The Sun. — London, England, 1841-06-08 00:00:00

-EVENING EDITION rftmernment, and of the success of the British army ' it did strike him that he should have been y:stified in stating what abatements were to be made To those tritimphs.(Cheers.) But as he recollected he Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs would nvt have an opportunity of replying to him, he ab ; tained from saying a single word. Now with respect to the Budget, he certainly did state that it was the prevailing impression throughout the country that the Budget had been adopted at too recent a period. That was the observation he had made ; and there was an impression that had circumstances been more favour able to the Government these questions would not have been pressed upon the consideration of the House. The Noble Lord, however, assured him that he was wrong, and that her Majesty's Government, viewing the state of the finances of the country, had determined, at an early period, on. bringing forward their measures ; and having received that statement he (Sir R. Peel) was bound to place, as he did place, in it the most im plicit confidence. But, at the same time, the charge he had made really remained untouched ; because his charge was this, that if the Government had contem- $i l: plated those important measures, which partook less of a financial character than of a relaxation of commercial policy, then it would have been much better to have called the attention of the House to the subject at an early period of the Session, and to have referred to it in the Speech from the Throne.—(Hear, hear.) That was the observation he had made. The measures in question were introduced in consequence of the Report of the Import Duties Committee—he meant the measures relating to the duties on sugar, corn, and timber ; at least he thought the main arguments in favour of the measures were to be found in the evidence of that Com mittee. He had stated on Friday that no member of her Majesty's Government had attended that Committee dur ing its sittings ; but that, in his opinion, if they had thou ht that in the evidence taken before the Committee might be found the principal arguments in favour of these great measures it would have been better, in that case, either to re-appoint the Committee at an early period of the present session, or, if the Government were convinced that the evidence already taken was sufficiently conclusive, and that it was not necessary to re-appoint the Committee, and that they had det erm i ne d t o pro ceed without further evidence, then, considering that the measures were less measures of finance than important relaxations in our commercial policy, he argued that it was not advisable to delay the introduction of such measures until the produc tion of the Budget. That ..was the cause of the im pression which he had stated he had entertained, but which, after the declaration of the Noble Lord, he en tirely renounced. Now, on the subject of the Corn-laws, he should say it appeared to him that the Government had but one of two courses to pursue—either to deter mine to bring on the Corn-laws immediately, or to ab stain altogether from bringing on the question. Either of these courses, he thought, were perfectly open to the Noble Lord, and he did not presume to give an opinion as to what was the best course for her Majesty's Govern ment in their present position. But he thought it was hardly fair of the Noble Lord; after he had announced his determination of not going on with the Corn-law discussion, to give them the main heads of the arguments --(Hear)—which he would have made use of if the question had been brought forward.—(Cheers.) The Nob!e Lord had told them what were the four principal arguments on which he had intended to lay a stress ; and he (Sir R. Peel) submitted to the House that he could not then state his opinions as to those arguments, and attempt to impress upon the House his reasons for entertaining different opinions, without at once provoking yery inconvenient discussion upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble LOrd had given them the heads of the chapters which would have constituted his speech rather than the chapters themselves.—(Hear, hear.) But if h e (Sir R. Peel) entered upon the subject at all, it etas clear he should be provoked into a discussion, into which, !iceeeding to the Noble Lord, it was not his intention to proceed. He was the more disposed to leave the Noble Lord in the full possession of the advantage, and forego any opportunity of entering into the discussion, because he con fessed the Noble Lord's summary ofhis arguments had not mads that impression . upn his (Sir Robert Peel's) mind which would lead him to think any discussion necessary. —(Hear and laughter.) Of course the Noble Lord had advanced his four principal arguments ; and they might, he thought, safely conclude that the remainder would not be so cogent as those he had adduced—(Hear, hear) — end he (Sir R. Peel) was perfectly willing, seeing the i:nmense evils of being now provoked into a discussion on the subject of the Corn-laws, for which the House was not prepared, and seeing that the decision of the House would not be taken, lie was perfectly willing to leave the Nohie Lord in possession of the advantage which he (Sir T. Peel) thought he bad not quite fairly taken—(Cheers) —in stating the main arguments on which he intended to have relied in case the discussion of the Corn-laws had been brought forward by her Majesty's Government. Time only ether point to which he wished to advert was the proposal of the Noble Lord with respect to the votes of supply. He inferred, from the statement of the Noble Ler:l, that it was the intention of the Government to appeal to the sense of the people, and to call together a newPar lianlent He (Sir R. Peel) expressed no opinion what • upon the propriety of that course ; he left the res poitebility of it entirely to th e Noble Lord. The I;.ihle Lord had, on Friday, stated his plans as follows : "We propose to take a vote of supply on Monday, and .Ite only such of the miscellaneous - estimates the eisity for which is so immediate that any delay would 0 , great inconvenience to the public service if not gritted at the present moment."—(Hear, hear.) These were the terms of the Noble Lord's notice. While he, Sir (11. Peel) avoided all implied approbation of the course which he Majesty's Government were about to ta'ae, namely, that of appealing to the country on the sailect of the Corn-laws, while he left entirely with her Majesty's Government the responsibility of such a men • he must say at the same time that he was not pre isarsd to offer the slightest obstruction in the way of her • tiesty's Government taking that corusc.—(Hear, hear.) Ie conceived there was a very material distinction be tween takinie upon himself any part of the responsibility and ehstainlng altogether from any act by which the ti overnment might be obstructed or any delay upon the subject might occur.—(Hear, hear.) His opinion was clearly this, that he should leave that respon: ibility ex elmevely to the adviserS of the Crown, if they determined hi assume it, and to exercise the unquestionable preroga tive of dissolving Parliament; but that it was the duty of the Government to assume that respon s ibilit y an d to ex ercise that prerogative with the least possible delay.— (Hear, hear.) He said that doctrine applied to all times and circumstances, because the discussion of any im Fortant measure by a Parliament, Which knew from sig nificant indications, that its days were registered, and that its fate was determined, would be evidently most ih r aT.ious to the public interests. He said, also, without wishing to introduce one word of aggravation or aspe rity, that the peculiar po - sition.in which the Executive Government was plaeed after the vote of Friday night, - addtei, it appeared to him, a further reason for the en forcement of those views, and imposed an additional obligation—if an additional obligation 'could be imposed appe-alin t , at once t o th e sense of the country.— (ilver.) He "did not think there could be a doubt upon fl ee . ; subject ; and, ns . he said before, inferring from the eieurse of the discussion, and 'fro m th e l anguage held by ii ;abinet - Minister during that discussion, that her Ma ;este"; Government had made up their minds, even if the tieve , ion of the House upon the resolution which he s s s sea should be adverse, not to consider themselves bound to resign, but to take the sense of the people upon Os measures which they had proposed—when the 'Noble Lord had made the statement upon Friday night 'that he would only take such estimates as were required for the public service, his (Sir R. Peel's) impression was that such estimate s oug h t to b e granted • at once ; but he should say the Chancellor of the Exchequer was pursu g a course very different from that which had been thus implied. The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to leete the whole of the remaining estimates —the Civil Con -tine•encies—the Commissariat—the Miscellaneous Esti ll-seas for England and Ireland for a period of six raaiiths. That appeared to him (Sir R. Peel) unfair la en the part of the Right Hon. Gentleman. Lord J. RUSSELL---It is only for a period of six months, commencing from the Ist of April. ;air R. PEEL continued—He would proceed to state what were : hiS opinion sas to the course which th e Govern riant and the House ought now, in his opinion, to adopt. As be said before, his opinion was—and it was an opinion .in which the House appeared to concur—that it was the duty of the Government to dissolve the present Parlia elent as soon as ever it could be done without inconve nience to the public service. He knew that the Sugar Bill should pass, and nothing could be farther from his intention than to oppose such a, vote. But he not only thought that the act of dissolution should take place as soon as was consistent with the public service ; but he must also say, that, according to all usage, under circum stances at all analagous, a new Parliament ought to be convoked as soon as possible—(Hear, hear)—not only with reference to the important questions on which the public mind was now divided—not only with refe rence to the interests of the country, or at least of all persons engaged in commercial speculation, or enterprise of any kind, whose advantage it would he to know what was to be the state of the law affecting the importation of corn, not only with reference to these '''ilt'iderations but al s o w ith reference to the position of the Executive Government which manifestly stands before the People as not possessing the confidence of the House of Commons. —(Hear, hear.) The combined force of these considerations compel led him to say that the interval ouht to be as short aspossible, and that her N a j est y'sGovernment, after h av i n g resorted to the act of dissolution, and taken the sense of the people, eught to summon. the new Parliament 'without delay. — (Hear, hear.) He thought that no considerations con eected with the private or personal convenience of alembe. rs ought in the slightest degree to interfere upon euch a subject. li e l oo k ed upon that as a great consta :aional question in which personal considerations mould be discarded. According; to all analogy— according to all f ormer precedents when a Par liament was dissolved—the succeeding Parliament ought to be immediately convened.