The Sun. — London, England, 1867-05-24 00:00:00

I TAPERIA.L PARLLiIUNT HOUSE OF LORDS.-LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. John Kendrick's Loan Charity, Skipton Grammar School, and Devon and Somerset Railway Bills were read a second time. TIIE ELOPEMENT FROM GLOSSOP. In answer to the Earl of SHAFTESIMAY, The Earl of DERBY said that these young ladies had arrived at Sheffield, and that the best course which could be • pursue I was, as they were advised, to seek out the nearest religious place where they would be received. This, in his (the noble earl's) opinion, was the best course that could be pursued. The subject then dropped. The Waterloo and Whitehall Railway (Extension of Time, &,;.) and Tyncukouth Parish Gas Bills were read a third time an.' passed. THE \WAITE HERRINGS FISHERY BILL. This bill, oa the motion of the Duke of RICHMOND, was committed. THE CRIMINAL BILL. ' . _ Lord CRANIATOILTH said that he obj.)cted to certain clauses of this bill. The bill was ultimatzly read a second time. TENURE (OF IRELAND) BILL. A select committee was appointed to investigate into the operations of this bill. COUNTY PALATINE OF LANCASTER BILL. The Earl of DEVON moved the second reading of this bill, and it was read accordingly. The house then adjourned.. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING. he SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. THE IRISH REFORM. BILL. Viscount ENFIELD gave notice that on an early day he should call the attention of the house to the impro priety of postponing the introduction of the Irish Reform Bill until after Whitsuntide. • THE ENGLISH REFORM BILL. Mr. GREGORY gave notice that heftshould move an amendment to the clause moved by Mr. P. Scrape, to the effect that the landlord should he called upon to pay half the rates for all tenants under .£l. Sir A. AGNEW asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the provision in the bill for the Representation of tho People, clause 23, as to providing separate polling places "as nearly as possible" for every zOO electors was to be considered compulsory in every case ; or whether it was meant that such arrangements should beat the discre tion of the local authorities in their several counties? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the arrangement was not compulsory, but it was left to the dis cretion of the local officers. THE GAS COMPANIES. Mr. LOCKE asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department when the accounts of the Metropolitan Gas Companies for the year 1866 would be laid upon the table, in compliance with s. 41 of the Act 23 and 21 Vic. c. 125 ? Mr. HARDY said the accounts mentioned were annual returns, and it was not possible to present them at so early a period, mere especially as they were not at present nearly complete. THE SOUTH KENSINGTON MUSEUM. Mr. BENTINCK asked the Vice-President of the Com mittee of Council whether the secretary of the Depart ment of Science and Art had been appointed director of the South Kensington Museum; whether two assistant directors had also been appointed; and, if so, what were their names, duties, and salaries ; whether the director and assistant directors were to act independently of the "art referees" in the selection of objects for purchase; and whether it was true, as stated in the public journals, that purchases had been already made at the Paris Exhibition by the Science and Art Department ; and whether such purchases had the approval of the art referees. Lord R. MONTAGU said it was quite true that the Secretary of the Department of Science and Art had been appointedoDirector of the South Kensington Museum, but it had been done ten years ago. Three gentlemen had also been appointed assistant directors, but the salaries of each bad not at present been altered. These gentlemen would not act independent of the art referees, and it was not true that purchases had been already made on the part of the South Kensington Museum at the Paris Exhibition. ALLEGED ESCAPE FROM A CONVENT. Mr. WHALLEY asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention had been given to a statement in the Times newspaper of the 11th of May, that six young ladies had escaped from a con vent at Glossop, and having walked to Sheffield, a dis tance of twenty-five miles, were there taken charge of by the police, and by them handed over to another con- Vent called Notre Dame, at the request'of the Superior of the convent from which they had escaped ; whether it was his opinion that the police at Sheffi4hl were justified in so acting ; whether any inquiry would be instituted as to the circumstances connected with this escape; awl, generally, whether any, and what means wore avajable for affording protection to any such persons against detention iu con vents against their will ? Mr. HARDY said, in accordance with the directions of the right hon. gentleman his predecessor in office, a letter had b.m3n addressed to the mayor of Sheffield, asking for information on the subject. A letter had been received from that gentleman, stating that the place from which the girls ran away was a school at tached to a convent, and that thinking themselves ill treated they had ran away ; and on their arrival in Sheffield, and finding themselves without means, they applied to a police-constable for advice, and by him they were directed to the police, where the' were very kindly treated, and their friends communicated with. The Mayor of Sheffield in his letter stated it was all a very pretty story of "much ado about nothing." The Govern rnant did not intend to make any further in quiry into the matter than had already been done, and if the girls were ill-treated it was the duty of the father to protect his child from cruelty of any description. It was, of course, never expected that acoranaodation for a bevy of runaway school girls would be required at auy police station. (Laughter.) DISTRESS IN IRELAND. Mr. REARD ES asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if any and what steps had been taken by her Majesty's Go vernment fo: the 4111113,113 U) r3lief of the almost famine stricken poor in extensive districts of th west of Ireland. Lord NAT' S said much distrea3 unfortunately existed in Connemara, but some public works had commenced, which is was hoped would give employment to a large number of parsons. Everything that was possible to alleviate the distress would be done, and it was to be hoped with good effect. THE REPORTED MUTINY OF TROOPS IN IN DI A. sTANsrztp asked whether the Government had received any oillcial information relative to the reported outbreak amongst the troops in India? Sir SI. NORTBCOTE said the Government had no furt&cr information than that published in the newspapers. THE REFORM BILL. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was not intended to proceed with the Scotch bill that even ing. With respect to the amendment of the hon. mem ber for Newark, it could be dealt with by clauses in the bill. With respect to the manner in which it was proposed to go on with the bill, he thought it would be right, especially as there had been some discussion on the thirty-fourth clause, after they had decided upon the fourth clause, which set out the county franchise, that they should at once proceed to consider clause 34, and thus dispose of the matter as soon as possible. He should also propose that next week there should be morning sittings on Tuesdays and Fridays, at which they could proceed with the other clauses of the Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) He thought it would be very desirable that some alter‘Oon in the hours of sitting should be made, and he thought it would be productive of great convenience if th-y commenced their sitting at two o'clock in the afternoon and continued until seven, and then suspend the sitting from seven until nine o'clock. Ile thought f rum seven to nine the time at which the greatest. disinclination for business existed in the house. He would not make any formal. motion then, but after his proposals had been thought over by hon. gentlemen' opposite, he would on Monday make the motion in accordance with the suggestions he had just given to the house. HABEAS ' CORPUS ACT (IRELAND) CONTINU ANCE BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Mr. MAGUIRE made a very vigorous and energetic speech, accusing the English Parliament with slighting the wants of Ireland, aridithat state of things had brought about the Fenian conspiracy. He condemned the manner in which the 'tria4 of the Fenians conspirators had taken place, and concluded by asking the Government to pursue a more liberal course of policy towards Ireland, which would do away with all necessity for passing bills for the suspension of the, Habeas Corpus. Mr. ROE B IrClc —The question I asked myself when I beard the speech of the hon. member was, for what purpose was that speech made ?