The Sun. — London, England, 1867-12-18 00:00:00

TIM PUBLIC ITSALTIL ...,-. It appears from the Registrar-General's weekly return that in the week ending Saturday, December 14, 4,353 births and 3,499 deaths were registered in London and in twelve other large towns of the United Kingdom. The annual rate of mortality was 30 per 1,000 persons living. The annual rate of mortality last week was 29 per 1,000 in London, 33 in Edinburgh, and 28 in Dublin ; 23 in Bristol, 27 in Birmingham, 33 in Liverpool, 36 in Man chester, 30 in Salford, 28 in Sheffield, 24 in Leeds, 27 in Hull, 32 in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and 33 in Glas,-;ow. The rate in Vienna was 25 per 1,000 during the week ending the 7th inst., when the mean temperature was s'B deg. Fahrenheit lower than in the same week in London, where the rate was 27. In London the births of 1,127 boys and 1,019 girls, in all 2,146 children, were registered in the week. In the correspond. ing weeks of ten years, 1857-66, the average number, corrected for increase of population, is 2,124. The deaths registered in London during the week were 1,700. It was the 50th of the year; and the average number of deaths for that week is, with a correction for increase of population, 1,485. The deaths in the present return exceed the esti mated number by 215. The mortality in the metro polis was greater last week than in any week since Plat which ended on 23rd March, when 1,731 deaths were recorded. During the last four weeks the deaths regis tered were 1,426, 1,588, 1,588, 1,700. The deaths of per sons under 20 years of age were 765, 835, 780, 832 ; and from 20 to 40 years, 185, 192, 212, 221; from 40 to 60 years, 222, 261, 253, 278 ; and at 60 years of age and upwards, 254, 300, 343, 369 respectively. Bronchitis proved fatal tc 311 persons ; in the three preceding weeks the numbers svere 295, 246, 288. The deaths last week from pneumonia were 151, from phthisis 175, and from disease of the heart 67. Two hundred and ninety-one deaths were registered from zymotic diseases, the corrected average number being 355. Twenty-four deaths occurred from small-pox, 40 from measles, 31 from scarlatina, 59 from whooping-cough, 44 from typhus, and 11 from diarrhoea. Measles has been unusually fatal for many weeks past, and the mortality from whooping-cough is very high. 711 E FENIAN OUTRAGES. Early yesterday morning two of the Thames police, on duty near Vauxhall-bridge, immediately above Mill bank, saw a small boat coming up the river, and stopping opposite the end of the prison next the bridge. Watch ing the movements of the boat, they observed two men leaving it, and curious to know what the latter were about at that time and place, they made for them, in order to question them. The men had no sooner noticed the police, than they entered the boat, pulled off the river bank, evidently intending to make off, but, after a moment's hesitation, evidently deeming terra firma safer for them, they pulled back to the shore, and fled down the river side, soon disappearing in the darkness. The constables, seeing pursuit useless, took possession of the boat. On searching it, underneath some tarpaulin, a keg of gunpowder containing about Mb. was found. Their discovery was communi cated at once to their superior officers, and an instant search was ordered of every spot of ground around the prison. The hunt for fresh traces was continued for some time, when a constable who had entered an old and dis used sewer announced another discovery. He had come upon a keg of the same siie, and containing the same quantity of gunpowder as the first, concealed a few yards from the mouth of the sewer. The mystery of the men and tbe boat was at once explained. This sewer, which falls into the river, formed at one time the main drainage of Millbank Prison. For some time, however, it has been blocked up, the sewage being conveyed now into one of the drains of the metropolitan system. It had evidently been prospected' as far as the conspirators could go, and their purpose probably was to mine through the wall that blocked it up, and then at some suitable time blow up the prison. So far as we know, there is small chance of tracing those engaged in the plot. There is no name on the boat, but it is expected that the owner of it will be found. Should the clue fail here, the sagacity of the police, having nothing to work upon, will be baffled, as they seem in this instance to have had no warning of any intention to attack the prison. A strong body of police, armed with cutlasses and re volvers, are now en guard within the octagon, and outside the walls. The police on duty at the Bank of England have been considerably strengthened, and on all sides of the building the constables walk in pairs during the night. It is stated that the prisoners Desmond and Allen, and also Burke and Casey, are not tlken after their examination at Bow-street Police-court to the House of Detention, as is usual in the case cf prisoners under remand or returned for trial, but to a polica-station which is situate in the vicinity of a military barracks, but the name of which ought not, for obvious reasons, to be stated. A number of constables, armed with cutlasses, are on duty in the station, in case their services to repel an attack mizht be required. A meeting of the Paddington Vestry was held yester day, when the chair was taken by the Dean of Exeter, and Mr. Roche, the vestry representative at the Metropo litan Board of Works, drew attention to some remarks made by the Common Serjeant at the Central Criminal Court on the previous day, which remarks have already appeared. Mr. Roche expressed concurrence in the views which were embodied in the words quoted by him ; and said he hoped that the vestry would tender to the Government the whole of their energies, as good and loving subjects, to vindi cate the laws. For the future, he argued, to be lenient would be to be criminal. Mercy must stand on one side, and justice be brought to the front. The Rev. Dr. Burns followed with some observations of the same purport. He said he did not believe that the Fenian outrage at Olerkenwell, which was one of the most atrocious and terrible on record, was the act of British subjects, but he thought rather it was ascribable to a gang of miscreants who had come to this country on a filibustering expedition, and who cry havoc, kill, and destroy. The deeds of these men were the deeds of licentiousness, and were in no way directed to the remedy of political grievance ; therefore, to permit their con tinuance would be a sign of weakness in Government, and a great injustice to a law-loving community. He therefore begged to move, "That the attention of this vestry having been called to the atrocious outrage which was perpetrated on Friday last, the 13th instant, at Clerkenwell, they desire to express their utter horror of the same, and also their readiness to co-operate with the Government in all necessary measures for the main tenance of the order and peace of the metropolis." Mr. Kemshead, J.P., said he had great pleasure in seconding the motion, for a more dastardly, horrible crime had never been committed. Serjeant Gaselee, M.P., ex pressed his gladness that Government had at last begun to exert itself. The motion was then put and carried unanimously. Dublin correspondents state that even the Fenians must deeply regret the occurrence, inasmuch as it has inflicted the severest blow on Fenianism which the conspiracy has yet received. Tho press have begun to speak out. Tho Freeman's Journal speaks of the "horrible out rage " as " more like the work of maniacs than of rational men." The Cork Reporter laments that Fenianism is, to all appearances, fated to brand an indelible stain on the Irish name, and says that the last intelligence of their evil doings " fills to the brim the misery and degradation they have inflicted on the unfortunate country that has been cursed with such misguided and recreant children. No provocation, no circumstance that we can conceive, can for a moment palliate such a reckless ands fiend-like atrocity. Men that would sacrifice life in this manner must be regarded as enemies to human society. To talk of patriotism in connection with such evil and bloody doings is a horrid burlesque and prostitution of the term. It