The Sun. — London, England, 1867-03-18 00:00:00

M. THIERS'S SPEECH. PARTS, Thursday Night. The following is the report of M. Thiers's speech on foreign affairs at the Corps Legislatif to-day. He said : " Gentlemen,—The interpellations of which I have given notice clearly indicate the subject on which I am about to address the house. That subject is the situation of Europe, and, in particular, of France with regard to Europe. That situation is serious, and to be convinced thereof it were sufficient, if any doubts were entertained, to refer to the bill laid before us a few days ago, the object of which is to give our armament a magnitude they had never attained before. And it is not France alone that is acting thus, but every state in Europe, big or little, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, are all summoning to arms the greatest possible mass of their population. The great States have also adopted the same sys tem, although the number of their subjects might have rendered it unnecessary for them to resort to it. Austria, although she stands in such great need of rest, is thinking of increasing her forces. Italy, who has also need of rest, and who ought to leave Europe in peace after having so greatly disturbed it, spurns the idea of a disarmament, which the state of her finances renders so desirable. Spain, although so effectually protected by the barrier of the Pyrenees, is doubling her peace effective. Eng land, still better protected by her insular position, is devising means to make up for the deficiencies of voluntary enlistment. Russia, powerfully armed as she has been since the negotiations concerning Poland, has just ordered a fresh levy. As for Prus sia, the cause of all this movement, the Government knows what she is doing ; if it does not know it, then it stands alone in its ignorance. That situa tion, I repeat, is serious, and my memory fails to supply with me any parallel instance. But we must consider it without flurry, and without any allu sions. According to me the best way of appreciating it is to trace its causes. Those causes are, above all, to be found in the false notions which of late years have obtained respecting European policy. Those false notions, entertained and turned to ac count by ambitious Governments which avail them selves of without believing in them ; those false notions, encouraged by ill-advised Governments ever hunting after popularity, have already turned one-half of Europe upside down, and will convulse the other half if they be not checked. Now what are these false notions ? I shall attempt to precise them. Of old, when one State gained such strength in Europe as to threaten the indepen dence of the other States it was met by the great argument of the European balance of power. That is the argument which Spain had to contend with, when under Charles V., controlling Germany, she aimed at universal dominion ; which Louis XIV. had to contend with when humiliating other courts by his pride and alarming them by his undertakings; which England had to contend with last century when refusing to acknowledge the rights of neutral flags ; which Napo leon had to contend with when he overran Europe with such rapid strides ; nay we ourselves used that argument against Russia when we found it neces sary to destroy her great establishment at Sebastopol. Well, in the eyes of our modern reformers that ar gument is simply ridiculous. Ancient Europe, they say, is crumbling on every side—why talk of equili brium in the midst of ruins ? I cannot understand this disdainful way of shuffling out of the question. The balance of European power is not a situation— it is a principle—it is the interest of all nations against the interest of one nation alone. (Assent.) No doubt when we look at Europe we see young and ambitious States in course of formation and eager to grow ; States arrived at maturity and state macy ; and States on the wane. But to be born, to expand, to arrive at the acme of strength and power, and then to decline and die, is the common law of nature—of the infinitesimally small who live but a day, and of the great whose existence in space is numbered by thousands of centuries (trey bien). That is the common law, and States are equally subject to it with individuals. What has become of Spain, who under Charles V. held Europe in her grasp ? What of Holland, whose fleets covered every sea ? Of Sweden, whose might under Gustav-Adolphus menaced Austria up to the very gates of Vienna? All have suffered the common lot. When have we ever seen Europe, impelled by some mad frenzy, la bouring to destroy States in their decline ? Such a thing has never been witnessed, and to advocate it would be as monstrous as to argue that when men have passed a certain age they should be put to death. Those states that decline, we are told that they must be reconstructed on a new basis—and what basis? Why, the basis of nationalities. That is to say the conformity of race and origin attested by the uniformity of