—(hear, hear) —and I found it very dltlicult to answer. The hon. gentleman began by assailing the G.ivernment'Concerning the late Fenian outbreak, and demanding an answer to this question —that the Govern ment, being in communication with one of the Irish rebels who had betrayal hi, friends, in spite of his asseverations, stated that Hwy believed Ireland was - peaceful ? The sentence was that Ireland was not peaceful, and that the Government were. to blame because men were tried and convicted there on the information and evidence of in formers. Iles it ever b?en possible in any conspiracy to convict without the evidence of one of the conspirators? Was that informer wrong? Did not the persons reiterate after their conviction the very thing which bad been urged against them—that they would do again what they had done ? Those men had conspired against England, and th,y were very properly convicted. Call any one say that the trials in Ireland had been unjust? Never were fairer trials in this world. Can any hon. gentleman then btaud up in this house and accuse the Government oppo- Fite of anything wrong ? There was no wrong up to this point, but thou the hon. gentleman rushes in to the whole subject of Irish grievances. I admit that up to 1829 nothing could have been worse than the Government of Ireland ; but from that time to this the House of Commons has been endeavouring to alleviate the physical, constitutional, and moral injuries to Ireland. But there have been obstacles, and amongst the chief of them is the language used by hon. members of this house. (Hear, hear.) Can they believe their poor miserable countrymen can see the truth and the right when gentlemen in their position in the House of Com- mons before the people of England dare to say that we are unjust to Ireland? (Hear, hear.) I say a more foul ca lumny was never uttered ; a more gigantic falsehood was never dared. Mr. MAGUIRE—I rise to order, Sir, to ask you, as the highest authority in this house, whether that language is consistent with parliamentary usages. Mr. S PEAKER—Not as addressed to any individual member of this house or as pointed to any particular alle gation. Mr. ROEBUCK--I did not apply it to any individual member, but I say that any one who dares to say that this house in its coastitutional eff•irts to alit and assist the ,eople of Ireland have forgotten the miseries of Ireland, or that they by their legislation have sought their own in- dividual benefit in contradistinction to the benefits of the empire, has given utterance to a daring falsehool. Clear.) Mr. MAGUIRE —No one said so. Mr. ROEBUCK —lf no ono said so, why interfere ? Mr. SPEAKER—I think that is hardly a term to apply :0 an hon. gentleman. Mr. ROEBUCK—I always b)w to your commands, Sir, if you think I have said anything but the truth. (Laughter.) Now, I will ask what this house could do? Why, says the hon. gentleman, relieve the miseries of the Irish people. How is that to be done? By legis- [talon, says the hon. gentleman. By what legislation ? And then he points to the Irish Church. Can any one in his senses believe that the poor people of Ireland are made wretched by the existence of the Irish Church ? Why, sir, no one more than I dislikes a hierarchical establishment, or the predominancy of any priesthood. But I don't like one priest more than another. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I cannot conceive how any member of this house can say that we have not carefully considered, are not anxious to do justice to Ireland. Talk about tho relations between landlords and tenants ! In England we leave landlords and tenants to settle their own private concerns. I want to know why Irishmen can't do the same. Then, as to Irishmen rushirrg from the country by millions: I say that is a very good thing for those who go, and thereby im- - - prove their physical condition, and it is a very good thing 'or those who are left behind because it relieves the labour market. Granting that they go away with a barning hatred to England —is that a just or wise feeling? It may be the feeling of an ignorant peasant; but ought it be the feel ing or the language of those who are better taught? The Irish pea;aut is not in misery because. the English are in Ireland, but because of the state of things in that country over which the Government has no control. The laws in Ireland are the same as in England. Criminal and civil justice is as well administered there as here. That I assert, and I challenge any ono not to deny but to disprove what I have stated. (llcar, hear.) Trade and commerce are as free there as here, and as regards the religious position of the Irish Catholics, their position is not different from that of English dis- senters. There is a dominant Church in both countries, but was there ever a more gentle, a more humane Church ? (Hear, hear, and laughter.) To say that the Church of England is a domineering church is utterly false. Well, what is there, then, to distinguish the people of Ireland from the people of England? Thera is no difference in the treatment of one as compared with the other. It is only such wild discourses as that which wa have just heard that induce the people of Ireland to believe that their miseries arise from the Government of this country, I when they are really suffering from calamities over which no Government has any control. I believe nothing could be more injurious to the country of the hon. gentleman than the speech he has just made. (Hear.) Mr. BRIGHT—I wish to make one or two observations on the speech of the hon. and learned gentleman, which is very much like that he has delivered before on two or three occasions when Irish questions have been before the house. I think in his speech he has done my honour able friend the member fur Cork a great injustice. The point before the house is the further suspension of the Habeas .Corpus Act ; and I understand my honourable friend to ask a question of the Chief Seerbtary for Ireland with regard to the conduct in reference to the evidence of one of the informers. My hou. friend's charge against the Government—but I will nut say charge—his question —is a very fair ono, and one which I think every meni belt of the Housa will think it is necessAry should be answered. At the beginning of the session Government proposed to restore the constitution of Ireland by discon tinuing the suspension of the Ilab.ms Coipus Act, and they stated in this and the other House of Parlia►uent, and theAttorney-G,Meral at his election, that the condition of Irelaud was such that this could be safely dour, Thu Attorney .General, with au expression which I suppose is peculiar to his country, even said it was more thau safe. But from the end of last session to the opening of this, this informer, on 'whose ovidemes two. men have been con demned to death, was coneuuuica tine; twice a week with the Government, giving 'nest minute information about the various meetiuge of conspirators, the chief actors, the plane whicb were in Co ntetnplation, and the time of the projected rising. My hon. friend said, " If that is true, why did you, when Parliament met, propose to dis continue the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act ?" Ano ther question, which is even more important, is this: Why did you not, knowing this unhappy transaction was com ing to a head, arrest the leading conspirators, every one of whom was known to you through this informer, and so prevent the rising of the 6th March, and the necessity of trying men for high treason and having them now lying under sentence of death ? That is a feir question, and the House of Commons has a right to have it fairly answered That was the object of the speech of my hon. friend. - But. the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Roebuck), of whom I said the other day he was always ready to contradict everything, gets up now and not only contradicts my hon. friend, but makes him make a speech which ho did not make, and then contradicts that. He reminds me of a case I saw the other day before one of the courts of Loudon, in which a man objected to be a juryman. The judge said it was very wrong ; every man ought to be willing to be a juryman. The man said as au excuse that he was not tit to be a juryman, for ho never in the whole of his life was able to agree with anybody. • (Laughter.) The judge en couraged him, telling him he ought still to act, but the man replied that that was not his only infirmity, as in .point of fact he had found he was not able to agree with himself. (Loud laughter.) And the hon. and learned gen gletuan (Mr. Roebuck) for more than the last two or three years of his life has in every session, iu the most distinct manner, contradicted almost everything that hu said dur ing the former years of his life. (Hear.) What dues he say now ? He insists that the people of Ireland have no griev ances ; and what he says is almost unsupported evidence against the evidence of an entire people. Nobody denies that the universal opinion of the Catholic population of Ireland is that in tLat country there are grievances to which this house does not pay sufficient attention, and I have uo doubt every member from Ireland would say that that opinion is not confined to the Catholic popu lation of Irelacd ; btit ymewill find amongst vast numbers of the Protestant population as strong a feeling of con demnation of the usual course of Parliament with regard to Irish affairs as amongst the Catholic population them selves. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, I should rather prefer the evidence of almost a whole nation with regard to their grievances to the dogmatic assertion of the hon. and learned gentleman. But he ventured into particulars. He asked the house what differences there were between the Catholic in Ireland and the Dissenter in England. I am a Dissenter in England, a Dissenter of Dissenters ; and I. disapprove not only of the Established Church of Ecg land, but of all established Churches.. But I do not feel the Established Church of England. to be a grievance to me in the sense in which •I' hould feel an Established Church of Ireland to be if I were an Irishman, and of the Catholic Church. (Hear, hear.) The difference is enor mous. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and learned gentleman says. it is not. Mr. ROEBUCK-I did not say so. Mr. BRIGHT—I beg your pardon ; I heard you say "No." (Laughter.) Mr. ROEBUCK-1 beg to say that I never uttered the word "No." I said " flow ?" (Laughter.) Mr. BRIGHT —I thank the hon. gentleman for his ex plauation, and I will proceed to tell him immediately. (Laughter.) In England the Established Church is at least as old as dissect. (Laughter.); At the time when dissent became an existence and a power in England, and just pre vious to that, the Established Church was the Church of all the people. It did not confiscate the pro., arty of dis senters or any of the funds of which they, as dissenters, had become possessed. (Hear.) The Established Church remained as it was, and the Nonconformists of that day gradually withdrew from it because they found in their own Nonconformist churches and organisations what to them was capable of affording a greater solace in the performance of their own worship. They did not feel that the clergyman and the people about the church—l speak of the great bulk—had - turned thorn out, confiscated their revenues, and supplanted them. They withdrew voluntarily front the E;teblisbed Church - (hear) —and although they might not believe, that as it Church was a goo :I Oliva., yet so lon g it re mained a great institution of the nation, and supported by the great majority of the nation, they felt it was not in any degree a special grievance which might ju tify them in disloyalty, discontent, or insurrection. (Hear.) In Ire land the case was wholly different. (Cheers.) There was the greatest difference in Ireland between the professors of the Established Church and the professors of the Catholic faith. There are great and essential points of division between the two Churches. And then the Protestant Church in Ireland came in with the English soldier and the English power —(hear, hoar) -with a power which confiscated all the land and put an alien proprietary there, and dislodged, with a cruelty of which history has scarcely a parallel, the whole population who had been possessors of the soil. (Cheers.) And not only that, but it confiscated the whole of the ecclesiastical revenues of the people, and placed them at the disposal of a small garrison atiaority, holding a faith which the great body of the people repudiated, and holding it in connection with a political supremacy which was neces sarily hateful to the whole population. (Hear, hear.) If the honourable and learned gentleman has studied politics for I am afraid to say how many years—but I have known him as a politician for thirty years—if he has studied politics all this whilA, and has not been able to discover that there is an essential difference be- tween the position of the Catholic in Ireland and that of the Dissenter in England with regard to the Established Church mtintainee in both countries by Parliament, then I should have no hope whatsoever, by anything that I could say, to bring him to a different mind. But I ven- ture to say that such speeches as ho has made to-day— (hear, hoar) —and such as he has made heretofore in this house—(hear, hear)—are a thousand times more calculated to stir up hostility against the English Government and the Imperial power iu Ireland - (" Oh, oh," from the Minis terial benches, and •' hear, hear," from the Opposition)— than any speeches that I have ever hoard from any Irish member on this side of the l'onse. (Cheers.) Ile spoke of the hon. member for Cork and those who speak with him as if h. and they were the instigators of the discontent which exists in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend has recently paid a visit of some months to the United States, for the purpose of examining the condition and to study the sentiments of his own countrymeu in the Ame rican republic, and on this sad occasion, when, for I know not how many times during our political lives there has been some measure of coercion or repression proposed for Ireland, ho stands up here to-night to lift what he calls so justly a warning voice in the ears of the Parliament of England, and to ask them to meditate upon what they are doing, or nof doing, with regard to his country. He probably does not believe—no one of us believes—that there is discontent in Ireland which, alone and unaided from any other country, can make a sezious contest with the power of England. But the discontent is not the less discreditable to tis, and it is scarcely less hurtful to the em pire than if it were more powerful and moro able to con tend with England. (Hear.) What he says is this: In the United States at this mument there are more Irishmen and descendants of Irishmen than there are in Ireland itself• Almost every man of the Irish race is filled with a bitter hostility to England ; peatly, in the case of some, from what they have felt, and in the case of the rest from what they have heard, or known, or believed, with regard to the condition of their countrymen in Ireland. And he says the time will com .3 —he fears it will, he knows it pos- sibly may coma—when the thre., four, five, or six mil- lions of Irishmen in the United States, by their action upon political pirties and political leaders, may force that c3untr:- into c millet with this. You know what political leaders can do. (Laughter.) You have seen it here, and not iu this sessio n only, but in many sessions. You know what can be done by means of a great agitation. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) And you know how political leaders will bow down, and bow themselves in the very dust, be fore an agitating power which they are constantly pre tending to despise. (Rear, hear.) And so it is in Ame rica, where every man has a vote, where in every action of the Government there is the manifestation of the popular will in that country, four or five or six millions of Irish men, acting at the poll, influencing political leaders, influ encing the press everywhere more or less, can, if there arises some question of difference between trio United States and England, throw themselves sufficiently into the scale to make peace impossible. And if peace should be come impossible and war certain, then I ask you what would bo the condition of this country with the sentiment in Ireland so disloyal and angry as it is now, and with another and a greater Ireland within ten days of steam to hold out its hand of sympathy to your discontented people ? (Hear, hear.) I say that this is a great question—(hear, hear) —and the Irish members ought to be banished to their own side of the Channel if they could sit in this House and see proposals of this kind brought in session after session and not raise their voice. My hon. friend the member for Cork—one Of the most eminent, popular, and trusted representatives of the Irish people, who knows accurately the sentiments of his race and people on the American Continent—instead of being assailed as he has been,by the hon. and learned member for Sheffield is en titled to the cordial and hearty thanks of every friend of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland for the speech that he has addressed to the House to-night (Cheers.) . . Lord NAAS said the hon. member (Mr. Bright) re peated the question put by the hon. member for Cork with regard to the course of the Government in dealing with the late Fenian insurrection. He did not impute to the hon. gentleman the member for Cork any intention to make a charge which he (the noble lord) observed in Ireland during the trials and is a portion of the English press. The charge was that, being fully aware of the nature and object of the conspiracy, and the persons en gaged in it, the Government did not take those_ steps which were in their power at the earliest possible moment to make