is a horrid crime, and, we fear, inflicts great injury on the interests of this country; and the wretched miscreants who caused it must be classed among - our worst foes." The Cork Examiner is not less emphatic in its denunciation of the outrage, which it speaks of as " a crime of enormous magnitude," a " gloomy, awful piece of carnage, for which there cannot be presented the shadow of - palliation. The actual number of Fenians in Ireland," continues the Examiner, "is not perhaps very great the number of those who would countenance reckless deeds of any sort is, probably, very few. The real strength of Fenianism lies in the hold it has gained upon the sympathy of masses who have never enrolled themselves in its organisation, but who believe they see in its ranks a band of patriots that, whether wisely or unwisely, is struggling in the caus e' of a common country. Much of this sympathy cannot fail to be shaken by the outrage which has ehatterel so many pour dwellings in Corporation row. The iris 'a masses do not care to be identifisd with crime. It is quite irac that the merits of a cause are not determined by the wicked acts of some of those who arc engaged in it, but it is no less true that the pub lic views and sympathies will be immediately influenced by their demeanour. The Manchester executions gained for the cause sv?.th which they are identified a multitude of sympathisers who are not unlikely to be alienated by the dreadful event which has sent a thrill of dismay through Ireland." THE PBINCE IMPERIAL.—The Abbe Duguerry continues to give religious instruction twice a week to the Princo Imperial. The curd of the Madeleine goes to St. Cloud after the ten o'clock mass, and returns to Paris at noon , The Empress is regularly present during the lessons. and the Emperor himself occasionally looks in. EXPLOSION AT IVETVCASTLE. About four o'clock yesterday afternoon a terrifie explo don occurred on the Town-moor, Newcastle. This event Irew the town and district into a state of intense alarm. l'he act was at once referred to Fenianism. It seems that [nspector Amos and Sub-Inspector Wallace, of the New astle police, last night received information that a luantity of nitro-glycerine was stored in a cellar in the White Swan-yard, in the Cloth-market, immediately be aind the Branch Bank of England, and that it belonged to an auctioneer named Spark: They examined the place, and found that it was contained in nine square lanisters, in baskets packed in straw, and they immediately sought the owner of it, in order to have it .-emoved to a place of safety. They found him at his place of business, and represented the matter to him. He ;aid that he would have it sent back to the person who zonsigned it to him, and, in company with the officers, he tried the railway company, but they refused to carry it. An application was then made to Mr. Nesham, who has a i•unpowrler store, to have it put into a magazine, but he also refused t 3 take it. The case was then represented to the magistrates, who, upon consultation, gave instruc tions to have it destroyed. The Sheriff of Newcastle (Mr. John Mawson) is a well-known practical chemist, and the police applied to him as to the best method of dealing with this deadly liquid. After :onsulting with other chemists, he advised that it should be buried in some of the creeps or crevices of some old pit workings in the neighbourhood ; but while these discussions had been going on, from some unexplained reason the nitro-glycerine had been removed from the White Swan-yard to Spark's office in the Town Hall, just over the Council Chamber. This being discovered, a policeman was immediately sent to watch it, and between two and three in the afternoon a cart was brought and the canisters were put into it andtaken to the Town-moor. The Sheriff and Mr. Bryson, the town surveyor, with Sub-Inspector Wallace and a policeman named Donald Bain, accompanied the cart to the Town-moor. They found a crevice or creep near to the Cholera Hospital, into which the liquid from the nine canisters was poured ; but after this was completed it was found that a quantity of crystallised matter was adhering to the bottoms of three of the canisters. The Sheriff then in structed Wallace to put some earth over the liquid that had been poured into the crevice, and ordered the other men to bury the three crystallised canisters in the earth at some distance off. While Wallace was shovelling the earth into the crevice he was startled by a frightful explosion in the direction where the men had gone, and, running to the scene, he found that a sad catastrophe had occurred. The three canisters had exploded. Donald Bain, the policeglan, was nearly blown to pieces, and dead ; Shot ton and Appleby, two carters, were also killed ; Mr. Bryson was dreadfully mangled about the face and apparently dying, and the Sheriff was shockingly hurt. A boy named Samuel Wadley was lying in a hole dreadfully injured. Mawson, Bryson, and Wadley were taken with all despatch to the infirmary, and the bodies of the other three were re moved to the Cholera Hospital. Bryson has a compound fracture of the thigh and other injuries, and is not likely to recover. The Sheriff is very much hurt about the face, and likely to lose his eyes, but his case is hopeful. Wadley is very seriously injured. The magistrates have been sitting at the police-court making an investigation. There is no abatement of alarm, as the public mind cannot be disabused of the belief that the explosion has something to do with Fenianism. LAW AND POLICE. CURIOUS POINTS OF ECCLESIASTICAL LAW.—The Judi cial Committee of the Privy Council has before it a case of right of way to a family vault, in which the counsel has been requested to address himself to the following points : Whether a minister can be compelled to perform the burial service where he has to stand on unconsecuted ground, and the use of the vault in case of the owner of the vault changing his religion. £l,OOO DASIAGSB AGAINST A RAILWAY CODITANY.—On Monday, at the Liverpool Assizes, an action was brought by a traveller, named Hyatt, against the Midland Rail way Company to recover compensation for injuries sus tained by a collision on the defendant's line near Stavely Station in March last. The company did not deny its liability, and the medical testimony shewing that the plaintiff would not be able to resume work for some years, and that he never would permanently recover, the jury awarded £l,OOO damages. ACTION FOR ASSAULT AGAINST THE SON OF THE LATE LORD MAYOR.—Mr. Justice Blackburn and a common jury tried the case of Stoner v. Phillips, which was an action for assault against the son of Sir Benjamin Phillips, late Lord Mayor. The plaintiff was a provision merchant at Ormskirk, and had edited the Philanthropic News. He came to London for the purpose of starting anewspaper, and wrote to Sir B. Phillips about his scheme. No answer was returned to the letters, and plaintiff called on Sir Benjamin. Defendant asked plaintiff his name, &e. Having told him, plaintiff proceeded to say that he intended to animadvert on Sir Benjamin Phillips's public conduct in the newspaper he was about to establish, and defendant immediately took him by the shoulders and thrust him out of the office. Plaintiff now sued for damages on account of injury sustained. He admitted that he had written to Sir Benjamin, addressing him " Sir —. Phillips, Knight, a boasted Liberal that accepts a paltry knighthood from a tractarian Tory Prime Minister." He considered he was a Briton striking home. Before the case was concluded the jury said they had heard enough, and immediately returned a verdict fo/ the defendant. THE OATH OF UNBELIEVERS.—In the case of Brad laugh v. De Rin, which was an action upon a bill of ex change tried in the Court of Exchequer, Mr. Bradlaugh (" Iconoclast ") came forward to give evidence. Mr. Keane, the counsel for the defendant, objected to his being sworn, on the ground that he was an avowed Atheist. The judge said he would take on himself to allow Mr. Bradlaugh to affirm. Ultimately the counsel for the defence admitted the facts that Mr. Bradlaugh was called to prove. . SUB-WARDER OF THE HOUSE OF CORRECTION SENT TO PRISON.