The Sun. — London, England, 1849-07-24 00:00:00

in this he had pursued what he considered a constitu tional course. While measures were passing through Par liament, the Government were responsible for them, but When they were adopted by the Legislature, then the re sponsibility rested on Parliament.—(Hear.) He said the whole of our legislation had been inefficient—the early temporary, as well as the mere recent so-called Permanent measures; but in doing so ho wished to cast no direct or special censure upon the Government. He thought that the fact must be admitted, and therefore he trusted that in that, the first assembly in the world, it would be resolved to commence a new policy—based t r n the principle that, in order to maintain our high Mee among n a ti o ns, Ireland must be trade happy and p r osperous. Wh e n it was so, England would still hold her head aloft, and keep its place in the van of civilize tinne—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member concluded by moving the resolutions. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said there was very much in th e speech of his Hon. Friend from which he was com • Pentad to dissent; but there was one part of it especially Which, must express his surprise at, namely, the that during the present session the House had sh own an indi s p os iti on t o discuss Irish atfairs.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever difference of opinion there might be "Pon other subjects, he thought there could be none Wit to the p a ti ence , th e a lmost unexampled patence, dtehrevsttich everything relating to Ireland had been con 1u —(Cheers, and " No, no.") His Hon. Friend h imself was an instance of this attention to Irish affairs, of At the end, he might almost say the last day a session which had been almost exclusively occupied With Irish affairs, the Honourable Gentleman came down a nd superseded the Irish representatives—(Hear, hear) — twhose peculiar duty it was to complain, if complaint was uttifiable.—(Hear, hear.) Though the Hon. Gentleman n ew nothin g o f th e coun t r y—(llear, hear) —though he h ad never set hi s f oot i n i t , h e now ca m e not, as he said, t Parliamentll ceesure the policy of the Government, but to censure for its legislation for Ireland, and of course to censure th e G overnment f or th e m easures which it L'aci . propos e d t o P ar l iament , an d w hi c h h a d been ad o pted y i ts — (Hear, hea r .) He certainly must express his astonishment at the extremely inconsistent nature of the Peech of th e H on. G ent l eman . A t t h e commenceme nt p_ n had a ll u d ed to the Labour-rate Act, and then to t h e r-hi es Act, and laid all the evils and sufferings which ,fiiicted Ireland to these measures; but his Hon. Friend Lad not proceeded far before he came to the real causes of these evils, and depicted their antiquity and severity it a way f rom which he was certainty not inclined to differ much, but which, at the same time, he must say, did not throw much new light upon the subject, and he therefore did not feel called upon to follow him into de ?ilk He felt th e more difficulty in following the Hon. Member th roug h all the documents h e h a d b roug h t for ward, necause there was scarcely one of the social evils of Ireland which the Hon. Member did not take up, but many of th ese were mat t ers no t to be discussed in a few hours i n . One night , but would require separate discus - Sion for successive nights.—(Hear, hear.) He would, however, briefly advert to the evils which the Honour able Member said had been caused by the legislation of P arliament. In the year 1845 the Right Hon. Baronet Passed an Act of Parliament to provide for the pressure Which threatened to bear on Ireland. That pressure did not pro vele) be so heavy as was anticipated, but in th e following year the famine pressed severely on the country, and then the present Government proposed the Labour-rate Act as a means of staying its ravages. That measure dil not materially differ from the former one, but the times and circumstances were different.— (hear.)The Hon. Gentleman had pointed out its defects, but it was easy after the events to do so.—(Hear, hear.) It was, however, a singular thing that at the time the Act was passing the Hon. Gentleman raised no opposi tion to it.—(H ea r.) He now came forward and threw blam e on the House and the Government. But where W as he at that time?—(Cheers.) He was a Member of toe House at the time, why was he not there to take his s hare in the debates?—(Hear.) Oh, but, said his Hon. Friend scarcely was the Act passed when the gentry of Ireland assembled and called upon the Lord-Lieutenant for a change; but he said the place of the Irish gentry Was in that House.—(Cheers.) However late in the session it was, it was their duty to have been there to advise the Legislature as to the most practical methods of meeting the difficulty. It was no excuse that they complained to the Lord-Lieutenant of the con sequences of their own neglect. (Loud cheers.) Well, then, the Honourable Gentleman having denounced this measure, and it was easy to do so, as he had said, after the event, proceeded to denounce the Poor law Act. In passing he would say, however, that the absence of t h e fi rst would have sentenced ' hundreds and thousands of person s t o d ea t h.—(Hear, hear.) T he real truth was, that no one could have forseen that so much Pauperism an d m i sery would have to be relieved; but With all its defects it had met the emergency to a consi derable extent.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the Poor-law, he denied that it was intended to meet a fa itnoe- They h a d no reason on t h e Bth of June, 1847, W _ hen it re ce i ve d t h e Royal ' Assent, to anticipate another famine like that of the previous year. It was a mea sure intended for the remedy of ordinary evils, and al though the Hon. Gentleman had depicted what h e called an average sample of the misery and destitution of Ireland under its opeartion, he must take leave to flay that these statements were, in his opinion, most ex aggerated. Mr. HORSMAN—I quoted from the Blue Book. Sir W. SOMERVILLE said it was easy to go through evidence, and pick out a bit here, and another there, in order to make out a case.—(Hear.) But, as a sample of the average condition of the horrors, the Hon. Gentle- Men took Ballina. Why, Barnum was not an average, but an extreme case, and even in it he saw hopes of a bette r time under the poor•law.—(Hear.) The return for the week ending the Bth of June, 1849, showed that the number of persons receiving relief was 28,000—an enormous number, certainly—but in the corre s p o ndi ng week of 1848 they were 41,000.—(Hear, hear.) He thought, therefore, it was evident under the operation of this law, the pauperism of Ireland was decreasing. The suspension of out-door relief at this moment would be the sentence of death on thousands of persons. The Hon. Gentleman had taken the Union of Ballina as at illustration, but in the week ending this year 30th . J une, 27,700 pe rsons were rece i v i ng re li e f i n t h at un i on. 14 1 848, in the corresponding week of this year, there Were 41,000 receiving relief in the same union. It was g r eatly to the cr e dit o f th e p oor p eo pl e , an d comp l ete l y disproved the charge of idleness and want of self-reli ance., charged against the people of Ireland. Some of the money came from America, but a great proportion of it came from England and Scotland, whither they had gone to seek fur employment. It was the opinion of Mr. Nicholls that the time had come for the extension of out-door relief to the poor of Ireland. The Right Honourable Gentleman then proceeded to answer the a rguments advanced by the Honourable Member for Cocketmouth, with regard to the promotion of emi gration, and asked where he was when the question had been brought forward by the Honourable Mem ber for Limerick. He next entered into a vindication of the present system of taxation, and proceeded to show 1 that a reduction of that area to estate assessment, for the nominal purpose of individualising responsibility, would not act fairly or beneficially. It the Hon. Gentleman's proposition were carried out, they should have farm as sessment, and that could not be adopted if the other pro visions of the poor-law were to be carried out. The re commendations of the Commission recently appointed on this subject were in progress of adoption, and they would have the effect of rendering the extent of area more adapted to the requirements of the country than was now recognised. He wished to state that it was not in the Power of any Government to provide means to remove the great distress which prevailed, but they had supplied Palliatives, which were granted with no niggardly hand. 1 1 : 15 was not over sanguine, but he thought there were heof a bright future being discernible for Ireland. - s -he prospect of a good harvest was, he thanked Provi tience, easily discernible, and measures had been sane btheoned Gentleman b . y the Legislature which were calculated to nefit the condition of Ireland. The Right Hon. concluded by moving a direct negative to e motion. Mr. UORSMAN explained. He had never expressed IY desire w h atever that the present potatoe crop of jeland should be destroyed. What he said was, that he soule. culture l o t ti t this Irish agriculture.eeculent would not remain the ul i 9 te,.. pe a r d n . d th . rativ e hal'neAf STAFFORD contended that the Government ”ed fortoportunities for legislating in au amelio the spirit the people of Ireland, and ref used to act n suggestions f ose practically acquainted with that country. He then proceeded to review in detail the measures rought forward by the Government. The taxation. question of wanted T r e h o Pr esentation could not be separated from n. Member for Glasgow (Mr. Mac • gregor) Members for Kensington, and the Members fore two lion. Member f Limerickl (Mr. John O'Connell) wanted two taxation reland, and if they talked about ex tending in Ireland, they could not refuse to ex tend also the number of M embers. He could not help alluding to the Saving s B an k Committee. The report had not yet been received and he thought, considering the course which the Government had pursued with re. to that ference Committee, they were bound to exert themselves to bring the inquiry to a satisfactory and speedy terminatio as reat public interest was excited ° lll the • subject, especially among the humbler portion of the community. Ie Hon. Member then went on to allude to proceedings nty' which had taken place with refe rence to the Irish Poor -law Amendment Bill, and espe cially to th e rate i n aid. The Poor-law Amendment Bill w!is Passed through that House in opposition to the wishes of the Irish Members, and by m eans o f E ng li s h maj or i t i es. —( Loud cries of ‘ Hear, hear," from the Irish Members.) And o'such a character was that Bill, that it would lead to the * rerence that they had one kind of With reference to the legislation for Ireland aril another kind for England. guar dians, he saidillTAw.aassthceonvinced that a system of local formation of the boards of self-governme Mr. SHELL said, he only not forget that this was way to regenerate Ireland. t it rather surprising that the 23d of July, a n d he tlfoeuulh none of the Irish Mernberasthg:lll thought it Judicious to gous to what the originate a proposition Hon. Member for Cockernsoutral° Horsman) had brought forward. Surely it was not ( e Nir. 4 p b r Y es want of selere to the task which had devolved ea r t r i n an y inef ficiency Ilan Perfect fallen on him. It was not from bins' or which had htcin Friend Lance of which his Hon. Friend spethcua-t r eodel.