those persons amenable to justice, and that, in fact, we played with the -conspiracy for the purpose of even tually putting it down by force. That is as serious a charge as can be brought against a Governteeet ; and its far as the present Government is concerned, it is as calu mnious a charge as was ever made. (Rear, hear.) Ile was sorry he had not had ustice of the question, but having observed these charges in the public prints, he had on the previous night looked over some documents, and therefore he would be able to show the house how entirely baseless that charge was. (Hear, hear.) . The whole policy of the Government was exactly the reverse of that. From the very first moment he took office, in all his letters and com munications with the Government here, he impressed upon his colleagues that the policy to be pursued was this. That no effort should be spared to nip every appearance of con spiracy iu the bud, and to prevent anything like au armed outbreak. So far back as October last, in a letter to the Home Secretary, he laid down distinctly what he conceived to be the imperative duty of the Government. That was that they should not allow a single man who they were convinced was engaged in treasonable practices to remain at large. The Government acted upon that suggestion throughout. Every particle of information received by the Government was acted upon. Ou the 20th September last the Government received information that there was a depot of arms in Liverpool, and in connection with it a considerable quantity of the chemical compound called liquid fire, which was mane by these men for the purposes of incendiarisin. The moment we received that information orders were given for a search, and that search was successful. A considerable number of arms e ere found, and a large quantity of this diabolical engine of destruction. But for seine time after that the com munications were to general that was impossible for the Government to act upon them, and they referred generally to individuals who were either in England or on the Continent. In C.Jl.liNtlitleti of com:uunications made to us fron t v a ri o u s quarters in NoVember, orders were given to the constabulary generally throughout Ireland to make conlideutial reports as to what, in their opinion, was the position of the Fenian conspiracy. Consequently we knew that great activity prevailed, and heard of symptoms of the intention of the leaders of the conspiracy to attempt to revive their operations. Large lists of names were sent to us and carefully examined, and about the 27th Novem ber forty warrants were issued against local leaders in various parts of Ireland. The policy of the Government was to arrest prominent members of the conspiracy wherever they , uuld, and in no case to arrest anybody who they did not think was taking an active part in the conspiracy. Ile believed no one was arrested who was not a "B " or "0 ;" that is either au officer or a sergeant, From information received on the 28th Noveniber, Dr. Power was arrested on 4th December, with several of his comrades, for distributing arms. These persons turned out to be leaders of the movement, and Dr. Power was subsequently sentenced to fifteen years' penal servitude. On the 11th December we received information that a meeting was to be held in Dublin on the following day, and the police actually surprised 70 "centres" sitting in council. About the same time a person named Mahoney was arrested iu England, and removed to Ireland, where he was tried and convicted. The steamers from Liverpool to liristcl were watched, and suspicious persons arrested. In consequence of these steps, at the end of December, as far as we could tell, the whole movement was crushed. Between the Ist and 15th of December, 87 warrants were issued for the arrest of important p rsons ; but as the con spiracy then appeared to be at an end, so far as the leaders in Ireland were emu:exiled, it was the duty of the Government not 'to ask a renewal of the Habeas Corpus Suspens ion Act. However, change took pla ce, and agitation was commenced b y a most important Stephens in America, and a most important Meeting was held by the lenders of the movement in America. Immediately on their return to New York the scheme of military organisation was formed, and on Dec. 22 the February rising the dete r m Ireland. i - leaders- began to leave America for this country. They baliaconsiderable I, rii continued i t e i i o r n i , b e te i n t n o t g i o n a s t arrive w al e l t r i h e l al not t r e hazards, o d t w o o n f effecttFitill num ber had anived, and even the Fenian leaders in Ireland were not aware of the new movement at the end of De cember. Government acted upon the information the moment it. was received. Any Government that would have tampered with such a dangerous conspiracy for a single moment would commit a very grievous and serious blunder, and nothing could be more wicked than to allow it to grow for the purPose of putting it down. (Cheers.) No Government would dare to take a course so. justly Meriting condemnation. The Government did not allow a single man to be at large who they thought hail any con nection with the movement, but acted on the principle that prevention was better than cure. (Cheers.) When the outbreak occurred half the leaders wore in custody; and Many left the country on March 4, when it was found that the Government bad important and accurate information. Amongst them were men who were not Fenians at all, but had been all their lives engaged in revolutionary move ments on the Continent, and made war a trade. The con nection of the movement with the revolutionary societies of the Continent was clearly shown ; and that these men were sent by the leaders of those societies to play a game which could only end, if successful, in the overturning of society, the destr ;ction of property, and the overthrow of the Euglish rule. The whole covenant of the Govern ment was to prevent bloodshed, and keep the movement from coming to ahead. The charge against them is wholly baseless, He deplored the feeling which exists amongst 'THE SUN, LON VON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 24 1867. the Irish in America, but believed it to have arisen from their ignorance of the actual state of affairs, and was not surprised that they had believed the representations of those who, knowing better, have told them false stories of Ireland's oppression. Upon those who, in total disre gard of truth, make a trade of pouring this poison into the ears of the poor Irish people, and not upon the latter, should lie the blame for the unfortunate results which had been brought out. (Cheers.) Threats of a war with America are not exactly the kind of appeal or argument likely to affect the sense of this nation. (Cheers.) The great desire of the House of Commons and the country is to do justice to Ireland ; but they will not be urged to greater iuterest in the subject by such threats. (Cheers.) There is sufficient knowledge of the real state of things in Ireland amongst the Irish people in America; and they know suffinently thst their interest is opposed to such a war to prevent it. (Hear, hear.) If the powers of the Government be continued, they will be exercised, as they have been for the last nine mouths, with care and modera tion, but with firmness. (Cheers.) He believed these powers can be so exercised as that there shall be no inter ference with the liberties or the freedom of action of loyal subjects of the Queen in Ireland. (Cheers.) Mr. B. OSBORNE said ho was far from gainsaying the fact that the further suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act is not only necessary but merciful to the Irish people. (Hear, hear.) To say it will be necessary for only a limited period is to deceive the house. But, in acknowledging the difficulty which has arisen from the ignorance and careless ness of this Legislature—(hear, hear)—he did not avoid consideration of measures which will eventually make the suspension unnecessary. He did not accuse the noble lord, knowing his sagacity and humanity, of having tampered with this conspiracy. (Hear.) He did not accuse him, or the noble lord at the head of the Irish Government, of any abuse of this power. On the contrary, they had exercised it with great judgment and humanity. (Hear.) But the passage in the Queen's Speech in February was an instance of great irresolution and weakness—a sop thrown to the Cerberus of popularity. (Hear, hear.) The Government, being in possession of such information as the recent evi dence shows they had at the time, ought not to have made that statement to the house. (Cheers.) It is still true that Ireland is in possession of the weakest Executive in the world. The Government acted wrongly and weakly, and in opposition to the unanimous opinion of the police the magistrate; and the country gentlemen. Wishing to conciliate Galway they exposed all Ireland to insurrection. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Galway said Irishmen always betray their friends. Has he never known English men to betray, or at least forsake, their friends oven in this house ? (Laughter.) Mr. ROEBUCK—When they are wrong. Mr. OSBORNE said the hon. member said, since 1852, that Ireland was "occupied, not governed." Yet how he defends the Church. (Laughter.) Roebuck on the Church ! (Laughter.) He never thought the Church was in danger till he heard the hon. member's eulogium upon it. (Laugh ter.) There is a hardihood of assertion as well as of contra diction. New lights are breaking upon the hon. gentle man ; he has turned his back on every principle of his youth, and, like the actor who loses the applause of the upper gallery, h e now plays to the pit of the Treasury bench. (Loud laughter.) The hon. gentleman's opinion may be mistaken in Ireland for that of the House of Com mons; but the Irish know some little of him, and that little is in connection with the Gal way contract. (Laughter.) The houseis always discussing this question in the same way. We always know what will be the policy of the Chief Secretary for Ireland, whatever his party may be. It matters to nobody but the lawyers what Government comes in. (Laughter.) The leading lawyer will defend the Church, and be made Chief Justice ; but nothing will be done for Ireland. (Laughter.) The policy is always that of the pigeon -hole. There are three measures the Chief Secretary will feel bound to introduce : first, a bill for the preserva tion of salmon in the rivers. Salmon is the only thing flourishing in Ireland. (Loud laughter.) There have been four such bills passed. Then, with a great flourish of trumpets, a landlords' and tenants' bill—there have been 31 of them. (Laughter.) Then a Peace Preservation Act, of which there have been 26. (Laughter.) And when you want a great experiment, the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act is proposed. That has been done ten times since 1801; and yet the Chief Secretary says in 1867 the further suspension is only for a limited period. He would not say that the Government of England did not intend to act fairly towards Ireland, but what he com plained of was that some were grossly ignorant and some grossly bigoted in our legislation towards that country. (Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who put an exag gerated importance on the maintenance of the Established Church in Ireland, but he did hold that it was the duty of Parliament so to deal with it as to make it in some way more consonant with, and more agreeable to, the feelings of the Roman Catholic people of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Had the House ever made the attempt ? On the contrary, they were supposed to have made enormous progress in Irish legislation, because the hon. baronet opposite (Sir F. Heygate) moved the previous question, and thus, to use a Irish " bull," advanced Irish legislation by postponing it (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Parliament had made great concessions to the people of this country, and wo might believe him, an Englishman who understood _Leland, that we shall be making an enormous mistake it we do not take up the Irish question in a larger, broader, and more liberal spirit than we have yet done. (Hear, hear.) Mr. C. FORT ESC UE admitted that the exception — al powers chimed by the Government were necessary for the peace of Ireland ; but he held that it was impossible to acquit them of blame in declaring at the time they were in full possession of the secrets of Fenianism that the continuance of the Act would be unnecessary. (Hear, hear.) He should not object to the renewal of the Act, but ho was convinced that we shall cut a poor figure in the eyes of the world and lay up great calamities for our selves if we pass nothing but measures of repression for Ireland. He was convinced that our first duty is to con sider by what moans, within the power of Parlian.ent, we can dry up the sources of sedition in Ireland, and by effacing from the minds of the people of that country the memories of tho past, reconcile them to the law s and GovernMent of England. (Hear, h ear .) which he admitt e d th e y byhi extending the dura tion Mr. C. FORTESCUE frankly d ec l are d th at, i n hi s opinion, it was the pli nf p l but im perative duty of the house to support the o: Ipowers, had not abused, and t h e continuance of which was neces saryonof these suo exceptional oo t p h t for the preservation of the peace in Ireland. Mr. NEWDEGATE, replying to the observation of Mr. Bright, remarked that the hon. gentleman was certainly a dissenter from tho English Dissenters on the question of the Irish Church. For the DisSenters of England were fast coming to the conclusion that these continual at tacks on the Irish Establishment as a cause of discon tent only tended to promote the designs of the Burnish hierarchy. From this point the debate took a very discursive turn, and the speeches delivered assumed more of the character of a series of addresses to constituents in view of spending election, the question immediately before the house being all but totally ignored or lost sight of. Sir P. O'Brien, who took credit to himself for the moderation of his views and feeling, taunted Mr. Roebuck with his advocacy of the Canadian rebels in 1837, Mr. Whalley trotted out with his old well-worn crotchet that the discontent pro Nailing in Ireland was to be traced to the "teachings, the doc trines, and the discipline" of the Roman Catholic Church. I According to Mr. Brady, the only effect of the Emancipa tion Act had been to introduce Some 30 Roman Catholic • gentlemen to seats in the House of Commons, and since 1829 there had not been a single ameliorative measure • passed for Ireland. And Sir G. Bowyer capped the climax of Hibernian grievances by declaring that there was no country in Europe so oppressed, with the exception of Po land and Italy. Mr. Stock made the pardonable and amus ing error of supposing the house was occupied with the discussion,of the Irish Land Bill of the Government, and his criticisms addressed to that measure excited much merriment accordingly. The other speakers were Mt. • Synan, Mr. Conolly, and Mr. Pim; but throughout the whole debate there was not a single attempt made to show that the bill was not required by the peculiar situation of affairs in Ireland. Tho second reading was then agreed to, and the re maining stages ordered to be taken this day. The house having gone into committee on the Reform Bill resumed the consideration of the 4th (the county franchise) clause. Mr. VIVIAN moved an amendment extending the suf frage to lessees or assignees of Lends or tenements, of free hold or other ten uro, for the unexpected residue of any term originally created for net less than 60 years, whether or not on life of lives, or the clear yearly value of L 5 over and above the rents and charges payable in respect thereof. A brief discussion ensued, and with the assent of the Government the amendment was agreed to. Sir E. C OLEBROOKE then moved to omit the words " premises of any tenure," and substitute for them a " dwelling-house."' The amendineet • Was opposed by Ministers, end led to a division, which resulted in the words " premises of any tenure" being struck out of the clause by 196 to 193, being a majority of 3 against the Government. Tho announce ment of the numbers was hailed with great laughter. On the question that the words a dwelling-houss" should be inserted, another division was taken, when the motion was negatived by 212 to 209, which gave the GJ verument in its turn a majority of three! The house now became very excited, in the midst of which Lord CRANBOItNE recommended that, as the clause was in such a hopeless condition, progress had better be reported, 'and the suggestion was received with cheers from the Opposition. Mr. Secretary HARDY, however, moved to till up the blank which tiow stood in the clause with ;the words, "lands or tenements," whereupon Mr. AYRTON proposed to omit the words, "or tene ments," and insert, " with a tenement erected thereon." Sir G. GREY hoped the house would accept the advice of Lord Cranborne. This called upj The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who pro tested against reporting progress at so early an hour (11 o'clock) and called upon hon. members on both sides - of the house to support him in going on with the bill. After some discussion, which was carried on amid much confusion, Mr. Ayrton moved that progress should be re ported. At length the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose, and, pointing to the clock, said that as it was not very probable they would be able to bring the discussion to a close at a reasonable hour he would assent to the chairman leaving the chair. Mr. BRIGHT, on behalf of the Opposition, abjured all party motives in the course they were pursuing. Their object was simply to lake security against the creation of faggot votes ; and as the committee had now divided twice, with majorities of three on one side and three on the other, he thought the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to whose con ciliatory disposition he paid a compliment, should, before the house met again, consider the matter, with the view of seeing whether he could not reconcile the conflicting opinions on the subject. The house then resumed, and thn chairman reported progress. The Public Records (Ireland) Bill was read a second time. The Army Enlistment Bill was read . a third time and passed; and the Local Government Supplemental (No. 2) Bill was read a second time. The house rose at 1 o'clock. 