—At the Old Bailey, before the Common Serjeant, Alfred Williams, a sub-warder of the House of Correction, was indicted for stealing £2 100. The prisoner, by the influence his office gave him, got a convict, named Burton, to send by him (prisoner) to the convict's father a request for money. By representing to the parents that their son would obtain pudding, &c., if they gave him the money, the prisoner obtained the amount he was charged with stealing. The jury found him guilty, and he was sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment. STEALING BOOKS FROM MR. BOHN, THE PUBLISHER. — James Irving Carl was sentenced in the same court to five years' penal servitude for stealing £l5 from Messrs. Dunnett and others, and for stealing a quantity of printed books belonging to his master, Mr. Bohn, the publisher. ATTEMPT TO POISON A MAN AT LISKEARD.-At the Liskeard Police-court, John Coath, of Liskeard, painter, was summoned by William Inch, of the same place, miner, " for feloniously and maliciously administering a certain noxious drug, called opium or laudanum, to the said William Inch, with intent to do him grievous bodily harm." Several witnesses were examined at some length, the principal one being Mr. Corin, surgeon, who deposed to being called in on the evening of the 7th inst. to attend the complainant, who was suffering from a strong narcotic and seriously ill, his face being distorted. He gave him an emetic, which took effect, but complainant continued seriously ill during the night, but on the follow ing day was a little better. Coath, who for many years past has been addicted to intemperate habits, being still under the influence of alcohol, was remanded by the magis trates, bail being refused. THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY'S COURT OF APPEAL. —The Archbishop of Canterbury (assisted by Sir Travers Twiss) has been engaged in hearing the case of the Rev. S. Boucher v. the Bishop of St. Asaph and Bangor, &c. It was an appeal on the part of a clergyman who had been dismissed from the head mastership of a training college by the managing committee. The question raised is whether the archbishop, as visitor of the institution, has a right to decide a case relative to the appointment or removal of a principal. Judgment was reserved. Two MEN KILLED.—An explosion took place in Belfast on Saturday evening, in a mill belonging to the Northern Spinning and Weaving Company. Two men, named Andrew Porter and Edward Bruce, went into a boiler house to do some work at the flange of one of the pipes. When they began to unscrew the !I , :nge the steam violentlyc.-2caped, bursting the pipe, and immediately filling the room with the vapour. The two men were suffocated on the spot, and their blackened and scalded remains were found coon afterwards near the place where they were working. DISTRESS IN BEDFOIIDSHIRE.—Owing to the increased disuse of straw as a material for bonnets, the straw trade—on which thousands of the residents of Bedfordshire and the immediately contiguous districts entirely depend for their sustenance by plaiting and otherwise preparing the material for manufacture—is depressed to an unprecedented extent, and several suspen sions of traders in straw have been announced during last week. The poor people of Leighton Buzzard, Luton, Newport Parnell, Tring, and other towns and villages, especially the females, have already begun to experience much distress ; and the applications to the local boards of guardians for relief have materially increased within the last fortnight, and are sure in a short time to be so nume rous as to severely test the capacity of the several work houses, and the existing funds of the different unions in the district. 211 E PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 'The following is the full text of the President's Message to Congress : Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Re presentatives,—The continued disorganisation of the Union, to which the President has so often called the attention of Congress, is yet a subject of profound and patriotic concern. We may, how ever, find some relief from that anxiety in the re flection that the painful political situation, although be/ore untried by ourselves, is not new in the expe rience of nations. Political science, perhaps, as highly perfected in our own time and country as iin any other, has not yet disclosed any means by -which civil wars can be absolutely prevented. An evdightened nation, however, with a wise and benc ficent constitution of free government, may diminish their frequency and mitigate their severity by directing all its proceedings in accordance with its fundamental law. When civil war has been brought to a close it is manifestly the first interest and duty of a State to repair the injuries which war has in flicted, and to secure the benefit of the lessons it teaches as fully and speedily as possible. This duty was upon the termination of the rebellion promptly accepted,not only by the Executive Department, but by the insurrectionary States themselves, and resto ration in the first moment of peace was believed to be as easy and certain as it was indispensable. These expectations, however, then so reasonably and cenfi dently entertained, were disappointed by legislation from which I felt constrained, by my obligations to the constitution to withhold my assent. Itis therefore a source of profound regret that in complying with the obligation imposed upon the President by the con stitution, to give to Congress from time to time in formation of the state of the Union, that I am un able to communicate any definite adjustment satis factory to the American people of questions which since the close of the rebellion have agitated the public mind. On the contrary, candour compels l me to declare that at this time there is no Union as our fathers understood the term, and as they meant ' it to be understood by us ; the Union which they established can exist only where all States are re presented in both houses of Congress; where one State is as free as another to regulate its internal concerns according to its owu will, and where the laws of central government, strictly confined to matters of national jurisdiction, apply with equal force to all the people of every section. That such is not the present state of the Union is a' melan choly fact; and we must all acknowledge that the restoration of the States to their proper legal rela tions with the Federal Government and with one another, according to the terms of the original com pact, would be the greatest temporal blessing which God in his kindest providence could bestow upon this nation. It becomes our imperative duty to consider whether or not it is impossible to effect this most desirable consummation. The Union and con stitution are inseparable : as long as one is obeyed by all parties the other will be preserved, and if one is destroyed both must perish together. The de struction of the constitution will be followed by other and still greater calamities. It was ordained not only to form a more perfect union between the States, but to " establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and ourposterity." Nothing but implicit obedience to its requirements in all parts of the country will accomplish these great ends. With out that obedience we can look forward only to continual outrages upon individual rights, inces sant breaches of public peace, national weakness, financial dishonour, the total loss of our prosperity, general corruption of morals, and the financial ex tinction of popular freedom. To save our country from evils so appalling as these we should renew our efforts again and again. To me the process of restoration seems perfectly plain and simple. It consists merely in a faithful application of the constitution and the laws. The execution of the laws is not BOW obstructed or opposed by physical force ; there is no military or other necessity, real or pretended, which can prevent obedient.; to the constitution, either North or South. All rights and all obligations of the States and individuals can bs; protected and enforced by means perfectly con sistent, wish the fundamental law. The courts may be everywhere open, and if open then their process would be unimpeded, and crimes against the United States can be prevented or punished by proper judicial authorities in a manner entirely practicable and legal. There is, therefore, no reason why the constitution should be disregarde I and violated at the mere naked will of this government, or of some one or more of its branches. Is there auy obstacle that can exist to a perfect union of all the States on this momentous question, and some of the measures growing out of it ? I have had the mis fortune to differ with Congress, and have expressed my convictions without reserve, though with be coming deference to the legislative department. These convictions are not only unchanged, but strengthened by subsequent events and further reflection. The transcendent importance of the subject will be a sufficient excuse for calling your attention to some of the reasons which have so strongly influenced my judgment. I hope that we may all finally concur in a mode of settlement consistent at once with our true interests and with our sworn duty to the constitution, which is too natural and too just to be relinquished. It is clear to my ap prehension that the States lately in rebellion are still members of the national Union. 