to proceed with the euusideratiou of the resolutions, but t•) apply themselves at once to the introduction of a bill with as littlo delay as possible. (Hear, hear, and " Oh, oh.") It was impossible that there should not be some delay, because a Reform Bill was not like a road bill. (Laughter.) Ho hoped in about a week from that time—ho would not take upon himself at that moment to state the exact day—but he would say that by Thursday week at the latest he should introduce a bill for the reform of that house,. (Hear hear, and cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE said he wished to follow the state ment of the right hon. gentleman with a few remarks. The right hon. gentleman had not now stated fully the intentions of the Government, and, previou3 to his state- went, he had placed a motion in the hands of the clerk the house which he meant to move by way of amendment. It was to the effect that it was the opinion of the house that the further discussion of the motion by resolutions • would only tend to cro9.te delay, and that any plan that the Government had on the question of Reform be submitted to the house in a definite form. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) It was impossible there should not be some delay—that was inherent from such a change of proceeding, but the right lion. gentleman was not liable for that blame. Delay was necessary for the consideration of the various details of such a measure; but what he hoped was that there would not be a longer delay than was absolutely necessary. (Hear, hear, 'and cheers.) With respect to the other topics touched upon by the right hon. gentleman that there was something like au engagement existing in that house that there should be no opposition offered to any bill her Majesty's Govern- Tnent might introduce—(hear, hear) —he felt it right, that no misapprehension might exist, to state that he could not consent to anything that appeared to limit the discretion of any hon. member. (Hear, hear.) It was to certain parts of the bill that some observations had been made, but with respect to the bill itself it was right that every member should reserve his discre tion entire and unfettered, and to state their opinions unreservedly upon any bill that might be brought before them. (Hear, and cheers.; He could only express his great desire that hon. members on his side of the house would find the bill which was to be sub mitted by her Majesty's Government such as to enable them at once to give their ready assent to it, to. expedite its passing its earlier stages, and then fair to join issue on any point that members on his side of the house might unfortunately find themselves com pelled to differ from the propositions of the Government. Committee would certainly be the place where the nume rous amendments and proposals could most properly be discussel. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BRIGHT said as the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer seemed to be iu the mood for receiving advice from members of his (Mr. Bright's) side of the house, perhaps he would allow him to give him the same advice that he had given to Earl Russell ; and that was to introduce his Franchise Bill by itself. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) If he did that he (Mr. Bright) would promise that he would not read to him any portions of the speech of the noble lord the member for King's Lynn. (Loud laughter.) It was wanted to remove the grievance of the excluded working classes. (Cheers.) That was the chief and material poiut, and every day it was left untouched it became charged with evil to all parties. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) It was the universal feeling that the measure proposed by the Government was very incomplete and very unsatisfactory, it was as bad as the ono of last year, if not worse; and nothing useful could be derived from delaying the great question until the distribution plan was settled. He thought the wise and prudent course was to take the Franchise Bill first and then deal with others. (near, hear) It would afford them a better leverage to deal with the little boroughs ; for himself he would not object to leave that until after a general election. (Hear, hear.) They ought to settle the question of the franchise first, and after that they could apply themselves with reference to the distribution of seats. To take it into the question of the franchise would only be clogging the bill. (Hear, hear.) It was not a statesmanlike way of dealing with the question, and he hoped they wo uld abandon it for the present, and apply themselves to tha one great question of the franchise. (hear, hear, and cheers) Lord JOHN MANNERS said he should like to know what Earl Russell thought of the advice of the hon. gentle man. (Hear, hear, and la u g hter. ) At the p r oper time it would be shown that the distribution of seats was a pro per part of the measure, and if hor Majesty's Government acted on the advice of the hon. gentleman, it did not ap pear to him that the present Government would derive any more good from it than the Government of Earl Russell had done. (Laughter.) The motion for the adjournment of the house, which had been moved by Mr. GLADSTONE, was then withdrawn. OFFICES OF PROFIT. Sir S. NORTHCOTE moved for a return showing the total number of offices of profit which might have been held at one time by members of the House of Commons at the commencement of the years 1827, 1817, and 1867 re spectively ; distinguishing those the acceptance of which would have rendered it necessary for the members accept- ing the same to vacate their seats.—The motion was agreed to. ARMY (INDIA AND THE COLONIES). Major ANSON moved for a select committee to inquire into the duties performed by the British Army in India and the colonies ; and also to inquire how far it might be desirable to employ certain portions of her Majesty's Native Indian Army in our colonial and military dependencies. Mr. O'REILLY moved the addition of the following words to the motion, "Or to organise a force of Asiatic troops for general service in suitable climates." The subject gave rise to a discussion, in which Major Dickson, Sir 11. Rawlinson, Captain Vivian, and Mr. Laing took part. General PEEL intima'ed that if the question at issuo were of a merely military character he should have opposed the motion for inquiry, and even in its present shape he thought a select committee was not the best tribunal to conduct the house to a correct conclusion. But there were questions of a sanitary and economical nature which might perhaps render it expedient to appoint a committee. It would be easy enough for such a body to inquire what were the duties performed by the British army in India and the colonies ; but if they came to decide how the performance of those duties should be distributed they would find them selves in a difficulty. Upon that point military men were best able to speak, and if the committee confinedthemselves to that class of witnesses he believed they might obtain any number of them who would give the most opposite opinions as to the propriety of employing native troops in place of Europeans for :general service. Again, whether it was proposed to raise native troops, and reduce the number of British troops in proportion, or whether the native troops should be in addition to the number voted by Parliament, made a material difference in the matter of expense. He should disagree with any proposition to substitute such a force for British regiments in healthy colonies, and should strongly object to seeing Indian soldiers doing duty at Gibraltar, Malta, or New Zealand. There were 42 regi ments of British troops in the colonies, and only nine places where native troops could be substituted for them, and this would have very litttle effect in reducing the require ments on the British army