7HE CASE OF TRAFFIC IN FORGED BILLS OF EXCHANGE. Yesterday, at the Mansion-house, Adolphe Gold stein, of Tredegar-road, Bow, commission agent, who stands charged with forging and uttering two bills of exchange with intent to defraud, was brought up on remand before the Lord Mayor, for further examination. Mr. Muliens, solicitor to the. London Bankers' Association, appeared to prosecute, and Mr. Mon tagu Williams, instructed by Messrs. Lewis, of Ely-place, again attended on the part of the pri soner. It will be remembered that at the former exami nation the evidence disclosed that Messrs. J. E. Woods and Co., of Shepton-Mallet, had had busi ness transactions with a Mr. Du Portu, a merchant, carrying on business in Union-court, Old Broad street, whose acceptance for £5OO due on the 21st of February last, became due. The testimony of Mr. Woods went to show that Da Portu required assistance to meet this acceptance on its arriving at maturity, and with this view Woods was in troduced to a Mr. James Adolphus Simpson, who described himself as a merchant residing at 32, Hunter-street. Brunswick-square, and who under took to procure bills to the amount of about £5OO. On a subsequent day the parties met again at Du Portu's office, namely, on the 17th February, when Simpson handed to Mr. Woods five bills of exchange, including the two which were alleged to be forgeries. Both these bills purported to be drawn by Messrs. Lescbkau, Son, and Co., of Paris, one on William Parker and Co., of 80, Lower Thames street, for £7B 165., and the other on Messrs. Henry Ruedel and Co., of 150, Leadenhall-street, for £75. For the fire bills Mr. Woods paid Simpson £25 for his commission, of which Simpson alleged that he paid £9 to the prisoner, who had procured and from whom he received the bills in question. It was also proved that the acceptances of both the bills, as well as the signatures of the drawers,were forgeries. The first witness called yesterday was Mr. John Baptiste James Da Portu, who was examined by Mr. Mullens, and deposed that he was a merchant, having offices in Union-court, Old Broad-street, and was aware that the two bills pro duced, together with three others, had been given by Mr. Simpson to Mr. Woods, in witness's office, and in his presence. The prisoner, whom he knew by sight, was not present at the time. Witness was not aware that the bills were given to enable Woods to take up an acceptance for £5OO. Cross-examined by Mr. M. Williams—The bills were given to Mr. Woods for his accommodation, and were to be discounted by Woods' own bankers. Though Woods did not say so, I, being an agent, knew his wants, and that he had facilities of dis counting at his bankers. I say distinctly that the bills were simply and purely given to Woods for his accommodation. By the Lord Mayor—l knew that there was a bill for £5OO coming due on the 21st February, and that bill was drawn by J. E. Woods and Co., red accepted by Vincent Du Porta, my father. It was given for an advance tnade on goods for Wood's' accommodation, and Woods gave an undertaking in writing to provide for it three days before it : became due. 'These bills were procured, not to sup ply funds for the £5OO acceptance, but as a further accommod ition to Woods, who found the money to pay as commission to Simpson for procuring the bills. I cannot speak to the whole of the arrange ments, for Simpson and Woods were frequently alone together in a private room, while I was en gaged on other business in another part of the office. I have known the prisoner by sight many years, but never knew his name until the other day. He has been two or three times at my father's place, where I have au office. He came there to propose business in buying goods, but more generally he came to sell goods. I had never any conversation with the pri sonor about the bills, nor did I know until now he was the man who-had given them to Simpson. The commission was £25 paid to Simpson by Woods, and not by my father, Mr. Vincent Du Portu. • By Mr. Mullens—Simpson was to give me part of the commission he received from Woods, as it was arranged I was to have a share in the profits or com - 'mission made on business done by Simpson with any of our friends. If I was not paid I was to charge it in an account current I had with Simpson: By the Lord Mayor --Of the £25 commission paid to Simpson on this transaction, about £6 was to come to me. I knew that was the sum coming to we because Simpson told me so, and I charged it., Simp son said he had paid the prisoner £9 for getting the bills, and deducting that I was to have a share of the remainder of the £25 received from Woods. Mr. Robt. H. Morris was next called, and proved that he was clerk to the firm' of Robarts and. Co., the bankers, who were the London agents of'Messrs. Stuckey, the bankers,, who had a branch bank at Shepton Mallet. The two bills produced had been sent on 11th February last to - Messrs. Robarts by Messrs. Stuckey and Co. for collection. They were presented, and marked by the alleged acceptors as being forgeries. Police-constable Edward Cable, 210 K, was next examined, and proved that on Friday evening last Mr. Simpson came to him in the Tredegar-road, Bow, and at his request he went with him to a house, No. 1, Vernon-road, and there inquired for the prisoner, who was called down stairs by his wife. When the prisoner appeared Mr. Simpson said he would give him into custody for forging two bills of exchange —one for £7B 165., and the other for £75. The prisoner said, " I have committed no forgery." Witness took the prisoner to the police station at Bow, where the prisoner said that Simpson bad given him into custody in order to save himself. Witness then brought the prisoner to the Bow-lane station, and Simpson came with them. The charge was made by Simpson, and taken down by the in spector, who asked Simpson why there had not been a warrant issued in the case. Simpson replied that Mr. Mullens had told him it was too late that day to obtain a warrant. Mr. Mu:lens begged to say that he had not had any conversation with Mr. Simpson on the subject of a warrant, and therefore his statement in that respect was incorrect. In reply to Mr. Montagu Williams, the witness Cable stated at the Bow-lane station the prisoner told Simpson that he had got the bills from a man named Stoven. Mr. Mullens informed the Lord Mayor that this was the case for the prosecution, and asked that the prisoners should be committed for trial on this charge. Mr. Montagu Williams sad that happily he knew very little of bills of exchange, but certainly the evidence in this case opened his eyes to a system that appeared to him to be perfectly miraculous. He submitted, however, that on this evidence no jury would convict the man now at the bar, who stated he had received the bills from Stoven, who had been seen that morning, and had promised to attend at this hearing.,. ; - The prisoner (interposing) said that he saw Stoven in the court when the proceedings just com menced. Mr. M. Williams—Surely Stoven ought to be found by the prosecution. It was clear that he would not come here now on his own accord. Mr. Mullens said he was quite willing to take any steps to secure the attendance o Stovall, but he certainly should not give him into custody without the evidence of.pnme credible witness to corroborate the statement made with respect to him by the pri- soner, The wife of the prisoner stated that she had seen Stoven that morning, and that he had admitted to her that be had given the bills to her husband. Mr. Mullens observed that the wife was not in law competent to give evidence in this case, and re peated that he was ready to give anybodyin custody, anybody of whom he had reasonable evidence that they were implicated in this transaction. He knew a great deal more of this matter than it would be expedient for him to state at present. The Lord Mayor was of opinion that Mr. Simp son could produce Stoven, who he had no doubt was one of the staff, if he thought proper. The best course would be to remand the case till Friday week, to give time to find Stove'', if posiible. The prisoner was accordingly remanded to Friday :this day) week, bail being refused. Mr. 