—(Hear, hear.) The Nob 4 Lord opposite would recollect that in the year 1784, after Mr. Pitt dissolved the Parliament, as_ short a time as possible was suffered to elapse before another was called together. In 1807, and again in 1831, when Earl Grey dissolved Parliament on account of some obstructions with regard to the Reform Bill, a similar course was pursued. These were three cases analagous to the present ; and he therefore felt that the House had a fair right to expect from her Majesty's Government that a new Parliament should be assembled at as early a period es possible. If the Noble thought It consiste n t w i t h hi e duty to make a declaration that th ' , Alves the advice which would be given by her Ma- Crown, he (Sir R Peel) should ssa ct s eolaration wou ld sat i s f y hi m.— . .K ..1 ould cons id er a d eclaration so '177 „ • „ House of Commons, pos sess i ng tvhioh ' lie could s k\ Ma j esty, h a jt e_ e ty, as a d ec l arat i on on - 3i p en any pro„ • , r 9PheltY rely as h e cou ld the House m i g ht a d opt f or tl.:! plumose of cant gv oYernment. He said at to ta' S once, therefore, tbat if the Noble Lord was prepared to state that her Majesty's Government proposed to pursue the precedents to which he had adverted, and that they resolved at as early a period as could be consistent with the necessity for the public service to dissolve the pre sent Parliament and call a new one, whatever might be the apparent departure on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer from the course notified by the Noble Lord, he should not have one word further to say, as the declaration of the Noble Lord would be amply suffi cient. The Noble Lord would find that there could be no constitutional objection to his making such a declara tion, because the Noble Lord might call to his recollec lection, that in the year 1807, on the dissolution of the then existing Parliament, it was distinctly notified by the Crown to the Parliament about to be dissolved, that another would immediately be assembled. His Majesty upon that occasion make use of these expressions :—" His Majesty trust that the early attention of the new Parlia ment, which he will forthwith direct to be convened, will be applied to the prosecution of those imporpant ob jects." In the year 1820, on the demise of the King, a similar course was pursued. His Majesty then informed the Houses of Parliament that " he had determined to call, without delay, a new Parliament,;" and in the year 1831, when Earl Grey resided over the Councils of his late Majesty, the following announcement was made in the speech from the Throne :—" I have observed with satisfaction your endeavours to introduce a strict eco nomy into every branch of the public service, and I trust that the early attention of the new Parliament, which I shall forthwith direct to be called, will be ap plied to that important object." He trusted, therefore, that he had proved that in the occasions of 1784, 1807, 1820, and 1831, in the dissolutiona of the Parliaments then sitting, the succeeding Parliaments were at once convened ; and he had also shown that in the three last cases the Crown did not object formally to notify to the Parliaments then sitting that the Parliaments which were to succeed them would be assembled without delay. He hoped, consequently, that in conformity with these precedents the Noble Lord would - be enabled to give them that assurance to which they were en titled. He knew of nothing additional which he was called upon to say. With respect to the peculiar position in which the Executive Government was now placed, he would only add that he thought it would occur to the mind of every one, that that position , constituted an additional reason for their pursuing the course to which he had referred. Suppose the Noble Lord were not prepared to give such an assurance then, he (Sir R. Peel) would give the Noble Lord whatever estimates he might require for the immediate term of his service, but he could not be a party to any vote which would imply an opinion, upon his part, that the Parlia ment might be dissolved, and the Parliament to succeed it might not be immediately convened. It was quite clear, he apprehended, that if the Noble Lord took the vote for the remaining estimates for a period of six months, it would enable him to postpone the calling of Parliament together till November,. or even later. Now, he must say he thought that would be unconstitutional. He repeated, therefore, that if the Noble Lord would give an assurance, in his place as a Minister, that it was his intention to pursue the course followed on former oc casions, on that declaration. he would place entire confi dence, and would not quarrel with the grant of the esti mates for the time proposed. If the Noble Lord was unable or unwilling to do that, then he submitted that three months would be amply sufficient for the exigencies of the public service. —(Hear.) But so de termined was he not to take advantage of his present position for the purpose of inflicting on any branch' of the public service inconvenience, that if the Chancellor of the Exchequer said there were certain votes which for instance had been anticipated or were absolutely necessary for a longer period, he should not oppose them.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted the Noble Lord would relieve him from any further hostile discussion on the subject. He did not require any guarantee from him, or declaration as to the course which he should in his capacity of a Minister of the Crown advise her Majesty to pursue.—(Hear, hear,) Lord JOHN RUSSELL would observe that he could give no express guarantee as to the course he meant to pursue, nor did he suppose the Right Hon. Gentleman expected him to do so. He thought there was no reason why they should deviate from the ordinary course on the present occasion, and under the peculiar circum stances in which he was placed, feeling also that he knew the mind of his Noble Friend at the head of the Government, he had no hesitation in stating that the advice they should give to the Crown would be that no time should be lost for the dissolution of the present Parliament, and in summoning another.—(Hear.) That statement he wits the more ready to make, because in the position which he held as Minister of the Crown, holding the seals of office, he felt all the objection to acting in that office after the vote of the other night until he had received the sanction of a new Parliament.— (Hear, hear.) Sir ROBERT PEEL said the answer the Noble Lord had given was the answer he himself had anticipated ; therefore, in fulfilment of the assurance he had given, and in which he placed implicit confidence, he had no objection to the supplies being granted for six months.— (Hear, hear.) The great bulk of the Members present here left the House, and for some time it was in a state of much ex citement and confusion. Mr. VILLIERS, who for some time essayed to address the House, said he did not complain of the man ner in which it now treated independent Members who rose to address them. He was aware that everything in teresting to the House had been carried and arranged His Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, and the Right Hon. Baronet, had stated what they called their views, and indicated the course they meant to pur sue, and therefore the business of the House might be considered over. He hoped, however, it was not too presumptuous in him to make one or two observations on the position of that question which had led to the present position of parties, and which was now about to disturb the peace of the country. It had been a con stant theme of reproach to himself and others, that they had taken a course with regard to the Corn-laws which was calculated to do injury to the question by advocating too large a measure of reform—that they had been too extravagant in their claims—and that if they were more moderate in.their demands, they should claim more at tention, and perhaps succeed better. But let the House look at the present position of the question. It had been taken out of his hands by the Government, and they had proposed a measure which was evidently one of compro mise, and extravagantly in favour of the other side of the House. Formerly they had been allowed to discuss the question, but if he understood the present arrange ment, it was, that they were not to discuss the question in that House. The other side, who had the power in their hands,long might make speeches, and occupy the time of the House but if the Government brought for ward any specific plan, then discussion was to be entirely precluded. He hardly knew any part of the world in which the question did not excite in tense interest ; but it appeared to him that so far as they were concerned, there was some analogy between the slave question in America and the Corn laws with them. In Congress they did not allow the question of slavery to be discussed, and two years ago, when it was brought forward, the whole House rushed out. The country was about to become the scene of a great battle between those who advocated monopoly of all kinds, and those who were anxious to promote the in terests of the people. The present was their first step, and then they said, " you may dissolve the House, but we shall have a majority in the next, and we shall not al low you to discuss it in the new Parliament." The question was how the struggle was to end. He was not discouraged, and he would encourage the country not to be disheartened. He knew of no cause in the name and for the object of promoting freedom that had been so successful in the first instance.