language ! But if it were a necessary condition that a State in order to exist should contain but one race, speak but one language, what State in Europe would have a right to exist ? Are they not all composed of different races, whom time has melted down into one ? From the theory of nationalities the next step was the theory of great agglomerations, which involves the suppression of small States—and why ? Here is the reason assigned. We are told that America is growing apace, that she numbers now 32 millions of inhabitants, and will soon have forty or fifty millions. That is very likely, nay certain. But why, because America, which is 3,000 miles off, which does not think of in terfering with us, but on the contrary is only anxious that we should not interfere with her ; - why, because America is expanding, should we be asked to countenance the formation on our fron tiers of states of thirty, forty, and fifty millions of souls ? Every further step I take in exploring this theory increases my astonishment ; my mind is be wildered when I find such a system, not merely the chaotic production of certain writers' brains, but gravely laid down in State papers of the highest importance. These doctrines now actuate most governments ; they inspire the acts of some, and the manifestoes of others. They must, therefore, be discussed, and I must appeal to the Chamber's kind indulgence whilst Ido so. (Hear, hear, and "Go on.") And, gentlemen, permit me to remind you of the grave responsibility that lies upon us. In times like these, when events follow so swiftly each other, and where effect follows cause so ra pidly, to speak, to be silent, to listen, to refuse to bear, all alike involves great, serious responsibility. Posterity—which ere long may be called on to reap the results, good or bad, of our resolutions—will call us severely to account for the duties we may have shrunk from fulfilling. Now, to judge this new-fangled policy, it is requisite to compare it to the policy of all nations that have been solicitous for their freedom, their self respect, and their inte rest. The policy of Europe may be said to have commenced at the close of the fifteenth century, when the breaking up of the feudal system led to the formation of the principal states. The House of Hapsburg assumed imperial rank ; the Kings of England abandoned their pretensionsover the Con tinent, and confined their attention to their in sular territory, to form the United Kingdom. In Spain Ferdinand reached under his sceptre every portion of the Peninsula ; and the skill of Louis XI. and the wise policy of Anne de Beaujeu, an nexing Brittany, Maine, Anjou, and a portion of Burgundy, formed a State compact and firmly knit, though yet incomplete. Ever since that period what has been the constant preoccupation of the powers of Europe? It was to watch each other closely, lest any one should threaten the safety of all. If any one of them threatened the inde pendence of the others, these latter combined to re strain or put down the oppressor ; and that object once attained, if one of the powers which had helped in achieving it gave cause for anxiety, it had to withstand in its turn the efforts of all the others. That constant surveillane, and those incessant efforts, led first to the notion, and then to the tech nical phrase of the equilibrium of Europe,' which, translated into its real meaning, signifies the inde pendence of all nations. (Partial applause.) It is that policy which has distinguished the nations of modern from those of ancient times ; and it is to that policy that modern Europe owes its preservation from the universal monarchy which twice—under Alexander the Great and Coasar—deprived the nations of ancient times of their dignity, their liberty, and their civilisation (ti-. 9 bien, tr. 3 bien). Universal monarchy, which is the worst of all kinds of despotism, and which, in fact, ends in absolute power, because the master ever seeks to increase his power in proportion to the extent of his dominion, stifles the natural instincts of peoples; it becomes the embodiment of their vices represented in a foolish and cruel court. Then, when the master has for a considerable time depraved his subjects—when the subject has during the same time depraved their master—universal monarchy ends as it did at Rome under the barbarians, and as at Constantinople under the sword of the Turks (ire bien, tres bien). It is from that policy that Europe has happily escaped ; and there we shall behold the greatness of our country, and her providential mission. The con formation of modern Europe is very different from that of olden times. The ancient world was com posed of states ranged round the shores of the Medi terranean, which, of ter having served the ends of conquests, might also serve the ends of tyranny in rallying round them the states of the Roman empire. Modern Europe, on the contrary—composed of vast continental states—hag its centre occupiel by a nation great, powerful, heroic—the French