The Sun. — London, England, 1841-06-03 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION • fent ',Government, either as a body ,or.individwally, of y intention of acting contrary to t'ae interesis Of t „the ciA,ntry ; but-this ha must say, that it was essentially a Uovernment of eaiy virtue—:(Laughter)—and he con iv_td it his duty to vote is favour of the Right lion. Baronet's motion. Mr. GILLON was tinwii;ing that so interesting a&- bate should come to a termination without saying a few words as to the m:)tion of the Right Hon. Baronet, and as tu the vote which he was about to give on that n•a tion. The motion of the Right Hon. Baronet was avowedly for the purpose of compelling her Majesty's Government to reswn before they had put the co untr y fully in possassion of a the measures which they proposed. Anxious as the 'Hon. Members on the other side were for office, and unscrupulous as were the efforts they had made at late elections to obtain a majority in that Hon.se, he believed they were by no means anxious to meat their constituents at a general election.—(Hear.) It award to him that there was nothing short of gross hypocrisy in the pretences by which they opposed the po licyof the Governmentin the presentcase. Many among the most strenuous of the opponents of these measures were well known to be connected with the most gigantic roo liopolies of this country, and to hare fattened and en riched themselves upon the miseries of their fellow creatures. Having lent his aid to the present Govern ment in carrying out the measure of Reform, and having on that occasion bearded the faction in its stronghold, he felt much pleasure in now lending his assistance in inflicting another blow upon the same party under the guise of monopolists.—(Hear, hear.) The other side of the House had on all occasions shown themselves the strenuous opponents of all measures of reform and im provement, and it was not to be supposed that they wou ld permit measures which were based upon the great and incoutrovertible princi?les of free trade and of equal justice to all classes, to pass without a struggle. He was rejoiced to find that the Ministers, in whom he for one placed the utmost confidence, had had the manliness, the honesty, and the courage, to come forward with the present proposition. He w4?uld not go into these measures in detail, but with regard to corn, he would say that he had al ways been an advocate of a fixed duty, as being calcu lated to put an end to gambling and speculation; and if that measure stood alone, it should have his full concur- rence and hearty support. He thought these measures, ilaportant as they were, would be incomple'Le without that for which Le had always battled—namely, a pro perty tax, which would meet the exigencies of the State, without adding to the burdens of the humbler classes, The agriculturist, the manufacturer, and the merchant, toil contributed their fair proportion to the expenses of tke State, and it was most unjust that the great monied interest should escape almost . untaxed. Let not Hon. ilem!iers on the other side of the House " lay the flat tering unction to their souls," that even if they had a enajority on the present motion, which he entertained considerable dotibts about, that it would drive Ministers either to resign or to dissolve Parliament, before they had ltild their measures fully before the country.—(Cheers.) On every sound principle of political economy, he felt himself bound to give his support to the present Govern silent. They had abolished the pension -list, that disgrace to the country; and although the questions of the ballot, and the extension of the suffrage,—measures which he had much at heart—were not yet entertained by the pre sent Government, he preferred the course which they took upon these questions, to the open and undisguised 'hostility with which these and every boon to the people sere met by Hon. Members on the other side of the these. lie never gave a vote with greater satisfaction in•his life, and he would fearlessly . claim a renewal of the votes of his constituents, on the ground that he had supported these Ministers for their advocacy of liberal j principles, and their determination to do justice all classes ,of her _Majesty's subjects.—(Cheers.) ilr. J. GRTTAN, although differing on many points from jpl Hon. Member who had just sat down, would not yien.`o,him in his anxiety to render his best support to the present Government. Looking at their olicy, both at home and abroad, and more especially looking at their policy with regard to Ireland, it ap peared to him that they were entitled to a vote of thanks from the House, instead of a vote of want of confidence. —(Hear, hear.) Since the present Ministry had come into power in 1831, Ireland had made rapid strides in the course of improvement and regeneration. C a pital was now freely embarked in that country, and her resources were rapidly developing. With regard to the Bs. Axed duty upon corn, it appeared to him that it would inflict great injury upon the agricultural in terests of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He gave his candid a.pinion upon the subject. By a fixed duty they would change their markets altogether, and throughout the Continent they would have a supply which would be regular and steady in proportion to the demand, and the result would be, that the whole of the trade now carried on with Ireland would be transferred to the agriculturists of the Continent. He regretted to be obliged to differ from the present Government, for it was the first time he had done so for the last twenty years; but he was anxious to give his candid opinion to the House. He thought it was an attempt, though an idle and a vain one, on the part of the manufacturers, to raise themselves at the expense of the agricultural in terests. They would be lamentably disappointed in their expectations, for, in lris opinion, they would pull down the agricultural interest without bettering their own condition. It was from a conviction of the utility of the general principles of the Government, that he -would, on the present occasion, give them his support. Lord C. HAMILTON was surprised that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down should declare his intention of supporting the Government after hav ing opposed them in one of their main measures — a measure which was introduced with a view to their own interest, and not to the interest of the country. With respect to the analogy whiCh was said to exist be tween the position of Mr. Pitt's Administration in 1784 And that of the present Government, there was one great distinction which could not be overlooked, and that was that while the majorities against Mr. Pitt's Government had gradually decreased the majorities obtained against the present Ministry had gone on increasing. In 1835 A compact alliance was entered into—a coalition opposi lion was formed for the sole purpose of putting the Bight Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth and his colleagues out of office, and the instant any measure of essential importance to the country was obstructed, in consequence of that opposition the Right Hon. Gentle man gave up the administration of affairs. But such was not the case with the present Government ; no com pact alliance—no coalition opposition had been formed against them. It could not but be in the re ''',7 kollection of the House the use which was made at the elections of her Majesty's name. In Ire land, in particular, her Majesty's name was associeted with the names of the eandidates professing the opinions of Honourable Gentlemen on the other side of the House. How came it that the Government should now pin their existence to their proposition respecting the Corn-laws, when during the six years they were in office, they had refused even to entertain the question? As the Govern ment were confessedly unable to carry out measures which they deemed of great importance, he thought on all constitutional grounds they ought to resign their offi ces. Ile conceived that those who objected to the par ticular measures of the Government, and yet gave them their support on this occasion, would co them little good by such an exhibition ofinconsistency. The cries of elicit!) bread, and cheap sugar, were undoubtedly most caltn leting cries, but he hoped if they were to be made the er)- of the Government, a speech of the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) would be explained to then), which was made some years ago, and in which the Noble Lord said such alterations iii the law as that now proposed would divert property i tt4 a ..ther channel.—(Hear, hear.) Sir G. STA L STuS said, us the Right'llon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke had adopted a different course from the Eight Hon. Member fir Tamworth with respect to alluding to our foreign affairs, he trusted he should be excused for attempting- very brletly to state the reason why he divt'ered from the views enter tained on the subject by the Right Honourable Baronet. The Right Hon. Baronet had observed that the war with" Chine was a great calamity. Now he (Sir G. Staunton) 'considered an v war a great calamity, but the greatest of WI evils would be an unwillingness on the part of the ' ( ;overnment of the ceuntry to redress its wrongs. The :Rigilt e llon. I4trouet had quoted the opinion of Napoleon ; against the.Governmeut ; but the opinion of Napoleon rind nut, in his belief; possess much value in connection 6-with klllina.—(Hear, hear.). Napo'eon was, in truth, tyttielr more a warrior than a statesman, and that was -proved by the termination of his career in exile. But he "Would quote :q!,•ainst the opinion of the Frereh Emperor ""that of a higher authority, as would be admitted by lien. sKembers on both sides of the House—he would quote 1 't'ke authority of the Mike of Wellington, the conq ueror wt . gapoleon, who stated that he considered the war Was ". j ..ust and necessary. The results of the war with China tag,' certainly disappointed the expectations of many—it had, i,:- some measure, disappointed his own expectations, ~tho ui di h,t could not f eel much surprised upon the sub ket.—{" Hen, hear, " from the Opposition Benches.) -lion. Gentlemen would do him the justice to remember '' .that he hind before i;tated that he had feared tte struggle ~ ~.. woulg be protracted, though he had no doubt as to our ultimate success. The troth was that our enemies were Rneoureg,-ed by the divisions among us, and it was to that cireume ance that the protraction of the war might in some degree be traced. Had parties in this country been waited upon the subject, instead of a renewal of hostili ee, we might now witness their final termination. At - -A- eeeots, he did not sec anything to blame in the con- Vrict:-of Ministers, and ho felt satisfied that the interests elf the country were safe in their hands. He w mid say "a word on the immediate question then before the House. Tee Ministers had introduced certain measures fo: the parpose of raising the revenue, without adding to the burdens of the people. Now, even though he should have disapproved as much as lie really approved of the p they of the Government, he should still think that they ~lied pursued a perfectly constitutional course in deter -6 .ning that then-measures should be fully discussed, en I J oe they should afterwards appeal to the country. Ile Uiout:therefore give his decided vote against the reso lutionlie . Sir , . :A.MES acknowledged that the policy of the i • iti n i s t had succeeded in the Eatt—(Hear, hear)—but he did of give them any credit for that iiiiecess, as it might lin atteibuted to chance as much as ne merit. AV4th regard to the resolution before the House, he etch that the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had, on the erst night of the 4ebate, completely este b ished his position, Those facts clearly showed that the 1r sent Ministry had not the pow( r indispeneable to a Government The Reform Bill had been framed far the • gotirpoge of exclodieg the Tories from office—it had been called by the Hon. Member for DubliE gi We idle. Now, it had happened, by tie iiitstest retribution, that those olio had hoped to profit by fie Reform Dill had been signally disappointed ; and that hinder its op:".. 