—(Laughter.) However, it was telit.istell p ro per to the Member for Cockermouth, had thougvc (tome forward actuated hy all that anxiety lattve sympathy could afford. But it was nes . e reason they found him in the front of the deebra other t eli e s l that important question, but it was because his wa t n e knowledge. of Laud was c .uotervailed by tlaguished qualities, especially to be the org-il l of dis satisfaction_ and the polished mirror of dieeontene-11ear, hear.) lint let it not be supposed that he in sinuated... it was only by the u-e of caustics his Ro n , f, a icod was dissatisfied. Ho could praise as well as iJleae• lie well retie ( mber, el that in the course of last session his lion. Friend we Member for Cockermuu t h prop osed to extend the tn x eume-ta to Ireland, and he loused an en com i um on Lord Clarendon. Indeed he Eh . e ) had r emar k ed that most persons who were lir s, and s had ,ment wows orrect arving is case ess. L had THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 1849, lavish in their praises of that Noble Lord, were particu larly anxious to undermine the Government on which he cast so much lustre; but he did not confine his preise to that Lord-Lieutenant, but extended it also to the Prune Minister, and considerately said that allowances ought to be made fur the difficulties which Ministers had to en counter.—(iJear.) And wisely be did so, for where was the man who could not make allowances for the rlitli culties incident to the disasters, which, in the annals of national calamities, had never been surpassed—(Hear) — and yet his Hon. Friend, by his motion, passed a con demnation on the measures which the Government had adopted, for it was his motion, and not his ech, which they had to vote upon, and that was a censure on the temporary measures which they had adopted for the relief of Ireland. He (Mr. Sheil) did not say that those measures were faultless. He was no optimist of the Treasury Bench. He .was not one who thought the Government must be perfect because he might belougto it —neither did he think it must be imbecile because he might not pertain to it.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Ministers might have committed errors, but they were as nothing compared to the good that had been effected —thousands had fallen by the mysterious visitation of God, and millions had been saved by the generosity of England.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hoar.") The misery was beyond example, so was the generosity. When those mere temporary measures were passed and gmaa what was the reason a the Hon. Member calling upon them to take this retrospective vie al—why did he call on them to inscribe an epitaph on the juurnals of the House? The Hon. Gentleman next proceeded to review the measure which had been enacted for permanent re lief ; but surely they were not now going into that dis cussion. The evils of the poor- law were quite clear — nothing could ba so bad as a poor law for Ireland, except its non-t nactnent.—(Hear.) Government lind to choose between poor-houses and charnel-hou.:es, and they chose the former.—(Hear, hear.) He did not blame the landlords for endeavuuring to preserve their interests. It was natural they should do so. He (Mr. Shed) would receive with caution the opinion of an English county Member with reference to the duty on corn, or the opinion of a Manchester manufacturer on the Ten Hours Bill, or the opinion of an East India planter on the price of sugar, and in like manner he had received with caution the opinion of an Irish landlord on the narrow dread of taxation.—(Hear, hear.) When the Hon. Member said that the misfortune of Ireland would be productive of her happiness, he could not but envy the fancy of that man who could raise up such a beatific vision. Olam Fodhla, the great Irish legislator, was but the precursor of the Hon. Member.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Hon. Member talked of a comprehensive policy—what did his policy comprehend—what was his unfathomable legislation? .His (Mr. Sheil's) opinion was, that the pre sent state of Ireland was such as no human laws could reach. The prayer with which they opened their debates must be granted. Ireland must often again teem with fertility. The slighless and mysterious influence which had three times blasted that island must be inter mitted. It was hopeless to expect that any great good could be accomplished by human legislation to the un fortunate country which had been visited with woes without example, and which could not be healed but by infinite mercy.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. O'GORMAN MAHON said, as so many Irish Members would feel it their duty to address the House, he would now move the adjournment of the debate, which was agreed to without a division. Upon to-morrow (this day) being named, Lord J. RUSSELL said he would offer no objection, but he could not allow the adjourned debate to take pre cedence of the business on the paper. The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the House adjourned at a few minutes past Twelve o'clock. Mr. ALEXANDER then came forward, and was received with loud cheers. He regretted that the task of moving the first resolution had fallen upon so humble an indi vidual as himself, but perhaps the circumstance of his belonging to the Peace Society might have been a motive for placing him in his present position—(Cheers) --- , and it was as a friend of peace that he appeared upon that platform.—(Loud cheers.) He felt, as the friend of peace, that they were called upon to give ex pression to their feelings in reference to the unjust and cruel war which was now raging between Austria and Russia on the one hand, and the Hungarians on the other.—(Loud cheers.) When public opinion exercised so important an influence on passing events, it was surely of no mean importance that a great city like London should express its opinion upon those cir cumstances to which the attention of the meeting would he called today. When he looked to the history of the last fifty years especially to that long war which waged during a considerable part of that period, and which lately the Prime Minister of this country de clared to be wholly unnecessary —(Loud cheers) — when he looked at that he was more than ever convinced that it was the duty of the people of a free country to express their opinions with re f-renc,-.‘ to the d,solating scourge —war, and especially when it was waged in a most unjustifiable and iniquitous manner.—(Hear.) Allusion had been made to the tone of the remarks contained in the leading journal of this city. He confessed that those remarks constituted another reason for his taking a part in that meet ing. —(Hear, hear.) He had read them with disgust and indignation .—(Loud cheers.) That paper, he was sorry to say, appeared to him to have become the bosom and Usworn ally of despotism.—(Loud cheers, and waving of hats and handkerchiefs by nearly every one in the meeting, followed by loud hisses.) There was on the part of that journal, and of one or two others which might be named, very great consideration for our ancient ally Austria, but he was sorry to say that he saw in them comparatively little sympathy for the wrongs which were endured by the Hungarians— (Cheers)—there was little sympathy for cities laid waste by Imperial forces and by hordes of Cossacks. — (Cheers.) But while he deplored, on the one hand, the conduct of some of the leading journals, on the other he had great satisfaction in seeing that the cause was taken up by other important and influential metro politan newspapers.—(Cheers.) There was besides a judicious defence of the rights of the Hungarians in the last number of Blackwood's Magazine, and also an able ar ticle, which, though not so extended, is couched in a similar spirit, in the Edinburgh Review.—(Cheers.) The resolution which he proposed was to the following effect:— " That this meeting, without compromising individual opinions on the subject of war, regard with sincere admiration, respect, and sympathy, the noble determina tion of the Hungarian nation to maintain intact their just rights and the constitutional independence they have inherited from their fathers, against the tyrannical encroachments of Austrian despotism." —(Cheers.) He admired the earnestness with which the Hungarians sought to maintain their just rights, although he regretted that they had referred them to the arbitra tion of the sword.—(Cheers.) He hoped that this meeting would induce the representatives of London to do their duty with respect to the Hungarian cause.— (Loud cheers.) He was glad already to see that Lord John Russell did not now qualify the Hungarian insurrection in the same language that he previously did. He hoped that he would be induced to use the influence of his high position to persuade Aus tria to make peace with Hungary upon just conditions. Mr. Alexander concluded by moving the resolution, and INDEPENDENCE sat down amidst loud cheers. Mr. COBDEN, M.P., then advanced to the front of the platform to second the resolution, and was recived with loud and prolonged cheering. When silence was re stored he spoke to the following effect:—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,—l think after this demonstration to-day no paper will have the audacity to say that the inhabi tants of this great city are indifferent to the state of Hungary, or to the objects of those despots who are making daring attempts to fetter her liberties and in dependence.