—(Hear, hear.) - He was glad of the course the House had taken, for it was bold and straightforward. He believed it would do more good to the country than any other, because it would show the people their weakness, and would point out to them where their strength lay. They would now see the necessity of putting forward their energies ; and he was glad int that event to find that the House was to be dissolved, and the sense of the country taken on the subject. It was clear that no other subject could engage the attention of Parliament till it was settled in one way or another, and he believed the public business would be obstructed, and that there would be a series of dissolu tions until the struggle was at an end, and the people had obtained complete justice.—(Cheers.) He did not think there was anything erroneous in the views of those who had agitated the question. He would be ready whenever a discussion was allowed in that House, to state the grounds on which he claimed for the people a total aboli tion of those laws.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WAKLEY said it had been objected that so im portant a question should be brought forward on the eve of a general election ; but he would remind the House imme diately after the t bt h he e esiur d b i coj s ec s n o ts l ei u dd t e i t o ro n a at , that the new Parliament was to be called together i l o l and n t he forthwith.t excitement,he would public c i ownsoE ta tressh k a e tult t lrh h eecie e t a i V o t n ati t o o n, gi an v d e aptletdhgees, hustings.w h i which he u must whoe ccomplaina that the Right Hon. Baronet and his friends depre cated the repeal of the Septennial Act, and frequent Par liaments, should wish to h ave the present, andprobablythe next, Parliament dissolved within a very short period. It appeared to him that the g rea t i nterests of the country were to be regarded as nothin g , w h en the interests of party were concerned. It was only three weeks ago that his Hon. Colleague had br oug h t f orward a motion o for the liberation of political offenders, and the Right Hon. Baronet had then deprecated any interference with the prerogative of the Crown, and had advised that the motion should be left to the discretion of a Government which lie now said did not possess the confidence of that House or the country. Now, there appeared to him something extremely inconsistent in such a proceeding.—(near, hear.) He hoped the Noble Lord would not have what he anticipated—namely, a majority in the new Parlia ment. Indeed, he sincerely hoped that neither of the great parties in that House would obtain a majority.— (Laughter)—but that the people would exercise a little common sense, and that their influence , would be extended at the coming elections to increase the number of that party which, he regretted to say, was at present very small—to which he had attached himself—he meant the party which was influenced by a sincere desire to promote the welfare of the people.—("Hear, hear," and laughter.) He knew nothing as to the issue of the coming strug gle, but it was clear that at present the interests of the people were utterly neglected in that House. On the present occasion the public money was to be voted to an enormous extent ; and as soon as the leaders had settled their plans out went Hon. Members to dinner, and they spent the remainder of the evening discussing the state of parties with their friends.—(A laugh.) When the people saw that their own sufferings were I disregarded, when the evils of the present system were fully disclosed to their view, it was impossible that they could continue. No rational people would suffer them to have a long &ration. He would remind the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, of the lan guage he adopted when he met that House after it bad THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 8, 1841. been dissolved in 1834. The Right Hon. Baronet had spoken a vast deal about the prerogative ; it was a theme-that was ever in the mouth of the Right Hon. Baronet whenever it was brought under the considera tion of the House,' and he (Mr. Wakley) thought that it was a subject which should be treated with the greatest respect when discussed before that House. However, it was strange that so much attention was bestowed on the prerogative in one point of view, and so little in another. If the people perceived that when the right of appeal of the House, or the executive to the Crown, was to be made in their behalf, it was impossible to obtain the exercise of the-prerogative ; and when they saw at the same time that in the case of appeals made by particular parties in that House, the prerogative could be exercised at plea sure —as, for instance, when the Right Hon. Baronet called on the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, I to state what the Crown intended doing, they would say that the Crown was placed in the hands of the great factions ; and they might begin to think that they were paying too much for that state of things—that it was too dear an entertainment. For his (Mr. Wakley's) part, he should wish to see a dissolution of Parliament every month, or at least every year, until the condition of the people was bettered, and they were more truly re presented in that House. The Right Hon. Baronet had been very stingy in his statements of what he would do when in office. That might be a very sagacious course ; it was at all events a very convenient one. Te Right Hon. Baronet alluded to the offers which he had made, and which should not be lightly rejected. He said he offered a prospect of continued peace—he offered reduced estimates (that was a most important offer)—(Hear, hear)—he offered re form of the ecclesiastical law—settlement of the tithe question in Ireland—commutation of the tithes in Eng land—removal of any real abuses in the Church of which the Dissenters complained. The Right Hon. Gentle man said he offered also to advance soberly and cau tiously (no doubt of that) progressive improvement. Was there any more to promise ? If the Right Hon. Baronet could make so many promises in 1835 was the stock of promises exhausted now ? If they were ex hausted what was the use of his coming into office ? The Right Hon. Baronet was more useful in opposition, for he kept a wary eye on those who were opposed to him. The Right Hon. Baronet talked of his supporting the Government, but he (Mr. W.) though that he had sup ported Government when they least deserved it. In 1834 the Poor-law Bill passed through that House, not because the Right Hon. Baronet opposed but supported the Government. The Noble Lord (the Member for North Lancashire) was now ready to take office with the Right Hon. Baronet, yet what was the language of the Noble Lord in the speech which he (Mr. Wakley) had already quoted. He said he was confident that no re presentative of any Administration could either impede or endanger, after the passing of that great measure (the Reform Bill) the course of comprehensive and salutary reform. Since an appeal was going to be made to the country, he (Mr. Wakley) wished to know what that system of reform was—was it to be a sliding system ? (Hear, hear.) Were they to take the Irish Registration Bill as a specimen of that system of reform. But that Bill was thought, by many competent to judge of the matter, most hostile to the principle of reform. There ought, he thought, to be no concealment in a public man in such a position as the Right Hon. Baronet was, as to what were his intentions. The Right Hon. Baronet ex presses himself hostile to the Ballot, a measure which the friends of the people wished to see carried. He had opposed that measure without any reserve whatever ; but at the same time the Right Hon. Gentleman said he had got a system of reform of his own. In order to judge of that system, he (Mr. Wakley) thought they ought to have its details.. When the appeal was made to the coun try, he hoped that public men would be honest in their declarations at the hustings. He feared his admo nition would not be attended to ; but he de clared, if he should again have the honour of a seat in that House, he would exercise his industry in no ticing what were the declarations of public men at the hustings, and comparing them with the votes and speeches in the House, and let them be friends or foes, he should be the first to charge them with inconsistency if they de served it. With regard to the Poor-law, many persons had said to him that they could point out several Mem bers who on the hustings spoke in favour of the repeal of that law, and in the House voted for the continuance of it. The Right Hon. Baronet had never (as we under stood) said one word against the Poor-law in public. Sir R. PEEL said that he stated the modifications which he proposed having made in the law, at the same time he stated he would support the principle of the law with certain modifications. Mr. LABOUCHERE thought that the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet contained more serious charges against the Government than he had hitherto made. The Right Hon. Gentleman had charged his (Mr. Labou chere's) Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Ex chequer with having a fair-weather budget and a foul weather budget. He (Mr. Labouchere-) would answer that charge by stating that he knew from personal as well as official acquaintance with his Right Hon. Friend that the statement which his Right Hon. Friend had made, and the system he proposed were entertained by him from the beginning of the session. He (Mr. Labouchere) knew that his Right Honourable Friend had all along never departed from the opinion that it was the duty of Government, when the time for the financial statement of the present year should come, to propose that that statement should be founded not on new taxes—not on a loan—but on an arrangement of nigh a change of duties as would meet the financial diffi culties of the country, and, at the same time, afford relief to the people and to the manufacturing interests. There was another charge against the Government, which the Right Hon. Gentleman made, and which he (Mr. L.) thought was one of a very grave description, and equally unfounded as the former one. The Right Hon. Baronet said that it was strang e enough that the Chan ce ll or o f the Exchequer should come down to the Honso to move the Sugar duties Bill, and go on in the usual way, and that nothing should be said as to a dissolution until he (Sir R. Peel) had moved his resolution. It must have been the impression of the Right Hon. Baronet that the Government, after the defeat they sustained on the sugar duties, meant to retain office without an appeal to the country—that must have been his impression since he had moved the resolution which had lately been decided. But he (Mr. L.) could assure the Right Hon. Gentleman that the course of the Government had been decided on long previous to the time when he (Sir R. Peel) gave notice of his motion. The