4 tion _ the -party opposed to them had e-radually iecreased in ower. Ho would allude briefly to the pi e^edent of M . e'Pitt, which differed in m an y p o i n t s most di st i nc tl y f rom - V `, the rent ca, to slit night Hon. s e , "'had be en mos t conc l us i ve ly s h own b y she Baronet in his openine. speech. The it wise of Com mons , by - passing the I n di a Bill, in the case of Mr. Pitt, to a cernlFn extent had aseumed OXeCutive j .• _ _ power.; that was not the case in the present instance ; the opposition to Mr. Pitt was a personal opposition ; there was nothing personal to the Ministers. in-the present opposi tion, and Mr. Pitt did not appeal to the country with any clap-ta - ap measure. He did nut raise tjae clap-trap cry of " Cheap Bread," or " Down with the "Itoroughnaongers." Lie appealed to the country to give him a fair trial, and they did so. With regard to the inconvenience of such a motion he would ask,ought any: dministration to hold office when they had been so repeatedly beaten in the House of Commons. In this country there were no questions on which the mob were more easily excited than on questions of the franchise. The turbulence excited by the Reform Bill had scarcely yet subsided, and the- Noble Lord had stated he would not sanction a repetition of any appeal to popular fears and popular wishes; yet what wero these measures but an appeal to popular fears and popular wishes? The Noble Lord would not stir up the caul dron himself ; but he would put plenty of hot coals under, and when the cauldron began to bubble be would tell the Conservative party to put in their fingers and pull out the hot coals, in hopes that they would burn them—(Cheers) —and the Conservatives would do so— (Cheers from the Ministerial benches} —without fear of burning their fingers, for the sake of their country. — With the general principles professed by Lord Melbourne, with regard to the Corn-laws only two years ago, it was surprising to see the present conduct of Ministers. Their conduct had lost them the confidence of the House, and they had not the confidence of the country. His party was the one which appealed to the country on the ground of their consistent opposition to every democratic en croachment. The Whigs must disappear, and the con test must come between the advocates of religion and the Monarchy and those of the democracy ; and he hoped it would end in the signal victory of the friends of religion and monarchy ; the sooner that contest came the better.—(Cheers.) Had the Ministers the confidence of the Church, of the army, of the navy, of the law, of the gentry, of the commercial interest, of the colonial interest ? Look at Canada, where a rebellion had been raised by the conduct of the Government. and the advice given to the Canadians by a Gentleman, a Member of that House. However they might have the confidence of those manufacturers who hoped to benefit by a repeal of the Corn-laws, We did not believe they. had the confidence of the working men; and their at tempt to rouse the energies of the country by repre senting the aristocracy as tyrants would not succeed. — (Cheers.) They knew that the cry of cheap bread meant low wages. Mr. VALLACE had never heard such a rambling speech as that which the Noble Lord the Member for Tyrone had delivered, jumbling all parts of the habit able world together, even to the mixing up of the case of Syria with the disputes existing in the Scotch Church, and which the Hon.. Member who last spoke had praised. What did he mean by attributing the Arms Bill and the Irish Coercion Bill to the present Government ? Those Bills had been brought forward by the Noble Lord the Member for •North Lancashire. By whom had the Coercion Bill been proposed? Why, by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire. Lord STANLEY. 7 --No, no. By Lord Althorp.— (Cheers from the Tories.) Mr. WALLACE—At all events the Noble Lord was the concoct er and the supporter of it. But by whom had the Arms Bill been proposed ?—(Cheers.) Lord STANLEY.—By Lord John Russell.—(Cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) Mr. WALLACE begged to say that he perfectly recol lected the introduction of the Bill into the House by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire ; and he also remembered that Noble Lord proposing one of the most obnoxious and disgraceful provisions in it, which was that every man should have his name engraved on the arms he might have in his possession.—(Cheers.) Allu sion had been made to the mention of the Queen's name. Now the Queen's name had been abused, but by whom?—by Gentlemen on the other side, at Can terbury and elsewhere. (Loud Ministerial cheers.) When 1.3. r Majesty had expressed her determination to see equal justice,. done to all her subjects in Ireland, the Irish had made use' of the Queen's name, with admira tion at her noble conduct.—(Loud cheers.) But that name had been mentioned with every possible epithet of abuse by Gentlemen on the other side.—(" No, no," from the Opposition.) Hon. Gentlemen might say " No, no," but he would say " Yes, yes"—(Cheers) ; --an he d ould ras a proof that he was right in saying " Yes, yes, w them to Canterbury and many other places.—(Loud cheers.)' The Hon. Gentleman had designated the Reform Bill as a swindle. Sir WALTER JAMES—I did not designate the Reform Bill as a swindle — l stated it w a s the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin who had so designated it. Mr. WALLACE understood, then, that the Hon. Gentleman had not called the Reform Bill a swindle, and should not pursue that point further. With regard to what the Hon. Gentleman had said respecting the Noble Lord's (the Member for Stroud) former opinions, he (Mr. Wallace) had always regretted that the Noble Lord should have published such opinions ; but, at all events, the Noble Lord was pursuing the right course now, and while he did so he should have his (Mr. Wal-. lace's) support. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, as an excuse for not stating what mea sures he would propose, had alluded to the difficulties in which he was placed, and asked for time for deliberation. Why he had had three years for deliberation, for during the whole of that time he had been anxiously seeking the overthrow of the Government; and he (Mr. Wallace) should not, before these measures had been proposed, have been very sorry if he had suc ceeded, but now that they were proposing measures which were really for the benefit of the country, he felt bound to give them his support, and should be very sorry to see the Right Hon. Baronet succeed against them. He would not inquire into their sincerity.—(Hear, hear.) The measures themselves were substantially good, and he would give his vote for those measures. He firmly believed that the agricultural as well as the manufacturing class would be benefited by them. They knew very well that the low wages they received would buy a much larger quantity of wheat were that wheat cheaper, and that so long as the landlords could maintain their monopoly, they would never have cheap bread. The mode of introducing corn at a fixed duty of Bs. was a greater protection than the agriculturists had a right to expect. With respect to the alteration in the postage, of which so much had been said, there had been mani fested in that debate, by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, a degree of heartlessness and a want of care for the working classes of this country, which he had not expected to see in that House.—(Hear, hear.) Not one word did lie say of the advantages conferred upon the poor.--(Hear, hear.) If the Right Honourable Baronet had inquired—but to do so per haps would be quite beneath his dignity—he would have found that though there had been a failure in a certain class 4:lf correspondence which was expected to pass through the Post-office, there had been a great increase in that class whkh it was chiefly intended to benefit. In what was expee,!'d to pass through the office in a printed form there ceriain l y had been a great failure, but in manuscript correspondeie the increase was con siderable. In the year 1839, in `he four weeks in May, 1,619,765 letters passed throu' the Lon don office ; in the four weeks of May, .? 84 O; there were 3,461,278, and in the four weeks May, 1841, 5,236,210. It was also very gratifying to see the increase in small sums of money sent through the Post-office. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire's memory may perhaps serve to remind him that when he sat on this side of the House, defending the management of the Duke of Richmond as Post master-General, it was denied point blank that any such office existed, in connexion with the Post-office, as the money-order one ; but on his (Mr. Wallace) obtain ing a return t. show its locality and proceeds, it turned out that Sir Francis Freeling endeavoured in vain to conceal its existence, and that it was actually managed by two of his favourite clerks, who were allowed to , pocket the whole proceeds, amounting, if he remembered right, to some 6001. or 7001. a year. This discovery might be taken as one small proof of the benefits of agitation, for had it not been for his continual agitation for exposing the gross mismanagement of the Post-office, the great benefits conferred on the very poorest classes by her Majesty's Government, in reducing the charges on money orders, and giving great facility, as well as encouragement to the able and industrious to . aid their parents, friends, and families, when at a dis term, would never have been obtained.—(Hear, and cheers.) The windows for money orders were crowded with persons who were availing themselves of that means to send money to their parents and others re - s.aing in distant parts of the country. Mr. Wallace concluded by stating his conviction that he would best discharge his duty. by opposing the motion of the Right iwyro i ot : ped ß ucbl i ol t ed r u t e } tn n thit e ,re t y , oo and by upholding the present Government until the the proper time should arrive for taking the sense rn o d u erw t o h hf e i cthi h ie i g odc h ca l a y ysi b oa e nn n d efi ltl e eh i a l tt l rtih i i n set e c a ldi s o u an r gi e . measures now for Hull, who w l i i t a n d i i i i l ist sat ' down, should receive his full share, alonf, difference betweenKaof the benefits which would accrue from allowinc, i • h e • , • eto judge with their eyes of the I.e had no eoubt would a would L uld said the be loaf hoisted a et Hull a hl small a s one, h e which should a tak A e ir g . o c o ß d E ci s ir s e w it t a L • Greenock.—(Cheers.) for Ireland, had contended that the Lord, Government the Se e rheud a large share of the confidence o t f that House. He quite agreed that they had as large a share as they deserved ; but he could not admit that they had such a share as made them fit to hold the rei ns o f maintained that they never had b ee N\n, h v fia Government. w s p n e e n e t ihe A a s n s d e n h i7 e c h d i lister}' i bling of the present Parliament. of the Government from the period wh en it succeeded thec suee expelling the Right Hon. Baronet from office ? Hon. Baronet retired from office in conseque nce o f th e e passing of the resolution, embodying the principl e of appropriation. For six long years had they held the reins of office without carrying that principle. In 1835 and 1836, the principle was proposed, but it was fi na ll y abandoned. In 1837, to gratify the enemies of the Church, a scheme was propounded for the abolition of the Church- rates, and the Noble Lord succeeded in car rying the resolution in support of that measure, by the glorious majority of 287, against 282.