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I appear here to (lay anxious to add my mite of sympathy to that which you are prepared to express for the interest of the Hun garians, and I think it right that I should explain exactly what my sympathy is, and what my objects are in coming here.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, if I have one principle more than another firmly fixed in my mind, and one which I think it is not only necessary for the interest of this country, but for all countries to recognise, it is this, that a separate and inde pendent country should be allowed to regulate their own affairs in the way which to them may seem best, with out the interference of any other foreign power what ever.—(Loud cheers.) I make no exception to this rule. I include in it the right of the Romans.— (Cheers.) I include within the benefits of this principle the poorest, the humblest, the most degraded commu nity; for it is no answer to my principle to tell me that certain countries are not in a state to govern themselves properly. I say, the fact that a country is not able to govern itself properly, is no reason why you should go and attempt to govern it according to your own notions.—(Cheers.) I come now to the case before us— and I am anxious that no time should be lost, and as I shall not address you long I hope I shall meat with little interruptions.—(Hear, hear.) The ques tion before us is that of Hungarian independence.— (Cheers.) If this had been a question simply between Hungary and Austria, I should not have appeared here to-day, nor would it have been necessary, gentle men, for any of us -to appear here to-day.—(Cneers.) So long as the Hungarians were left to settle their affairs with the Government of Vienna, they were per fectly competent to do it, without the interference of the citizens of London. Why, gentlemen, they have, I be lieve, driven the Austrian army from their territories, and to all intents and purposes, therefore, they stand now in the position of an independent nation. —(Loud cheers.) So far, then, have they, by their own power, been able to maintain their own indepen dence against Austria. But, gentlemen, my object in coming here to-day is to protest against an armed inter vention as unjust, as iniquitous, and as infamous as any that was ever perpetrated by any nation,—(Cheers.) I come here to protest against the Russian hordes pouring on the plains of Hungary, and I do so upon the principle I laid down at the beginning. I would protest against an English standing army being sent into Hungary to fight the battle on the other side, and I now protest against the English Government sending a standing army of Englishmen to encroach upon the Theiss and Danube. I come here to protest against foreigners being there at all.—(Cheers.) And here, gentlemen, I must say that I have seen with some astonishment, in the speech delivered by Lord Palmerstou—for I was not in my place in the House of Commons on Saturday, having had a three weeks' engagement to go up the river on a pleasure party with your excellent Lord Mayor—there is no mention o that,fff fendaß r u L s himselfosori of )1 ua l nl amgks against r y rsys t;n I o aonwh mention v aene s tna e mltt spoaeonke portion mustotn ifg w o nR i ats of yfos en s : w o gah m .es_i re e pehi astonishment y u hi nju th st at ch s a p r e g e e c s h ma Frion th d e e r e u p i o s n n h o i t m o i n n e t w h e o r H d o of f s e c o o f n e r d s t:ay he m f regret, or rebuke— no t one wor d of the most moderate disapprobation disapprobation against the conduct of Russia.— (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, that is the whole question— Russian interference. Well, I have told you that I am not for interfering in allowing our Government to send Englishmen to fight the battle of Hungary against Russia, and I come here now upon the same principle to protest against Russia going to the as sistance of Austria.—(Cheers.) Now, we may be asked, why do we assemble here when we are not prepared to follow up this meeting by a course of action highly cal culated to aid Hungary.—(Hear, hear.) Well, gen tlemen, we come here in the first place to express our opinion that we despise despots, and that opinion will have the effect of proving to the world that we are a free community, despite the efforts of Russia, while it will teach foreign despots not to believe the preaching of a certain portion of the press, when they tell them that any Minister, or any Government in this country can, by any possibility, lend its aid to the cause of despotism.—(Cheers.) That, now, is something, but then when we have done that, we can do something more. I belong to the peace party, though I cannot claim for myself those views which my friend who pre ceded me has explained. I am afraid, however, if we test those views by the New Testa ment he is right, but still we have not come here absolutely to commit ourselves to his opinions; what we have come here for is to raise the feeling of the peace party of this country against this monstrous aggression, and depend upon it we can do it in a most effective manner. (Hear, hear,) We may be asked, how can you bring moral force to bear upon these armed despots? Well, I will tell you. We can stop the supplies.—(Cheers.) Why, gentlemen, Russia can't carry on two campaigns beyond her own frontiers without coming to western Europe for a loan. She never has done so; she never has moved aa army of 30,000 men without having either been sub sidised by England or borrowing money at Amster dam. I tell you I have had many opportunities of as certaining and knowing the state of Russia, having paid a visit there recently,whea I went a little behind the scenes, and I tell you Russia cannot carry on two campaigns in Hungarians without coming to borrow money in Western Europe or robbing the bank at St. Peters burgb.—(A cry of " Question.") Why that must be a Russian agent or spy, for that is the question. — (Cheers.) The Russian party here and abroad would rather that we sent them swords, cavalries, and bat teries of cannon, than that I should direct your atten tion to the facts that I am now going to refer to. — (Hear, hear.) I say, sir, Russia cannot carry on two campaigns without a loan. In 1829 Russia was engaged in a war with Turkey, and after one campaign she was obliged to apply to Hope and Co., at Amsterdam, for 40,000 florins.—[Some interruption took place here.]—Let him alone (continued Mr. Cobden), I dare say we shall be able to convert him to our principles. — (A laugh.) I have told you that in 1829 Russia was obliged to borrow 40,000 florins from Hope and Co. to carry on a war of two years with Turkey. In 1831, when the Poles rose in insurrection against Russia, she could not carry on that war of nine months without contracting a loan, and only this morning I have seen a paper speaking of that particular loan having been contracted, which states that this loan is called in London the Polish Murdering Loan.—(Cheers.) W(11 now, gentlemen, I want to know, as a member of the peace party, if we cannot do something to prevent Russia or Austria from raising a loan in Western Europe again.—(Hear.) Now the issue of the contest alone depends upon that. I have told you that they cannot carry on a war without robbing the bank of St. Petersburgh, or borrowing money abroad. Tbey have no one in their country from whom they can borrow — none among all their citizens can lend them a farthing.—(Cheers.) Russia alone enjoys the credit of being wealthy, ou Naomi' of the dwelt of Mar diplo matists, who are clever, skilful men, and who manage to magnify its wealth, but which no one who has investi gated the means of Russia would believe for a moment. They tell us that the Emperor has wealthy gold mines in Siberia from which we can draw any amount of gold ; and I believe that is seriensly believed by some of the gentlemen at the Government establishment in Threadneedle street. Now, I have been there, and I knew what is the value of these mines. The Russian Govern ment does not work the mines itself----(Here much noise arose from the silly conduct of some person at the end of the room, who, continuing his noisy conduct, was ejected.) If (proceeded Mr. Cobden) the friends of the cause which we have at heart will only be quiet, it will be impossible for any one to make a disturbance. —(Hear, hear.) I was going 'to say, for I am anxious to bring out facts, not alone for the present meet ing, fur they are facts that will be listened to else where.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I wish to show the monstrous delusion that prevails among the people of the western world with regard to the resources of Russia. Now, it does nut work the gold mines itself, but receives a per centsge upon the work ing of them by others; and the working of those mines are not so profitable as other avocations pursued in Russia, eine() it yields but 700,0001. or 800,000/. a year. Why, Russia gets times as much as excise on the ardent spirits co nsumed by its wretched, d egra d e d, an d d e based populatioie— (Hear, hear.) Alt e r th e go ld m ine delusion is dis pelled, they tell you th a t th e E m p e ror of Russia has a great amount of specie in the vau l ts of the fortress of St. Petersburgh. Yes, there i s a reserv e of specie precis._ ly in the same way as we h ave s p ec i e i n the Bank of E n g land, but it is a reser ve o f 14,000 , 0001. to meet a circu lation of paper money of 40,000,0001. or 50,000,0 00 /. —(Laughter.) And bear is mind that the present paper circulation of Russia has been used to redeem another paper money, which had depre ciated from 3s. 4d. to 10d., or one-fourth; and, indeed, the Government has depreciated their own paper money, fur they have called in their own notes, and paid them out at 104 d., under a solemn protest on the part of the Emperor that there should b e a reserve of spec ie in the fortress of St. Petersb urg h, to pay any dema nd that might be made on accou nt o f the notes that bad been issued. And yet their t oo l s , their despic able minions spread a report am ong th e credulous, and sa y , that because the Emperor of Russia has fo rsooth 14,000,0001. or 15,000,0001. in specie, the Ru ssian nation is a wealthy one. Now if it goes to war it c omes for a loan or robs the bank, and it takes that which no more belongs to the Emperor of Russia, or, indeed, to Russia, than the specie in the Bank of England, and which he has as much right to take as the Chancellor of the Exchequer would have to come down to the City and take the specie in the Bank of England. There are men who know I am speaking the truth. I know it be cause I was on the spot, and when I travelled there I made it my business to understand the things I am speaking of.