Right Hon. Member stated, if that was the case—if their measures had been so long prepared, it was their duty to have mentioned it. But it was necessary for the Government to wait for that pe riod of the session when the financial statement was usually made before Parliament, from which the Go vernment would not be justified in disconnecting those measures. The Right Hon. Baronet had also repeated on the present occasion what he (Mr. L.) had heard before. The Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to Suppose that those measures brought forward by the Government were founded altogether on the Report of the Import Duties Committee. He (Mr. L.) spoke with all respect for that Committee. Their labours had been most useful, and the circulation of that Report through the country had done more to call attention to the facts of the sub ject than any other document that was ever published. At the same time he must deny that any discovery was made by that Committee. With respect to the timber duties, a measure identical with that was proposed by Lord Althorp some six or seven years ago; and since that time the principle of the measure had obtained the sanction of a Committee of the House of Commons. With respect to the Corn-laws, the Right Honour able Gentleman seemed to think that the measure of the Government was quite a sudden thought. During the debate last Session on that subject, the Right Hon. Baronet might recollect that he (Mr. Labouchere) had stated a fixed duty was the best system which could be adopted, with a due regard to those interests which were involved in the subject; and that with respect to the amount of duty, it might be fixed very fairly at 6s. Bd. The Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies had also, on the discussion of the subject last Session, stated he was in favour of a moderate fixed duty; and if the House should resolve itself into a Committee on the sub ject, that either the Noble Lord himself, or he (Mr. La bouchere) would move a resolution for a fixed duty. There were several indications that both he (Mr. La bouchere), and the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, were of the same opinion as to the principle. Mr. Huskisson, too, had introduced a measure which went further than the present one, and was so far a better one. He would ask the House to consider the course taken by the Government in the present Session with respect to matters of trade. That course, whether right or wrong, had at least been directed not by the pressure of party difficulty at a particular time, but by general feeling. They said that it was for the interest of the country dur ing the present Session to reform the whole of our com mercial system.—(Hear, hear.) What measure had he given notice of the first day of the Session ? He had looked forward to the sugar duties, but he had felt it necessary first to put the East Indies on the same tbot ing as the West Indies, and with that view he had brought forward his East India Rum Bill. He felt also that it was necessary and just, if he intended to deal with the question of the sugar duties, to relieve the West India planters, from the duties of which they had so often complained.—(Hear.) With that object he had brought in the Colonial Duties Bill, which had re ceived the sanction of the House, but which he extremely regretted the state of the business of the Session world prevent his bringing to a satisfactory conclusion.— (Hear.) He thought it necessary to state these things because he heard it stated that the Government had brought forward these measures in a state of despair. He could conceive no graver charge against a Govern ment, and being conscious that the present Government did not deserve that charge, he was surprised that any gentleman who had watched their proceedings could en tertain such an opinion.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He had stated that it was their intention to make most important changes in the commercial policy of the country. They had introduced measures relating to the rum duties, colonial duties, timber and sugar, but they had intended not to stop there.—(Hear, hear.) It was his intention,• when the Customs Bill of the year was brought in, to have proposed such alteration in the duties as he was convinced, if carried into effect, must have had the most important results on the commerce of the coun try.—(Hear, hear.) It was on the same feelings and principle that the other measures were founded. What was the state of things ? They saw the country divid ing itself into two great parties : on the one side, the great protective interests bonded together ; and on the other, the merchants, maaufacturers, and the great body of the industrious people of the country. He confessed he could not contemplate such a state of things without alarm. He thought that all party contention would be as nothing if that fearful struggle should take place without any attempt on the part of the Government or Parliament to interpose and restore tranquillity or con tentment by the only means by which they could be re stored, by measures of fairness and justice.—(Cheers.) But he denied that the Government had taken an ex treme course on this occasion. —(Hear, hear.) He al lowed that such,conduct would be unworthy of a Go vernment, but Was there the simplest pretext for saying such had been their course ?—(Hear, hear.) He asked was it not ludicrous to hear the measures they proposed styled extreme measures, when they left on the sugar duties a protection of 50 per cent., on the timber duties a still higher protection to our colonies, and on the Corn-laws a protection of Bs. a quarter for the benefit of the landed interests ?---(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) It was extraordinary, therefore, that Gentlemen should say that these measures were proposed for the sake of ex citement, and were not honest bona fide attempts to le gislate on questions which could no longer be left un legislated on without producing the worst effects on fhe community.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that he (Mr. Labouchere) had never attended to the Import Duties Committee. That was quite true. That Committee sat at a late period of the session, when he (Mr. Labouchere) was on four other Committees, and when it was, therefore, utterly impossible that he could attend ; but two members of the Government had constantly attended, one being a Lord of the Treasury, and the other the Right Hon. the Paymaster of the Forces. It could not, therefore, be said that the Com mittee was abandoned on the part of the Government.— (Hear, hear.) The arguments of the pion. Gentleman with respect to the Committees were somewhat contra dictory. When he brought forward the India Rum Bill he was taunted for acting against the opinions of a Com mittee ; but now that he brought forward a measure in the spirit of the resolutions of the Import Duties Committee, he was taunted with having no opinion of his own upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.) He had always followed the same course with regard to Commit tees. Thinking there was sufficient sources of informa tion in his own office, he had never moved for a Com mittee, but if any independent Member of that House wished one he had never opposed it. He had always given the Reports of Committees the most attentive con sideration, but he had never felt himself bound by them. He did not now think it necessary to trouble the House at greater length, as his sole object in rising was to re pel some attacks from the Right Hon. Gentleman, and to vindicate the course pursued by the Government. Colonel SIBTHORP said it would appear very im proper for any Member of his side of the House to make any charge against any Member of the Govern ment. He had no *pinion of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer in his financial or any other capacity. He quite shared in the opinions of the Right Hon. Gentle man (Sir R. Peel). It was his opinion that the Go vernment had never done anything to promote the dig nity of the Crown, the character of the country, or the welfare of the people. He had seen a constant attempt to evade measures. • There were no less than thirty one Orders of the Day then on the papers, and among them he observed one introduced at the eleventh hour, to which he would never give his consent—he meant the Noble Lord's Bill to prevent bribery at elections. The Government exercised corruption privately, and then let them not charge Gentlemen on that side with it. He had often asked them to define what bribery was. Was it meant by this Bill to prevent the exercise of the common charities of life ?—(Hear.) If he understood what the Government meant, he believed these measures were brought forward to produce excite ment and agitation, to enable them to effect their pur poses. Were they now to abandon upwards of four mil lion of money to the hands of such a Government ? He believed the matters of Mr. Vizard and Dr. Bowring, on which he had taken the sense of the House, to be mere jobs. He was prepared to tell his constituents, whom he hoped he should shortly meet on the hustings, that a more profligate, a more dangerous, a more idle and in efficient Administration never existed. He spoke politi cally enly, for he believed the Chancellor of the Exchequer was an excellent man out of the House. He wished to ask the Chancellor of the Exehequer what was the particular sum he asked for in this vote of credit ? If he were satisfied that no portion of it would go in payment of Mr. Vizard and Dr. Bowring, he would not object to it, but otherwise he should vote against it. He came down determined to take the sense of the House against the amount granted year after year to Dr. Bowring, but he feared he must postpone it until he had again the honour of appearing at that table.—(Laughter.) He believed the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) was the only man in the present crisis that could save the country. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the Gallant Officer must be aware that the warrant for payment of Dr. Bowring was already issued and paid out of the vote of last year. With regard to the Esti mates it was perfectly competent for the GallantiOfficer, if he should not retire from public life, in any future session to make the speeches he was so fond of indulging himself in on the subject.