'When did they cease to be so? The ordinances of secession adopted by a portion—in most of them a very small portion—of their citizens were mere nullities. If we admit now that they were valid and effectual for the purpose intended by their authors we sweep from under our feet the whole ground upon which we justified the war. Were those States afterwards expelled from the Union by war? The direct con trary was averred by this Government to be its pur pose, and was so understood by all those who gave their blood and treasure to aid in its prosecution. It cannot be that a successful war waged for the preservation of the Union had the legal effect of dissolving it. The victory of the nation's arms was not the disgrace of her policy ; the defeat of seces sion on the battle-field was no triumph of its law less principle ; nor could Congress, with or without the consent of the Executive, do anything which would have tho effect, directly or indirectly, of separating the States from each other. To dissolve the Union is to repeal the constitution which holds it together, and that is a power which does not be long to any department of this Government or to all of them united. This is so plain that it has been acknowledged by all branches of the Federal Go vernment. The Executive (my predecessor as well as myself) and heads of all the departments have uniformly acted upon the principle that the Union is not only undissolved, but indissoluble. Congreis submitted an amendment of the con stitution to be satisfied by the Southern States, and accepted t heir acts of ratification as a necessary and lawful exercise of their highest functions. If they were not States, or States out of the Union, their consent to a change in the fundamental law of the Union would have been nugatory, and Congress in asking it committed a political absurdity. The judiciary has also given the solemn sanction of its authority to the same view of the case. The judges of the Supreme Court have included the Southern States in their circuits, and they are constantly iu banc and elsewhere exercising jurisdiction which does not belong to them unless those "States are States of the Union. If the Southern States are component parts of the Union the constitution is the supreme law for them, as it ,is for all the other States. They are bound to obey it, and so are we. The right of the Federal Government, which is clear and unquestionable, to enforce the constitution upon them, implies correlative obligations on our part to observe its limitations and execute its guar antees. Without the constitution we are nothing ; by, through, and under the constitution we are what it makes us. We may doubt the wisdom of the law; we may not approve of its provisions, but we cannot violate it merely because it seems to con fine our powers within limits narrower than we could wish. It is not a question of individual, or class, er national interest, much less of party predomi nance, but of duty, of a high and sacred duty, which we are all sworn to perform. If we cannot support the constitution with the cheerful alacrity THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEIVIBER 18, 1867. of those who love and believe in it, we must give totl it at least the fidelity of public servants, who act under solemn obligations and demands which they dare not disregard. There is another consideration which, though of minor importance, is yet of great weight. On the 22d of July, 1861, Congress declared, by an almost unanimous vote of both houses, that the war should be conducted solely for the purpose of preserving the Union and maintaining the supremacy of the Federal constitution and laws, without impairing the dignity and quality and rights of States or in divfluals, and that when this was done the war should cease. Ido not say that this declaration is personally binding on those who joined in making it, any more than individual members of Congress are personally bound to pay a public debt creafed under a law for which they voted. But it was a solemn public official pledge of national honour, and I cannot imagine upon what grounds repudiation of it is to be justified. If it be said that we are not bound to keep faith with the rebels, let it be re membered that this pledge was not made to the rebels only. Thousands of true men in the South were drawn to our standard by it, and hundreds of thousands in the North gave their lives in the belief that it would be carried out. It was made on the day aiter the first great battle of the war had been fought and lost. All patriotic and intelligent men then saw the necessity of making such an assurance, and believing that without it the war would end in disaster to our cause. Hhving given that assurance in the extremity of our peril, the violation of it now in the dow of our power would be a rude rending of that good faith which holds the moral world toge ther.. Our country would cease to have any claim upon the confidence of men ; it would make the war not only a failure, but a fraud. THE RECONSTRUCTION LAWS. Being sincerely convinced that these views are correct, I would be unfaithful to my duty if I did not recommend the repeal of those acts of Congress which place ten of the Southern States under the domination of military masters. If calm reflection should satisfy a majority of your honourable bodies that the acts referred to are not only a violation of the national faith, but in direct conflict with the constitution, I dare not permit myself to doubt that you will immediately strike them from the statute book. To demonstrate the unconstitutional cha racter of those acts I need do no more than refer to their general provisions. It must be seen at once that they are not authorised. To dictate what alterations shall be made in the constitutions of the several States, to control the elections of State legis lators and State officers, members of Congres, and the electors of President and Vice-President, by arbitrarily declaring who shall vote and who shall be exeluded from that privilege ; to dissolve state legislatures, or prevent them from assembling ; to dismiss judges and other civil functionaries of state, and appoint others without regard to state law ; to organise and operate all political machinery of states; to regulate the whole administration of their do- mestic and local affairs, according to the mere will of strange and irresponsible agents sent among them for that purpose—these are powers not granted to the Federal Government or to any one of its branches. Not being granted we violate our trust by assembling them as palpably as as we would by acting in face of positive interdict, for the Constitution forbids us to do whatever it does not affirmatively authorise, either by express words or by clear implication. If the authority we desire to use does not come to us through the constitution we can exercise it only by usurpation, and usurpa tion is the most dangerous of all political crimes By that crime enemies of free government in all. ages have worked out their designg against public liberty and private right. It leads directly and im mediately to the establishment of absoluse rule, for undelegated power is always unlimited and unre strained. The