—(Cheers.) Now, I should never have spoken thus of the poverty of Russia if she had not gone and violated that principle which every man who admires Hungarian fortitude and honour, and who feels an interest in the cause of liberty and patriot ism, is bound by every means to uphold.—(Cheers.) Well, now, these are my moral means.—(Cheers.) These are the means which I invite the peace party, not only in England, but throughout Europe, where they are gathering in force, to uphold.—(Hear, hear.) These, I say, are the means by which I invite them to put down the system of loaning.—(Loud cheers.) Will anybody in the city of London dare to be a party to a loan to Russia—(Cries of " No, no,")—either di rectly, or openly, or by agency, or copartnership with any house in Amsterdam or Paris? will any citizen dare before the citizens of this free country to lend money for cutting the throats of an innocent people?— (Loud cheers.) Why we have had such a project talked of. But let such a thing " assume a shape," and I pro mise you that we, the peace party, will have such a meeting as has not yet been held in London—(Loud cheers)—for the purpose of denouncing the blood stained project—for the purpose of pointing the finger of ' scorn at the houses of those individuals who would lend Russia a loan for such a purpose—(Cheers)—for the purpose of fixing the indelible stigma of infamy to that person who shall lend money for such an unchristian and such a barbarous purpose. That is my moral force. — (hear.) As for Austria, I suppose nobody would ever think of lending her money.—(Laughter.) Why she has been twice a bankrupt within the last thirty or forty years—and her paper money is down to a discount of fifteen or sixteen per cent. Surely then no one will ever think of lending her money. But the peace party throughout the country will do this —we, will raise a crusade against every Government to carry on an un holy war.—(Hear, hear.) Well, don't let anybody talk of Russian resources and of Russian money. Why, it is the poorest and most beggarly Government in Europe. It has not a farthing—in last year there was an immense deficit, and this year the expenditure far exceeds the income; therefore, this financial year it will be far worse. Russia and Austria are wretchedly poor. Why, there is not such a gigantic imposture in all Europe.---(Loud cheers.) They talk sometimes as though England and Englishmen were afraid of Russia. Now, I wish to disabuse all minds as to my views upon that subject. I don't come here to oppose Russian advances into Hungary, because I be lieve that in no possible combination—no accession of territory—no conceivable turn of events—can Russia in the least degree be dangerous to England. If Russia really take a step to require this country, or another great maritime power, like the United States of America—(Loud cheers)—to attack that power only, we should fall like a thunderbolt upon it— we would crumble that empire into its own dreary fast nesses in one six months by the aid of our shipping.—(Hear, hear.) Russia, a powerful country I I will tell you what it is. It has an army which it keeps upon paper without a commissariat— (Elear)—it has a navy without sailors, and a military chest without a farthing.—(Hear, hear.) How long is it since we heard that the Russians intended to invade Hungary? We have heard of it four months, during which time the hordes of armed men that were threatened might, had they been in earnest, have crushed the country had Russia the power of which it boasts. What progress have the Russians and Austrians made? I don't shut my eyes to the peril that awaits them when they get there, if a country like England, with the , forces at its command, might have gone through the country at this time. I don't speak of fighting the gallant Hungarians. I speak of the difficulties of the country. Everybody knows the difficulty they would have to encounter — for instance, the difficulty of carrying supplies. What stopped them was, the want of a commissariat and the want of money to bring it ; want of honesty on the part of those who have to administer it ; the badness of the roads, and the chance of being attacked by a hostile and Indignant people, together with the poverty of the Russian Government, deters them. All this I trace to the undoubted poverty of the Russian Government. The Russian Government were for some four or five years engaged in making a railroad from 9330 w to Petersburgh.—(Laughter.) The country was as level as this table—(Laughter)—and they were obliged to go to a banker to get the money quar terly to carry on the undertaking. Russia, a strong, a powerful, and a rich country ! Don't ee.'Therefore any such tales as these f u r th e future. Refer them to m e .—(L aug ht er .) N ow we d o not come here finances to interfere with f ore i gn coun t r i es, or to ma k e a crusa d e against iti until s th they at I proclaim h av e violated these the , principles of neu t ra li ty, an d outraged the rights of in dependence. nen foreign c fian e facts, and will proclaim them, and I dare Russian agents here to contradict them.—(Great applause.) Again, I repeat it, atop the supplies, and do it not only for the interest of Hungary but for the interest of the Russians themselves. Keep them at home,they have plenty to do in their own country. There was abundant scope for them to deepen their own rivers, to drain their own mo rasses, and elevate the condition of their own people. This is what I want them to do, and not to enter upon a crusade with an unoffending people. It is, therefore, from mo tives of humanity, and the interest we take in the struggle of a noble people for its liberties, that we appear here to-day.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. OSBORNE, M.P., said that they had heard the resolution which had been read previous to the one that had been put into his hands ; and in much of the speech which had been so humanely and well delivered by the member of the Society of Friends (Mr. Alexander) he most cordially and fully concurred. There could be no doubt that, abstractedly speaking, peace was the natural state of mankind—(Hear, hear)—but he would pat it to them living in a constitutional state of society, which they did at the present day, if 'here might not be worse evils accruing to humanity and civilization than the calamities of war—(Cries of " Hear, hear") and if the destruction of all liberty, and of all civilization, was not a thing more to be reprobated than the ap pearance of a nation in arms struggling for its just rights? —(Cheers.) He at once, although voting and supporting jointly the principle of arbitration, would draw a dis tinction between wars undertaken for conquest, and defensive wars, undertaken for the preservation of the rights and liberties of mankind. If in former times this great English people had quietly sat down before the inroads made on their liberties, where would they have been at this moment? Should he or his Hon. Friend be standing before them this day advocating the sacred rights of a people fighting for its liberties against despo tism?—(Cheers.) Therefore he took the liberty to say he did in his conscience believe that a defensive war was a righteous and holy principle—(Cheers)— and he could fancy no sight more agreeable to the spirit of justice than a great nation struggling for its liber ties against an overwhelming and despotic power. — (Cheers.) He was not'much in the habit of defending her Majesty's Ministers—(A laugh) —but be could not agree with his Honourable Friend the Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, in the reflection he threw on the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the late occasion; and he must do the Noble Lord the Member for the city of London the justice to say that he did not use the term " insur rection" in a bad sense.—(Hisses and cheers.) The Noble Lord was the friend of the Hungarian struggle; and strange indeed would it have been for one bearing the name of Russell—(lnterruption) — and whose blood had flowed on the scaffold in defence of the liberties of his country, if he had been otherwise.—(Loud cheers.) Now, in much that had been said by the Member for the West Riding he coincided, but he must take the liberty to say that in exposing the weakness of Russia he had gone rather too far, tor to be forewarned was to be forearmed. Although Russia might not be feared she was not to be despised. Russia purchased five millions of stock the other day in this country. Mr. COBDEN rose to explain. The Russian Govern ment did not invest a farthing in the Stocks of this coun try or of France. It was a transaction performed by the Bank of St. Petersburgh, in consequence of the ex changes having turned greatly in flavour of Russia, owing to such a large demand for grain in Western Europe. Mr. OSBORNE resumed. He accepted the explana tion of his Hon. Friend ; but he (Mr. Osborne) asked the meeting if they thought a power which felt no , scruple in overwhelming a country would have any be immortal as long as England lasted.—(Cries of " No, scruple in keeping faith with the public fundholder? It no.") Yes, the name of Russell—(Cries of " Ile is an was his firm belief that Russia, to prosecute her im- imposter," and groans and hisses, and partial cheer pious and despotic purposes, would make no scruple ing)—if not him, then the name of Lord Russell of robbing that bank.— ( Cheers.) Let the meeting re- ! —(A voice: "He has not a drop of blood in his member that the whole theory of Russian warfare was to veins")—who was a martyr in the cause of righteous in make the war support itself, as was said by Napoleon. surrection• ' he would live in the memories of his coun - Therefore, though he acknowledged that there was a trymen. But Lord Palmerston justified his dissent nucleus of truth in what had been said by his Hon. ! from the great Sir William Temple in treating the cause Friend (`lr. Cobden), he would be sorry if any man in of Hungary.