—(Laughter.) He hoped the House would permit him to allude to the statements of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel). He was satisfied that the Right Hon. Baronet had withdrawn his imputations with respect to the Budget, but since he had been in the House he had received communica tions from Gentlemen on the opposite side, stating that the Right Hon. Baronet was in possession of informa tion respecting the Queen's Speech which proved those imputations. He took it for granted that the Right Hon. Baronet would withdraw the statement also. Statements of this kind grew more and more particular. Sir ROBERT PEEL said he had not the slightest information on the subject ; he had never heard any one suppose that he had any private information respecting the Queen's speech. He had not said that his statements were founded, on private information, and he had no such information. The moment he heard the Noble Lord state that his surmises were erroneous, he had withdrawn the charge.—(Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he was perfectly satisfied with the explanation, but the one withdrawn was not the only statement of the Right Hon. Baronet which was erroneous. He had seen a statement made by the Right Hon. Baronet which had filled him with great surprise, and which the Right Hon. Baronet would have an opportunity of setting right in a Committee of Supply, and which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was anxious to give him an opportunity of explaining. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated that during the time he was in office he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would find that they had left a sur plus of two millions, that they had reduced the national debt in three years by twenty millions, that they had reduced the interest of the national debt by one million more_; but now there was a deficit of upwards of seven millions created by him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer). Now, first, as to the statement as to the two millions surplus ; that was not correct. It was quite true that the last year the Right Hon. Baronet was in office he had a surplus revenue to a considerable amount, but he spent it.—(Hear, hear.) He took off taxes, and his own Chancellor of the Exchequer was taunted in the House, and told that so far from leaving a surplus he had left a deficiency of 300,0001. That was not quite cor rect ; but the Right Hon. Gentleman admitted that he did not leave two millions, but said he believed the sur plus was 1,600,000/. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in a subsequent budget, lost several taxes, and commuted others. When Lord Spencer came forward with his bud get, he had occasion to state what the Right Hon Gentle man had left him to spend. It was then his interest to state it as high as possible, and he stated it to be 300,000/. If they put it at 500,000/. they would exceed the surplus left, so that he believed the Right Hon. Baronet saw a little double with regard to ;this subject.—(Hear, hear.) The next question was with regard to the 20,000,000/. of debt, which the Right Hon. Gentleman said he had re duced. This was not quite correct nor quite incorrect. It was quite true that the amount of the capital of the national debt was reduced by the Right Hon. Gentle man's Government, but 10,000,000/. of that was con verted into terminable annuities. No doubt that was a good arrangement, but was he to be told that the debt was paid off by it ?—(Hear, hear.) Again the Right Hon. Gentleman stated that , the annual payment on ac count of the national debt was reduced a million. He should like to hear the Right Honourable Gentle man's figures.—(Hear, hear.) • The third statement with respect to the deficiency was equally incorrect. He had last year received 2,400,0001. for the duty on corn. But taking the average received by the _revenue upon corn since the present law had come into operation it did not amount to more than 500,0001. It should be observed that in various years the duty on malt and the duty upon corn counterbalanced each other. If there was a large return from corn, there would be a dimi nished duty on malt. The average returns from both amounted to 5,560,000/., except in the year 1838, which was a remarkable year. It was a year in which there bad been a considerable importation of corn, but the price was so high that it had been introduced at a very low rate, and, consequently, he lost that year the duty upon corn as well as the duty upon malt.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that under the proposed alteration he would receive a dbkty of 900,0001. a year. Sir R. PEEL said that the charge he had to make was the same as that which he had urged in the debate on the Sugar Duties Bill. His charge against the Go vernment was that after five years they had left a defi ciency of 7,600,000/. The estimated deficiency during the present year was 2,400,000/. The deficiencies during the four preceding years amounted to 5,166,0001., and if to that 2,400,0001. were added it would make the sum of 7,566,000/. It was true they had begun with a surplus, of 1,961,000/., and that in 1837 they had had a surplus of 1,862,000/., but since that period they had accumulated a deficiency of 7,500,000/., and the former surplus fol lowed by such a deficiency only indicated a more alarm- ' ing state of things. They had begun with a large surplus, and within five years there had been a defi ciency of 7,600,0001. of expenditurg-over revenue. And he was perfectly warranted in bringing that charge against them when speaking of their administration of the finances. Mr. HERRIES was surprised at the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He could not deny the fact that during the last five years there had been a con tinually increasing deficiency, which had at length amounted to seven millions and a half, but because in former years there had been a surplus which had been disposed of the Right Hon. Gentleman challenged that surplus as a set-off. If they went back to 1835 why might they not go back to Lord Grey's Administration, and say that because there was a surplus during that Administration therefore they had a right to claim that as a set off ? Lord Althorp had handed over a surplus to Lord Monteagle, which had been sufficient to keep up a surplus during the fi rs t t wo years of the pr e s en t Admi nistration, and which proved the better administration of the finances of Lord Althorp during the time he had been in office. The surplus under Lord Grey's Adminis tration amounted to six millions and a half, and if that was added to the surplus of two millions and a half handed over by Lord Althorp to; Lord Monteagle, and if they claimed that as a set-off against the present defi ciency of seven millions and a half only, instead of a de ficiency they would at that moment be entitled to take credit for a surplus. But what would the nation say to such a statement of accounts ? Would they be inclined to admit that there was no cause of alarm from the defi ciencies of the last five years, because, during the pre vious twenty year s th ere h a d b een a surplus ? He had mach a statement a f ew n i g h ts ago to which ho had ex pected the Chancellor of the Exchequer would have paid some attention. He bad beon contrasting the financial administrationof the last few years with the previous administration of the finances s i nce the peace. By thos previous administrations twenty millions had been paid out of the official surplus, and twenty-one millions of debt had been paid off—that was a plain money statement. During the Administration of Lord Liverpool 31 millions of money had been paid out of the surplus, and during the Administration of his Right Hon. Friend, the Member for Cambridge, the debt had been reduced ten millions. Lord Althorp, by his surplus, had reduced six millions and a half of debt. During the first two years of Lord Monteagle's Administration, there had been a surplus of three millions ; butduring the last five years there had been a deficiency of seven millions and a half. But it was ob served by the Hon. Gentleman opposite that they had taken off taxes, and that accounted for their not having any surplus. When Mr. Spring Rice had brought for ward his first Budget, he had done justice to the efforts of former Administrations in the reduction of taxation. He bad said that he could only be a gleaner in the field, --that the harvest had been gathered by the Wellington an d Liverpool Administrations. He told the House that since ti„: peace 42 millions of taxation had been reduced, of which 33 millions had been reduced by the Liverpool and Wellington Administrations. He hoped, therefore, be should not again hear of any more exclusive claims fOr present Administration on account of the reduction of t a xation. The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that there 11 ,-2,d not been a surplus of more than a few hundred thousand coilnds left by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Cambridge, and had therefore urged that his calculations were erro neous. Now it was the duty of a Finance Minister to make provision according to the best estimates he colud procure, and state to the House what would be the FO bable surplus, and he was fully justified in acting oil those estimates, although he might be disappointed in the result. His Right Hon. Friend had estimated his surplus at 1,600,000/. ; it did so happen that during the next year, owing to circumstances which it had been im possible to foresee, the actual surplus had fallen short of that amount ; but the following year Lord Althorp found the surplus greatly increased. He went into these details for the purpose of showing . the great contrast be tween this and all former Administrations. All former Administrations had had a surplus, but the present Ad ministration had a deficiency. Mr. HUME was amazed at the charges brought against the Government by the Right Hon. Baronet. The Right Hon. Baronet was quite as responsible for the deficiency as the Government. The Government had been foolish enough to suffer themselves to be entrapped into increased expenditure by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. He had told them at the tune what must be the conse quence of such profuse expenditure ; but they had chosen rather to listen toglon. Gentlemen opposite than to him, and therefore the Right Hon. Baronet had no merit to the claim he had put in, that would have managed the finances better. The whole exce.s of ex penditure had been owing to the misconduct of the To ries and the weakness of the Whigs—(Hear)—the Tories urging them to an extravagant expenditure, and the Whigs having the weakness to yield to them. — (Hoar, hear.) Did the Right Hon. Baronet forget that five millions taxation had been reduced, and yet the revenue had only fallen by one and a-half millions ? He would admit that from 1836 there had been no relief, but the revenue had been annually in creasing, and the average revenue of 1839, 1840, and 1841 exceeded that of the four preceding years by 600,0001. There had been no deficiency of revenue, and the pre sent deficiency was entirely owing to an increased ex penditure, against which he had protested year after year. The army, the navy, and all the establishments, had been increased in consequence of the representations of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, to which the Government had had the weakness to yield. Hon. Gentlemen! oppo site had themselves created the deficiency, and now they turned round upon the Government, in a manner very little creditable to any party, and taunted them with the deficiency, which they themselves had occasioned. Let Hon. Gentlemen point out one instance, with the single exception of the vote to Prince Albert, in which they had ever given an economical vote ; and even on that oc casion, when he had moved to reduce the grant to 21,0001., they had divided against him. But they said if they had been in office they would have managed better, they would have had no deficiency. No; because they would have laid on new taxes.