acts of Congress in question are not only objectionable for their assumption of ungranted power, but many of their provisions are in conflict ' with the direct prohibition of the constitution. The 1 constitution commands that a Republican form of Government shall be guaranteed to all States; that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or pro perty without the due process of law ; arrested without a judicial warrant, or punished without a fair trial before an impartial jury ; that the privi lege of the habeas corpus shall not be denied in time of peace, and that no bill of attainder shall be passed even agairst a single individual. Yet the system of of measures established by those acts of Congress does totally subvert and destroy the form as well as the substance of Republican Government in the ten States to which they apply. It binds them hand and foot in absolute slavery, and subjects them to a strange and hostile power more unlimited and more likely to be abused than any other now known among civilised men. It tramples down all those rights in which the essence of liberty consists, and which a free Government is always most careful to protect. It denies the writ of habeas corpus and trial by jury. Personal freedom, property and life, if assailed by passion, prejudice, or rapacity of the ruler, have no security whatever. It has the effect of a bill of attainder, or a bill of pains and penal ties, not upon a few individuals, but upon whole masses, including millions who inhabit the subjected States, and even their unborn children. These wrongs being expressly forbidden cannot be consti tutionally inflicted upon any portion of our people, no matter how they may have come within our jurisdiction, and no matter whether they live in States, territories, or districts. I have no desire to save from proper and just consequences of their great crime those who engaged in rebellion against the Government; but as a mode of punishment the measures under consideration are the most unreason able that could be invented. Many of those people are perfectly innocent ; many kept their fidelity to the Union untainted to the last, many were incap able of any legal offences ; a large portion even of persons able to bear arms were forced into rebellion against their will, and of those who are guilty with their own consent degrees of guilt are as various as the shades of their character and temper. But these acts of Congress confound them altogether in one common doom. Indiscriminate vengeance upon classes, sects, and parties, or upon whole communi ties, for offences committed by a portion of them against Governments to which they owed obedience, was commmon in the barbarous ages of the world ; but Christianity and civilisation have made such progress that recourse to a punishment so cruel and unjust would meet with the condemnation of all un prejudiced and right-minded men. Puritive justice of this age, and especially of this country, does not con sist in stripping whole States of their liberties, and reducing all their people, without distinction, to a condition of slavery. It deals separately with each individual, confines itself to forms of law, and vin dicates its own purity by an impartial examination of every case "before a competent judicial tribunal. If this does not satisfy all our desires with regard to Southern rebels let us console ourselves by re flecting that a free Constitution, triumphant in war and unbroken in peace, is worth far more to us and our children than the gratification of any present feeling. lam aware it is assumed that this system of government for the Southern States is not to be perpetual. It is true this military government is to be only provisional, but it is through this temporary evil that a greater evil is to be made perpetual. If the guarantees of the Constitution can be broken provisionally to serve a temporary purpose, and in a part only of the country, we can destroy them everywhere and for all time. arbitrary measures often change, but they generally change for the worse. It is the course of despotism that it Las no halting place. Intermitted exercise of its power brings no sense of security to its subjects, for they can never know what more they will be called upon to endure when its red right hand is armed to plague them again. Nor is it possible to conjecture how or where power, unrestrained by law, may seek its next victims. States that are still free may be en slaved at any moment, for, if the Constitution does not protect all, it protects none. NEGRO SUFFRAGE' It is manifestly and avowedly the object of these laws to confer upon the negroes the privilege of voting, and to disfranchise such number of white citizens as will give the former a clear majority at all elections in the Southern States. This to the mind of some persons is so important that a violation of ) is justified as a means of bringing it about. That morality is always false which ex cuses a wrong because it proposes to accomplish a desirable end. We are not permitted to do evil that good may come, but in this case the end itself is evil as well as the means. The subjugation of States to negro domination - would be worse than the military despotism under -which they are now suffering. It was believed beforehand that the people would en dure any amount of military oppression for any length of time rather than degrade themselves by subjection to the negro race. Therefore they have been left without a choice. Negro suffrage was established by act of Congress, and military officers were commanded to superintend the process of clothing tL•e negro race with the political privileges torn from white men. The b!acks from the South are entitled to be well and humanely governed, and to have the protection of just laws for all their rights of person and property. If it were practi cable at this time to give them a government exclu sively their own, under which they might manage their own affairs in their own way, it would become a grave question whether we ought to do so or whether common humanity would not require us to save them from themselves. But, under the circumstances, this is only a speculative point. It is not proposed merely that they shall govern them selves, but that they shall rule the white race, make and administer State laws, elect presidents and members of Congress, and shape to a greater or less extent the future destiny of the whole country Would such a trust and power be safe in such hands? The peculiar qualities which should cha racterise any people who are fit to decide upon the management of public affairs for a great State have seldom been combined. It is the glory of the white men to know that they have had these qualities in sufficient measure to build upon this continent a great political fabric, and to preserve its stability for more than ninety years, while in every other part of the world all similar experiments have failed. But if anything can be proved by the known facts; if all reasoning upon evidence is not abandoned, it must be acknowledged that in the pro gress of nations negroes have shown less capacity for government than any other race of people. No independent government of any form has ever been successful in their hands. On the contrary, wherever they have been left to their own devices they have shown a constant tendency to relapse into barbarism. In the Southern States, however, Congress has un dertaken to confer upon them the privilege of the ballot. Just released from slavery, it may be doubted whether, as a class, they knew more than their ancestors how to organise and regulate civil society. Indeed, it is admittod that the blacks of the South are not only regardless of the rights of property, but so utterly ignorant of public affairs, that their voting consists in nothing more than carrying a bal lot to the place where they are directed to deposi it. I need not remind you that the exercise of the elective franchise is the highest attribute of an American citizen, and that when guided by virtue, intelligence, patriotism, and a proper appreciation of our free institutions, it constitutes the true basis of a democratic form of GovernMent, in which the sovereign power is lodged in the body of the people A. trust artificially created, not for its own sake, but