generally. Another objection was the difficulty of supplying to native troops a sufficient number of officers who would be acquainted with their customs and language. Moreover, there was great advan tage of having British troops in the colonies, for the colo nists reposed greater confidence in them, and in some in stances maintained them at their own cost. He hoped the committee, if appointed, would inquire into particular and definite objects; for if they wandered over military ques tions he could not see that any good result would follow. Lord CItA.NBORNE suggested that the committee should not content themselves with an oral investigation only, but should also address their inquiries to the highest authorities in India. By that means they might collect very valuable information, and possibly be the means of introducing an useful reform in our military system. The Marquis of HA RTINGTON entirely dissented from the policy of employing native regiments as a substitute !or British, and Major PARKER expressed a natural distrust of com mitting the honour of the British flag in other parts of the world to a class of troops who had betrayed it in India. The motion, with the rider of Mr. O'REILLY, was then put and agreed to nem. con. Mr. DENMAN obtained leave to bring in a bill to re duce the annual duty upon the certificates of attorneys and solicitors and others, under protest, however, from Mr. Bass, who thought the brewers had a more equitable claim to be relieved from the heavy charge upon thew, and with a pretty distinct intimation from the Chancellor of the Exchequer that he disapproved of these attacks upon the Consolidated Fund, and that he should oppose the mea sure in its future stages. Mr. FAWCETT moved a resolution to the effect that, in the opinion of the house, it was expedient to extend the educational clauses of the Factory Acts to children who are employed in agriculture. The motion having been seconded by Colonel AKROYD , Mr. GOLDNEY urged the difficulty which stood in the way of bringing the Factory Acts into operation in the rural districts by the disinclination of the parents to send their children to school. He was certain, however, that neither the country gentlemen nor the tenant farmers would ob ject to any measure which Parliament might consider necessary to improve the education of the agricultural labourers. Mr. TREVELYAN spoke at some length in support of the motion, and the debate was continued by Mr. Read, Sir F. Crossley, and Mr. H. Bruce. Mr. WALPOLE was of opinion that the educational clauses of the Factory Acts were more applicable to an urban than a rural population, and doubted whether, with out considerable alteration and amendment, they could be adapted to the purpose of the mover of the resolution. lie hoped the motion would not be pressed to a division, but that the hon. member would be content with the discus sion that had taken place. The whole question of the Factory Acts was about to be dealt with, and if practic able the educational portion of the subject might be con sidered with a view to extending the benefits conferred on factory children to the country generally. Eventually the moti MI was withdrawn. Leave was given to Mr. CARNEGIE to bring in a bill for the abolition of the landlord's right of hypothe(3 in Scot land, which he explained embodied the opinions of tho minority of the select committee which reported ou the subject last session. The house adjourned at ten minutes to eleven o'clock. THE SLN, LONUON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 27 1867. unconditionally; whilst the evidence against the nine others was so unsatisfactory, witnesses being unable or indisposed to identify them, that they were re leased upon their own recognisances to appear when called upon. The people cheered them a good deal when released. At Killarney, Mr. Cruice, resident magistrate of Kerry, and Major Percy, resident magistrate, remain as representatives of the civil power, in addition to the local justices of the peace. Mr. Green, resident magistrate, who was deputed by Lord Naas to assist Mr. Cruice at Killarney, and who was stationed for some days at Cahirci veen, has returned to Dublin. Searches for arms are now made almost daily, but hitherto the search has been invariably unsuccessful, both in town and country. The arms given up at Kil larney since the county was proclaimed include some 60 or 70 rifles or fowling-pieces. But these are generally surrendered by people whose loyalty is known, while the disaffected persons bury their firearms in the bog, where, with a little greased rag in the muzzle and round the nipple, a gun will keep without suffering any injury. In taking leave of Killarney it would be wrong to omit mention of the material services rendered to the Government and to the cause of order in Kerry by the Great Southern and Western Railway Company not only in their arrangements for forwarding troops and munitions, but for the readiness with which the handsome hotel built by them near the station was at once, through the manager, Mr. Currie, placed at the disposal of the authorities. In the first days of the outbreak the hotel was half fortress, half bar. rack. It has not quite lost that character now, and but for the accommodation which it afforded to offi cers and men, and its excellent position in command ing both the station and the town, it is hard to say what would have become of the garrison which was so suddenly poured into the town. The evidence I have gathered leads me to disbe lieve entirely the rumour of any landing on the coast of Valentia or any part of Kerry, nor do I think there were any Irish-Americans besides O'Connor and Moriarty who came to grief at Kil larney. Though situated so near to Cahirciveen,the island of Valentia remained perfectly quiet through out the disturbance, and the Knight of Kerry, with his family, who reside on the island, showed a con fidence in the people which was not misplaced. To Reach the Par East Proceed West. The Colorado, which steamed from San Francisco on New Year's Pay, reached Japan on the 22d, and Hong Kong on the 30th January. We endeavoured in a leading article in our issue of the 2nd inst. to draw more general attention to what we believe to be the most useful as well as the greatest work in progress in the world. The new highway, which hitherto has attracted so little attention here— being regarded, from its very magnitude, as a thing to come into operation in the far future—is at last exciting notice. It is now discovered that a telegram may be sent to Japan from Europe in three weeks. A message is received in San Francisco from London in a day, and if the day be that of the departure of one of the Pacific mail ships on the China Line, it is nearly sure to be delivered in Japan in the time specitied. This is the first sign of the coming change, and people are beginning to talk of the close connection which the march of civilisation westwards has at length established between the oldest and the newest of great nations. It may be questioned, says the Times, if the commercial public have as yet fully realised the facility give❑ to busi ness by these telegraphic communications. The commercial public have, indeed, realised little or nothing of the importance of the work going on in the United States. The attention of merchants connected with Japan will awake to the facility offered them of speedy communication with a coun try which has hitherto been the most difficult to reach. But this is a very small part of the boon about to be conferred on mankind So little has the work been noticed that even the announcement that messages can now be forwarded so quickly to Japan takes people by surprise, and is regarded as something new and startling. Within the next two or three years they will be surprised that they are now surprised at the small instalment of the great accommodation