—(11ear, hear.) If they did not consider the measure essential, why seek to deprive the Established Church of the sacred fabrics in which they had paid their homage to the Deity, by taking from it that support which it'had received beyond di.) period of legal memory ? But the measure was abandoned, In 1838, the Government brought in a bill for settling the Irish Tithe question, and in that bill they omitted the appropriation clause. Thus had they shifted their ground from ti.SW to time. Having passed this Tithe Bill, and abandoned the principle of the rr.i.solution upon which they came into office, what did they ne*t propose to satisfy the enemies of the Church ? Why if# 1.139 the Government proposed a whew tor eciacating the people, which was so unsatis ^tory to the House ot (30.mniona that the Minister was . i,„ :' ke considerable modi6eutiom, - agul p..t last obliged to n . —Ana a majority of two Members in he succeeded in obta_. • - .eeer met. Then came memorable Jamaica Bill. What one of the fullest Houses tha., wi t n h intended n t h d e e do Government rnm conciliateent were pa ::: that m:B2 couldtonanotnapoillastseibtlhye con-a., preparedie frlte suig,* - 44otrso, tit' uilsb AV, sest.k ',.,.--iii3..iii.., stitution of Jamaica. The bill Was passed by so small a majority that it was lost, and the island (Hear, hear.) -The Goverri - i6nt thought they were called upon by that result to quit office, and they returned under circumstances but little calcu lated to regain the confidence which had been previously reposed in them. - It would not do to let the Session pass without some fresh prOpOsal, and in spite of repeated de ficiencies, in defiance of warnings given by gentlemen who were experienced in financial affairs, at the instance of the Hon. Meinber for Greenock, they threw away 1,200,0001. Then came 1840, - when the confidence of he Noble Lord was renewed by the House, and he be came exceedingly triumphant. The Hon. Member for Devonshire, however, proposed a vote of want of confi dence, and the Noble Lord on that occasion was sup ported by a majority of 20. He would now beg the attention of the House to these points. The Noble Lord proposed an annuity of 50,000/. a year to Prince Albert. A large majority of the House considered that in the then state of the finances, 30,0001. would be ample. He took that as a declaration, on the part of the Members or the House, that they had not confidence in the economy of the Noble Lord. In the month of February the Hon. Member for Harwich brought forward a question re specting the finances of -the country. On that occasion a large majority of the Members declared that they had no confidence in financial wisdom. Then there was _ _ ... a question respectine• the pension of Sir John Newport and a third time did the House affirm its want of con fidence. They had proved that they had no confi• Bence in their, economy—no confidence in their wisdom, and a very small degree of confidence in their political integrity. The Government, however, had suf ficient to shuffle through the House the remainder of the Session. Was it confidence in their weakness or in their strength ?-', Was it confidence in their love of country or confidence iii their love of place ? The Go vernment having declared their intention to -relinquish their attempts to purify the system of registration in Ireland, the Noble Lord the Member for North Lanca shire brought foi•ward his Bill, and upon several occa sions obtained a majority of that House against the Go vernment. He was at last defeated, not by the votes but by the speeches of those Members, who sought to delay what they could not otherwise defeat. So closed the Session of 1840, and then came that of 1841 ; and in that Session surely the Noble Lord must have felt that the confidence which the House reposed in him was at a' very low ebb indeed, for he failed in almost every question which he brought forward. In the present Session; then, what was he to do for the pur pose of gaining the favour he had lost ? Why, he brought a Bill into the House which was to give a new constitution to Ireland. Had the Noble Lord the con fidence of the House on that occasion ? No, he was defeated, and then came the Budget of the Chancellor of the Ex • chequer, and the proposition for cheap sugar, cheap corn, and cheap timber. Why, he would ask, were they to have measures brought forward which, two years ago, some of the colleagues of the Noble Lord had declared to be madness to think of. Those who supported the Noble Lord in his proposition with respect to the Corn laws did it not from a supposition that they would be benefited by a protective duty, but under the hope that, from the weakness of the Noble Lord, they would be en abled to obtain a total repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) Did the Noble Lord, he would' ask, remain in office now for the purpose of carrying on the real business of the country ? No; ,it was only for the purpose of bringing on debates on such subjects as the Corn-laws for the purpose of exciting turbulence and disaffection throughout the country.—(Heari hear.) Was the Noble Lord holding office for the purpose of fighting the battles of the Crown against the House of Commons, because it had encroached upon its prerogatives ? He was doing no such thing. Ile was remaining in office in order that he might mae the representatives odious to the repre sented.—(Cheers.) He trusted that the Noble Lord would pause ere he attempted to carry out the course he seemed determined to pursue. He hoped the Noble Lord had some regard for posthumous fame, and he thought that he was likely to attain it through the instrumentality of the Hon. Member for Finsbury. They had heard of Whig and Tory Administrations ; they had heard of Broad bottom and Reform Administrations, the latter of which, in the hands of the present Government, had dwindled down to what the Hon. Member for Finsbury had called" the Squeezable Administration."—(Laughter.) He thought if the Noble Lord continued to pursue the course he was now attempting to carry out, lie and his colleagues, instead of being called " the squeezable," would be de nominated the wicked Administration. In conclusion he begged to say that he supported most cordially the resolution proposed by his Right Hon. Friend. Dr. LUSHINGTON thought that the House would not be surprisek_ when it recollected the circumstances which had recently taken place, at the part which he had thought it his duty to take, and the vote which he then gave. He thought the House would not be surprised that he was most anxious, on the present occasion, to explain and defend the course which •he had thought it his humble duty to take on a late occasion. Nothing was further from his intention than to refer back to the de bate which occupied the House so many days ; by what he then stated he was ready to abide—(Hear, hear)—by the reasons he then offered, he was ready to stand—he repented not of the part he then took—he would not re argue the question, but he would re-affirm the statements he had then made.—(Hear, hear.) He should, however, deprecate the course taken, both on one side of the House and the other, with respect to the agitation of the question. He denied, on the part of his Right Hon. Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer that he had a right to combine together questions which stood under very dif ferent circumstances, saving to the Members of the House that they should take them as a whole. He re pudiated that which fell from the Right Hon. Bart. in the course of the debate, when he said that the question was a vote of confidence or not. He had a right to address that observation to those who were his supporters, and he would not have the meanness to shrink from the vote he intended to give. But he declared now as then, that uponithe merits of the question his vote was alone d - termined. With respect to the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet, notwithstanding all that had been said by the Hon. Member for Hull, he (l)r. Lushington) would still adhere to Whig principles.—(Hear.) When they were speaking of the great principles advocated by Fox and Grey, it was not to those who had repudiated those principles that they were to look to see if they were maintained, but it was to those who had never failed to support them. It was not to the Noble Lord the Mem ber for North Lancashire, who had left his friends on that side of the House, or the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke, to charge them with defection from those principles. Let Hon. Members look to the father of the House of Commons, and several other Mem bers, and they would see that there had not been a single defection. The same observation would epply equally to the House of Lords, for there the conduct of the late Lord Holland had shown the true Whig principle still existed. They were not to be displaced by mere assertions from the position they occupied—they were to be judged by those who were beet acquainted with their principles, and also by the country. The Right Hon. Baronet had said, that in retaining office the present Ministers were acting against the spirit of the Constitution. He (1)r. Lushington) could not help observing, that throughout the whole speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman there was a n apparent wish to avoid the true question.— Tt-le Bight Hon. Gentleman well knew that ( th C e he so e l r e s.) question We:" whether, looking at all the circum• stances of the case, her Majesty's Government ought to resin office, or appeal to the p eo p le ? In ever y instance to which the Right Hon. Baronet had referred, there was this clear line of 4111411P4tion, that wherever there had been a resignation in eonsecinenPe of not com manding a majority in that Hotly, there bad boon an absolute impossibility of dissolving Parliament, Such was the case in the time of Sir Robert Walpole ; so In the Administration of 1807, In that year what said Mr. Canning ? Why, thut he ticked nil their votes ; that he would stand by the Crown, and appeal to the people, and he was just in a- situation to - cio so, Til INIIO the Ricrlit Honourable Baronet was defeated, and in 1835 he forestalled a dissolution, because he could not, with the slightest probability of success, have called a new Parliament together. Now what was the case with respect to the present Par liament ? It had sat four years, and during that period many great measures had been bronalit forward by her Majesty's Government. In some of them they bad been defeated, and in some they had succeeded, and he (I)t', Lushington) • wanted to know whether, speaking as to the principles of the Constitution, it was not competent to her Majesty's Government, though they were judges in their own case, as every Ministry must be when they dissolved Parliament—lie wanted to know what prevented them from they had done, and what they had attempted to do, and then calling upon the country to emn pare their principles with those who must succeed them if they were displaced ? In the course of the present debate he had heard with surprise Hon. Members state that because other Iron, Members dif fered from the Government on one topic that they were bound to differ from them in all. Ile was surprised to hear it stated that such a course should have been pursued by the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire, and that it should be said that he ought to have assisted to put men into power whose principles he had opposed through life. If an important principle had not been involved In the ques tion, he would have followed the usual course, and yielded his judgment to those with whom ke generally acted, But upon groat and important questions, men ware justified in acting upon separate and independent principles. Bet because h e p) voted, was he to recant the principles he had maintained form his earliest days ?—( Hear, hear.) He did not mean any disrepect to the Right Hon. Baronet and those by whom he was surrounded, hut. he could not avoid limiting at the con sequences which a change in the Government would produce, He could not help tutninz his thoughts in the first Instance to Ireland. Two year 3 ago the Right Hon. Gentleman had 544, " Sly difficulty is not Canada--my difficulty is Ireland."— ( Hear, hear.) If he thought the Right Hon. Baronet would be allowed to pur-us the dictates of Isis own sound understand ing, he might perhaps express leap alarm. But how was Ire land governed now ? In accordance with the w fishes and feel. ings of the great majority of the people.