solely as a means of promoting the general wel fare, its influence for good must necessarily depend upon the elevated character and the true allegiance of the elector. It ought, therefore, to be reposed in none except those who are fitted morally and mentally to administer it well, for if conferred upou persons who do not justly estimate its value, and who are indifferent as to its result, it will only serve as the means of placing power in the hands of unprincipled and ambitious men, and must eventuate in the complete destruction of the liberty which it should be the most powerful conservator. I have, therefore, here tofore, urged upon your attention the great danger to be apprehended from an untimely extension of the elective franchise to any new class in our country especially when a large majority of that class, in wielding the power thus placed in their hands, can not be expected correctly to comprehend the duties and responsibilities which pertain to the right of suffrage. Yesterday, as it were, four millions of persons were held in a condition of slavery that had existed for generations ; to-day they are free men and are assumed by law to be citizens. It cannot be presumed, from their previous condition of servitude, that, as a class, they are as well in formed as to the nature of our Government as the intelligent foreigner who makes our land his home from choice. In the case of the latter, neither a residence of fi ve y ears an d a k now l e d ge of our institutions which it gives, nor attachment to the principles of our constitation, are the only con ditions upon which he'can be admitted to citizenship. He must prove, in addition, a good moral character, and thus give reasonable ground for belief that he will be faithful to the obligations which he assumes as a citizen of the republic. When a people, the source of all political power, speak by their suffrage through the instrumentality of the ballot-box, it must be carefully guarded against the control of those men who are corrupt in principle and are enemies of free institutions ; for it can only become to our political and social system a safe conductor of healthy popular sentiment ; when kept free from demoralising influences. Controlled through fraud and usurpation by the designing anarchy and des potism must inevitably follow. In the hands of the patriotic and worthy our Government will be pre served upon the principles of the constitution inhe rited from our fathers. It follows, therefore, that in admitting to the ballot-box a new class of voters not qualified for the exercise of the elective fran chise, we weaken our system of Government instead of adding to its strength and durability. I yield to no one in attachment to that rule of general suffrage which distinguishes our policy as a nation ; but there is a limit wisely observed hitherto which makes the ballot a privilege and a trust, and which requires of some classes a time suitable for proba tion and preparation. To give it indiscrimately to a new class, wholly unprepared by previous habits and opportunities to perform the trust which it de mands, is to degrade it, and filially to destroy its power; for it may safely be assumed that no politi cal truth is better established than that such indis criminate and all embracing extension of popular suffrage must end at last in its overthrow and destruc tion. I repeat theexpression of my willingness to join in any plan within the scope of our constitutional authority which promises to better the condition of the negroes in the South, by encouraging them in industry, enlightening their minds, improving their morals, and giving protection to all their just rights as freedmen ; but a transfer of our political inheri tance to them would, in my opinion, be ar. aban donment of a duty which we owe alike to the memory of our fathers and the rights of our chil dren. The plan of putting the Southern States wholly, and the general Government partially, into the hands of negroes is proposed at a time pecu liarly unpropitious. The foundations of society have been broken up by civil war. Industry must be re-organised, justice re-established, public credit maintained, and order brought out of confusion. To accomplish these ends would require all the wisdom and virtue of the great men who formed our institutions originally. I confidently believe that their descendants will be equal to the arduous task before them ; but it is worse than madness to expect that negroes will perform it fur us. Cer - tainly, we ought not to ask their assistance until we despair of our own competency. The great dif ference between the two races in physical, mental, and moral characteristics will prevent an an-ialga 'nation or fusion of them together in ono homo geneous mass. If the inferior obtains the ascendancy over the superior, it will go vern with reference only to its own inte rests, for it will recognise no common inte rest, and create such a tyranny as this continent has never yet witnessed. Already the negroes are in fluenced by promises of confiscation and plunder. They are taught to regard as an enemy every white man who has any respect for the rights of his own race. If this continues it must become worse and worse, until all order will be subverted, all in dustry cease, and the fertile fields of the South will grow up into a wilderness. Of all the dangers which our nation has yet encountered, none are equal to those which must result from the success of the effort now making to Africanise half of our country. (To be continued.) THE LAST OF IMPEACHMENT. The impeachment of the President has, thank Heaven ! come to a final and ignominious end. By a curious and unexplained change of opinion on the part of Mr. Churchill, of New York, who joined Williams, Lawrence, Thomas, and Boutwell, the latter gentleman was able to lay before the House the report of the majority iu fivoar of impeach ment. Whatever may have been Mr. Churchill's reasons, there can be little doubt that he has ren dered good service in swinging round, as the ques tion has now come fairly before the House ; and the millstone, hanging round the Republican neck, has been shaken off. The committee consisted of nine members, seven of whom were Republican. Five reported in favour of impeachment. Mr. Wilson and Mr. Woodbridge, both lawytrs, dissented frOm the rest of the party; and Mr. Marshall and Mr. Eldridge, the Democrats on the committee, de fended Mr. Johnson, and denounced the proceed ings of the majority. The majority report ex tended over twelve closely-written columns, while one of the minority reports fills seventeen and a half of those of the New York Times. Mr. Williams, of Pennsylvania, is responsible for the argumentative portion of the majority report, and not Mr. Bout well. The style is heavy and turgid : one of the sentences takes away the breath, even to look at it. Considering that the business of the committee was to accumulate evidence, acid not to argue as par tisans or counsel on the evidence, this portion of the document is not only bad in style, but bad in taste. The testimony accompanying the reports would be strong if it derived force from the weight of paper which it covers. But it is like some very thin soup deluged with water, or grog which has only the smell of rum about it, which the hungriest pauper and the thirstiest sailor might disdainfully reject. Not a particle of in formation has been given to the country, except, that all that could, has long ago been said against the President. The grounds for the Impeachment are mainly these. That he did not convene Con gress on the surrender of the rebel armies, but on his own responsibility recognised State Governments in the South—that he appointed traitors to office, and denied the right of Congress to reconstruct the South ; that he vetoed Congressional measures, removed loyal persons from office, and abused the pardoning power. The gross charge brought against Mr. Johnson by Mr. Ashley, that he was privy to the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, is sus tained by no evidence except that of the perjurer Canover. Of the value of that evidence Mr. Ashley has had a sample. • The only interest attaching to the Report is the evidence extracted .from some of the most prominent men in the States. General