which the future in this route has in store for them. We be lieve at this moment, taking the line as it stands, that the best way to Japan and the north of China is via New York. Although the journey across the Rocky Mountains might be too fatiguing an under- taking for any but young men in good health, yet the traveller can go the whole way in comfortable steamers, crossing the Isthmus of Panama by rail. Yokohama and Shanghai can be reached by ship ping in any of the steam lines to New York, with perhaps greater economy and more comfort than by any other route. From New York a passage is taken to Chagres, and the traveller crosses the Isthmus in time, as it is said, to light his cigar by the Atlantic and throw the end into the Pacific. The Pacific Mail steamships carry the passenger to SAn Francisco, and thence to Japan. A map gives a false impression of distances, which can only be removed by consulting a globe. The value of the position of New York as a station on the track to China comes as a new idea, reversing all our pre- vious notions. We have been so accustomed to proceed East that it gives a violent wrench to our thoughts when we are told that the proper way to reach the far East is by going West. The Isthmus of Panama is, month by month, rising in im portance to the English. This is the point now aimed at by the traveller to Australia and New Zealand. New York is not yet alive to the importance of the traffic springing up between Great Britain and the Isthmus. When the pro prietors of the lines between that city and Chagres realise the value of the carriage, they will move to obtain a share of the profits, in which they will be aided by the powerful interests of the steam com panies between Europe and New York. A traveller seeking to reach San Francisco has little idea how information is to be obtained, and those proceeding to New Zealand and Australia have a settled con viction that the only route is by the West India steamers. These misconceptions will, however, quickly adjust themselves, for the public are too keenly alive to their own interests in making arrangements for long voyages to remain for any lengthened period groping in the dark. They have, too, another advantage in the profits of the com panies concerned to guide them aright. When it is recognised that to reach China we must proceed west and not east, the best of the routes open will soon be discovered, and in the meantime the grand work which is for ever to solve the problem is proceeding towards completion. The Union Pacific Railway is pushing on to Denver at the rate of one mile each day ; and but a short time will elapse before the Salt Lake City is connected by rail with San Francisco. Then, indeed, to reach the far East the traveller must proceed West, and we believe that even the facilities now in existence render this route the correct one for those whose destination is China.—Anglo-American Times. THE FENIAN RAID IN KERaY. om Me Times' Special Correspondent.) K I LLARNEY, Monday. If there is any one place in Ireland where you might not expect a Fenian rising it is Killarney. Tourists are easily frightened away by disturbance or rumours of disturbance, and the 5,000 inhabitants of Killarney depend more or less for their support upon the tourist season. Charitable and educational institutions abound. There is a dispensary, a fever hospital, and a lying-in institution, lately founded by the benevolent exertions of Lady Castlerosse. The poorhouse, though capable of holding 1,000 persons, now has between 400 and 500 inmates, mostly children and infirm poor, and, as the out door relief is very small, there can be no such des titution in or about the town as would explain the intended rising. A very handsome lunatic asylum crowns the hill close to the town—large enough, one would suppose, for the ordinary wants of the dis- trict, though Dr. Moriarty, the Roman Catholic Bishop here, suggests that, as Fenianism is good presumptive proof of insanity, this institution may require enlargement. A Protestant church with a small congregation, a Roman Catholic cathedral with a large congregation, and several Roman Catholic chapels supply the religious wants of the population. Then there are three convents of nuns—first, an old-established one of Presentation nuns, where the female children of the poor receive a free education in connection with the National Board ; secondly, a convent of the Sisters of Mercy, to which is at- tached an orphanage, and also a school for poor children ; and, thirdly, a convent of Louth nuns, who devote themselves to the education of young ladies. Besides these a monastery of Franciscan friars, chiefly Belgians, ministers to the spiritual wants of the poor ; and in the monastery of Pre. sentation Brothers about 350 male children receive a gratuitous education in connection with the Na tional Board. There is also a Protestant school, and I believe that a National School will shortly be established. In all these respects Killarney is exceptionally favoured, nor does it suffer, as many districts in Ire land suffer, from absenteeism. The Kenmare demesne and mansion are close to the town, and Lord Castlerosse's children were living there at the time of the threatened outbreak. Lord Castlerosse himself was absent from Kerry on account of the dangerous illness of Lady Castlerosse. I believe that his lordship returns to London from Rome on Wed nesday. I have heard from the people themselves nothing but good of Lord Castlerosse, Mr. Herbert, M.P., of Muckross (and his late father), and Lord Headley, who are the chief landlords of the neigh bourhood. "If all Kerry were up, sir, and the people marched past Lord Headley's hall door, I'd go bail they'd not move the matter of a pebble. If they could, sir, they'd make honeysuckles grow under Lord Headley's feet as he walked abroad !" This was the tribute paid in my hearing, with a gush of en thusiasm, by a small trader of the town to one of the neighbouring landlords. Another resident in humble circumstances, who, I have no doubt, also had fair opportunities for testing the feeling of the tenantry around Killarney, was eloquent upon the generosity . of Lord Castlerosse, because iu 1858, before dispos ing of certain estates in Carlow, Queen's County, , and Kilkenny, under the Encumbered Estates Court Act, his lordship went down there with his agent, Mr. Gallwey, and granted all the tenantry leases for 21 years. " Thereby he lost £4o,ooo—so they say; for the leases reduced by so much the value of the estates. There was noble generosity ! And yet the people here were going to burn Lord Castlerosse's princely mansion !" The fact that leases were granted under these circumstances is undoubted. lam not so sure that the grant of these leases produced any thing like the money loss which my informant re presented. I only repeat the story to show the feel ing which prevails among, at all events, a section of the inhabitants, and to show that gratitude instead of grievance is the prevailing sentiment among a part as it probably ought to be among all. But it is tolerably clear that in Killarney the laud question was not the cause of disaffection—that is to say, it was not a local grievance, inflaming the minds of the people and operating as a primary cause of dis affection and disturbance. It is not at all clear that the Fenians meant to burn Lord Castlerosse's mansion. But the same in formation which led to the apprehension of " Cap tain" Moriarty, and utterly disconcerted the Fenian plans in Killarney, declares that the house of Mr. Gallwey, Lord Castlerosse's agent, was to be burnt with Greek fire. I was curious to know whether ground existed for any personal ill-feeling against the agent, but find no trace of any such feeling, and no such cause for it. Mr. Gallwey is a Roman Catholic gentleman, greatly respected in the town and neighbourhocd, devoted to his