-4Cheprs.) With prosperity, which might be but slowly increasing ? and with peace and tranquillity, which if is t entire was yet greatly beyond what it had ever enjoyad,—(iirar, hear,) If the Right Hon. Baronet came into power what would be the first consequence? Why he must govern Ireland by the aid and assistance of the remnant of a party in opposition to the great majority of the population. Look at the Irish Registra tion Bill proposed by t h o N o bl e L or d opposite—its objects were to diminish the already too scanty tranchisp of Ireland i the consequences would be that the preaont prop t gity Gnu .4 not be maintained—confid ence cou ld not exist—the peace of the country would be districted, or could not be maintained except by force of arms.—(Hear, hear.) If he passed to other considerations he confes s ed the same views forced them selves upon his mind ; the Right Hon. Baronet had spoken of France, and reserved tR himself the right to offer an opinion as to whether it was not thrOugh the policy o f the Govern• ment that that great country had beat estranged front its bends of amity with E ng l an d. B u t h e asked which party was most likely to 'restore peace and amity between the two ponntries 7 A government which, in the •opinion of the world, and it 'gold uqt he denied en the opposite side of the House, was ene whi c h for man); yekri had been the sup portersof the despoti c p o li c y pf G en p a py, 0 4 1'Erus . si, and —or the party which had declarod awry thi advocate Of Huss—, free institutions ?—(Loud cheers.) If he had one wish more than another it Wasibat :theji shoutine-eslablish with Fra.4ce the firm and united feelings of peace.—(Laud cheers.) When he looked at the immense advantages the one nation could confer upon the other if they only entertained just feelings and views rf their respective interests, he was the more anxious to see that peace re-established. When he looked at the great cause of liberty and free institutions, he was the more anxious to see France and England leagued together. He would net trespass much further on the time of the House, but he wished to say a word as to the home policy of the Government with regard to the education of the people.—(Loud cheers.) He wished to see education diffused from the mountains of Ber wicicshite to the mines of Cornwall ; but he would never go along with the Right Honourable Baronet in confidine it to the hands of one particular sect, or exclusive party, because he believed that such a course would defeat it, great objects, fetter its exertions, and defeat the wishes and expectations'of the people._( Hear, hear.) Anxious as he was on that subject, and knowing how deeply the Noble Lord was attached to it, long before he assumed any Ministerial office, he should be sorry indeed to lose his services. One word more : he looked to their colonial empire, and he remem bered how it had been governed for many years, and he re gretted to see how little of justice the Government had dis vensed to the inhabitants of these colonies. how much they had been neglected, and how little had been done for their improve ment. Let lion. Members recollect the speech that had been uttered by a political enemy the other night, the agent for the island of Jamaica, who paid a just tribute of praise to the policy of the Colonial Government, although it was utterly alien to his own. He (Dr. Lushington) had some means of knowing how that policy affected the welfare and comfort, and tranquil lity of the island of Jamaica ; and he was anxious that the same system should be pursued ; and,he believed, as regarded that country and the colonies, the resignation of the present Ministry was a step greatly to be deplored. He must be permitted to make one remark upon the Hon. and Learned Member for Liverpool, and he thought that Hon. and Learned Member had no right to stand up in that House and denennce, without discrimination, all the persons who supported the Go vernment as the enemies of the Church.--( Hear, hear.) He had no right to make that charge ; it could answer no pur pose but to embitter party spirit ; and if ever there was a state of public affairs which imperatively called for calm consideration—( Loud cheers, and counter cheering)—with a view to the administration of those remedies which might be best to effect an alleviation, if not a cure, he apprehended that both sides of the House would be of opinion that the present was that time.—(Renewed cheering.) They were then to consider whether, under existing circumstances, some efforts should not be made for that purpose. Let them look at the state of their manufacturing districts.—( Hear, hear.) He might, if he pleased, as the Right Hon. Baronet had done, refer to paper after paper, to show that the trade of the country was not fall ing off ; but experience demonstrated, that whatever might be the state of trade upon paper, the reality was, that they were in the midst of the deepest suffering and distress.— ( Hear, hear.) They might depend upon it that it was impos sible the people of that country could maintain themselves, un less the trade and manufactures not only did not remain sta tionary, but advanced. They might boast of their enormous wealth—they might exclaim of the immense exports and imports, but if they were not increasing according to the demands of the population, absolute wealth was as no thing ; the misery would continue, and the people would still perish by . slow degrees. Had any one proposed a remedy for that state of things. He had heard of none. The people had borne the distress with unexampled patience. They had en dured the misery with a resignation which that House, and every man of property, could not be sufficiently grateful for. It was to be recollected that there was a limit, beyond which human endurance could not enable men to go. There was a limit, beyond which endurance must fail ; and the consequence must be the entire destruction of their establishments. He was not now going to discuss the question of the Corn-laws. It was suggested to the House as a remedy, and it was well worth their. consideration. If they looked to some of the speeches of the late Earl of Liverpool, they would see, how, after that question had been agitated from time to time, his candid mind dealt with it ; that he discarded and rejected the question 'of an alteration in those laws save in the possibility in case of war or a state of destitution. He (Dr. Lushington) had ever supported the measure from his earliest days. He had a firm opinion of its necessity. The people of this country, too, were now coming to that conclusion, and he believed when they expressed their opinions, justice, as well necessity would compel the House to adopt the measure. Above all things, be would say—let them not throw the question aside— let them not abandon the labouring population of this country to utter and entire destitution. The present was, probably, the last time he should have the honour of addressing that House, and he was therefore desirous that heshould still be found to adhere (if any doubt could be entertained of it) to the prin ciples which he had ever professed. Avowing himself a party man, but utterly disavowing any bitterness towards his antago nists, he hoped when he quitted that House he should have the satisfaction of thinking that though he had been opposed to a large political party he should not have left amongst them a personal enemy.—( &leers from the Opposition benches.) He would not trouble the House further. He would conclude by stating that he still supported, as he ever did, the principles of civil and religious liberty throughout the world. He believed that those with whom he acted were disposed to extend those principles, and he prayed that by their determination they would advance them.—(Cheers.) Sir W. FOLLETT said he had no intention of charging his Right Hon. Friend with inconsistency, because he pave his vote in favour of those principles to which he was so long at tached. He would charge the Right Hon. Gentleman with no inconsistency, because having voted against the proposition of her Majesty's Government, and now faithful to his party, he had stated his intention of giving what was probably his last vote in favour of that party to which he had always adhered. Nor would be (Sir W. Follett) stop to inquire whether the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman was right in saving that neither he nor the Government had swerved; he did not pro fess to enter into that discussion with the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman, but he might express his surprise when he (Dr. Lushington) appealed to the Hon. Member for Middlesex, that he did not think it right to appeal also to the Noble Earl whom he mentioned as the head of the party in the other House, —to Earl Grey. The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman had not appealed to Earl Grey, but he appealed to those who acted with that Noble Earl. But he (Sir W. Follett) asked why it was that that Noble Earl, instead of being now a supporter of her Majesty's Ministers did, they bad reason to believe, eon- demn the poley of Ministers. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that the question between them was, that the Go vernment, after having sustained defeats in that House, were acting unconstitutionally in still retaining office. He (Sir W. Follett) did not see that such was unconstitutional, but he said that was not the case leetweenthem. The present resolution was brought forward not lb condemn an appeal to the people, but to condemn a continuance in office, without an appeal to the people, of Ministers who had not had for wily Sessions sufficient con fidence in that House to enable them to carry their measures. When they spoke of dissolution and an appeal to the people, under what circumstances was it announced ? The Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland had stated on the first or second night of the debate, that the Government, at no distant period, in tended to dissolve—that they had advised the Sovereign to that effect, and that the Sovereign acquiesced therein. But he (Sir Wm. Follett) asked why did they not at once dissolve? They said they did not mean to dissolve till they had had a discussion on the subject of the Corn-laws.—( Hear.) Yes, that subject on which of all others the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said it was most necessary to come to a calm, full, and dispassionate consideration. The language of Mi nisters was that they meant to dissolve Parliament, but before doing so they meant to ask the concurrence of the House, or rather to propose to it, an alteration in the Corn-laws, which most deeply affected the passions of the people, and the com merce and manufactures of the country ; yes, they meant to propose the question to the House, but they did not mean to ask them to concur in it. Why was it, he would ask, that they proposed this measure, and at the same time announced the intention of dissolving, if they meant the House to concur in it? Why else did they propose it save in the hope that something might take place in the course of the debate which could be made use of upon the passions of the people at the forthcoming struggle. 'the Right Hon. Gentle man the Secretary at War had told them plainly and distinctly that they had never any expectation of carrying the measure. If they looked to the course taken by the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies with respect to another Bill, he would ask dil not the conduct of the Covet nment show the object eith which they held out their threat of dissolution? '1 he Noble Lord said he would not bring forward in this Ses sion the Bill for continuing the Peorslaw. Why not ? The Government had every reason to believe that Bill would meet with the concurrence of the House, that that Bill might be Carried into a law ; but the Noble Lord refused to bring for ward that Bill because it was one deeply affecting the passions of the people, and he thought he should not get a full and calm discussion on it. But it was quite evident that the discussion on the Poor-law Amendment Bill was put off, and the discus sion on the Corn-law brought forward, because the discussion on the one measure might prove injurious to the Government, and the discussion on the other might assist theit interests ; and that they hoped the people would have strength enough to resist the overbearing power of the aristocracy.