Grant's answers were quick and blunt, and in matter are much less important than the public ex pected. He said as little as he could, and that little in no way affected his political position. He was rather badgered by the members of the committee, but they failed to extract much out of him. " Who is being tried ?" he exclaimed angrily, when pressed on a point beyond endurance. His testimony has raised him still higher in the estimation of the country. At the moment of victory, in opposition both to the people and to the President, he took the true view of the position, confining himself strictly to his military duties, and not thrusting, as M'Clel lan had done, obtrusive counsels on the Cabinet. The moderation and good sense shown by the General, his obedience to the orders of his superior, the simple and single-minded way in which he dis charged his duties, and the truth with which he discerned them, as shown in this testimony, will endear him still more to the American people. Consi dering the magnitude of his success and the bril liancy of his military career, he displayed at the trying moment a marvellous modesty and a self-possession, which we believe pecularly fit him for high office coupled with his magnanimity and kindness of heart. He has been accused of ruthlessly sacrificing men to attain a military object ; but his examination before the committee shows him to have stood as a bulwark between Northern vengeance and the cap tured Southern leaders. He saw the value, too, of seizing on the happy moment presented by the fine feeling manifested in the South immediately on the close of the rebellion, which offered an opportunity for Reconstruction, which has passed away, we fear, for ever. No hammering of the committee could extract a spark from the General damaging to his chief ; and we have little doubt that Grant's evi dence added to the large majority by which the motion for impeachment was defeated. Indeed the tendency of all he said went to prove that Mr. Johnson's " My Policy" was, in truth, that of his predecessor, Mr. Lincoln, and that the minority were justified in stating that acts for which Mr. Lincoln was clamorously appaueled are deemed high crimes in Mr. Johnson. When ,asked whether the ssheme of Reconstruction was the President's own creation, Mr. Seward replied that it "grew during the Administration of Mr. Lincoln and the Adminis tration of Mr. Johnson, and it was modified from time to time by the circumstances as they occurred." Mr. Seward thought he was the author of the first plan of reorganisation (in the case of Ten nessee). Mr. Johnson subsequently adopted it. He had seen no indication on Mr. Johnson's part to prevent the trial of Jefferson Davis, but the contrary. Mr. Stanton stated that no member of the Cabinet ever expressed a doubt of the authority of the President to recognise the Southern State Governments, without the aid of Congress. He (Stanton) fully approved President Johnson's plan. He (Stanton) had himself made the rough draft of Mr. Lincoln's plan, which was afterwards adopted by President Johnson, with no important changes. The question of extending the suffrage came up, and there were differences of opinion, but the Cabi net finally agreed with Mr. Johnson. After the adoption of the North Carolina proclamation it was not again discussed in the Cabinet. Secretary IlPCulloch testified that the revenues were not as well collected as if the original appoin tees had been allowed to retain their offices, and gave an account of some removals by order of the President. Commissioner Rollins gave similar tes timony as to the internal revenue service, said that few of the removals had been for dishonesty or incapacity, and that the removals by the President had caused the loss of several millions of dollar's. There were men in the service whom ho had re quested to be removed as many as six times. The Secretary always made remove is when he had evi dence of their inefficiency. In most districts where the officers had been changed a loss had occurred. In 240 collection districts 150 assessors had been removed. Iu States where removals were made, the best men were removed. Chief Justice Chase said he had not been un willing to try Jeff Davis, but he did not think it right to do it while military rule continued in his district in Virginia, and the President declined to issue a special proclamation removing such rule. (It continues now, just as it did then, but the Chief Justice does not adhere to the objection.) Previously he had declined to give the President his opinion as to whether Davis should be tried by a military or civil court, as he did not think that a matter for himself (Chase) to theorise about. When he held court he should try everybody brought before him. Attorney-General Speed testified that the prose cution of Davis was entrusted to him, and the President instructed him to bring him to trial as speedily as it could be done. lie said—" I em ployed counsel to aid in the prosecution, and we all came to the conclusion that unless the Judge of the Supreme Court could preside he should not be tried ; that the case was one over which he should preside ; and I had great disinclination to have Davis tried before Underwood; I would not con sent to it at all; the Chief Justice declined to go there, because the country was not so quiet as he desired, and because military rule prevailed there. So long as I was in office I opposed a trial before Judge Underwood, and as Mr. Chase would not or could not go there the trial did not come off. A question was made about trying Davis in Kentucky. That I opposed, be cause it would have to be a case of constructive pram° itn liatucky. The questicqz was mooted as to trying him in Pennsylvania, Indiana, °I Ohio, in connection with John Morgan's raid; be t I opposed his being tried in any State except where he had been actually present. Then it was said tha t we could appoint a judge in " Judge Caton's Pla ce and try him in East Tennessee. That was anxiouel9 considered, and on a consideration of it by the Pre" sident, with myself, we both concurred that it would not look well for the President to make a judge to try Davis at the President's own home and in L is own State. I violently o'iposed his trial for 11 ' e crime of treaso n b e f ore a m i litary commission, and scythe thing stood until I left office. I must .v 9 that I was, on these grounds, the Principal ca use et the non-trial of atvis." Lafayette C. Biker testified as to a letter of Andrew Johnson to a Southern man, written is 1864, giving advice to Davis and information about :he troops around Washington. Barker raid that a son of Parson Brownlow hired a negro to steal the letter from Jolmsou's table a t N as h v ill e, an d that . was given to him (Baker) by John W. Achn)PoDl ° Nashville, to whom he afterwards returned it. ab e letter was not produced, and Baker's account of tLe contents is vague, and does not begin to sustain the story that it was an offer of Johnson to join the re' bellion if he could be Vice-President with Davis' The rest of Baker's evidence concerns the notorious Mrs. Cobb, and Baker says she confessed to an it 1 1:, proper intimacy with the President. Her WO' would be worthl ess enough, and is not improved in credibility by coming through Baker. Baker had nothing else to tell. BRITISH SUBJECTS TN AMERICA• flistoricus—a well-known writer in the Tines -- has taken up the paragraph in the President s speech urging " Congress to declare that the DS; turalisation of a foreigner, as a citizen of the Uilite u States, absolves the recipient from allegiance to th e sovereign of his native country," as the text of A letter. He exposes the absurdity of English law °n a subject daily growing weighter in importance . The simple doctrine of the common law of Englan ci f is that " Every man born within the dominions the Crown is born within the Fgeance of the Crow° and is a British subject, and that, whether the, parents are British subj ec t s or a li ens. " A obi born of foreign parents i n E ng l an d was E ng li s h ; ° English parents abroad—a foreigner. In the reig° of Charles 11. a special statute naturalised the chn' dren of Englishmen who had fled during the Coin' monwealth, and whose children were thus born i° foreign parts. By a s t a t u t e o f George 11., a 1 1 ..