church, conside rate to his tenantry, and courteous to all. He has been agent to Lord Castlerosse for 14 years, and on venturing to inquire from him how often he had exercised during that time the legal rights of the landlord, I found that he has distrained once, but did not even then proceed to sale, and has only ejected three persons—two of them for nonpay ment of rent. Private malice or revenge, then, can have had no place here, and, indeed, to give even the Fenians their due, they only proposed to burn Mr. Gallwey's house, according to the information supplied of their plans, as a piece of strategy. They calculated that upon the burning of a house so con siderable the constabulary would turn out from their barrack ; in the confusion they would get posses sion of the police-barrack and the arms and ammu nition stored there ; and they would then have the constabulary at their mercy. A rising was also to have taken place in Mill-street, a small town upon the Great Southern and Western Railway, about 20 miles east of this place, and then the insurgents were to have marched upon Mallow Junction, a point of great importance, now held by a strong body of troops. Of course, one does not know how far this information may be accurate ; but some amount of presumptive proof is yielded by the fact that the story proved accurate in one particular in which it could be tested--the approach of Moriarty as the accredited Fenian representative. The informer stated, further, that there was to be a general rising of Fenians throughout Ireland on the even ing of the 12th of February ; that they were fully prepared with arms and ammunition ; and that he feared there would be a frightful loss of life and property, as the Fenians intended to make dreadful havoc. To-day the detachment of the 48th Regiment was sent back to the Curragh from Killarney. Its place will be taken by the 14th Regiment. Gen. Horsford returned on Saturday from his visit to Kenmare, Sneem, Cahirciveeu, Kilorglin, and other outlying places at which detachments are stationed. It will probably be necessary to continue a small detach ment for some time to come at these places, and especially at Cahirciveen, the hotbed of the conspi racy. The misfortune is that the presence of troops at any such points creates an expenditure of money, and benefits, perhaps, the very men who have brought them there, so that sedition thus becomes its own reward. At Cahirciveen, on Saturday, the case of ten prisoners was heard at a private sitting of the magistrates, among whom were Dr. Barry, chairman, the Knight of Kerry, Mr. Cruice, Capt. Segrave, and others. The charge against the whole of the prisoners was of aiding and abetting in the outbreak on the 12th. In the case of one prisoner, however, an alibi was proved, and he way discharged Militia. If the New York Nation be right in its article on the United States Militia, which we epitomised in our last number, the Militia is not the force on which the Republic can rely in the hour of danger. The Nation states that outside cities there is neither company nor battalion drill—that in time of war it is difficult to get Militia to take the field even for a few weeks ; that when ordered many have refused to go, knowing that they could not be tried by a court-martial of the regular service, and they felt secure against any sentence awarded by the State officers. If this be so, the Nation is right ; but we very much doubt these assertions. The experience of America will, if estimated correctly, be found but to corroborate the experience of Europe. A militia properly organised is a country's best de fence, if the inhabitants consider they possess privi leges worth defending. If a'Militia fails in the way described by the Nation, a Volunteer system cannot be successful. A Volunteer system is but a militia acting individually instead of na tionally, and freed from all restraints of law. Ii men refuse to enter the Afilitia for the defence of the country, and society sanctions their refusal, bringing no pressure to bear on them, a volunteer system would be of very little avail. Men do not rush into the ranks, leaving their homes and busi ness, on a service of danger for a cause which the community care very little about, and if national troops shirk the work, Volunteers will not court it. The tendency of war is to amalgamate all services into a regular army, and such distinctions as Militia and Volunteers soon become confused and altogether lost sight of. The plan that will best feed an army on service is one that will embrace all classes of the community, sanctioned by the authority of old established custom and law. This is supplied by the Militia system both of England and of the United States, provided, of course, that the law be acted on. 'The extraordinary assertion of the _Nation that in case of war the Militia regiments now forming or formed would not be the force re lied on, but the volunteer organisations that would then spring up of themselves, is start ling, coming as it does from such a quarter. If there be one thing in this world better known than another it is the fact that military organisa tions cannot spring up of themselves. A military organisation, is that one most difficult and intricate to form, and we are at a loss to know how such an organisation can spring full-blown into the world. The United States are so happily placed that there is no danger of foreign invasion, therefore it may not be worth while to keep up at great cost an ela borate machinery there is little possibility of being wanted. If this be the point the Nation is driving at it should be so stated, without enunciating fal- lacious principles. We maintain that the true force on which a reliance can be placed for defence in a free country, is the Militia. That it is the national or military organisation both of the United States and of England—that for the latter country, at least, it is of the highest importance that it should be re-modelled and extended, and brought into connec tion with the regular army. There is no doubt that the Militia of the United States when suddenly called on to perform the functions of an invading army, was found very rusty, cumbersome, and unwieldy. But that was the fault not of the system, but of the neglect of the system. If a hundred millions of dollars more had been expended, and more care and attention been bestowed in keeping the force up to the standard contemplated by law, perhaps ten times this sum would have been saved, and the civil war concluded within the constantly predicted limits, of 90 days. Bull's Run was the result of a Volunteer organisation. Had the rout been on the other side we would like to know what the result would have been. The blow inflicted on the North by that battle can hardly be estimated. Its importance did not lie in the men and material lost, but in morale. Bull's Run decided the fate of many an after action, and made the task of the .North incalculably more difficult. Give an army the prestige of victory, and make it confidently be lieve in the inferiority of its foe, and you will bestow on that army an immense superiority. Add to the firm belief of superiority on the one side the settled conviction on the other that it is inferior, and the contest becomes almost hopeless. This would be the probable result when Volunteer organisations, raised on the spur of the necessity, take the field against a well-trained enemy ; and then nothing but national enthusiasm and unbounded confidence can carry a people through the series of disastrous defeats before them to an ultimate success. At the same time, though we deprecate where there is dan ger, trusting in such an untutored force—where danger does not exist, we hold it to be folly to ex pend the national resources, impoverishing the peo ple, by keeping on foot great military organisa tions. The citizens of the United States