—(Cheers.) Well, Hon. Gentlemen opposite cheered him, but would the Right Hon. Secretary at War say that he thought it consistent with his duty as a Cabinet Minister not to smooth down the jealousies between the different classes, but to attempt to aggra vate them, to inflame their passions and prejudices. to excite ono class of society against another.—(Cheers.) He thought the Right Hon. geet!onien would have remembered what the Noble Lord (J. Russell) had said of that very agitation in hell—that it stirred society to its foundations, and arrayed one pips ageioet ?knothole man against man, with the spirit of deepest hostility.—( Cheers.) Yet it was that sprit that a MesnLer of the Cabinet had thpught it right to state a wish to see revived.—( Cheers. ) Ile (Sir W. Follett) believed the Right Hon. Gentleman was much mistaken, and that the people of this country would not again be deluded itilo the eehibition of that spirit.—( Cheers. ) He thought the people would net again he pleesed to raise one class against an other, for the injury of all, to keep her Majesty's Ministers in t Acp, py to iplieve them from their difficulties.—( Cheers. ) He thought the government had greatly overrated their power of agitating the people.—( Cheers- ) Still, when he con sidered the mode in which this dissolution was announced, he would take the lesson as it was intended, and as the House would have to deeide upon it, and that was, whether her Ma jesty's Minietees hest Of had Pot !Adeptly the confidence of that House, and yi hethgr they were jtoified iij retaining AL nllls# wit h out that confidence His Bight lieeoureble and Learned Friend had treated this as it question of dissolution. He (Sir Williant Follett) 044 1 0 OW those who sup ported the resolution were bound to make out their pro petitions. The Right Honourable President of the Board of Coeteol devised the first proposition ; but he (Sir W. Fol lett) said that it was peefeetty clear, from the Depth of May, 1S:19, when her Majesty?s Mipisters themselves deeleeecl they had not sufficient confidence to carry on tie Government—he said the; from OW time they had not peen able to carry through Parliament an y iwit stog withoet the cenceeiree Of his Bight Hee, F r i en d (Sir 4. pelf and tllp party opposed to thein—(Cheers)—end the Secretary at War conceded ti is. but said that, in a constitutional point of view, there was nothjeg ie She jpg mstances under which they retained office contrary to histerical irpeedftpt amtr kipirit of t 4 .19:n0- tution. That h e (Sir W. Follett boldly denied-(Loud c heers)—and h e sa id t h a t th e Right on. Gentleman ought not to have excluded from his arguments and illustrations one said that all the essential ingredient which had belonged to the Constitution ehier the evession 8f or Wiese p,c heye ; eat the Rntie n Geveenmeet and the Opposition to -Govern rttpt4 was conducted by party combinations in Parliament. He apply to opwo h il l i s d b eirr fo l li P n r d ieeeirlien the proposition of his Rightts brought forward did not Hon. Friend. it wis wher they found thg contineed inabi lity of the Government to carry any measure withOia the suf ferance (Attie party in opposition—(Cheers)—it was that situ ation in which the present Government was placed, and it was piOr}heir continuance in office. undfi• Oiepißumr?s, which, thft ; !iPtairfeft W 2 to istorical precedent and e spirit of the* Cheelra. ) 'The measures which had been mentioned by the President of the Board of Control, as indication of the confidence reposed by the House in the present Government, had been already disposed of, but there was one whi c h h e h a d men ti one d, to which he (Sir W. Follett) must a ll u d e , for amending the registration of voters in Ireland. Was it possible that qv tense seho had any know- ledge o stronger 'pro o f o f the that Bill, should' not perceive that they Cou l d not haye a wea k n ess of the present Govern ment, and the wa nt Of c e n fid enc e in that House ? On the preposition f or alte r i ng t h e el ec ti v e franchise, the House had two diriai oes , o n o ne of . w hieh the Government were in a gminorityof . 11, apd on the otherin a minority Of 21, and yet this ilt was inimediatelv plowed by this budget, and py the propo s,.i.isio44ll.6 CF' nee'llp,'r of the gOrtiner,riopeSitionq which the poverAment never expected to carry into effect. He trustedhe e Right Hon. Baronet had then said that the Government had r should be pardoned for adverting to the precedent of Mr Pitt, in laid a measure on the table of that House without any inten -1787. He was far from intending to assert that there might not be tion of passing it, but merely fur the purpose of popular ex cases, although they must be extremely peculiar ones, in which citernent, and that they were taxing a course fraught with dan the Minister of the Crown might well be justified in holdir.g ger, and which must lead to tumult.—( s.) To him ii office against a majority of the House, but circumstances so was gratifying to witness the entlue.ia , m which had been ex peculiar were not likely often to recur, and, lie thought that a cited when the Right Hon. B..ronet had been reminded of the , struggle under any circumstances against a majority in that dissolution of 1831. He had frankly admited the precedent, House could not be continued without endangering the pre- and had said " Dissolve, but dissolve with sphit. Dissolve a. rogative of the Crown.—(Cheers.) But, with respect to the once."—( (heers. ) But he must recollect that those yin' precedent of Mr. Pitt, he said that posterity had pronounced its cheered him had equally cheered the attack made by the Rig'y cendemnation against the coalition of Lord North and Mr. Fox, Honourable Baronet and many of his associates with regard t and against the India Bill brought forward by that coalition as, the dissolution of the year 1831.:--(Cri, s of " Hear, hear.") an undue encroachment upon the prerogative of the Crown, It was a gratifying scene for any one who felt an interest in and as likely to be dangerous to the liberties of the people. the measures then proposed to Parliament, and who remem- That was the opinion of Mr. Pitt, that was the opinion bered the course of events then taken ; and he must say it of the majority of the House of. Lords, and of the gave him a hope that before another ten y. ate were past the constituent body in the other House. He asked whether Right Hon. Baronet would be found among those who would under those circumstances Mr. Pitt was not fully justified approve the course now taken, and think tl at under exist:np in resisting for a space of time—from December until the circumstances they merited the approbation of posterity. Ur following April—whether he was not justified in resisting to the speech of the Hen. Gentleman opi osite he had con the party arrayed against him, and arrayed not upon any public ceived that the object of the motion was to obtain a vote which principle, but as ho thought from purely factious motives, might have the effect of inducing the present Government to and unsupported by the country.—(Hear, hear.) But surely a b an d on office without an appeal to the country. What was th ,t afforded no justification for a weak and powerless Ministry there to be deprecated in a discussion of the Corn-laws in that not acting upon any public principle.—( Hear, hear, and House? He could deprecate meetings like that which had ironical cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Why, upon been alluded to which took place at Stroud.—( Hear, what public principle did they stand ?—( Opposition cheers.) Iran ) Nothing could tend more to bring popular meetings Was it the principle of free trade? Was it their struggle for into discredit than meetings disturbed by an unhallowed union an alteration in the Corn-laws? Was that the great principle between Chartists and Conservatives, who attended for the on which they stood ?—( Hear, hear.) Why, when did they express purpose of interrupting the proceedings.—( Hear. ) announce that principle ?—( Opposition cheers.) When did His Noble Friend the Member for Marylebone had told them they announce any principle which could have kept them in the other night that he had spent three hours in the company office from the month of May, 1839, up to the present time ? of a deputation of Chartists, who told him that they were no Why, within the last week or fortnight. after they had been supporters of the present Government, but that they were pre defeated on the Irish Registration Bill. They had never pared to support a Tory Government, believing that they would heard of the principle before.—(Hear, hear.) They had no do more for them that - . any Government which had hitherto doubt maintained a long struggle against the present existed. His Noble Friend should have gone a little further, Parliament ; and was that the ground on which and told them what measures were proposed in the course of they had retained office ? Their commerc i a l measures those three hours for securing a continuance of that support.— were now brought forward, not with any view of passing them ( Hear, hear.) These wera the men who disturbed and into a law, but to serve the purposes of the hour.—(Cheers.) brought discredit upon public meetings. He would ask, was He would refer to another precedent—the precedent of his it possible to suppose that any scene like that to which he had Right Hon. Friend the Member for Tamworth, in 1835, and referred could take place within the walls of that House he would a-k whether that precedent justified the course now Had they any reason to suppose that the subject would pursued by the present Government? F or hi s part, he had not be discussed with the calmness, the deliberation, thought that if that precedent would have been at all referred and the dignity which became that assembly ?—( Hear. ) to, it would have been against the course of the Ministry, and It would tend to dissipate much of the delusion which not in favour of it. What were the facts of the case which existed on the subject of the Corn-laws, and rather calm the Right Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of than excite the feelings of the people.—(Hear, hear.) Control, said he was now at liberty to state ? The Right Hon. That it was an inconveni en t su bj ec t f or H on . Gentlemen op- Gentleman said that his (Sir W. Follett's) Right Hon. Friend posite to discuss he was perfectly ready to admit.—( Hear, possessed the unbounded confidence of the King—he had a hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet opposite had said that he large majority in the House of Lords ; and the Right Honour- had no wish for concealment ; but after listening with the ut able Gentleman added that his Right Honourable Friend most anxiety to hear what hi s o pi n i ons were , all he could col had not only the entire confidence of his Majesty, but that his lect was, that he pledged himself to the maintenance of a Majesty had the greatest reluctance t o acce pt the present sliding scale in opposition to a fixed duty.—( Hear, hear. Ministers. He (Sir William Follett) would add another fact. Why, was that, he would ask, being explicit?—(Cheers.) A —that his Right on. Friend had the support of a great and sliding scale might be consistent with the absence of all pro powerful party in the country—that he had the support of a tection whatever.—( Hear, hear.) When the Noble Lord gave majority, at least of this portion of the United Kingdom.