„ children of natur a l b orn B r i t i s h subjects he r abroad were ma d e natural born British 13°_,v. jects. By a st a t u t e o f G eorge 111., it is enacted' " That the children of fathers made British subjec t ; by the Act of George 11. (i.e., the grandchildren °, a natural-born British father) are hereby declare ( ' to be natural-born British subjects to all intents! constructions, and purposes whatsoever.' " 111 1 persons who but for thi s l aw wou ld b e to al l i n tents and purposes foreig ners b ecome B r i t i sh c itizens without choice. Th e c h aracter and dist i nc tive principle of British citi zens hi p i s th at of i n 3 e lib' i e and indefensible allegi ance . Bl ac k stone aff i rms tbat " It is a principle of un i versa l l aw t h at the na t u ral: born subject of our. Prince cannot by an act of his own, no, not by swearing allegiance to another, P°,, 'off or discharge his natural allegiance to the former., Now the reverse is th e case, and English law deriv ed from feudal times when every man held m ediate from some lord, and u lti ma t e l y o f t h e ki ng, a ffirme ° o a principle which was at variance with comet I t sense, and wholly inapplicable to present times. would manifestly be impossible now for EnglandY i enforce such a doctrine, which would i nc lude Jos: the citizens of the greatest of States as bearieb allegiance to the British Crown. When practical tested long ago, in th e case o f 2Eneas Alaedonal°o' the English Gover nmen t s h ran k f rom carryingrinr; execution the sentence en ac t e d b y t h e law. Na".. donald was a native of Great Britain, who bad re l ; ceived his education from hi s ear l y infancy 11 France, and spent hi s r ip er years i n a profitaf employment in that kingdom, and had accepted commission in the service of the French having, while acting under that commission, W I taken in arms (of co urse i n a legitimate Nvsj against the King of England, he was indicted o ° o convicted of high trea son . B u t h e was afterwcru., pardoned on condition of hi s l eav i ng t h e ki n gdl for ever. The logic a l consequence o f th i s ill-ornenc doctrine was th e i mme di ate cause of the un h a ppy war with America in 1812. In that war, acti °4 * upon this theory of citizenship, the English GoverE meat threatened t o p un i s h as tra i tors its native s ub'` jects naturali se d i n th e U n i te d States, and taken arms. This mena ce was met b y the arrest of Briti sh s officers as hostages, on whom the United States O nounced their i n t en ti on t o retal i ate. The E n glish Government shrank from c arr yi ng ou t th e i r threa t, e and these 11 natural-born British subjects" vi'o r afterwards included in the cartels of exchange' The law of France avoids the preposterous con s ,, e ; quences of making citizenship d epen d en t on 0... mere local accident of bi r th. A stranger b o rn It' France may become a Frenchmen if he elects eu attaining his majority to do so, and testifies his iu tention to make his home in France. Instead ef enforcing an in vo l un t ary c iti zens hi p, the French law decrees the forfeiture of the privileges of citizen:, ship where the deliberate intention is clear to Ni e draw from the State. And in this the test is ill a „ deliberate domicile, not accidental birth. In Au 3;; rica the law is grounded on that of England. This vat affirmed by Wheaton, who asserted that he was "'",, aware that " a natural-born subject of one coma% can throw off his primitive allegiance, so as to ces. ye to be responsible for criminal acts against his nat i he country." When resident at Berlin he refused protection of his Government to a Prussian natur°,„ ised in America called to perform military daty.'cr his native country. " Having returned," lie " to the country of your birth, your native eie - 0 - 0 vile and national character revert (so long as 5 : r e remain in the Prussian dominions), and you - 0 bound in all respects to obey the laws exactly of if,you had never emigrated." In 1795 a jag( ) e d the United Stat es S upreme C ourt thus exPress•e himself :—"A st a t u t e o f th e U n i te d S tates relativet to expatriation is much wan t e d, espec i a ll y as of common law, of England is by the const i tu tion _ a. some of the States expre ss ly recogn i se d an d a dopt e it , Besides ascertaining by positive law the manner to which expatriati on ma y b e e ff ec t e d , i t would obvloy doubts and render the su bj ec t no t or i ous an d e of apprehension, and furnish the rule of civil c°, to duct on a very interesting point." No such statr,u,et has ever been passed, and in America the con°l 3o between the Judicial and Executive doctrine on ,'„ 0 , subject remains the same. As .Historicus obsellicji the English and American common law is w h° ; s 3l inadequate to so l ve t h e question of the p?"t",; of status of that v as t popu l a ti on o f English origin of of American domicile peopling the further s hores .., 0 the Atlantic. 'The British law asserts the doctrtioP, of indissoluble allegiance ; the American Cons tl io g tion demands on naturalisation, an oath ahi °l ;,bo foreign allegiance. Thus British emigrants 'i es , have settled in the States are placed in the lor rie s able position of being held by law to an allegl y es which they may have disowned, and which inv°„cr a legal fiction and a political absurdity. 1118,09 r• s . sons during the late war soug h t t o escape co ns ern. tion as British subjects ; but the English Go v : iv ment never attempted to i n t erpose i ts office s the case of those w h o h a d c l ear l y exhibited ite cl intention to adopt the n a ti ona lit y of the ii ° o pcl States. 'That such a demand could be made'f the that according to English l aw a vas t num ber °, for combatants on both sid es m i g h t b e i n dicted v . offences, are proofs how grea tl y it needs revl6l Finally, Historicw ,10 asserts that a revision car simplify instead of embarrassing the action ei vernment in the unlawful proceedings of the Jt ° a rs American Fenians ; for the more clearly theYj ct ii recognised as American citizens, the more dittjtvir responsible is the Ame r ic an G overnmen t for.sion conduct abroad. He advise s a m i xe d comm l iv eirf of English and A mer i can l awyers an d states on who could without difficulty arrive at a e° ll) et on basis which would pl ace thi s paramoun t s ubje a satisfactory footing. Births. P llll RIPLEY—On the 13th inst., at Surbiton, the wifo °f A. Ripley, Esq., of a son. Si SAREL—On the 16th inst., at IJalconibo Rectory, S r , the wife of Lieut.-C o l. S are l, 17th L ancers , of 3 s° " . l , ll' SHANKS—On the 1511 t inst., at 2, Alten-terrace' o f th mouth, tho wife of Ilemsley 11. Shanks, Lsq" daughter. Marriages. Pli a rV HAWLEY - LANGFORD —On the 14 1h i ns t. , at Tw-- ke J. - William Henry, eldest survi v i ng son o f Ifenil ogef Hawley, of that parish, to Ayliff one I s abella, Y ° daughter of the late A. Langford, of Jersey- Church' SAUNDERS—GIBSON— OD the 26th O c t at Christ "" Colombo, Ceylon, Frederi c k Richard. eaunders, Ceylon to Mary, second daughter of-the 11°13. Charles Gibson, Colonial Secretary. Deaths. nos 0 MILLER—On the 17th inst., at Woodford Vi r e ,i ' Miller, Esq. (11011,1°' SCHOFIELD— T. On the 12th inst , at Tan-yr-Allt, -‘ , „' 3 11 Eliza, wife of Andrew Schofield, Esq., Woothi e ham, aged 67. fle l3rl TAYLOR —On the 11th inst., at Radipole House, Taylor, Esq., aged 71 vE T IO' ____----- A N D....- ii i London : Printed and Published by WILLIA 3I " No .-A of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TRH SUN OfaM,,ottY " Strand in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the " / iLiC ia l MI , "" Wednesday, December 18, lea! A . FrEI After D After II After A, After 0 AftetSl After N After St .LAtter -meta Sky T ITE LtNelli CU: we. Prival "XT Opp T °a and a p.m. to Oae BETA p rize Meda l It is Purc ~Sold B " 40 Agprit 8, t_Vbserve Observe ' ln' s LL g ~ A .,Rtr xevrssq. t~ias Werkly frei r i l II During 7.l(l ircl Au g ENi rrinct t al ~leism Btu Lnd Chorus 4teltinEr, an „ r e() Am Di .LATIR, T and rues K Elr F„ w BT4‘,ki ovate rneaade, ls ITA.D2 A Life-qi of Abyssin; °I England 'Pen fro -4ttln,l'e, A . RGy llg magi ua , 'ing bee , by Messrs. 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