—(Hear, hear.) Then they raised this outcry in order to blind the peopl e as to the real question at issue. A more barefaced attempt to mislead the public he had never heard of. He had seen many things in that House, and had frequently blushed at the effrontery of Hon. Members, but a more shameless and sc a ndalous attempt to impose upon the public, he had never known.—(Cheers.) If they were so anxious to have the deficiency made good, why did they stand in the way of the remedy the Government proposed ? (Cheers.) Up to the month of January last, he should have cared little whether the Administration had been Whig or Tory, but now when the Ministers brought for ward measures calculated to benefit the country, he felt bound to give them his support, without asking when they had determined to bring them forward. He was glad to see they were bringing forward measures calcu lated to turn public attention to the real causes of the distresses of the country. The real author of the Com mittee on the Import Duties was the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, as it was in consequence of his speech on the Corn-laws that he (Mr. Hume) had beets induced to move for that Committee. The Right Honourable Baronet had said that he had no objection to consider the question of the Corn laws, but that he did not think it right to the landed interest to bring forward that question alone, but that all the interests should be considered together, and in consequence of that speech he (Mr. Hume) had moved for the Committee. He rejoiced at the prospect they had of removing the shackles from industry. They had last year laid on an additional 5 and 10 per cent. on the as sessed taxes, and in that the Right Hon. Baronet had concurred, but when he (Mr. Hume) had proposed last year to meet the deficiency by making the landed inte rest, which 'was not taxed at all, contribute a proportion to the public burdens by imposing on landed property a legacy duty similar to that paid on all personal property, and which would have produced a revenue of 3,000,000/., the Right Hon. Baronet had voted against him. The fact was that as long as land was not touched, Hon. Gentle men opposite cared not how they increased those taxes the burden of which was borne by the working classes. The complete failure in the expected increase from the additional tax might have shown the Hon. Baronet how vain it was to attempt to raise the revenue by any fur ther tax upon industry.—(Hear, hear.) Let the House of Commons reduce the expenditure which had led to the deficiency, and he believed that that would be the ultimate result. Her Majesty's Ministers had been supported by Hon. Gentleman opposite in every proposition for in creasing the public burdens. They had been very help less to do any good—(Hear, hear)—but powerful to do ill when supported by the Opposition in measures which he conceived to be against the principles upon which they took office. He rejoiced that her Majesty's Government had brought forward so large and com prehensive a measure, and that the present Parliament was about to be dissolved. The time was come when an appeal should be made to the people. It was necessary for the interests of the country that the House should be more decided one way or the other. It could not longer remain in its present position.—(Hear, hear.) He was confident that the electors would not throw away the opportunity afforded to them of retnrning a better Par liament.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) Those gentlemen who supported the resolution went to the country with a declaration that they would not remove the taxes which were put into the pockets of individuals by the protective duties; that they would not allow sugar to be cheaper, and were determined to continue that tax, by which five millions were paid last year out of the pockets of the industrious classes. They declared that they would not admit cheap corn ; that they would keep up all the necessaries of life at the highest price. He would repeat that he looked with confidence to the results of the elections. It was a great disadvan tage that the Corn-laws should not be previously dis cussed. The want of a single additional Reformer to secure the discussion of that subject was greatly to be deplored. He regretted that they had not had the op portunity of proving that Bs. protection was a tax amounting to 30 or 40 millions a year, upon the industry of the country, and that that went into the pockets of the country gentlemen. The Hon. Member for Tamworth and his party had come forward by their resolution to prevent the discussion of this subject; that was in fact their sole object in proposing it, and he hoped the coun try would so understand it. The situation of the country was truly distressing. There was a population starved by the landholders, laws were passed which positively starved the people by inches. Whilst some countries were cursed with an unproductive soil, and others with calamities arising from the climate, the people of Eng land were doomed to be starved by the landed proprie tors. It was melancholy to think that they could lay their heads on their couches whilst there was so much misery of their creation, the result of their monopoly. Every one who had voted no confidence in her Majesty's Ministers had, in fact, voted against the discussion of the Corn-laws, because they wished to have the advantage on the hustings of having said little or nothing on th e subject. He deplored the ignorance which existed with reference to it, and Hon. Gentlemen opposite shared in the ignorance which existed as to the real cause of the distress.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Still he looked with confidence to the coming struggle, believing that the people of this country would not allow class interests to prevail. It would be impossible for any any who took the course of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, that of setting themselves against all reduction of taxation, and all re lief to the working classes, to reflect for a few moments and not feel that they , had a reavy responsibily resting upon them. He would be sorry to feel himself liable to those charges which he now made against them and against every man who wished to keep up monopoly, and to prevent that alteration which was called for by an increasing population. He took the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade as a pledge by the Government, that they were pre pared, should they continue in power, to carry out a large and liberal reform. Even Honourable Gen tlemen opposite, if they would only examine the subject, would see the necessity which existed for such a measure. How could they visit the manufac turing districts, and reconcile it to their consciences to maintain the monopoly ?—(Hear, hear.) The people at present paid all the taxes—the landed proprietors did not pay one shilling.—(lronical cries of " Hear ' hear," from the Tory benches.) He would take upon himself to prove that the landed proprietors of this country were as free from taxes as were the nobility of France in 1789. The only difference was that in France the in justice was more open. The country gentlemen had a monopoly amounting to more than double what they paid towards the public expenditure. Last year they had on a moderate calculation eighty millions of money raised from the industry of the people, whilst that they contributed did not amount to twenty-five millions. He contended, therefore, that they were in a better condition than the noblesse of France at the period to which he had referred. The events of history should teach them what was to be expected from such a state of things. (Hear, hear.) At this moment the landed proprietors from one end of the country to the other did not pay one quarter of the fifty millions of taxes ; their monopoly therefore was a legal plunder upon the mass of the people. The common sense of the people would teach them how to act in their present position. From one side they had to expect relief, from the other no thing but taxation and oppression; and he had no doubt that Hon. Gentlemen opposite would be foiled in their attempt to secure a majority in the House of Commons. Mr. GOULBURN said, as ho had not been present during the speech made by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, he would not attempt to answer it ; but there was one point to which he would just advert. The Right Hon. Gentleman had objected to the statement of his Hon. Friend, that during three years of the Adminis tration of the :Duke of Wellington there had been a re duction of the National Debt to the amount of twenty millions, and a reduction of the charge to the amount of one million. The Right Hon. Gentleman said they had no right to take credit for that reduction, because it was produced by the increase of terminable annuities. If he were to take that alone, he (Mr. Goulburn) granted that the objection would be good ; but he could show that they had not only reduced the capital, but the charge also, and he maintained that they had a right to take credit for the reduction. (The Honourable Member then entered into some financial statements in order to prove the fact of the reduction.) With re spect to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who had just addressed the House, he could not help telling the Hon. Gentleman who wondered that they could not re frain from blushing at their conduct, that if he were at all given to blushing there was nothing for which the Hon. Gentleman ought more to blush than the exagge rated statements which he had made that evening ; and as the Hon. Gentleman had made such charges against th.it side of the House, he would remind him that in 1830 he applauded him (Mr. Goulburn.) for the reduc tions which he had made in the taxes of the country. Mr. HUME explained. He had not defended the Right lion. Gentleman during the last five years. Sir DE LACY EVANS said, upon the ground of justice the Right Hon. Baronet ought to have allowed a discussion upon the Corn-laws. In his opinion, it would have been better for the landed interest to have had that discussion before the House. The people would soon understand the real nature of the technical motion which the Right Hon. Baronet had succeeded in carrying. He entirely concurred in what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Kilkenny. The present system of fiscal duties was one of gross fraud, and that was the language which he would use before his constituents.