possess this unbounded confidence in themselves. There is no trained army on the Continent that can inspire even even the shadow of a fear, and it may not be a wise policy to expend large sums and to harass the people by drills where it is scarcely possible that a necessity can arise. The case, however, is very dif ferent with Great Britain. Europe is trodden under the feet of armed men, and a chain of events may lead, at any time, to a dangerous combination against the liberties of that country. There is no doubt that the Channel is an ugly ditch to cross. Still it is little more than a ditch, and Prussia will soon take its place as a first-rate naval Power. This will add another fleet to those of continental nations, and Prussia will start not only with a well-filled 'treasury and an unimpaired credit, but also with out the lumber of obsolete and worn-out vessels, constructing her fleet - on the models approved by the science of the day to be most efficient and de structive. England will shortly be placed in close proximity to the northern seaboard of Europe, bristling with men-of-war. There will be the fleets of Russia, of Prussia, and of France, not to men tion those • •, - ;of Spain. Taken singly they may create no feeling of danger, but what—if they should unite ? The tendency of England is towards Democratic principles, in great measure 1 imbibed from the kindred nation of America. These principles are infectious, and may become anta gonistic and distasteful in the highest degree to Russia and Prussia. The reliance of England must be on its militia, and we believe that our great con temporary the Times is in the right track in advo cating the organisation of this constitutional force on a scale sufficient to meet any possible emergency. It may not (as we before observed) be worth the while of the Uuited States to expend large sums in keeping up such machinery, and the Nation may be right on this point ; but where danger really exists it is madness to trust to Volunteer organisatious, and it would be simply tempting PROVIDENCE if England were so ill advised as to object to the ex penditure necessary for the maintenance and due efficiency of the cheapest and most reliable security a nation can possess against invasion.—Anglo-Ame rican Times. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—We congratulate the country upon the fact that the Liberal party have accepted and acted upon the counsels of moderation which have been offered them. The course of the Government since ,he opening of the Session has been one of distracted opinCon and desperate expedients. The Ministry have veered round from day to day, putting off as long as possible the necessity of coming to a con clusion upon the question before them, and at the last moment retreating from the decision solemnly agreed upon. Never had an Opposition a fairer chance of displacing their rivals from power, never was patriotism more sorely tried. They have re sisted the temptation to convert the conduct of Re form into a party question, and we remember with satisfaction that from the beginning we have not ceased to urge upon the Liberal leaders the duty of sacrificing their just ambition to the sole eonsidera . tion of co-operating with the Government in the settlement of a most difficult problem. The crisis has been momentous. The responsibility cast upon every section in the House of Commons cannot easily be over-rated. But at the last the policy of conciliation we had recommended has prevailed. The meeting of the Liberal party held yesterday at Mr. Gladstone's residence was animated by a rare spirit of unanimity. With scarcely any difference of opinion, it was resolved that the accomplishment of a satisfactory measure of Reform was the para mount necessity of the hour, and that no pressure should be put upon the Government, save such as might compel them to proceed more energetically to the fulfilment of the object all desired to effect. The Resolution which Mr. Gladstone inscribed on the Notice-book at the earliest possible moment expressed the spirit of the meeting. The announcement made almost simultaneously by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, that the Government had determined to withdraw their Resolutions and introduce a complete bill, as they hope, no later than to-morrow week, will render the further prosecution of Mr. Gladstone's motion unnecessary ; but it is well it should have been put on record. It attests, to the credit of the Opposition, their anxiety to further a Reform Bill at any personal sacrifice: Mr. Gladstone proposed to call upon the Ministry to withdraw the thirteen resolutions they had laid upon the table, and to request them to submit their plan to the house in a definite form. his motion would thus have left it open to the Ministry to reconstruct their Resolutions or to introduce a bill, affirming simply what all men were agreed upon, that. the Ministerial Resolutions, AO far from being pertinent to the altered situation of affairs, were only an obstruction to real action. The Government had been already quick enough to appreciate this truth, and we have now only a week to wait before a complete_measure of. Reform will be presented to the House of ebiltDloll£l on the re sponsibility of her Majesty's Ministers. There is thus a chance, and a reasonable chance, that in the session of 1867 the satisfactory settlement of a ques tion which has perplexed Cabinets for 15 years may be effected. It will not be pretended that the set tlement will be all that any of us desire, but no such measure could under any circumstances be obtained, and no one need doubt that it will be much better than the scheme sketched by the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Monday. The Ministry have shown their docility on the subject of Reform, and before to-morrow week they will have learnt to recognise still more clearly what is required of them. The Opposition, while assisting the progress of the mea sure, will not consent to any adequate scheme, and, whenever need arises, will enforce any necessary changs on the Ministry. The Government will do well to enlarge their views of enfranchisement in the interval before their bill is laid on the table. It is plain the House of Commons cannot recede from the reduction of the occupation franchise sanctioned last year, and nothing can be more undignified or more unwise than to imitate the manoeuvres of a petty huckster in proposing a high qualification at the outset so as to be prepared for abatement at a later stage. The House of Commons has a right to expect the utmost frankness from the Ministry, and the only way to secure mutual consideration is by mutual confidence. No objection can be taken to the Fancy Franchises, even though the ratcatcher who keeps four dogs maybe enfranchised by one of them, provided it can be shown that they are in no dander of being abused by the creation of fagot votes. It is, however, vain to suppose the county occupation franchise can be fixed at a rating of £2O, and the Ministry had better at once propose the limit of £l4 adopted by the House of QQAtussna last year. They may then expect to encounter o n ly a f orma l objection to the substitution of a rating for a rental qualification. In the same way it will be true wis dom to anticipate opposition by proposing at once a£s rating franchise in boroughs. A great diffi culty iu dealing with the Ministerial scheme must, however, be found in the clauses referring to bribery and redistribution of seats, since if these are, as we believe them to be, essentially unsound, it will be impossible to amend them by any alteration of de tails. We must impress both upon the Govern ment and the Opposition the necessity of reconsi dering the Ministerial proposals on these heads before they are committed to debate. There is a great show of energy in disfranchising four peccant boroughs, but the indignation of the house is in dancer of being soothed by a rigorous punishment which' affects just three of its members, and leaves the source of bribery absolutely untouched. If the penalty thus, as every one knows, capriciously in flicted is to be drawn into a precedent, it will disfran chise a very large proportion of the boroughs, and produce a representative assembly very different from the present. The policy of subdividing the present county constituencies is a device for increasi n,g territorial influence, which ought not to be adopted without discussion. The House of Commons is willing to concede much latitude to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in redressing the boundaries of overgrown boroughs, but it cannot be too vigilant in repressing any attempt to separate the constitu encies into two sharply dividel sections, the one ex pressing popular opinions, the other only echoing the sentiments of the great landowners. The Ministry have a week before them—a week of fur ther trial. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said last night that his colleagues were emboldened to proceed at once by way of Bill, because they were convinced there was a general disposition to give their proposals a fair and candid consideration, and we trust they will themselves act in the spirit of this conviction. The Ministry may be assured they will have to encounter no envious cavils, no fact'ous obstacles, no attenipts to snatch a victory in trifling details ; but they must be also persuaded that the House of Commons cannot yield a single essential question at issue. Parliament desires with unex ampled unanimity to satisfy the just demands of the unenfranchised classes, to redress the inequalities of our representative system, and to.abate an agitation which might through continued inattention become a source of danger ; but it will not grasp at a shadow insteai of the substance. There are certain essential points which must be conceded, and the only ques tion is whether the Ministry will yield them with a good or a bad grace, freely or under compulsion. Their best friends must hope that their course of humiliation is past, but it depends upon themselves whether they do not yet appear in the unworthy character of men obstinately clinging to what they know in their own hearts to be untenable, but are prepared to abandon in the last extremity. For their own sakes and for the sake of Parliamentary honour we trust the world will be spared the further spectacle of servants of the Crown professedly tena cious of principles but sacrificing them to retain power. If they would prevent such aspersions, they must disarm opposition by anticipating its demands, and thus at once prove their trust in the House of Commons and vindicate the patriotism of their conduct from all slur of suspicion. THE WESTMINSTER GAZETTE ON " MR. MILL AND DOGMA."—Whatever Mr. Mill writes must be read with attention, not only on account of the clearness and force with which he expresses him self, but also on account of the immense influence which his writings exert. He is a thinker of no ordinary calibre, and grasps a subject with no ordinary power. His clearness, his straightfor wardness, and his thorough outspoken manner, has a charm which possibly has gained him as many admirers as the nature of the speculation he adopts. He seems particularly suited to the frame of the English mind just now. He represents in the region of thought what may be called the anti ritualistic school. He not only excludes what he would call all the finery and apparatus that sur rounds intellectual belief, but he seems to repudi ate eyerything that oayours of " Creed " alto- gether. Here, the mind with him seems to be a tabula rasa—nothing but a dead blank ; and what he particularly recommends to the clergy of the Established Church is, to do all they can to destroy her articles of faith, and unshackle her from the enslaving oppression of the Christian religion as it at present exists. He would not recommend the clergy to abandon the Church. He would have them improve her,. and recommends to them, with especial approval for their imitation, those violent men who mostly ended their days out of the Churches in which they were born. According to Mr. Mill, the fact of becoming " a reformer "—he does not seem particularly to care of what sort — entitles a man at once to the right of possession, and places the majority, who prefer his room to his company, at once in the wrong. Of course, Mr. Mill takes for granted that " a reformer" means one who repudiates authority, and at " all risks keeps his mind open, and does not barter away his freedom of thought." This seems to be the great hobby of Mr. Mill. As long as he is speaking of the secular scope of university education, though he does not tell us anything which is not expressed twice as well by Dr. Newman, still he talks rationally and with force. But immediately he begins with " independent thought," " seek ing truth at all hazards," " free and independent inquiry," and such manly like modes of expres sion, he seems at once to lose his equi-temperament of mind. He speaks like a man who had been ill used in his youth, and, under the oppressive guar dianship of Calvinistical old aunts, had been bullied and brow-beaten whenever his curiosity prompted him to ask indiscreet questions, or his precocity tempted him to doubt the entire infallibility of their views. A repetition of doses of that species of spirituality for which such ancient persons have the monopoly would be liable to sour the sweetest of tempers. There is a vehemence and bitter ness in his expressions on this dearly-cherished freedom that cannot be accounted for rationally on any other grounds than these, or others some what analogous. Pure speculation could not have so acted on the feelings ; for Mr. Mill, when he touches on these points, as far as we are able to discover, makes greater use of his heart than his head. We do not for a moment deny that Mr. Mill is a clever dialectician, but it does not matter how clever a man may be,—if he does not make use of his talent it is as good as thrown away. MP. Mill does not seem to us to have made any very conspicious display of logical acumen in his treatment of theology in his address at St. Andrews. The vision of those imaginary maiden aunts, or that which must have been substantially the same, comes across his mind when he touches on such topics. He asserts boldly enough, and utters with the greatest distinctness, what his views are ; but if a view is logical it can be put together ; one part of it does not annihilate the other when introduced into its presence, but rather lends it a second life. For instance, it is somewhat difficult to advocate the tabula rasa, and at the same time to speak of doctrinal teaching, without falling into a contradiction. Mr. Mill tells the young men at St. Andrews that religion is historical, that it should be treated histori cally, and that they should go to the university, not with any religious belief, but without any at all. "'The pupil should be addressed as one who will have to choose his religion for himself." The universities' duty is to " give us information and training, and help us to form our own belief in a manner worthy of intelligent beings." If anything is clear the frame of mind a young man should be in, according to Mr. Mill, is that of the tabula rasa, he goes to form his religion, to hear, to dispute, to judge for himself. " The teaching should not he in a spirit of dogmatism, but in that of inquiry." Now all this is clear enough. If every young man who goes to the university is to go in order to begin religion from the beginning, and form lus creed for himself, according to his taste, one thing is certain that, in religion, at all events, there will be little possibility of "raising the level of improve ment