—(Cheers.) He was the most efficient mem the meeting should feel that the Russian empire was to her of the Government, which he rendered respectable — be thoroughly despised.—(Loud cheers.) Their (Hear)—he wished he had been permitted to follow the Chairman, a mercantile man of great wealth and fame, impulse of his genius.—(Cheers.) Troops had been would not have taken the chair unless he thought the con- sent, without a declaration of war, to carry " tire and stitutional struggle in Hungary was one against despotic sword" into an independent state, which he believed he power. It was in 1526 that one Ferdinand succeeded styled appropriately when he called it a gigantic act of to the Crown of Ilitingary; it was in 1848 that another piracy —(Loud cheers)—since they were sent without Ferdinand took the necessary oath; and it was in 1849 any of those forms which rendered war legal among that another Ferdinand broke the oath which he states. The Russian troops had been poured had sworn to the Hungarian people; and that was into Hungary, who were liable and deserving to be the cause of their meeting there to-day.—(Cheers.) It treated as if they had served under the black flag of had been said that that country had a despotic and axis- piracy on the seas.—(Loud cheers.) Hungary, when tocretic constitution ; it w as so once , but the reel leaders thus menaced, might have said to Russia—" With of the people were the m agnates, who were always an x- Austria we are at ear, according to all those ions to extend the franchise, and to recognise equality inoeificatione by which in civilized times states of religious rights, and they had on all occasioes resisted endeavoured to mitigate the dreadful scourge of war. the guerilla which sat at Vienna, and which never at any Though Austria disregards all those forms and modi time gave its consent to the honest reforms made by fieations, and shouts our brethren who fill as prisoners the Dist of Hungary.—(Laud cheers.) And what of war into their hands; though Austria scourges out was it that opened the eyes of the Hungarian women in the streets—(Shame) —for the crime of not Ministers? Why the rising up of those great spirits separating from their husbands and not betraying their which always made their appearance in all countries when country—what if Austria carry sword and fire into the the °cession arose—he alluded particularly to a man upon bosom of a free state—we have not, and we vvillnut retaliate whom he hardly knew, in his humble vocabulary, how to outrage for outrage. We will wage war against Austria bestow sufficient praise. He meant the great Louis as men of honour—as men of velour—as men of humanity Kossuth—(Cheers, and waving of hats and handkerchiefs) —as men of generosity. " 'Chec When ,n Russia —a man who embodied in his own person the noble feel- poured into Hungary a horde of 1.) 300,000 i pirates, i Hun ings and aspirations of the great Hungarian people. hary would be justified (thank G o d He had suffered for the cause, and was worthy of their 50 j —Hungary wou ld h ave been ustjustifiede iad ‘ ed inthe not face uo of deepest sympathies. In 1836 he was connected with the the nations, and of posterity, if she had said, ‘We shall press of Hungary, which was not then free, and he yen deal out to you the measure to be de a lt out to pirates; tured to publish the debates of the Hungarian Diet. for you have not declared war ; we ask no quarter from For this crime he, at the instance of Austria, you, and quarter we will not give you. , No had wa s convicted by a summary process, and was sentenced adopted a higher and a nobler course. Th e k they obleLord to imprisonment for three years.—(Cries of then denounced the conduct of the Times in n " Oh, oh !") He need not te ll t h e meeting the cause of Hungary, and more especially in publishing ppl a sing the public spirit of the Hungaria ns, which was letter from an an o ny mous p erson , a self-styled Hungarian, similar to the public spirit in all count ries wherein men who im p eache d the character of Louis Kossuth, and who were oppressed, took him from that dungeon to place had perverted facts and truth. Kossuth, who had been him in the proud position of being at the head of the above d the . greatest te m pt at i ons, and who had, in the Hungarian people. (Loud cheers.) N ow, what midst St of war, the ar t s o f peace, o f education, were the reforms proposed by Kossuth in IS4S ? and l of fin anc i al credit, kept up i nternal peace in the The Lower Chamber, of which he was a mem- rage and fury of foreign war. But two honoured names ber, and which was similar to the House of Com- —Count Teleki and M. Pulszky—had defended mons, abolished all class privileges, abolished the right that great patriot ; and since the a non y m of the people to give a certain number of days' la• boor to the state and to the magnates, reduced branded°u i slanderer had slunk into the sil e n ce a slanderer,_ where he would leav e hi m . the amount of taxation, extended the suffrage, and lie conf essed he had a prejudice against absolute des. equalized all creeds.—(Cheers.) And what was the Autism, but that prejudice was very much increased conse q uence of all this ? He united all the numerous when he saw that a bsolute despotism administered with races which constituted the inhabitants of Hun- cruelty. He confessed he had a prejudice against per gary, so that even the Jews, who formed jury, against shooting and hanging prisoners of war, and a large portion of the population, had shed their blood in against the flogging of women.—(Cheers.) He did the cause.—(Cheers.) Only the last month an Aus- confess—nay, he boasted—that he entertained the trian tyrant hung a gentleman of that persuasion strongest prejudice against Austria, which was now Kossuth Raab. (Hear, h ear .) N ow thi s L ou i s un d er t h e governmen t o f a man, of whom, to use the was denounced as an infamous man.— phrase of Abraham Cowley, and which was applied to a (Laughter.) He might, perhaps, be so if it were very different person—he said " There were two sorts 'infamous to struggle a ga i ns t d es p o ti sm , t o en f ranc hi se of tyra n ny, a tyranny ex maletituta, and a tyranny he people, and to concede equal rights to persons of ex male exercitio, a tyranny which arose out of hav all creeds; but they took a different view of the matter, ing no title to the throne, and a tyranny which and hoped that, like another Hercules, Louis Kossuth arose out of wielding the sceptre of Babylon. To your would strangle on the one side the serpent of Austria, Highness most justly belongs that title of tyrant in both and would give on the other a deadly blow to tke Russian respects."—(Laughter.) Let the meeting then apply bear.—(Che e r s .) That highly imaginative man Jella- that observation to Francis Joseph, the Emperor of chich had endeavoured to put down this holy and sacred Austria.—(Cheers.) Now, then, he appealed to their pre cause by driving back the peasantry, but some of them, judice against Austria, and to their prejudice against Rus armed with scythes, brickbats, and stones had resisted the sia, and to their prejudice in favour of Hungary, carrying attack, and had spilt even their heart's blood in the on, as she was now doing, a holy and just, and he cause.—(Cheers.) Only the other day a minister of trusted in Divine Providence a successful struggle. religion was taken by the Russian invaders and Mr. REYNOLDS here attempted to disturb the arrange whipped and hung, for advocating the rights of the ments of the meeting, and against the remonstrances of Hungarians. The Reverend Mr. Vimer, who was the Chairman, insisted for some few minutes in inflicting well known in the City from his connexion with an inflammatory speech on the meeting. the Religious Tract Society, was now expelled from Tne two resolutions were then put to the meeting, the country of his birth, and a price was set upon and carried with loud applause. his head by the Austrian Goverment. The monster, Mr. RICHARD TAYLOR then came forward to Haynau, had perpetrated deeds which outstripped all propose the next resolution, and was warmly received. the horrors which had been committed by the Huns and lie observed the spirit which had prevailed through all the other barbarians that had spread over Europe. out the meeting with the greatest pride and setts- Why, this Russian tyrant had laid his hands upon the faction, inasmuch as for a long time past he had seen female sex—even ladies at his instance had been tried, great apathy in this country, which he believed was pro condemned, and scourged. While Russia might extend duced by the deceitful arts of the public press, with its despotism to Constantinople, and tyrannize in the regard not only to the question of Hungary, but also the south, they should not be too sure that war would not question of liberty throughout Europe, if not throughout be brought to their own fire-sides.—(Cheers.) Instead the world.—(Loud cheers.) There was one point of reading the bulletins of war at their own fire-sides which bore upon the subject before the meeting, and to it might have reached their very shores.—(Hear, hear.) which no allusion had been made—he meant the He hoped that something tangible would result from question of religious liberty, for they had already heard this meeting —not a mere protest by words, but that that, among other excellent institutions which had been they would show, by putting their hands into their established in Hungary, was that of perfect religious pockets, that their hearts were engaged in the cause.— liberty and equality.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) (Cheers.) They had already shown their liberality by Hungary was the only country in Southern Europe where contributing money for the support of people who were reformation had been able to hold its ground.—(Cheers.) dying of famine. lie knew of no distinctions of colour Some persons who were formerly their friends had ur of people, and he thought they might with equally expressed an opinion favourable to Austria; but he good reason assist a great people who were struggling (Mr. Taylor) spoke the truth when he said that that with despotism, for he believed that famine which killed nation was nothing but an engine for priestly despotism. men with hunger was scarcely more disastrous than that The power of Austria, it was said, was maintained for despotism which ruined the spirit of men, and debased the defence of' religious liberty; but so far from her them to the condition of serfs. He would rather be the being a friend to religious toleration, she had exerted starving wretch in the west of Ireland than the well-fed her influence during the last one hundred years in slave under the paternal Government of Austria and extermivating the Protestants from the Tyrol and other Russia.