—(Tory cheers.) These were his opinions, and he would think himself degraded if he did not give utterance to them. The House then went into Committee, Mr. BERNAL in the chair. 31,7861. was voted for the British Museum. 400,000/. for the expenses of the War in China, and 1,624,6211. for the Commissariat of Canada, and Mis cellaneous, for six months. In answer to Mr. T. PARKER, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, would state to-morrow what Bills the Government proposed to go on with. Sir J. Y. BULLER moved that the House do go into Committee on the Municipal Corporations Bill. Mr. DIVETT and Sir C. DOUGLAS opposed the motion. The House divided, when there appeared— For going into Committee 5B Against it 3l Majority The House then went into Committee, and the several clauses were agreed to without observation. The Ecclesiastical Commistioners Bill was read a second time. On the motion that the Bribery at Elections Bill be read a second time, Sir R. PEEL said he would not oppose the second reading of the Bill. Colonel SIBTHORP was opposed to the Bill receiving a second reading. Sir E. SUGDEN did not object to the second reading of the Bill, but was opposed to that part of it which re lated to treating. The Bill was then read a second time, and was or dered to be committed to-morrow (this day.) The New South Wales Bill, and the Western Aus tralia Bill was each read a second time. The Schools Sites Bill went through Committee. On the motion for going into Committee on the Clerk of the Peace (Lancashire) Bill, Sir E. WILMOT moved an instruction to the Com mittee, that compensation should be granted to all offi cers whose incomes were affected by the Criminal Jus tice Bill. After' some discussion, strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the instruction Against it 46 Against the instruction The House then went into Committee. Mr. BOLLING moved a clause to exempt Bolton from the operation of the Bill. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the clause 9 Against it 52 Majority against the clause The Chairman then reported the progress, and the House resumed. Mr. C. WOOD obtained leave to bring in a Bill to Amend and Extend the Act 3 and 4 William IV. chap. 83, and to make further provisions relative to the re turns to be make by Banks in the United Kingdom, of the amount of their notes in circulation. _ Sir E. KNATCHBULL obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Act 7 and 8 Victoria, c 25. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to One o'Clock. RAILWAY EXCURSION FROM DARLINGTON TO YORK. On Tuesday last, the Directors of the Great North of England Railway gave to an immense number of the inhabitants of Darlington and the intermediate places, a cheap trip to York, the fare being only five shillings from Darlington to York and back. At an early hour in the morning the station at Darlington was besieged by parties wishful to avail themselves of the Company's offer ; and at half-past nine o'clock, the time appointed for starting, the trains were filled by a res iectable com pany, a great number of whom had come from Hartle pool, Middlesbro', Stockton, Shildon, &c., by special trains, furnished by the Stockton and Darlington and Stockton and Hartlepool Railway Companies. All the second class carriages the Company could muster were put in requisition, as well as a number of second and third class carriages, borrowed from the York and North Midland Railway Company ' • and, in order to provide accommodation for all, a large number of spring mounted merchandise waggons were fitted up with seats for the occasion. The morning was beautiful, the sun smiling pleasantly, and the party . all appeared well pleased with the prospect of their excursion. About ten o'clock the engines were put in motion and went off sur rounded - by a host of spectators, who cast a long linger ing look at the lengthy trains as they began to leave them in the distance. The trains were propelled at a great speed, and the engines soon were " careering in thunder along"— On, on to the goal, over valley and mound, How wond'rous and rapid his race ! Afar as he speeds, rock and river resound 'Neath the tread of his fire brightened pace. At the stations at Croft, Cowton, Northallerton, Thirsk, Alne, and Shipton, the number of the party was consi derably augmented, especially at Northallerton and Thirsk, where carriages were ready filled to be attached to the trains. At all the stations there were immense crowds drawn up to see " the folks," and the bridges along the line also had their share of visitors. The party arrived at our city soon after twelve o'clock, the bar walls were occupied by numbers of our fellow citizens, and when the visitors had alighted from the train the spacious and splendid station presented an ap pearance not easy to be described, and therefore we will not attempt it. The streets of Old Ebor were soon thronged by the party wending their way towards the various "lions" of York, our noble Minster being the chief point of attraction, which seemed to strike many with surprise ; next was the Museum, with the delightful grounds attached, which were thrown open gratuitously to the public. Here we observed many of the " canny lasses" of the north promenading the gardens, admiring the ruins of St. Mary's Abbey, the fountains in full play, and inspecting the curiosities located within our Mu seum. The Castle, too, had a goodly number of visitors. many of whom viewed with astonishment the massy walls which encircle that receptacle of malefactors. Some few went as far ss the Cemetery, but in short we may say that although the time allowed in York was short, every one seemed to dispose of it to the best advantage. At a quarter past four the station in Tanner-row again pre sented a scene,—the platform was literally covered with a moving mass of human beings ; when the bell rung, people might be seen running in all directions, climbing over the waggons, and the first train left Old Ebor com pletely laden ; there was not, we believe, a spare inch anywhere. A second train train soon afterwards fol lowed with the remainder of the party, and the station again presented its ordinary appearance. This is the first pleasure excursion which the Directors have given, but from the success which has attended it, we need not hesitate to prophesy that it will not be the last ; though, by the by, we hope on the next occasion more time will be allowed at York. The novel character of the excur sion—the perfection of the arrangements—the good spirit which animated the whole of the party--together with the favourable nature of the weather, that marplot to holiday lovers !—all tended to bring about the de sired end—" the greatest happiness of the greatest number." It would have given us great pleasure if we could have concluded our few brief remarks by saying, "no acci dent occurred to mar the pleasures of the day ;" but we regret to have to state that, on tha homeward journey, Mr. Hutchinson, of Darlington, one of the conductors of the train, a very respectable young man, met with an ac cident, from the effects of which we fear he will not soon recover. We are not in possession of the exact circum stances of the case ; but, from all that we can learn, it appears he left York with the second train, and when near to Thirsk he was standing on the top of the car riages, when the train was approaching a bridge ; his hea came in contact with it, and he was knocked down insensible. On arriving at Thirsk station, he was put into one of the carriages and conveyed to Darlington. The last account we heard was that he was still in a very dangerous state, but had partly recovered from his insen sibility. With the exception of this unfortunate accident, the whole trip went off ver well indeed. The trains reached Darlington about eight o'clock, having gone at a slow rate, and having many stoppages to put down passen gers. Trains were ready at Darlington, for Stockton, Hartlepool, &c., which started immediately on the arri val of the trains from York. _ Since the above was put in type, we have been re quested to state that the illness of Mr. Hutchinson, the conductor, was not the result of accident. It appears that when near Think, he was suddenly attacked with . ]EVENING 1411)1T10.7Ar_, indisposition ; and being near a bridge at the i ) er" sons naturally supposed whoa he fell that I)isheac: had come in contact with it. We, may also add, the ;t the number of persons who arrived in York by the !funs from Darlington, nearly two thousand &c., on this ke casion, amounted to ----. C OU RT INTERLOCUTOR OF TOE ' a IN THE STRATHBOGIE CASE . h .' Lora The following is a copy of the interloci:t°r , ---3' interdict, : Ivory, Ordinary, on the note of suspension al. d ,_ at the instance of the Rev. John Cruickshank skid ou' e '"' Ai and of his Grace the Duke. of Richmond and -Len7 loX, against the Rev. Dr. Robert Gordon and others : RAJ. Edinburgh, 29th ::' , laY, 1 — us - i The Lord Ordinary having considered this note of 5 '' pension, interdict, and productions, in respect of the* Tin i cedent afforded by the judgment of the Court, in . t'i_ l ; previous proceedings, on • the sentence of the Gen !T s '.. , Assembly, suspending the complainers—in the mea nt ?: grants the interdict as craved, to the effect of prohi,. r_f mg any intimation or execution of the senten ce v r deposition before the Bill comes -to be advised, with o r without answers ; and interdicts and prohibits a ll 3' d each of the parties complained against, or any of the o_,. to from preaching in, or intruding into the churches " , schoolhouses in the respective parishes of the co 31 - plainers, and from serving or intimating the said s . in; tence and deliverance to any of the complainers, iTiouf from intimating and promulgating the same in I ".' Y 1 . , of the said parishes, churches, chur c hyards, or sc ,I .