which has been attained" by the former generation. If everybody begins in the same place, cceteris paribus, they will end in the same place too. But, as we said, though we totally dis agree with Mr. Mill, we have no .difficulty what ever in understanding what he says—that is to say, if we do not compare one part of his address with another. In order that a man should contradict himself he must have at least two propositions to do it with. A thing cannot be the contradictory of itself. Our little difficulty arises from these words: --"The various Churches, established and unestab lished, are quite competent to the task which is peculiarly theirs—that of teaching each its own doctrines, as far as necessary, to its own rising generation." So the pupil is to be instructed by , the priest, or parson, or minister, in the doc trines of his own Church.: a Catholic is to be taught, for instance, that there is a vast system of infallible dogmas, to contradict or doubt which is eternal ruin. The Protestant High Churchman is to hold several articles of faith as necessary for salvation, and so on of the rest ; and at the same time that he is pondering these awful truths in his mind and their fearful sanction, he is to proceed to the university lecture on Historical Religion, "to choose his religion for himself, while the university is to help him to form his own belief in a manner worthy of an intelligent being." The only way in which we can account for this con tradiction is by having recourse to the hypothesis of the old maiden aunts, and to the fulness of the heart of Mr. Mill, who has not been made hard hearted by political economy ! It is a very diffi cult thing, if the truth be spoken boldly out, to keep up a semblance of respect for the belief of the many sects, denominations, and religions in England, if a man disbelieves in every one of them. And if Mr. Mill had clearly said that he considered all dogma and creed of a particular religion as a fetter to the intelligence and an enchainment to the mind, we should have considered him more honest, and he then would certainly have been more con sistent in his utterance at St. Andrews. That Mr. Mill is a man of hasty and passionate tem perament we should infer from his critique on Sir William Hamilton, and from his extraordinary dis plays of extemporary eloquence in Parliament, ex traordinary on account of their being complete failures in all except the manifestation of an irrit able and cranky mind. Were it not for such in dications as these we should be quite at a loss how to interpret some of the sweeping and violent condemnations to which that philosopher gave utterance. Like all haters of dogma and Liberals, he is one of the most dogmatic and despotic of in tellectual bashabazouks. When we consider the history of Oxford and Cambridge, and the marvel of learning and piety that they turned out in the past, it is somewhat amusing to hear the arch enemy of dogma declaring as an incontrovertible fact that they " formerly see me d to exist for the repression of independent thought, and the chain ing up of the individual i n t e ll ec t an d conscience." Mr. Mill hints at a reason why he uses such hard epithets regarding the old universities, " when " he says, " the specially instructed are so divided and scattered that almost any opinion canlboast of some high authority, and no opinion whatever can claim all then, whatever you do, keep, at all risks, your minds open." Now, Mr. Mill calls the Catholic seminaries 4 , enslaved." He repudiates dogma ; he dogmatically asserts that the Catholic universities, by their " excess of evil," created the reformers and sceptical philo sophers of these latter days. Let us ask him to look back into the past, and see if he has more authority or as much for these sweeping and uncomplimentary statements as we have for the reverse. If we are to keep our minds open, we shall, on his principle of high authorities," keep them open with a very strong bias against him self. He may have his friends, the reformerg, who were kicked out of the Church for "being too good for her," on his side, and those sceptical philo sophers whose minds were " violently impelled in one direction by an over zealous and demonstrative attempt to drag them in the opposite ;" but, with the exception of these rather assinine unbelievers, we have good reason for imagining that " the specially instructed " in theology will not be so divided and scattered " as to have much se rious doubt whether Mr. Mill's condemnation of dogmatic teaching and of the professors of old Oxford and Cambridge, is to have so much weight, we will not say as to convince, but as to " keep the mind open," till we hear more upon the sub ject. What surprises us most is that Mr. Mill should talk so much about " keeping the mind open," and with very small authority come to such startling conclusions. If " one high authority" is sufficient to keep a man's " mind open," surely Mr. Mill's mind ought never to be closed. Dog matism with him would be impossible. He would simply state the two opinions, and, like that humble and patient animal who is supposed to be entranced between two bundles of hay, he would express, at all events, some slight hesitation be tween the two. But nothing of the kind. Mr. Mill, true to his class, dogmatizes in the very same proportion that he condemns dogma, and " shuts his mind with a determination and a narrowness just in proportion to the energy and " manliness " with which he recommends others to "open " theirs —that they may thus with their eyes shut receive all the sceptical absurdities that he may deign to throw down their throats. The contemplation of such men as Mr. Mill is a curious, and, at the same time, a sad study. Here we see a man of far beyond the ordinary ability—a man of re markable logical power, so thoroughly the slave of system that the principles on which the whole of his mental position is founded are too strong for his powers of mastery. He would not be human were it otherwise. I# a man Auto with . - certain data, all the power and logic in the world will not take him out of the line in which they point. Indeed the more thoroughly logical he is, and the more thorough-going and honest, so much the more will he be carried to their inevitable conclusions. Mr. Mill, in the very fact of his aberra tions, proves the melancholy force of his reason, and the direct tendency of the principles of the ultra-Liberal school. It were far better that England should still deserve the contempt of Hegel than that it should be led by Mill. Hegel said that philosophy in England simply meant the art of agriculture, and house-keeping, and cookery, and making fire-places. This surely is much more useful than the diluted philosophy of the positive. It is better that men should learn to cultivate the land, and make themselves com fortable, than cultivate thought, and make every body else uncertain. Carlyle, and Hamilton, and Mill have shown a philosophic bent, but their philosophy as truth we fear has made but little progress. The fact is, whether it be the tran cendentalism of Coleridge, or the empiricism of Bentham, or the eclecticism of Makintosh; whether it be the nihilism of Hume and of Fichte, the mate rialism of Hobbes, or the idealism of Berkeley, or Clarke, or Newton, as long as philosophy pretends to do without the protecting influence of an infallible witness, philosophers will simply be the slaves of system, the victims of contradic tion, and the laughing-stock of sensible men. If system is master of the mind, then there should be a higher power to control system. The Times says protection banished from the Old World has found rest in the New. There will soon be nothing in the United States that man. has the making of which may be said to run without leading strings, or to swim without cork jackets. The in fluence of the lobbies has done its work