— notice of his motion in the first instance, the greatest import (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, 'from the Ministerial benches.) He ante was attached by Hon. Gentlemen opposite to the amount lid make that reference by way of drawing a distinction be- of duty._ He stated distinctly what duty he proposed, and they _ . .ween the several portion; of the realm. He was not stating had the full benefit of that statement. The Hon. Baronet avoided the fact with any such view; he had Mated it for the purpose of showing that his Right Hon. Friend had not only the con fidence of the Crown and of a majority of the House of Lords, but that he was supported by a very great and powerful party in the country.—(Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding all that sup port, his Right Hon. Friend, at the first moment he had been defeated on a legislative measure in that House resigned giving any opinion on the subject ; and while petitions were pouring in from the agricultural districts, praying that no alteration whatever might take place, the Right Hon. Baronet deprecated the agitation because it would tend to prevent a settlement of the question. It might be extremely convenient to the Right Hon. Baronet to avoid being explicit, particu larly when he saw candidates, some of whom stood high in his office. He would asi . whether such a precedent atforded'any justification for the continuance in office of her Majesty's pre sent advisers, under the circumstances under which they were now placed ?—( Hear.) His Right Hon. Friend said upon that occasion that in the midst of the difficulties which sur rounded him he could never have thought of advising the Crown to resign that great source of moral strength which consisted in a strict adherence to the practice, to the principles, to the letter, and the spirit of the Constitution.—( Hear, hear. ) It was in conformity with that language that his Right Hon. Friend had resigned office ; and he would say, that if her Ma jesty's present Ministers had acted upon a similar prin ciple when they resigned office in May, 1839, they should not have accepted again without being assured of a greater share of the confidence of the House and of the country. He would not allude to the circumstances under which Mini confidence, making propositions which were utterly inconsistent with the present system.—( Hear. ) With regard to the dis solution the question was whether it should take place before or after the discussion of the Corn-laws. In his (Sir G. Grey's) opinion it would not be just to dissolve Parliament until Hon. Members had had the fullest opportunity of ex pressing their opinions. One of the principal grounds upon which the resolution of the Right Hon. Baronet had been sup ported was the modification of measures which had been put forward by the Government. Those modifications were not in the slightest degree owing to the want of confidence in the Government on the part of that House, but to the means which Hon. Gentlemen opposite possessed of thwarting their measures. Upon what ground did the Right Hon. Baronet ask for the confidence of the House ? Looking back to former Governments, they found _the principles of opposition clearly . . sters returned to office; it might be that they were justified in making the experiment to form a new Administration. But he would say that that experiment had entirely and signally failed. They had not since received a greater share of confi dence, but every thing that had taken place in the House and in the country showed the diminished confidence of both.— (Cheers.) Their very first step was to abandon the Jamaica Bill they had brought forward, and to adopt that proposed by his Right Hon. Friend. From that time to the present nothing had taken place to give the Ministry additional strength. The Noble Lord at the head of the Govern ment had declared at the time, in the House of Lords—not adopting the doctrine of the Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary at War—that the worst Ministry for this country would be a Ministry which had not the power to carry its legislative measures. How had the Mi. nistry since maintained their position? By making conces sion after concession, and attempting to conciliate, and by that conciliation necessarily encouraging extreme parties in the country, whose views the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies and other Hon. Gentlemen opposite had repudiated and denounced as dangerous to the monarchy and to the country.—(Cheers.) What was the course of the Govern ment with respect to the Ballot ? They had at first opposed it as a Government measure—they had considered it a dan gerous innovation. Nothing had taken place which ought to have produced any change in their opinions, but they had be come weaker in that House, and the Ministry had come down and made the Ballot an open question. Again, when the Hon. Member for Preston had proposed to introduce a 101. franchise in counties, the Government bad opposed the mea • sure ; and yet they had themselves afterwards brought forward a measure for giving Ireland a 51. county constituency. These were some of the concessions which her Majesty's Government had formerly made. What was their course with regard to the Corn-laws? The head of the Government had declared that no one but a madman:scould listen to any proposal for altering the present Corn-laiv.—(" No, no," from the Ministerial benches.) The Noble Lord at the head of the Government had emphatically stated in the month of June last, not a twelve month' from the present time, that he could listen to no pro posal for altering the present system.—( Renewed cries of " No, no.") He did not think he could have mistaken the lan guage of the Nohle Lord, which he would then read to the Houses' The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to read an extract from a speech of Lord Melbourne, to the effect, " that no alteration in the present Corn-laws would be carried without a violent struggle, without causing much ill blood, without stirring society to its foundation, and leaving be hind it a source of bitterness and animosity • and he therefore felt himself justified in saying 'no' to the motion." Hon. Gentlemen opposite cheered that speech, which had been made in the month of June last, and the Noble Lord who had made that speech, and her Majesty's Government, of which he was the head, now proposed to stir society to its foundation.— (Loud cheers.) Were they now prepared to commence a struggle •which should raise man against man—(Cheers) — by rashly entertaining a proposition which the very Ministers who proposed it admitted they had no hopes of carrying ? ( Cheers. ) What justification could be brought forward more cogent in support of the proposition of his Noble Friend, than the conduct of that Government, and of the Nohle Lord who was at the head of it on the present occasion—(Cheersl—in bringing forward a measure not for the purpose of carrying it into a law, but for the purpose of appealing to the passions of the people ?—( Hear.) He would ask if the conduct of the Government in relation to the Budget could be defended by Hon. Gentlemen opposite.—(Cheers, and counter-cheers. ) What was the Budget? If he understood the subject aright, it was a proposition brought forward by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to enable him to meet the present deficiencies in the revenue. Now, could they tell bins any in stance in the history of the country, in which with a deficiency in the income of the country, f a Chancellor of the Exchequer had come down to the House of Commons to pro pose a budget, as a means of supplying that deficiency, contain-. ing propositions which' the Government themselves admitted they never expected to carry?—(Cheers.) Whstever might be the ultimate result of those propositions, admitting they were sowing the seed of which they might expect the fruit in the future—admitting that at some distant period these proposi tions might be carried, still there could be iio hope of carrying them for the purpose for which they had been brought fore aril. If the Government could, he would not say so excite the pas sions, but so trifle with the revenue of the country, were they fit to remain any longer in office? The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War had confined his sdruission to the Corn-laws, but he believed that the Ministers never thought they should carry that portion of their Budget which related to the timber duties ; and he believed that, even from what had transpired with regard to their communications with the Governor-Ge neral of Canada, because the Governor said, that if the Go vernment intended to propose any alterations in the duties on Canada timber, he thought that time ought to be given to consider the alteration, and to enable persons interested in the trade to employ their capital in some other manner : therefore that could not be a measure available for the purposes of the Budget. What, then, was the meaning of these propositions ? The one was calculated to agitate the people of this country, and the other to excite discontent, if not disaffection, in the colony, recently the seat of rebellion, in which the great experiment of the union of the two provinces was carrying on, and with a country lying along its borders, I.e could not say hostile to England, but the border population of which were anxiously looking out to take advantage of any ilisturLances which might arise in Canada. Now, that was the state of affairs with regard to the Budget. The Chancellor of the Ex. chequer admitted the ddiciency, and he brought forward a Budget to supply it which he admitted he never expected to he able to carry—(Cheers)—and then the Ministers said that they hold office on a great public principle.—(Cheers.) He saw nothing either in the announcement of an approaching ditsalution, which had produced such an effect upon his Hun. and Learned Friend the Member for South Shields, or in the manner in which that announcement had been made, that should prevent him from giving his vote in favour of the resolution of his Right Hon. Friend. He should give that resolution his cordial support, because he was satisfied that both the propo sitions it contained had been clearly made out, and because h. i;j; ' was satisfied from the course which he believed her itir they could est) no Mioisters had been compelled to adopt, fins . longer continue in power without 7:,-,iitlnt? „ in equal danger the power and prerogative of the trown, and the pesos and-happi ness of the country.—(Load cheers,l Sir G. GREY confess,q, i'liat that it was not without some curiosity that lie 'eact seen his IHon. and Learned Friend who lied iu§t addreaaesl the House, rise to state his reasons for sup porting the resolutiona of the Right Hon. Baronet, because knowing the reputation whieh ho so deservedly possessed as a great coostitWissoal authority, he was unable to imagine how 4 wottlti nOlntain the proposition th a t Mi n i sters wore bound on the rejection of measures which for the first time had been submitted to the Hooso to relinquish office without appealing to the coontry, and affording the people an opportunity of r p w asip ii their opinions —(Loud cheers)—as to vlsetilets they approved of the conduct of their represent at ives in Pirltament. His Hon. and Learned Friend had abandoned that position, although other Gentlemen who had addressed that House on the other •',(4s,ksad adduced precedents in sup port of it. He. ?,imitteil that a dissolution was a part of the Comstitetiow and that the exercise of the prerogative in appeal ing tolhe people was not unconstitutional. Ile had admitted that a dissolution might be proper, and had not attempted to uphold the doctiisee that tt, was a part of the constitutional law that ass Government which, under any circumstances, should be unable to carry its measures, would ,be bound by the decision of any ex i s ti ng P ar li amen t, and must refuse to dissolve. He had listened to the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, s,nd had gathered that the object of the resolution nas to drive the present Ministers, from their offices, and to assume the GOvernmeot librise4 without any appeal to the people. —(Loud cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke had denounced a dissolution as uncon , stitutional, reckliss, and revolutionary. It seemed as if that Right Hon. Gentler ar k had entered the House from the li ' brary fresh from reading the speech of the Right Honourable Member for Tamwogth in IEOI, in that debate which had been interruptedby the tap of the Black-rod at the door of the House, and mho, its terms not so, strong nor so vituperative as those which the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) had felt himself privileged to use,_ because he was using them in speaking of men Wh om h e had once called his friends, had attacked the measures of Mscisters in 1631, when the Noble Lord the Member. foe Lancashire, who then sat opposite the Right bon : Baronet the Member for Tamwarth, had an swered him, while the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pernbrok9 sat silent under the lash.