'l'. Beard said be was instructed to remind the court that on a former occasion Mr. Simpson had stated in his evidence that he knew Mr. Parker, of Lower Thames-street (whose acceptance had been forged to one of these bills), very well, and that Parker would give his name for half-a-crown as ac ceptor to any bill. Mr. Parker instructed him to deny this assertion, and to state that he was a total stranger to Simpson, who knew nothing about him. The statement made by Simpson appeared in the newspaper reports of this case, and hence his client (Mr. Parker) was anxious to take this opportunity of denying it. The Lord Mayor said that the reports in the newspapers were correct, for Simpson had made the statement alluded to. The proceedings then terminated; but just as the business of the justice-room was about to close for the day Mrs. Goldstein hurriedly entered the court, and addressing Mr. Gore, the assistant Clerk, stated that the man Stoven was now in custody at the Bow-lane station, and would be brought up to morrow (this day). She added that after the pro ceedings of the day had closed in her husband's case, she had traced Stoven to a public-house in Worm wood-street, when she gave him into the custody of a police-constable, whom she called in for that pur pose. The lady then left to communicate the intel ligence to Mr. Mullens, the solicitor for the prose cution. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC; JOURNALS. TIDIES. —The Chancellor of the Exchequer made his expected statement yesterday afternoon, and, later in the evening, he placed on the table the clauses by which he hopes to dispose of the com pound householder. He proposed, on behalf of his colleagues, that next week morning sittings should commence, to be devoted to the Reform Bill, and that they should be held on Tuesdays and Fridays. This of itself would facilitate the despatch of business ; but Mr. Disraeli made another and a better suggestion. Hitherto morning sittings have begun at au hour too early for the habits of modern life, and have been suspended just at the time when the House is fullest and tho roughly settled down to its work. There has thus been a waste at both ends. Members are vainly summoned to meet at twelve o'clock, and are dis missed when two good working hours are before them. The Chancellor of the Exchequer suggests that the existing practice shall be changed, at all events temporarily, and that the early sittings of this session shall begin at two and be continued until seven, when there will be an interval of two hours, coincident with the hours which are now most slack of work. The House will thus sit when members can attend and are disposed for business, and will adjourn at a time when they cannot be kept together. The alteration will be formally submitted to the House of Commons on Monday, aud, judging from the temper shown yes terday, there can be little doubt that it will receive a ready approval. This re-arrangement of the hours of business is recommended as an acceptable economy of time, and we shall feel increased regret if it should appear that the advantage thus gained is to be dissipated by fresh demands upon the time of Parliament.. Such, however, may, we fear, prove to be the case. Simultaneously with the pro posal for increasing the efficiency of morning sit tings came the clauses relating to the Compound Householder which we publish this morning. A first glance suggests some apprehension, which we shall be glad to find removed by a fuller explana tiou, that these clauses may prove the fruitful source of renewed and interminable discussions. We all understand the proposal made by Mr. Hodgkinson last week, to the principle of which the Govern ment assented. It was neither more nor less than that after the passing of the bill before Parliament the practice of compound householding in Parlia mentary boroughs should cease, and that the custom of rating occupiers as prescribed by the Common Law should be restored. Mr. Hodgkinson's proviso said as much almost in so many words, and Mr. Henley recommended the Government to adopt it as it stood, or with the fewest pos sible alterations, leaving anything more that might be found necessary to be added hereafter. We cannot help thinking that it would have been well to follow Mr. Henley' s a d v i ce . It w ould h av e been desirable to provide for the adjustment of existing contracts with the new order of things, but it is doubtful whether anythingmore was needed. The Government, however, for some reason which will probably be explained on Monday, did not adopt this ample course. _ The clauses the Chancellor of the ExChequer laid last night On the tableOf the House of Commons are more ambitious, aud, it may be added,.-more intricate, more likely to produce fresh complications, more certain to beget discus sion. They declare that Where at the time of pass ing the bill before the owner may be rated, instead of the occupier, in respect of a tene ment in a borough, his liability shall cease, and cer tain other enactments shall take effect with respect to rating in all boroughs. The interpretation clause at the end of the bill restricts to Parliamentary boroughs a declaration which,,from the awk ward and unnecessary use. of the word " all," might otherwise be supposed to apply to every municipality. The enactments which follow are four in number, with three sub-provisoes. The first and second provide that henceforth, instead of the owner, the occupier shall be rated and shall pay the full rates incident on occupation, in all cases except as afterwards men tioned. The third enactment explains the meaning of this exception. It provides that if the owner and occupier jointly agree for that purpose, and give notice of their mutu d agreement in a prescribed form, the overseers shall continue to rate the owner instead of the occupier, and may compound with the owner in the same way as they do at present, and that in such case the occupier shall not be en titled to•be registered as a voter. In other and simpler words, if the landlord and tenant agree, " Compounding " shall remain in full force, and the Compound Householder shall not be en franchised. It is even provided that this Franken stein of modern civilization may be multiplied. The practice of composition on the part of landlords may, with such assent as before, not only remain in force in the parishes where it is at present followed, but it may be introduced into any other parish where the Small Tenements Act may hereafter be adopted by the Vestry. It is thus evident that the draughtsman of the clauses put on the table last night contemplates an active vitality in Compound ing. Instead of dying away, he looks to its increase. He believes the practice will be so maintained that Vestries will adopt the Small Tenements Act, on the chance that landlords and tenants may afterwards agree that the former shall be rated and the latter disqualified from voting. It is true the fourth enactment provides that the arrangement between landlords and tenants shall only be valid for a twelvemonth at a time ; but it goes on to say that it may be renewed every year, so that com pounding may practically be preserved without a break. The effect of the new clauses submitted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer would thus be that, whereas under his former proposals any tenant might, in parishes where compounding prevailed, withdraw his name from the order of compounders, and insist on being personally rated, now all tenants must, as a rule, he rated, but whenever landlords and tenants agree for that purpose the tenant may cease to be rated, and cease to be a voter. It is plain that, whether these clauses for disposing of the compound householder dispose of him or not, they will not meet the objections raised against the machinery they are designed to super sede. We have never admitted the force of these objections, but that consideration cannot diminish our regret that the. last proposals of the Ministry should prove ineffectual to dissipate them. We fear, indeed, the new clauses will satisfy no one. Those who object, like Mr. Hodgkinson, Mr. Bass, and many others, to the practice of compounding on moral and social grounds, will complain that it will be permitted to continue and to flourish. Those who dilated on the vari bility of enfranchisement offered by the Govern ment Bill, those who vowed that the tenant would be bound hand and foot to his landlord, —will be enfranchised or disfranchised according to the votes of Vestries or the whims of the owners of small houses---ivill renew their invectives and protesta tions, Yb do not say that then complaints are well founded, —we adhere to the opinion we have repeatedly expressed ; but they will be as plausib le after the new clauses have been embodied in the bill as they were before. The clauses cannot a lla y discontent, cannot abate discussion. If the ten ant of a house be the slave of his landlord, it can make no difference whether the landlord be enabled to stipulate at the commencement of a tenancy that his tenant shall not apply to be rated, or to stipulate that he shall annually sign an agreement declining to be rated. In either case, according to the theory of those who appear 'to hold a tenant to be a serf, the landlord is master of his tenant's political rights, the power of Vestries will continue practically unabated, the inequality of enfranchise ment will remain as considerable as ever. It could not have been for such an end as this that the Chancellor of the Exchequer accepted the principle of Mr. llodgkinson's proviso, to the perturbation of Lord Cranbourue and the excitement of mixed feelings in Mr. 