—(Cheers.) He appealed, then, to the citizens states.—(Hear, hear.) He did not think the Govern of London, by the bombardment of Vienna and Pesth, ment was so much to blame as some gentlemen imagined. by the apostles of commercial freedom—for the tariff It was the people who were to blame for not ying of Hungary was free, whilst the tariff of Aus- urged the matter upon the Ministry; but he had yet trig was exclusive —he appealed to them confidence in good old English pluck ; he yet as the lovers of constitutional government—for Hungary believed that the English people were the friends of had a free Parliament, and the Hungarians were all liberty, and were quite ready to ge to war in enfranchised—he appealed to them as the haters of its defence if it were necessary.—(Cheers.) They war, and of the cruelty which fhgged ladies at Presburg. gloried in the success of Bern, and took delight in his (Cheers.) He appealed to them for all of these reasons, strategems.—(Cheers.) The policy of the Times he to express their fullest sympathy with the Hungarian could not understand; it was despicably jesuitical. cause, and to render assistance to those unfortunate It pretended to support the Ministry, and yet Lord refugees who hal been compelled to come to this country. Palmerston was constantly made the objects of its He appealed to his hearers as Christian men to give not base attacks, not that his policy was bad, only their sympathy but their assistance, according to but because they wanted to detach him from the Govern the best of their means, to Hungary, and show their de- went. He was, in a word, disgusted with its perfidious testation of the proceedings of Austria and Russia, and conduct. It had become the advocate of despotism and concluded with moving the following resolution : the supporter of the house of Hapsburg, whose history " That this meeting view with detestation and horror was one continued series of tyrannical incidents. the barbarous modes in which the war now raging in Austria was spoken of as our friendly ally, Hungary is prosecuted by the Austrian authorities and but Austria itself was not a country—it was generals, and consider their conduct to merit the indig- a house who had maintained power by troops and nant reprobation of all civilized nations." armies collected from barbarian races, and who had Lord NUGENT, in rising to second the resolution, said always been engaged in a conspiracy against the liber he did so in obedience to the call from the chair with ties of Europe.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It had pride and pleasure, and he should on no occasion, in no subdued and debased the finest Italian states, while place, and at no time be speaking the truth, if he denied one of its representatives prostituted his own that it was with pride and plasure that he testified daughter to Napoleon, to obtain possession of his hearty concurrence, not only in the resolution, Venice.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped, therefore, the but in every word of the speech of his country would pay no attention to the nonsense of one Honourable Friend who had preceded him. He re- portion of the press about our friendly ally, Austria. Let peated, at any time and in any place, he should be proud them judge for themselves, rather than allow themselves to bear testimony to the holiness of this cause; but be • to be press-ridden.—(Hear, hear.) He concluded by fore this meeting, in the centre of the city of London moving the following resolution :—" That this meeting — o f th a t grea t metropolis of the famous city which was regard the military intervention of Russia in the affairs the cradle of English liberty which had formed the i m- of Hungary as wholly unjustifiable in reason and in fact, pregnable fortresses of the country in the days of her inasmuch as besides re-opening and prolonging a san warfare and her faithful refuge in distress—it would be guivary contest which had been already virtually de affectation to say it was with reluctance he came forward tided--it is a gross violation of the law of nations—the as an energetic though humble supporter of the cause indefeasible rights of Hungary—and perilous to the which had brought them there.—(Cheers.) They did peace, the freedom, and the general welfare of Europe." not come there to declaim, for declamation would be an Mr. M. MILNES seconded the motion. He said he insult both to the object of the meeting and the spirit would not have presented himself to that inconveniently which animated every man in it, but to sympathise crowded meeting after the eloquent speeches with the cause of freedom, and to denounce a despotic they had heard, had not his name been announced in tyranny that was struggling to destroy the kingdom of connexion with the resolution. Whatever difference of Hungary, and driving brave men in a state of hopeless opinion might exist among them, they all agreed and had destitution to the shores of our coast. They came there met there that day to sympathise with freedom, and not only to appeal to the pity and charity of the the struggles of mankind.—(Hear, hear.) He fully meeting on behalf of Hungary, but to appeal to agreed with the philosophic speech of Mr. Cobden, more ' the Government, and if the Government were particularly that portion of it in which he contended that slow to respond to the appeal, to appeal to all states had a right to manage their own affairs—even the people, who were their masters and teachers, ill if they thought proper ; for it was a leading element to tell them that they must no longer discourage or dis- in the law of nations, which had been violated in the countenance the cause of liberty in Hungary by refusing case of Hungary, that the intermeddling of other to recognise the nationality.—(Cheers.) Now the case nations was fraught with danger. Austria was marked of Hungary could be told in a few words. It might be out by the Congress of Vienna, in order that she might a large word, but he maintained that this cause was the constitute a great military power in the centre of most sacred in which liberty had ever raised her Europe, and present a bar against the s ag e gress w io a r s i armies against despotism. It had no parallel of Russia on the other na e t r ions. and Austria, in the modern history of the world. This created an bsi i d n i d re pe t n n dr i n u t as bi ro h w ad no business there. — was a large word, but he would justify it. A more which se a uss g e r l e l a a t nd pot o io r n d sacred cause had not occurred since the time when the what(fHear,hhaensadrs.u)heeinVbasailYsidt hhyeLangrrdeeddohwnithn ancient Greeks, against odds more formidable . than in o the present instant©, overthrew their barbarian invaders. Palmerston on Saturday, he could not conceal from him the the clearest which self that they should have held that the relations entered Thy happened in i i a lu Elr 3 o r im; i d o u o r'in w g a the course of modern into at Vienna were being disturbed, and that neither history. - If the case of English liberty against the England nor France would permit it, whatever might Stuarts was clear, he was prepared to show that that of be said by the Times and other papers who wrote Hungary was a thousand times more clear. If we resisted as it did, because it believed its policy would be pleasing James the Second, because resistance became a neces- to a certain class of the community.—(Cries of " No; it sity and a duty, the resistance of Hungary to Francis is bought: it has sold itself.") But let them have a few Joseph was still more inevitable. The claims of James the such meetings as this, and depend upon it the press, 11., being King of the country, was to attack the ancient which was but their shadow, would follow them.—(llear.) constitution of England by the assumption of a power to eceuld not conceive, in the late debate in the House dispense with the law; but the attack made by the Em- of Commons, why there had been an unwillingness to peror of Austria upon Hungary was that of an Emperor allude to subjects which Mr. Canning would have stood who professed to be what he was not, namely, King of up to defend.—(Cheers.) He knew that they would Hungary.—(Hear.) That was an unjust attack upon an stand by Lord Palmerston, and would admire that states independent state by a foreign invader, who was pouring manship that enabled him to say, years ago, that the then in upon it hundreds of thousands, not only of his own " political state of Europe was an unsafe and a crumbling people, but of his hireling allies, who had not even de- state. He asked them to give force to that propo- Oared war, and were therefore not within the pale sition. This was a question above all persons ; of civilized relations so far as Hungary was con- and he asked them to hold that language that had corned. The case of Hungary could be told been held by the Liberal party in the House of Com in few words. Hungary was a free monarchy, mons, who had said that, as far as England was con created by five treaties spreading over a space of 300 cerned, though they adopted the principle of non years, which bad been confirmed by that great inter- interference, it should be known that it was her ardent national party called the great Pragmatic Sanction, desire that other nations should enjoy that freedom confirmed, too, by England in 1720, and confirmed by the which she herself enjoyed.—(Cheers.) The Honour oath taken by the late King of Hungary. The kingdom able Gentleman concluded by seconding the . resoalnu: of Hungary was vested in the house of Hapsburg, tion by an eloquent appeal to the charity the in the same force of circumstances that vested Hanover sympathy of the meeting on behalf °ttFolk in the Crown of England ; and Hungary was as in- Hungarian officers and soldiers to their country to dependent of the Imperial Crown as the Electorate stone, to enable them to r words to offer to yonufgeaw3t,owthuoirrsdslsuatpien. of Hanover was independent of this country. The late assist in fighting the battluesotfeattideriarriigebdetepueunsdeeeacue;e, The Emperor Ferdinand, according to the Constitution, Hungarian caul© w d a w s a a s n j ot only justified but bound to took the oath as King of Hungary, but before the iris. ono which England pression of the Imperial lips was cold upon the bold s uort. C seri. , us A t e r n_p 3 u i t r . a n c d b c ai a til r rk r m i eiatdnw will be unanimously, eG enetel evangelist, he abdicated in favour of a successor who mernot think had refused to take the oath.