° ° , . , : houses, and from using the church bells in any .-)fh' the ' said parishes ; and interdicts and prohibits ill r re ' ) :: tery and Session officers, or others, from :•e winging or “.,,'-- mating the said resolution and sentence to 4-e cam-Plain ers, or any of them, and from intimating an 41 procaulg a l: ing the same in the churches or churchyare Is, or se110? 1 , honses, in the parishes of the complainers, as 0 fore and from using the church bell s , as a f oro s lid- 0' of ultra, supersedes consid e r a ti on o f th e f ur th e r rav ye r •:. the note of suspension, a nd a pp o i n t s sa id ir,te an d 4 9 deliverance to be intimated in common form, an d an' swers to be lodged within fourteen days thereafu 'r. (Signed) J. IV °BI-' THE DUTY of the NON-ELECTOR • We have always bee n o f opinion that a maim, Is nos necessarily disfranchis e d w h o h as no vote . It d'or fi ll b , , entirely on himself wh e th er or no t hi s voice sh * *" heard, and his opinion influence the march of pubLera fairs. Probably Mr. Cobbett, during his long uoli o re career, was not an elector, but n o s i ng l e man had influence over elections. The influence which he ex 'e cised so extensively other men can exercise, though much less degree. It is in some measure th e refore t. 3, individual's own fault if he have n o i n fl uence ov er poi t; affairs, and it will be the fault of the non - e l ec tors, 1, °- are more numerous than the electors, if they do no t ercise, in spite of their constitutional, or rather un e l; stitutional, exclusion, a very great influence over coming elections. A dissolution is at hand, and the question on w the Parliament is to be dissolved, and immediately r'r assembled, concerns especially, and almost exc li ,„ r sively, the non-electors. Whether the wealthy e'''; get cheap bread or not is to them of little consequene but if the non-electors have it not they pine and al ., starved. On them, therefore, it is 'especially and liarly incumbent to express their opinions on a que' t n i. which to them is one of life or death. Nor will tl 3 voices, if properly expressed, be unheeded by the elee: tors. We respectfully but earnest.:y advise the oi' l 4. electors to hold meetings in every tolvn, hamlet of the kingdom. Where the Tillage or h a mlet t . 1 too small to give weight to the expression of opinion l the non-electors of two or three places meet togetbe They will require no resort to public-houses, no es t e pense ; in every village, in every town, there is s all e i r vacant spot where. they may assemble and express th si griefs and their opinions, and they ought to exPrl e them. Let them go to work orderly—summon meeeting by notices, appoint a Chairman, and move re, solutions agreeable to their views. The Parliament W.I. then be dissolved, and their object must he to conveie;s, a solemn and orderly m a nner their opinions and ri ,th hef ', wishes, whatever they may be, to the electors. -LW ( are to influence them. They are to procure voter' a. , 7 or against the bread-tax, as they believe that it vantageous to them to have a small or a large loaf. aim not at present at influencing their opinions, but 17 , 0 tell the non-electors throughout the empire, that a co test is begun which especially and particularly conee them and their families, and they cannot neglect to el press their wishes and opinions on it, wahout acku 2-,. )."_„ ledging and proving that they are unworthy to exec- Prut the franchise, and are properly doomed to slavery. a A depends on the non-electors now to help themselves, 0); as they act, so will they gain public esteem, and it1 51 ... .T. their perfect freedom, or consign themselves and posterity to many years of unrewarded drudgery. THE MARKETS. ____ PRICE OF BREAD. The highest nrice of .tre a d in the Metropllis is 9348, far the ' 1 " 7 .-,1 . , Loaf. Good Bread may be had at 7)0. PRICES OF SEEDS. , Per Cwt. Per Quarter, ...., __Ai New Engl i sh Red C10ver...56s B , ls l St. Fein ................. -5 . ...• - Old Litt.) Ditto -s -a -elltye Grass -.4. ---. ' ....4 New Foreign Ditto -s 508 80s!Pacey Grass -s - 7 5 54 1 011 Ditto Ditto -8 -sLinseed, for teeth; g „.-s ft ' New White Clover 40s srs 63s!Ditto, tor sowing .....-s. 5 4 8s ' 4 Old Ditto Ditto -3 42s 48s Ditto, fer erushi.ig „....-3 4 ( ; ° 48 , 4 - - : New Trefoil -a 20s 41s Hein; - - - s 4 nai Old Ditto -s I9s 3esiCanary .---s 9 - (ply- 'ir folium 1 488 7081 Per Bushel. a l: English Carraway -s 50s sis . White Must, rd.... ;23 Od to 1 5' 0 Foreign Ditto s 443 50s Brown Ditto 143 Od to 17 ' „ 8Q Coriander -s a --s Tares Cs Cd tc 1 0 PRICE ill , OIL. Rape Oil, brown, per ten .£1.3 10 Ditto, refined Linseed Oil 29 r) Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill (per 1000) l2 le) Rape t_ ake, per ton 6 1.0 PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. per 1121 b. , 0 fown Tallow £2 8 6 iMelting Stuff al. i 0 Yellow Russia White it 0 C Graves 1 6 0 Soap Ditto 0 0 0 Good Dregs 5 PRICE OF RAW FAT, pe.- stone of 51b3, pi, Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Molt/era) ......... COAL MARKET. Ships arrived since last market.day, 161. o. 4 s. d.l 21 6 '' Adair's Bell, Robson& Co. Hartley 16 9 Walls End Lambton . .....••• ~i -2 9'" New Tanfield Moor l% 0 Walls End Stewart's ......... 0 6 Old Tanfleld Moor l4 6 Walls End Caradoc ........... ~,, 6 ) Pontop Windsor .16 0 Walls End Casso;) ............. 'f' ' 9 Smith's Pontop l4 (1 Walls End Adelaiee ....... .. • ;s 6 West Wylam ... 16 0 Walls End Barrett .. ......... ... i; 6 Wylitot .. . .. .. ... . .... ..... 16 Ol Walls End Harrington Tees 0 0 Walls Ena . thenneil • 15 6 Walls End South Barham..• I s 5 4 Walls End Hilda..... ..... ..... 17 6 44 all.-. End Seymour Tees... : 0 6 Walls End Hotspur Walls End Killingworth . Walls End Medomsley li 0, Blythe ••• •••*" 16 v Eden Main l7 61Cowpen .. . t .. . ........ ._.....•••• I d 6 '. W. E. BraddylPsHettou Walls End Haswell. Walls End;Hedley COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. Wheat. Barlev. Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s, s. to s, s. to S. al' t° 68 30 24 46 46 Hexham 52 €6 23 at 20 2 - 4 4i Morpeth 54 60 28 39 J 8 k 4 34 36 Penrith 6B 32 2t Sheffield — 61 31 24 44 :Ps Winchest.r 57 62 26 t. 9 20 2(1 40 42 Per Bushel. s.d. s.d. s.d. sd. s. d. s.d. s.d., E. d EJ` o 11 Carmarthen ul , 75 00 37 00 k 3 56 ilo O N O3 cowbridge., 7 9 8 0 0 0 4f' 00 3b 50 53 2- 6 oo iwansea 7B 84 36 44 28 32 4 5 6 0 Per 81. Barns dc 15 0 18 08 0 93 6 4 76 9 0 hi ' g JO g Ourham 116 6156 80 90 56 73 00 JO 69 0 JO : Richmond IN 0 180 70 86 56 SO 96 I- , 0 „ 0 iOO Stockton jl5 0 16 6 , 9 0 90 5 0 66i 8 0 10 Q 8 WAKEFIELD CORN niAnxEr Wneat, Red, Nortolk and Suffolk .... —s. 51s. to 6g Lin. and Cam. —s. 595. to Ws. 0 ,1 761. —..-- Yorkshire —s. —a. to 38$. -- rya A. tO 46 • •4 36 : 1 4 35 tf. s• a b ;) o ° ° 0 0 3 15 0 18 0 80 93 90 10 e . 116 6 166 80 90 00 JO 61 l l'. 0 18 0 70 86 96 11 0 1 15 0 166 , 90 90 I 8 0 10 Ai WAKEFIELD , nxtlr 4 ,690 , 1, Nortolk and Suffolk._ 588. to 611.'. 0 „ 0.. -- Lin. and Cam. - Yorkshire -s. -a. to 581. 00 ' r9'. - White -a. 625. to 611. fine 15 .., - Foreign, ited -6. -I. to s'3s. fin e ois, White -s. -a. to ens. nne 1.3* Barley, Norfolk and Suffelk --s to .2 is. fine 4.. , - Lincolnshire -- Yorkshire Wold . ................. -. Foreign Beans, New 37s. to 395. fin 4 60. -- Old . -1. to 44 5 . fin c 805 , Oats, Potato -1. to 28s. 6 ,". 305. -.-.- Poland •••11. -..5. to 280. . 0- 0, - Friesland and Small - I4ealing ... l2d. to 123fid. pet „ o il, Shelling 2Bs. to 295. yid. per i x ad Malt. Rapeseed .............. ....... ...... ...... -1 os. 821.05. 30. Os. pf::;,:e PLATE SUITED FOR PRESENTATI O N' S n o Committees or private individuals req u i r i ng s pl en did or siv l articles of PLATE for presentation, may, by ddreol v 'jt paid M etier as under, have drawings sent for their appreval.,o be is desirable letters should state a bout the sum intendea expended. T. COX SAVORY. oil' Silversmith, &c., 47, Cornhill ( Seven doors from Graced o street), London. of N.B. A Pamphlet, containing a detailed list of pric es ot io, Plate, Plated Goods, Watches, Clocks, &c., may be haa, g o , or will be forwarded, post free, in answer to a post-pai d cation. ° SILVER-PLATED on WHITE M— t il T ° er being all white, it is not liable by wear to show ant ye o colour. Price of Table Spoons aad Forks, 21. 19s. Perj no ° Dessert Spoons and Forks, 2 Guineas per dozen ; Teo T; c ileof 255. per dozen ; Gravy Spoons, 9s. 6d. each; Soup 16s. each. I a A lithograph: - Book of the Pr' :4 i . • , ... lithographic JOOl. ...t the Patterns, m a d e i n th is - o I rn er Candlesticks, Toast Rack, Snuffer T ra y s , W a iters, ' es , Dishes, Bread and Cake Baskets, E Fra° gg Frames, civet to I' r 1 ► &c., can be sentf or inspection into the country in ano le " , paid letter. T. COX SAVORY, f r ost g Goldsmith, Watchmaker, &c , '47, Cornhill (seven d o ors Gracechurchstreet), London. --- -- 110, f STEEL FIRE-IRONS, with Bronzed l es pa t• 15s. per Set, Bronzed Fenders, 9s. A varlet,' •! v rho ' terns and prices, from the above to 305., at which r t wos , , fenders are particularly handsome, with splendid scroll. sisn: richly intermixed with steel, the ends are steel, and " joy' porters for the fire-irons bronzed. Polished steel 4re' from 4s. per set. ale °I Catalogues gratis, containing the prices of every sir ti Furnishing Ironmongery. ea t. (1 RIPPON and BURTON, Wells-street, Oxford-111 Established 1820. _ W. EIIiTHS. i‘frs. On the 4th inst., at Broomfield, Deptford, Kent, E. Triscott, of a son. . „Alr s ' On the sth inst., at the Pentre, Monmouthshire, Greenfield, of a sun and heir. o n On the sth inst., in Harley. street, the wife of James Duff, Esq., of a daughter. Nebo ll ' On the sth inst., at Derby, the lady of Mr. Meyer '" Ve of a son. On the sth inst., a t D en h am C o tt age , ne ar uxbri d g e lady of James Ki n l ee k, E sq., o f a son. ___l'e'l ' . .40 MARRIED. . FA On the 26th April, at B.mbay, Henry C o rmack , peit il o°' Eliza, da ug ht er of Michael Rimngton, Esq., of Inst ow, -----" and late of Stepney-green, near London DIE. On the sth o f February, at D Tavoy, in the Ea'r t ive Lieutenant Charles Sydney Sparrow, of the 33d i`a., fantty, aged 20. On the 20th ult., at Paris, the Count Sz.eliski. ;‘,'' On the 4th inst., in Luwinics-street, Bertram of Captain Fitzßoy, R.N., aged 9 months. London: Printed and Published by AIURDO Y ( 2: 1 „„ 1 ( 1 No. 112, Strand, at The Sun Office, No. 11 2, the county of Middlesex.-. Tuesday, June 8) 1841'