'Sandford's breast. This is not what Mr. llenley meant when he rejoiced on the reversal of " the device of Old Nick ;" it is not what Mr. liodgkinson pressed o n. the douse of Commons ; it is not the settlement of the compound householder every one desired. ..rha prospect of debate is as endless as ever. The mis take may, indeed, be remedied. The Committee will not resume its deliberations before Monday, and we trust that before then these clauses will be reconsidered. What the House of Commons de sires, and the country is prepared to support, is the complete and unqualified abolition of the practice of compounding in Parliamentary boroughs. There must be no loophole of escape, no proviso by which the compounder once expelled may return to his old nest. The way to secure this happy end is easy. The first and second enactments of the new clauses, with the sub-provisions meeting the case of current contracts, will accomplish everything that is wanted; and we trust to hear on Monday that Ministers, emboldened by the support of Parliament, are still bent on their original design, and will drop the third and fourth enactments, so as to extinguish the compound householder once and for ever. COUNTIY MARKETS. BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. At to-day's market there was again a short supply of English wheat, but the trade was firm and quite as dear in price. Foreign rather slow. Barley taken in retail at late prices. Oats realized quite Gd more money than last week. Beans and peas firm, and the former tending up wards. MANCTIESTER—TatutsDAY. At our market this morning there was a fair attend ance, and "heat met a limited inquiry, but prices must be quoted at the full currency of this day se'nnight both foreign and English. Flour also in limited demand, but lower. Oats and oatmeal ruled steady. English beans firm, but Egyptian receded Gd to is per qr. Indian corn is 6d to 2s per qr decline. BURY ST. EDMUNDS—WEDNESDAY. There was a fair show of wheat at this market to -day and the trade was firm at about previous rates. Grinding barley was in fair request. Oats, beans, and peas met with a middling sale. Average prices : Wheat, 63s 5d ; barley, 38s 8d; oats, 22s Od. BRISTOL—THURSDAY. There has been no change in the weather since our last report, and vegetation is greatly retarded. This morning there was only a small show of wheat, and little business doing, at last week's prices. Other kinds of grain without alteration. EDINBURGH—WEDNEsDAY. Wheat on the top, is 6d up average, Os 2d up. Barley on the top, is Od down average, Os ld down • Oats on the top, Us 6d up average, Os 3d down Beans on the top, is Od up average, Os 8d up. Total supply and sales. Wheat 915 qrs sold 676 Barley 1818 qrs sold 550 Oats 853 qrs sold 491. Beans 203 qrs sold 130 Average prices. Wheat, 61s 2d I Oats, 31. s Od Barley, 37s Od Beans 46s 11d Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 55s Od; extra superfine, 53s Od; superfine, 51s Od; fine, 49s Od. GLASGOW-:--WEDNEsDAY. To-day's market was well attended. Wheat and flour again sold at last week's rates, but business continues dui!. Barley, beans, and peas were 3 d to 6 d under last week's prices. Oats in fair retail demand and quotations were un altered ; oatmeal 6d to is cheaper. Indian corn 9d to 1 5 lower. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. A.wstralia and New Zealand, via Southampton..... June 19. Ditto, via Marseilles ... . ..... ....Juno 13. Ditto, via Panama Brazil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video June 4. Ditto, by French packet . June z 4. Cape Verde, by Brazil paoket June 4. oape of GOod hope. Asoeneion. and St. Helena June 27. China, Penang, and Singapore. via Southampton June 3 Ditto, via Marseilles may 28. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton •• • MAY 29 ' . India, via Southampton Ditto, via 3laraell es m a y 29. Malta, Egypt, 4i; '„ Ditto, Mar3eiiles May 28 Mauritius, Cape of Good hope, and Natal, via Southampton Jtne 19. Ditto, via blared lee Jane 13. Newfoundland June b. Portugal ?...June 4. Ditto, by private ship to Oporto .. Ditto ditto to Lisbon United States, Canada, California, &c., t.y British packet may 3 Ditto, by United 'tates packet Ditto ditto (New York. Ditto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet May 25. West Coast of Africa. Madeira, and Tenerifn June West Indies and Pacific ,except Mexico and Baha ma) Cub and ,iexico May 4J' Bahamas, via New York May 0' Bermuda, via Halifax P lIARMACEUTICAL SOCIETY OF GREAT BRITAIN —The following candidates passed the major examination yesterday as pharmaceutical chemists:—Edmund Hews° Armitage, Louth ; Charles Cure, Mauritius; George Thomas Naldrett, Brighton ; Edward Owen, Montgome r y ; Lewis Buttle Ross, Driffield ; and James Williams, Milden" hall. DEATH OF ABE, THE AMERICAN NEGRO JOCKEY' —The faatous negro jockey Abe is dead, and regret to lilVe to make that announcement. He had * splendid seat, fine judgment of pace, immense resolutiol. and patience, and wonderful vigour in his finish. He we ll . bring them in the last few strides with a split of the wil l that could be heard all over the course, when they req uire ? it. He was raised on the estate of Duncan F. ICenue on the banks of tho lower Mississippi, and rode I°/31 ,; time for him. One of his most brilliant things was ea Panic, by Glencoe, when he beat Lighteing, thre e -rum heats. Abe made his first appearance in the neighbe llt d ; hood of New York in the first Jersey Derby; when h ere Tipperary, and was second to Norfolk, and since thee; owners have been eager to secure his services wh ole° they could do so. Mr. M Grath looked out for Abe's Pe e , i t a . niary interests, the latter being but little more than in relation to anything but horses. He wa s a lad, or rat a man, of few words and had an impediment in his s p eec . 4 Once, when the judges decided a dead heat, when to e' rs " o one else it seemed that Abe's horse, Loadstone, Won 13 / 0 neck, he exclaimed, " Y-y-you must wi-wi-wi-win b9Laits'iv lengths here, •or else they c-c-ca-can't see it Spirit. .[ADVERTISEMENT.] - NOILOWity'S Ointment.—Turn - and way you will, go where you please, persons will be fol, or who have a ready . word of praise for this ointment. jo~ chaps, chafes, scalds, bruises, and sprains, it is an ilft, r i it able remedy ; for bad legs caused by accident or 0 7, 1 1 may be confidently relied upon for effecting a sound ....:40 permanent cure. In cases of swelled ankles, gout, e'Jto pelas, and rheumatism, Holloway's Ointment give s the greatest comfort, by reducing inflammation, cooling 4 1 blood, soothing the nerves, adjusting the circulat ion, ,, expelling the impurities. This ointment should e ' place in every nursery. It will cure the long list of )" affections which originate in childhood, and g ain etre with the child's growth. Births. fo ot , LArESBOROUGH— On the 22d inst., at 72, Leeso n. Dublin, the Countess of Lanosborough , of a dang ll ' a- iuo MosTßEsoß—On the 22d inst., at The Lawn, I'Valuicr' wife of Rear-Admiral Montresor, of a son. C• OCHTERLONY —At St. Andrew's, N.B. , the wife Of M. Ochterlony, of Ochterlony, Bart., of a son. Marriages. ‘ ,, rc tit BELLI —BROWNE—On the 23d inst , at St. John's C',,j o se Notting-hill , William H. Beni, Esq ,of 12, o ',,aet crescent, South Kensington, to Annie Maria Jr' 0 1 eldest daughter of the late William Browne, Kensington park-terrace, Notting-hill. / 405 LONG —l4 ANGDON—O 11 the 22d inst., at St. John the/Li t gib/ gelist's, Westminster, Robert Long, Esq., of Redcltreet Bristol, to Mrs. James Langdon, late of Nicholas -6 Bristol. Deaths. st• BALDWIN—On the 21st inst., at 5, Adelaide-road Nort,noS, John's-wood, Major Charles Baldwin, Bengal Staff u ° late Deputy Commissioner, Nursing-pore.re f DREWOII the 21st inst., at Woolwich, Geo r g e.- Esq., aged 77. FARLEY - On the 16th inst., at 17, Calverley Pao', rtlo '.. 66• bridge-Wells, the Rev. Charles T. Farley, age d DO HOLLINGWORTH—On the 22d inst., at Dibden, Haute,,4" 1 Hollingworth, Esq., formerly of Box le y , Kent, age'. .00, MoßicE—On the 20th inst., at Margat e, James Esq., aged 49. NELSON-- On the 22d inst. , a t R utland Souse, Se!'"" n' Lieut.-Col. Thomas L. K. Nelson , 40th Regime or s. London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM AN of No. 112, Strand , Printer, at Tits SUN Office, r.. t . Qt Strand, in the Prec inct of the Savoy, in 410 g (ititt Middlooe*.r_Frislay, M.a7 21,1867.