in the Senate, whose House is now deserted for that of the Representatives, and which, in time, will be deserted for the ante-chamber of the President. The Western States are led in triumph, the Southern States are unrepresented, and in their present unhappy case have learned to dispense with European luxuries, and can smile at the penalty the Northern States are in flicting one on another. But let us look a little for ward, when there shall be thousands of capitalists, perhaps millions of people, and whole cities, all dependent upon enormous differential duties, and liable to collapse in a day on their reduction. Created by bad laws, by bad laws alone will they be able to live, and there is not a principle or a virtue that they will not give up for the necessity of holding their own by any means in their power. But then there comes a train of evils, which, if not worse, will at least show themselves sooner in more obnoxious forms. The smuggling, both at the ports and on the British frontier, is already enormous and irrepressible. Even under the existing tariff we are seriously told that it answers to make a trip from New York to Canada in order to get a refit at a British tailor's and haberdasher's, and that the dif ference of the British prices will pay all expenses to and fro. It is even said that an American gen tleman with five or six weeks to spare may come to the Paris Exhibition as a first-class passenger in a first-class steamer, spend a fortnight at Paris, do everything there, and enjoy himself as others do, and find on his return that he has spent no more than he would probably have done at home, espe cially if he takes the opportunity of making at Paris some purchases he would otherwise have had to make in the Broadway. COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS-TUESDAY. The show of grain this week is moderate. We continue to have little demand for wheat, and prices may be quoted is to 2s lower than Tuesday last. Barley also is per qr. cheaper. Oats and beans a slow sale, and prices nominally unaltered. LIVERPOOL-TUESDAY. We had a good attendance at our market to-day. Wheat met with a moderate consumptive request at the rates of Friday last. Flour dull, and 6d per sack lower. Indian corn dull, and at is to is 3d per qr. lower since Friday. Oats and oatmeal rather easier. Beans is lower. Barley steady. LYNN—MoNDAY. .To-day wheat was an average supply, both of red and white descriptions. Samples met a dull sale, and prices were is per qr. lower. Barley dull, and prices in favour of buyers. Oats firm. Beans moved off slowly. New wheat, —a to —s ; new red, —s to —s ; old white, 62s to 703 ; old red, 583 to 62s per 36 stone. * Barley for malting, 46s to 51s; secondary, 37 s to 38 s. Oats, n ew, 21s to 28s per 21 stone. Beans, small, 44s to 48s. Peas, 36s to 40s per 28 stone. MARKET HARBOROUGH.—TUESDAY. Old white wheat, 60s to 73s ; new red, 50s to 68s per 36 stone. Barley, line, 52s ; other kinds, 23s to 36s per 30 st. Oats, new, 22s to 23s ; old, 30s to 34s per qr. Beans, old, 50s to 555; new, 46s to 48s per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.-T UESDAY. White wheat, G6stco - 745; red, 50s to 66s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 40s to .5 2 s por qr ; feed, 32s to 38s p_tr 30 stone. Oats old, 30s to 35s ; new, 22s to 29s per 24st. Beans, old, 52s to 51s; new, 46s to 50s per qr. SHEFFIELD—WEDNESDAY. The market was fairly supplied with wheat and other grain this morning. The depression noticed in the trade last week was felt to-day, and all classes of wheat must be quoted is to 2s cheaper since this day fortnight. Seed oats were inquired for. Red wneat, per load of 3 imp. bushels 9 1s 6d to 228 6 1 White do •do ....2 05 ud 2es 0,1 New red do do ....kOs Od 21s 6 1 New white do do ....23s 63 25s 61 Beans do do ....161 Od 22s 01 Peas, per qr Grindinr , 04 ley, per qr 33. Od 3ds Od Maltinebarley, , o Oats, do vs Od 328 ud F10ur....2s 3d to 21 8d per 1410. Foreign Alan Yaciret LlBt. -40- MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Mar. 22. Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. 16. Brazil and Cape Yards, by British packet Mar. 6. Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena— Feb. 27 China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton Mar. 6. Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 2 7 Falkland Islands ----- Gibraltar, via Southampton Fab. 28. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Mir. 6 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Mar. 6 Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 27 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Feb. 28. Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 27 'Mauritius, via Southampton Feb. 2 8 * Ditto, via MarseiLes Mar. 16 Sevvioundland l'ortugs) Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet. Ditto. by United States packet, via Southamp- ton Ditto, via Cork Ditto, Dy Canadian packet, via Londonderry ~ f,far. I West Indies and radii() (except Bahamas and Liondarai) Feb• 28 * Bahaim..i. via New Y ork. Mar. 7. Cuba and Mexico ~, . . . Feb. 28 Bermuda, via Halifax Mar. 13 ' iVest CoaiNt of Africa, Madeira, and Tene.riffe Mar. 8 [ADTERTISEMENT:I—HoIIoway's Pills and Oint ment-- The Wanderer.—For all complaints ordinarily affeg mankind, whether internal or external, nothing can no l 9 pare with these peerless remedies. Young and old, of both sexes, may use them with certain success and perf e ,, safety ; they are equally efficacious in hot and cold mates; no change of temperature or long keeping a re their curative properties, which never deteriorate, car s, r therefore especially adapted for emigrants and ofil. gentlemen whose pleasures or duties lead them to ferot, countries and various climates. These remedies any' can safely prescribe with the absolute certainty th,ble:e., cannot do wrong ; they purify, and purifying m ust bo or ficial not only for the cure of the present ailment, I' security against future disease. Births. KENNEDY—On the 24th inst., at 1 4 , Prince's-garden C Prince's-gate, the wife of Col. C. Kennedy, - 13 " °` daughter. 1 r hi li- KYNASTON—On the 26th insf., at 3, Essex -place, jaasto9s more -gardens, Kensington, the wife of John ICy jun., of a son. bfrß' LlsuLEy—On the 25th inst., at Watnall Hall, Notts, - - Robert 0. Lindley, of a soil. the f t°l3. MAuDE—On the 25th inst., at Frognel, TorquaYl Mrs. Henry Maude, of a'son. Marriages. • CIIETWYND—HULL—On the 21st inst. at at Christ Charocrib' Warminster, John Chetwynd, Esq., s'econ floras of leery Chetwynd, Esq., of Brockton Lodge Staire, p.. Norwood, Surrey, to Mary Ellen, eldest' daug.ater ° H. Hull, of Warminster, Wilts. 31ark .6 Ciwi . CELLOR—BERESFORD —On the23cl inst., at St. - p r, Regent's-park, Albert., youngest sen of John Chan c t e t o Esq., of Staines, to Emma E. T. Berebford, niece 0L late W. Cullius, Esq., of Euston-square . Deaths. A shl-1 BUCHANAN—On the 24th inst. at at Meacham Hal, -- - , - „,,q0, de-la-Zouch, the Right H s o . n. Lady Janet Bacalge‘nd widow of the late James Buchanan, Es ( l-I °f CL. Castle, Stirlingshire, aged 83. ~c faun. EsDAILE-- On the 25th inst., at Cothelestono goose, ton, Edward J. Esdaile,ged 8 - 2. el) rbr lIORSFALL On the 24th inst., at Holbroke Ha p, De ll: `' shire, Sophia, wife of T. B. liorsfall, Es+, LP " mour, Staffordshire. . r te race , JERDEIN—On the 25th inst., at 54, Gloucestet- Hyde-park, John Jerdein, jun., Esq., ag ed 35* T wats, , . MARSON—On the 25th inst at llihtield Park , .---- F. Matson, Esq., aged 69. v-vu Che ite t h ir PATERSON—On the 25th inst., at Delmar . —.a, por.- " ham, George Paterson, Esq., of Castle luntleY, shire, aged 47." lr./ o". ‘ , London : Printed and Published A by WIL L lAA/ :,/,,,, 11i Of No. 112, Strand, Printer at Tau Syst Ottl°c„„tr, if 0 Strand, In the Pteo l :lGt of the S avo y , la the v'' 1 ididdkiler.--WollCiday, FelOttarY 21, Pea'