—(Hear, hear.) It was rte d resolution have E r than a very not till the liberties of Hungary were thus menaced, employand more o d r o e Ivnot many that she took up arms with fortitude, and she rolled. period f r of ra t e he te day, 13 aging your attention, and in obtaining to move, back the forces of Austria.—(Hear, hear.) sary ( ina g nie l d n Fately recog.ately after Hungary established a constitution, abolisnhd pe o g rt to the resolution which I am ing serfage, guaranteeing personal and civil liberty,._a om which is, that this Government do a manou"lohgise nize the independence of Hungary.— Loud and long con- Yes, gentlemen, I knew how it would placed at the head of the Executive he should think it presumption to d upon bins tinned cheering.) Kossuth.—(Pro-ace be. You do not want a lung speech —you do not want alter the eloquent panegyric pronounced of ” usti o a s . orator—butafine m. _. you only want an honest and an ear by Mr. Osborne —namely, longed cheers.) case of 1 ussia? nest Ind ((sheers)—to come to • So much thenLfoornitshelcase. What should ho say as to the point you the way " whose troops,' to use the un- that is right —you d and groans)—Russia, Primo Minister, the to sympathise with 0 not want many words to ask you of the Hungary —you do not want oratory fortunate phrasesuppress an insurrec- to induce either night, " were lent to you to declare that Englishmen will ever be believed that • but he trusted and with tion"—(ll l sees) people who are fighting for their liberties,—(Pro those were not used in a sense de- longed el those unhaPPY, leering.) I have always seen it; I have never the Hun • tory of disapprobation o Hungarian cause. failed to meet with claret a response, and a noble response bound to believe that a man, w h ose name wo He wa s uld from the people, whenever the subject of nations strug- gling for their independence was laid before you.— (Cheers.) I have of ten spoken to you of Poland (Cheers.) I come now to speak to you of Hungary, whose cause is like that of Poland.—(Continued cheer ing.) I speak to you of Hungarians, who, like the Poles, are struggling for all that is dear to man, and have sworn to lay down their lives on the altar of their country, and to resist to the death the foul machi nations of despotism.—(Prolonged cheering.) You do not want much to be said to you to rouse you in favour of such people, but it may be right to say a few words explanatory of the real position of Hungary—(llear, hear)—because, although it is enough,for us to know that the Hungarians are struggling for independence, it is still interesting also to become acquainted with some of the details of their excellent and most righteous case; and it is the more necessary,to explain this, because the enemies of Hungary, the hired agents of Austria and of Russia, are never tired with going about the world and disseminating all sorts of ca lumnies against the frici.ds of liberty, and their agents are to be found in every part, amen et the high as well as among,t the low—(hear, hear)—au the press, in public places, in secret places, in Cabinets—(llear, hear)—and, therefore, it is the more necessary that the truth shoted ba tol3, and that the base machinations of the servants of despotism ehould be expos,d.—(Cheers.) I quite agree with my lion. Friend, .Ir. Cobden, in the noble sentiments which he laid down, that every people has a right to choose and to e,:tablish its own Govern ment, and that they have a perfect right to have a bad Go‘ernuient if so they think fit.—(Hear, hear, and cheers. Therefore, if the Hungarians were struggling for a Government which we coul4 not approve, still we ehould say that they had a right to theirindependence—(Cheers) —still we should sympathise with them when they draw their swords to defend themselves against foreign eg- gressori.—(Loud and long continued cheers.) But their enemies would have you believe that the Huogarians de serve no sympathy because they are struggling to estab lish a red republic! That is one of the things which the enemies say. Another thing, quite the contrary, they say there—they try it both ways—if it won't do one, they betake themselves to another—the truth is that to which they have no regard—(Hear, hear)—the other is that the Government of Hungary is a Government car ried on only for the benefit of the aristocracy.— (Laughter and cheers.) lam here to deny, having studied the subject carefully, the truth of both those allegations.—(Cheers.) The Hungarians are not engaged in a struggle to establish a red republic, or anything of the sort.—Cheers.) They are not engaged even in en deavouring to establish a republic at all, although if they were it would be no reason—(The conclusion of the sentence was lost from the loud cheering.) What they are striving to obtain and to defend is, their old constitution, which they have had for the last SCO years —(Cheers)—and which is a constitution more like our own than any other that has ever been established—a constitution consisting of King, Lords, and Commons. That they have always had; they do not at present demand more, and they will not be satisfied with any thing less.—(Cheers.) As to the Government being one that is carried on for the benefit of the aristocracy, no thing can be more untrue.—(Hear.) It is true, as I have said, that there is in that country an hereditary aristocracy, a Chamber of Peers, and it is also true that formerly the right of suffrage was restored to those who are called nobles in that country.—(Hear, hear.) But the nobles in that country are wholly unlike what we understand by that word. Here that class was so large that it should rather be compared to the class of electors, and formerly in Hungary the number of electors was larger in proportion to the population of the country than the number in this country—in Eng land—previous to passing the Reform Bill.—(Cheers.) But the Hungarians have not remained satisfied with that Government; they have, like ourselves, required and demanded some reform, and they have substituted for the privilege of birth, which formerly entitled these hundreds of thousands of men to the vote—(Cheers) — they have established a property qualification like our selves—they have got their ten-pound householders and freeholders as we have—(Cheers)—they found that this Government, which, perhaps, in former times, although much better than many other Governments, was too aristocratical—they found, like ourselves, that they were not content to be governed by an oligarchy—(Cheers)-- and they reformed their Constitution, and they made it liberal as it is now—(Cheers)—they established freedom of the press under the noble Kossuth—(Bursts of ap• plause and cheering, which lasted several minutes) — they established the emancipation of the peasants, and they gave to every man throughout the land equal rights. —(Prolonged cheering) Why should there tie so much interest in this country, as I know there is in favour of Hungary? I will tell you. I will give you a reason why; I will give you two reasons. Hungary, of all countries in the world, has been always the most re markable for its attachment to religious liberty— (Cheers)—for one thing, and to free trade for the other. —(Continued cheering.) I come to you to ask for your sympathy for Hungary, with the words liberty of conscience and liberty of commerce.—(Loud cheers.) I will not enlarge upon the latter; I will not tell you, as I might, of the immense advantages—and perhaps, if the hour was not so late, it would not be improper in the midst of this great city, surrounded by prince -mer chants, who carry on the most extensive dealings in the world—l say it would not be improper to point out to you the enormous commercial ad vantages which would result to this country from the establishment of the independence of Hungary.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) To establish Hungary as an independent free kingdom, in a short time England v ould carry on as large a trade with that country us it does now with the United States.—(Cheers.) But only think of the advantage of havirg such a country as that encouraging and maintaining every thing that is right and good, demanding and carrying on civil and religious liberty to a greater extent than it is in this country; because in this country we have not yet, lam sorry to say, complete religions liberty. —(Cheers.) We have toleration, but we have not the lull religious liberty which we ought to have—(Loud cheers)—that no man, no matter what be his creed, should be excluded from any office or any privilege. But the Hungarians have that ; they know no difference between Protestant, or Catholic, or Jew, or any other form of religion, so far as privileges and rights are concerned ; and they are opposed to a Government which, of all go vernments that have been in the world, the Austrian Government, and particularly the house of Hapsburg, have always shown themselves the most ruthless, the most tyrannical, the most cruel enemies that ever ruled on the earth.—(Hear, hear.) Remember the bigot Charles V.; remember Philip the Second of Spain, with his Inquisition. These names are enough to band us all in au alliance with the Hungarians against that house, and against that detestable Government.—etsheers.) A Noble Friend of mine has very happily!spoken of a pre judice existing in this country against Austria, and very felicitously took up what fell in the House of Lords upon that subject. I will share in that prejudice, I know that that Government is detestable, and since opinions have been referred to in the House of Lords in favour of Austria, I cannot help referring to an opinion declared in former days in that House when there was more spirit of liberty—(Cheers) —when there was more attachment than there is now—and when the Whigs, 'whatever we may think of them at the present day— (Groans and hisses)—were defenders of all that was good and great.—(Cheers.) I cannot help referring to an opinion which I sin fond of quoting, and which I have mentioned in the House of Commons, of the late Lord Holland, who said, in his place in the House of Lords, " All history proves that if ever anything mean, oppressive, and unjust was done in Europe, Austria was the party to do it."