—(Loud cheers.) The defined. What Measures had been Brought forward by Hon Gentlemen opposite showing their sympathy with the wants of the people, and their desire to extend popular rights ?—( Hear, hear.) With one single exception they had brought for ward no measure embodying their principles.—( Hear, hear.) That exception was the Bill of the Noble Lord opposite with regard to Ireland—that Bill upon which the Right 'Hon. Baronet who opened that debate was so ominously silent, exer cising that prudence which characterised him, and confessing, though silently, the difficulty which he felt with respect to it.—(Cheers.) The Right lion. Baronet was associated with men of less prudence and less reserve than himself. He (Sir G. Grey) thought that was a measure which was at least not likely to transfer to him the confidence of the people of Ireland. The caution of the Right Hon. Baronet on that subject had been but little imitated by those who followed him.—(Hear, hear.) Even his Hon. and Learned Friend could not abstain from drawing a distinction between the con fidence which was given to the Government by English and Irish Members.—( Hear, hear, hear, from the Liberal benches. ) He had endeasioured, indeed, to retract what he had stated.— (Hear, hear.) He had on his mind no doubt those analyses and divisions which they saw frequently in the newspapers, which hled up the people of Ireland as the dust in the balance, and were meant to deprive the Reform Act of its vitality. His Hon. Friend had alluded to the Poor-law Bill, and stated that as there was to be no discussion upon that, he did not see why there should be a discussion upon the Corn-law.—(Hear, hear.) He (Sir G. Grey) could not but regret the spirit in which the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke had introduced the subject of the Poor-law Bill. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had carefully avoided in troducing the subject, and it was reserved for the Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke, one of the authors of the Bill, to pursue a course the object of which was to throw obloquy on those with whom he was formerly associated.—( Hear, hear.) Now, what was the real fact with respect to the Poor-law and the Corn-law question ? The Poor-law had been dis cussed over and over again, and there was no intention on the part of the Government to postpone the renewal of the Bill until it should expire. His Hon. Friend must know that while a discussion on the Corn-laws might occupy three or four nights, a discussion on the Poor-laws would take up weeks, and would therefore postpone that dissolution which the other side of the House seemed so anxious about.—(Hear.) Upon the subject of the Corn-laws, and also upon the subject of the tire, ber duties, they on that side of the House were at a ion to know what the opinions of the Right Hon. Baronet were. He had stated, it was true, that an alteration of the duties was re quired, but he had not stated what the alteration was which he was desirous should take place. Now he (Sir G. Grey) thought that when an attempt was made to displace the present Government, in order to give room for that of the Right Hon. Baronet. the House ought to know what his real opinions were upon three such important subjects. The House ought to know whether the principles of the pre sent Ministers or those professed by the Right Hon. Baronet were most in accordance with its own. It was not a question of the Civil List that had caused the Right Hon. Baronet to retire from power. He had done so because he had never pos sessed the confidence of the House or the country. The flight Hon. Baronet had either opposed all the popular mea sures brought forward by the present Government, or, in lend ing his aid to them, he had so reduced their effect as to take the ,shole of their popular character from them, If the Right Hon. Baronet were to succeed in the present mo tion the House would declare that monopoly should still exist, and that there should still be restrictions upon trade, and that the deficiencies in the revenue should be made up by fresh taxes being placed upon the people. It was true, that if the present motion were carried, it might be followed up by an address to the Crown to remove the present Ministers without a discussion on the Corn-laws or an appeal to the people. But he would caution Hon. Members opposite and the House to -pause ere they adopted such a step—a step which was calcu lated, as he thought, to compromise the dignity of the House, and to inflict a great injustice upon the people of this country. Mr. HANDLEY rose to move the adjournment of the de bate, but was met with loud cries of " Go on." He had no wish but to defer to whatever was the feeling of the House.— ( Hear, hear.) If they were disposed to indulge him for a short time he should proceed. It was obvious to every Hon. Member that from the pGsition in which he was placed he could not allow the debate to close without requesting the indulgence of the House for a short period. He was the more induced to do so as in the speech with which the Right Hon, Baronet the Member for Pembroke closed the debate on Friday night, he had addressed to the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire and himself (Mr. Handley) a lecture upon consistency— ( Hear, hear, and a laugh)—which, coming from such a sourer, did evince a degree of modest aAurance of which he. seareo thought him possessed.—( Cheers and laughter.) The Fight Hon. Baronet was reported to have said, if lie hid not the plea sure to hear him, that both the Noble Lord and. himself had said, so far as they were cesleerned, the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies could have an op portunity of bringing forward the Corn-laws as a Government measure. Never having stated anything of the kind, and believing he never had done so, he had carefully e.samined the reports of his speeches, and the only thins; which had at all a reference to the question, was when he had corrected the mitrepresontations of a Morning Paper.—( He ar , hear.) It could opt merely be upo n wor d s like these that the Right Hon. Baronet had not scrupled to affix upon him the intention to join in a vote of want of confidence against a Government from which he had never differed except upon the question of the sugar duties.—( Hear, hear.) Was it upon grounds life these the Right Hon. Daeonet had cows_ selled him to a breach of the peake, and when found a madman wielding a dangerous weapost he was to Noble Friend the Secretary of the CoLoie s , 'waylay his Down ing-street and that House,. and on Friday l ';et men hands the Corn uhich he t wrest from his the House ?—(Hoar, hear.) 1 . • inte n d :ed . to lay on the table of as called upon the " as it upon such grounds that ..eavy agriculturists of Lincolnshire," designated as the RiLlit _..dnourable Baronet himself, no zephyr, chew.- nis constituents, to reject him ?—( Loud - and laughter.) But there was this manifest distinction between his (Mr. Handley's) case and the Right lion. Baronet, namely, that they would reject him for having been true to his principles—(Luud cheers) while the honest grey-coats of Cumberland kicked out the Right lion. Baronet because he had proved false to his. —( Renewed cheer ing.) The Right Hon. Baronet had said, and said truly, that the resolution of the Right lion. Baronet the Member for Tamworth was founded, not upon the ease of a single defeat, but upon a succession of defeats. Now, inasmuch as the sugar duties was the only question on which they had sustained a defeat, and in which he had not concurred, without going back so far as the Approprsatfon Clause, the Right Honour able Baronet had vevy good reasons for not. ante dating his resolution, as it might have been very inconvenient. to the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire and the Right lion. Baronet the Member for Pembroke.—(Loud cheers,) But hitherto Parliament had not expressed an opinion ;Ton the corn or the timber duties, and he was much more inclined to look upon the Right Hon. Baronet as a warning rather than as an example; to adopt hi s precepts rather than his practice ; and to follow his docti Lies rather than his acts.—( Hear, hear.) He had, there fore, much satisfaction, as all might have who would go through the labour of reading the Right Hon. Baronet's speeches, in finding a precedent, an argument and a reason for any opinion a man may choose to profess. He had had the good fortune to find, in a speech made by the Right Hon. Gentleman at Carlisle, on the 12th of January 18:35—( Sir James Graham here made an observation across the table)—the Right Hon. Baronet wished to plead the Statute of Limitations, but he held the speech in his hand, evidently printed by an hostile hand; and when giving a rea son for not accepting the offer of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth to join his Administration, he de signy,ted that Administration in the following language:—" The cimposition of this Ministry is as bad as I can well imagine, for it is entirely composed of men to whom, and to whose measures I have been all my life opposed."—•( Loud cheering arid laugh ter.) Yet, if he (Mr. Handley) recollected right, it was com posed of the Right Hon. Gentletnan the Member for Cam. bridge, who generally sat in close contact with him, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Harwich, and the Right reconciled Baronet the Member for East K ent—( Much laugh. ter)—who carried as an indelible warnin-- " Nusquam tuts fides." (Hear,hear.)—The Right Honourable Baronet had designated that Ministry in words so apposite and so much better than ho could do it, that he trussed the House would allow him to read them—s" I rejected the offer on the ground of public duty, be - nose I thought I should Lot be actin right, or my duty to any country, or showing that Irroi :,-" srere d, considered due to my own character, if, bece.iite I , into front my late colleagues upon one p . eint, I I ,l ":',_ls e t e ' i. ' ing ,) .)pp.is;tion to them all points.' —(.‘ `, d 0„ as Such conduct he (Mr. •Handley) would have locke d It inconsistent With private honour.—(Ministerial cheervand. would not have advan c ed the public good. Tie ( 11 ' 1 '• one t ley) knew full well his infer i ori t y to the Right Hon. o „ _•ar sos , (Sir J. Graham) both in talent and station; but not 10 that talent or station, nor the glittering prospects tog . and power which no doubt the Right Hon. Baronet . c ,: t c h 3 e tained, would he sacrifice that honour, the loss of uh`,, ao Right Hon. Baronet seemed to imply was involved in the' of a person who, in one point differing from his friends , ' w e n n i b therefore, plunge into opposition on all points with those whom he formerll struggled.