—(Hear, hear.) It was then taken up by Lord Liverpool, who endeavoured to controvert the position by civil remonstrance to induce him to re tract the expression. That nobleman, Lord Holland said, " I won't retract the expression; I repeat that Austria is of all Governments, and always was, the most mean, the most oppressive, and the moss cru el in th e world."—(Hear, hear.) Aye, and Lord Holland said that some ten years ago.—(Cbeers,) That was before what has passed at Cracow —b F fore the b l oody scene of Gullicia—(Cheers) — wh en a p r ice was paid to miscreants to bring to the Government the heads of the leaders before the butcheries that have been perpetrated by Austrian commanders in Italy, and before the flogging of a woman at Presburg and at Vienna. Amply] is Lord Holland justified in his allegation e. this detestable Government.—(Hear.) Sir, I rejoice to see such a meet ing as this here assembled in the cause of these noble Hungarians— (Cheers) and against those constant enemies of mankind, the Austrian and the Russian Go- vcrnments.—(Groans.) I well know that I have, in ad vocating the cause of the Hungarians, the sympathy of the whole country.—(Cheers.) I do not say that there may not be in high places—l do not say that in the House of Lords )ou may not find old Tories who have always been Tories, and who have grown old and grey in their enmity to the liberty of the people, who speak in favour of Austria.—(Cheers.) I do not tell you that there; - .is no apostate Liberal—(Laughter and cheers) — who, abandoning his own principle now, can do nothing but flatter the great and egg on despots in all their en deavours—who can admire nothing but what is despotic —I do not tell you that in those places and amongst that party, and even in the House of Commons, where we had yesterday a Noble Lo rd, whocame d no doubt, to defend his uncle , Lord Aberdeen, and to , malign the Hungarians , an d to describe the illustrious head of the Hungarian nation as " ! and signs of he infamous Kos !"—(Loud cries of " Shame, d o not tell you that there are indignation.) I not such people to be found, but that feeling— fortunately for the Hungarians—is universal amongst what are called the fashionable circles ! (Loud cheering and laughter.) But this fo le r il Y: 11 n a u n n. and this I know , that t here is sympathytli the garian people wher e v er there is sympathy for Eng lish people.—(Pcheeri ng .) rolonged How - much I re joiced at the manner in which you responded to my friend Charles Taylor, when he pronounced the glorious name of General 13em.—(Vehement cheers.) But a short time ago that gallant hero was in this count r y, a poor and d es p ise d Polish refugee —one of that body whom a certain person i n the House of Lords, who would be distinguished as a chivalrous man—(Laughter)—fond of in touruaent—(ltcnewed ter)—delighted in stig matising,—General Bern was 'here, a poor destitute re fugee ; he was in a state of the most extreme bad health consequent upon an old wound ; he had no means of supporting himself ; he was indebted solely for his sub sistence at that time to the Polish Association, which furnished him with a pittance, which now I am almost ashamed to remember, it was so small, but it was all that we were able to afford him in a hospital of this city, for he was un.,ble to pay for medical assistance. At the University Hospital ho received his me dical treatment. A bullet which he had had in his body for a prodi gious number of years was extracted by the able care of the late Mr. Liston. That man was rest ore d t o health, and furnished with a very small sum by our Polish Association; he a.es enabled to return to his own country, to Gallicia, an d thence to proc?ed to Hungary, to lead on those g sllant Hungarians to victory and to raise his name to t summit of distinction and of fame. --(Loud ch he e ers.) The friends of Austria are fund HUNGARY. MEETING AT THE LONDON TAVERN.-(Y ESTERDAY,) A public meeting was held at the London Tavern, Bishopsgate-street, yesterday, " for the purpose of ex- pressing sympathy with the noble, maligned, and be trayed people—the Hungarians," whose cause has been so often advocated in this journal. Long before the chair was taken the large room in which the meeting was held, and the gallery at the foot of it, were occupied by a numerous and respectable audience. The chair was taken, at one o'clock, by Mr. Alderman Salomoas, amidst loud cheers. Amongst the gentlemen on the platform we noticed Lord Nugent, M.P., Sir De Lacy Evans, M.P., Richard Cobapn, Esq., M.P., Sir D. Norreys, M.P., R. M. Milnes, Escl• :•P., R. Taylor, Esq., R• Williams, Esq,, Murde Young, Esq., and W. Charles M. Kent, Esq., of The S p un ; Bernal Osborne, Esq., M.P., Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., F. Mowatt, Esq., M.P., W. Scholefield, Esq., M.P., J. A. Smith, Esq., M.P., John Williams, Esq., M.P., James Wyld, Esq., M.P., James Clay, Esq., M.P., Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart, M.P., Colonel Salwey, M.P., Hon. A. H. Moreton, &c., &c. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings, said he appeared before them to-day under a sense of the deepest responsibility—a responsibility, however, very much les sened since the debate in Parliament of Saturday last. —(Cheers.) That debate would carry to the country, and disseminate in every part of the empire, facts which probably would have been discredited, had they appeared upon less authority than eminent Members of Parlia ment, and our Minister of Foreign Affairs. This meeting to-day was not called for the purpose of upsetting thrones, of disseminating violent doctines to excite people against their rulers; but, on the contrary, to speak for an independent nation that had been attempted to be put down by the misrule and illegality of another nation connected with her, and on the part of a foreign invader.—(Loud cheers.) He world not have taken the responsibility of appearing as chairman this day were this question merely a matter between the subjects of a Government and its legitimate rulers even under op pression. He thought it became the freemen in a free state to sympathise with freemen—(Cheers)—and by a peaceful demonstration such as that to give a spur to public opinion—(Cheers) —and he deeply regretted that a journal which had ever been looked upon as the bude light of public opinion in this country—(Groans)—had not on the present occasion taken that lead in regard to this question which he had fondly anticipated; but he saw this day, in commenting on this meeting, symptoms of coming round to this cause—(Cheers)—and he tound in that very journal a condemnation of the opinions that it had all along held.--(Laughter.) He found in the Times a letter from a correspondent, writing from Vienna, in this strain— " The Austrian empire, as such, is even more rotten at the core than you have been led to imagine, not withstanding that you gave an admirable delineation of its present and prospective state before the occurrence of the revolution. What is more, such has been the faithlessness with which the Government have abro gated the promises so recently and solemnly made, and so pedantic and off; nsive is the tyranny of the bureauocracy in general, that, little as you may be prepared for such an intimation, I must in form you that the Moderate and Constitutional party throughout Austria would view the dissolution of that empire, and its re-organization on new and more improved principles, with undisguised pleasure. The success of the Hungarians is viewed by the vast ma jerity of the nation as the only possible means of rescuing them from the thraldom in which they are now held; and so far from being considered, as a psuedo -Hung,arian correspondent would have you believe, a republican move ment, it is viewed almost universally as the reverse. A gentleman of the Moderate party who is on excellent terms with the Court, and holds a very eminent position at Vienna, frankly assured me that all he blamed the Hunga rians for was the false and vacillating position they assumed in their own Parliament at the outset of the struggle." He thought it right to state this to them in case there might be any one in the meeting who hesitated or doubted that he was right in asking the meeting to come forward to-day and declare their opinion in favour of Hungarian independence.—(Cheers.) What was the value of opinion? He thought the tate of Europe was the best answer to that. It was a duty, therefore, seeing a nation like the Hungarians struggling for their independence, and striving to prevent their liberties being put down by Russian and Austrian bayonets—(Cheers) —that they should come there to-day as freemen, and Englishmen, and as men of high feeling and morality and religion, and pro test against that wholesale slaughter that they saw going on in Europe; the burnings, and firings, and floggings,—aye, the flogging of females, too—(Groans and loud cries of " Shame, shame,") and that they should loudly enter their protest, and put the pressure on our Government to interfere in such a manner as to put a stop to such outrages on religion, philanthropy, and humanity. (Cheers.) There was another view of this question, and a very low view, but yet one which in this great metropolis ought not to be struck out. They had decreed in this country, by the voice of the Imperial Parliament, the freedom of commerce and of navigation ; our interest lay on the freedom of states throughout the world. The freedom of Europe was to us a matter of great concern.— (Cheers.) They might have a partition of Hungary as they had a partition of Poland. He would not detain them longer, but simply read two letters that he had re ceived from noblemen, whose presence had been ex pected at the meeting to-day. (The Chairman here read a letter from Lord Beaumont, apologising for his inabi lity toattend the meeting, but sympathising with its object. He also read a letter of apology from Lord Sligo, whose Parliamentary duties prevented his attendance, and stated that he had received similar letters from a numb.r of other Members of Parliament.) He did not know that he need say anything further, because there were many gentleman present more competent than he was to give the hi,tory of the Hungarian struggle, and to suggest the best course for the meet ing to pursu e . H e wou ld, t h ere f ore , g i ve way to the m , an d first of all call upon M r. G. W. Alexander ( (dlieers.) a t once -..,,.+.......... ,.... ' .d aides ear 0 , ended sclu fool, for ed to .8- i