—(Loud cheers front tb . I :L▪ ut er terial benches.) fhe resolution of the Right lion. for Tamworth seernsd to him (Mr. Handley) to imp-, wants. By the one he (Mr. Handley) was called on ,t, u nce , , ure that Government to which he had adhered on au county sons, with one exception, since he represented the __ at of Lincoln ; at the same time the Right lion. Ba u er . called on him to admit that he (Sir R. Peel) was 1 ; 1 '7,1 ) let son whom lie should wish to see called to pot/er. °„,,„ h t • them examine that part of the subject on which the of Hon. Baronet in the first instance required the co nfide c_ at " the heavy agriculturists of Lincoln." Could be hae ‘i t s ho confidence on the special point of the Corn-laws, on which. Right Hon. Baronet conceived that he was so explicit ? nisterial cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet told them tc.t.eel) back to his speech of last year, that by that ke (Sir B. was willing to abide. Now he (Mr. H.) had listened aR , rite tively to that speech, and he had conferred on " bt the debate with some Hon. Gentlemen, friends of the '.v hs /lon. Baronet, and they all concurred that never had the Ril ed Hon. Gent. made a speech so full of reservation—so intell a r; s6 with " buts," that they fully and perfectly agreed that the was no word of that speech which the Right Hon. li„ might not unsay, with the exception of that cuckoo notte_,:o . feet called on to express my predilection for a sliding i,ef su s s But as to the details, the Right Hon. Baronet said he u" reserve himself as to the right of dealing with them ss $ thought 'fit.—(Cheers.) What was the Corn-law vit ▪ ul io sliding scale unless they gave also the whole. to and marrow of the law —( Hear.) He would S. the was it to be 70s. or 60s. or 50s. or 405., or what was to d i e ai ratio of decrease ? Let the Ri g ht H on . B arone t gi v e i The some information further than what he had vouchsafed. fell Right Hon. Gentleman had used an exp i z ression which wish very ominous import on th e ears o f the farmers of 1 y land.—( Hear, hear.) That sentence was that the prospe /4$ of manufactures was a greater support than any Corn-law• hi ,h had read a series of lette rs wr i t t en b y a gent l eman of , commercial station, one w h am h e h a d no d ou bt wo ala consulted by the Right Hon. Baronet with. g r eat contidet..o He alluded to Mr. Gladstone, th e near re l a tion of the .. Members for Newark and Walsall. That Gentleman als o vocated a sliding scale ; that the duty should be redu,cedip 73e. to 6.55. Without comparing the present scale with bg proposed by Mr. Gladstoae—namely, 555., instead of 735. , , would simply mention that in the present average o f wh ea e s r namely, 635. per quarter, under the present law the duty! 00 ceeded Mr. Gladstone's scale of 6s. Bd. b y i s . 4d. I .'„ nr y before they were called on to give th e ir sup to the Hon. Baronet, ought they not to kno w whether ao . sliding scale was to be 735. or 655., or 705., or 5 0 5. , any other number he might think fit hereafter to propose. the Right Hon. Gentleman would not answer that questiouiet if he would reserve himself for dealini , with the detailar: c s, him (Mr. Handley) at least ask him that simple, plain,:us,oo doors, intelligible question,—would he or not c n t to the farmers of England the „protection they at $ enjoyed ? That was a question which might be answereo4 Yes," or a " No. cheers.) The Right,'", it h Baronet might not think fit to favour him (Mr. HandleYi did an answer, but might favour him with an inference. If i sB o f not answer that question, then adieu to candour. Let. Itile / 7 . ) claim candour with the farmers of England. He (1111*_I t be asked no more than that candour In which confidenre snir„ t io placed. He. was willing to meet the Right Hoe.. Bar° l % oo . the House or out of it, on that plain intellig . ;iblel O teg i .4 o d- Would the petitions that had been sent to V an _(Mr. st ley).—one of them from a most important me e ti ng , praying ke o, no alteration might be made in the Corn...laws—would, he as o t? any answer be given to those petitions, i n t h e affirmative oro his Probably the Right lion. Baronet w ou ld f avour th e m with t oo opinion on the Charter, but perh a p s th at wou ld b e a vio l 3 0 of the treaty of Nottingham.—(Cheers and laughter.) might probably be averse to the " Times "-serving aiha ue ' which he wished the Right Hon. Baronet much Jet - ho (Laughter.) But were there no other question on wh c .d e l felt his consistency so involved, in which he had so far s st with the Government, that he must refuse his vote to the lij be Hon. Baronet. Were there no quest i ons connec t e d with to o reform of abuses, with the gre a t p r i nc i p l es of c i v il an d relig net , liberty, on which he was opposed to the Right Hon. Ba e r° , . s yet which he was called up on t o g i ve u p I° ' 0 ,) skeleton Corn-law, with an unmentio na bl e pivot.—(C bei s' tp Ile had voted for the 51. franchise in Ireland in pre fertio the Si. He would have voted for th e 40 s . f ranc hi s e bl o t had the opportunity, because a beneficial interest, turaa 501 c s. tenant test, did not come within the h um bl e ra.nre of hi s t bs pacity.—( Cheers and laughter.) W as h e , then to to ferce r er. measure of the Noble Secretary for Ireland, And give $ Pi - A s' rence to that of the Noble Lord, the M k,er for Nor th cashire, because the Right Hon. Beeselet offered bi n !, great boon of a slidingscale, of which ) '.e chose not to gi v e b „ any .information?—(Cheers.) B u t, hi s , Ri g ht Hon. rr ilr , (Dr. Lushington) had alluded t o a subject which h e ( flo e exi Handley) felt much more deeply than the. Corn-laws. .0g• did the Right Hon. Baroreet propose to govern the sister ki,- dom ?—( Hear, hear.) 'Was it as a sister kingdom or as acn ii s si quered province ? " t riere they to be again t r eated as ', , to in language and aliens in blood ?"—( Cheers.) Were theted be handed Over to the tender mercies of those who had o h.) their sectarian interest too long ?—( Cheers, and Oh, Ir. Hon. Gentl e me n might dislike the quotation, but if an man ever forgot that savage, insulting speech, lie„dere e ',) himself to he forgotten in the hou r of hi s adversity.—(C:neri , to Now what was it the Right H on . B aronet propose d to' do ? He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman who ) .Lad br uub se, forward this resolution had not much displayed !,is gratit%o and he hoped Gentlemen wou ld t a k e warning by this in , i ch hio resolution how little gratitude may be expected in 00 future policy.—( Hear, hear.) Ile wished to ask bo Right Honourable Baronet another qnestion. If ~„s (Mr. Handley)had f a ll en i nto this trap of his, would be ". 0 , himself have despi se d hi m ? W ould they not have despised so if he had for go tt en th e op i n i ons which he had eider-tir e : t ea many years, and separate f rom f r i en d s w i th whom he hae2,"tbe en all the great question; o f po li cy w hi c h had distinguishe;o present Administratio n d ur i ng t h e l ast ten years ? 11, e ; ; - 0 1 the Right Hon. I . ) _.aronet what would have b een his or'nltis him (Mr. Handley) if he had sat down a Tory for the rest f op ; life ? He begged the Right Hon Baronet's P ar : t igllt he ought not to e x p ec t an answer to t h at question, far it be personally offensive to hi s N o bl e an d Bight Hon. •I' so a (Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham).--( Loud cheer . , s i „g, laughter.) He was quite content to look to them as warl oa ld and not as examples—he was quite content that they i ' et , enjoy the fruit of their actions, but for himself he neit'' mired their treachery nor approved of their priociples• The Debate was then adjourned until this day. 11IUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS BILL. 0 0 1 Si: J. YARDE BULLER moved the second rea this Bill, which related to rating under the Municipal sk.c: o ,ol Mr. DIVETT moved th a t th e Bill s h ou ld b e re ad a 1 time that day six months. tb" Sir W. FOLLETT recommended the withdrawal, s islt Bill for the present, as there could be no possibility of 1""" it in the present Parliament. • slid e After a short conve rsa ti on , s t rangers were or d er ed draw, and the House divided, when the numbers were -- ayes Noes Majority in favour of the second reading "'" 75 DANISH CLAIMS. to CRESSWELL said that as it was not then pro'e s t - o ths go into Committee on the Bit, he should propose to gch Committee on the Danish Claims. Mr. BROTHER'fON rose, but gave way to t ,„ , The CHANCELLOR o f t h e EXCHEQUER, 1 ",; sit e ' that he objected t o en t er i ng upon a money ques ti°- 12 o'clock. ssl' Mr. CRESSWELL said that if the Hon. Member f° , l. ';Ol e ford would p u t a stop t o a ll pu bli c b us i ness, he would orle tent; but that if they were to go on until 2o'clock in the ;rse ing with othe r bu s i ness , h e did not see why he should not.lol' vsre. —( Cries of No !No !") W e ll then, under the ro stances of the case,_ he would proposf: the further cons ider of the subject t o that day week. 1, 1-11 1 ' COPYHOLD AND CUSTOMARY TENURE --, 1 3111 On the Ord er o f . th e D ay f or t h e th i rd read i ng Of "- being read, tiou e. Mr. GOULBURN move d t h e a dj curnment o f t he 4 ,3 Mr. F. MA ULE said if the Hon. Gentleman 11'. 1 ":, g ° motion to a division, he would vote for the third, rea the Bill. After a short conversation strangers were ord,?red t ° draw, and the Home divided, when there appeared--- 11 For the adjournment Against it .... Majority against the adjournment .00 On our return to the Gallery we found the House (I°L the third reading of the Bill. Itr After a short discussion, in which, Mr. F. I " au-e : Sergeant Jackson, Mr. Charles Buller, Mr. Goulbit t l ars Aglionby, and Mr. Hawes took part, the House di vi n the question that the Bill be read 4 third time that u 3 ' months, when there appeared For the amendment that the Bill be read a t hird 5 time that day three months ....... ....... 7 Against it... .......................... .. ................. „..19 Majority against the amendment ......... •••* i us The third reading was then postp one d till to . m arr°,",e . The other Orders of the D a y we re th en di spose d el , House adjourned at a Quarter before Two o'Clock. 11h era ‘ i PLATE.—T. COX SAVORY, Silversovo „ o f 47, Cornhill (Seven Door s f rom G racec h urc h- str eet), F . o o The best wrought Fiddle-Pattern Spoons and t , 0• 0 51 7s. 2d. per ounce: The foll ow i ng are the weilo. o - ; mended, but the articles may b e h ai l li g h ter or heal' tio, same price per ounce : (* vb.. Fiddle patter" p f 05. s. d. 4 s. ( 1 . II 44 12 Table Spoons 3O at 7 2 ... 10 15 0*" .1.4 12 Dessert ditto 12 Table Forks 30 at 7 2 10 15 a •-• 12 Dessert ditto 2 Gravy Spoons . 1 Soup Ladle 4 Sauce ditto 4 Salt Spoons (gilt st rong ) 1 0 0 ..• 9 . 1 Fish Slice 2lO 0 4 t i t 9 12 Tea Spoons lO a t 7 8 ... 3 16 / I ' . 0 i de 1 Pair Sugar T ongs ( s t rong ) 0 15 0 .1 0 .1 of • The Classic i s a new pattern , muc h a d m i re d for osrefot elegance. The Fiddle Pattern is with the handle the ~00 a fiddle, quite plai n ; it h as b een approve d , an d in r t more than thirty years. Pattern Spoons can be sent into the countrl• ' - i SPOONS, FORKS, &c., superior to Sil ver : lo l' rability, equal i n a p pearance . 'f a b le Spoons or Fort foil Dessert, 10s. ; Tea Spoons, bs. per dozen; Table Ca' A o r irls i , 8 inches high, 7 s . per pa i r; the particular 10 0 ' 11 i c Ufa,'" these articles ar e ma d e i s so lik e silver, that it clot ° "' o sov",. from it by the stamp ; every article made in silver 6 lured in this material by 0 We e,' itIPPON an d BURTON, Wells -street, Olfor- - 01 0 1 Who, to pr esen t imposition, confine the sale of it to the Catalogues of prices gratis. ~.----. _______-_---------______------ 00 BIR7'HS. Vr i ° I lOn the 10th ult., at Upper Berkeley-strec , ~c uttof e . 0 square, the w if e of illiani Parker, EN., of c a i daughter, svhh survived oily h a lf an h o ur. „1, 0 f is° • . On the 26 t h u l t.. at 'ramie, near Lyons, the /a••. , y Al'Cull uc h, l' sq , of a daughter. SI 01411 ;' . 011 the 31 s t u l t ., t h e la d y o f J . W r i g ht, Al•- n ~ gate, St. James s-park, of a son. MARRIED. ee i i ce , Or Flo . o r „ th r , On the 22d ult., at the British Embassy, Christian Cul wen, fourth son of Edward Boyd, EI; 1 0° • ; 0 1$ t qi llall. Wigton, to Margaret Jaye, only eaugh t e iir '' Campbell, jun., lisq., of Bligh-street, Sydney , i o ,ollr t. O . \Vies. •,,—.......... E ;,........,...,..................,ig54p 0 , London : Printed and Published by MURDO V;, ti odo, r - .No. 112, Strand, at Tie Sun Office, No. 1194'.150'1. , e . e ,ti the county of Dliddlesex. ' ••••Thursday, June 3 . i i",c: FIVE T #NG Pin ITION.