nation —which has always been an obstacle to universal domination in Europe ; which has, at times, thought for herself, and which has become the greatest actor in the drama of modern history. It was against France—it was to surround and overwhelm her— that the first attempt was made to establish the system of universal monarchy in Europe." M. Thiers then entered into a long historical argu ment with a view to prove that from the time of Charles V. down to the period of Louise Seize France had fought, and fought successfully, to main tain the European equilibrium, and that her defeats and disasters arose solely from her abandoning her traditional policy of upholding the " equilibrium." When Louis XIV., departing from the " traditional policy," went to war " for a principle for the Stuarts," he experienced the great disaster of La Hogue. The first rule of "traditional policy" was to keep exclusively in view the interests of the state. The second, and most important, was to support small states. If France had not ever pursued that policy there would at the present time be only three or four great states in Europe. It was owing to his destruction of small states, and his pursuing the system of " great agglomeration," thus disturbing the balance of power, that a reaction set in against him, and France was reduced to the frontiers of 1789, whilst the other great powers kept all they had gained. He then went on to say : " Well, after these great agglomerations of states —so quickly accomplished but equally soon punished —what has become of the equilibrium of Europe ? France has been brought back to the limits of her boundaries as they existed before 1789, whilst all the neighbouring states have been aggrandised. No doubt we ought to take the treaties of 1815 ; but we must take tham with an intelligent hatred lest we should replace them with treaties still more detest ible. Nevertheless, after the treaties of 1815, those great agglomerations of states did not render the European equilibrium impossible ? It was still en tire—in fact, what could be feared ? Not the am bition of Austria or of England. England and Aus tria were satisfied ; and we have recently witnessed illustrations of the fact so far as the former power is concerned—first, in the abandonmentof theionian Islands, and afterwards in the declaration that she would only defend Canada so long as that colony choose to be defended by the mother country. What, then, were the ambitions that we had to dread ? That of Russia in the East and of Prussia in Germany. +haven preserve me from offending those two coun tries in stating the fact! Ambition is the characteristic of young nations—it is the principle of their vita lity ; it would be puerile to blame them, still more so not to be on our guard (trLs Bien, tres Lien !) What counterpoise, then, could be brought to bear against those two dangers ? If Russia advanced in the East, Austria and England could resist her; and if they were not sufficiently strong France would unite her force to theirs, and the result could not be doubted. If Prussia menaced Germany, Austria—not then dismembered--in allying herself with the Germanic Confederation, might have re sisted, and with France maintained the European equilibrium. The scales were in the hands of France. I ask pardon of those who rejoice to see the treaties of 1815 destroyed, but I think we have reason to regret them. (Interruption.) Allow me, gentlemen ; there were in those treaties two distinct things : first, the frontiers (and on that point they can never be remembered without sorrow ; but you know whom we are to blame for that) ; then the European equilibrium, now a dead letter. Was that equilibrium compromised by the treaties of 1815 ? No ; for the increased armaments you are now asked for, what are they to be employed in but to restore it ? That equilibrium was false, I con fess, during the existence of the Holy Alliance ; but from the time that alliance ceased to exist France, having received the boon of constitutional govern ment—first in 1814, then in 1830—has been the representative of liberty in Europe. On that ac count she was put under the ban, and the whole Continent remained united against her. England on some occasions united her force with ours ; on others against us. When she was with us matters went on easily enough ; when ranged against us I must confess they became difficult of solution. But that liberty which constituted the danger of France also constituted her strength. She had Governments against her, but the peoples were on her side (ties bien). From this tribune, which has been restored to us, I thank the Sovereign and all those who have contributed to its restoration. (Applause.) From this tribune—sometimes accused, but of which history will relate that if the greatness of France has been menaced the fault was not her own —during a period of 40 years flowed a current of libe ral ideas which dissolved that conspiracy of foreign governments, and those governments were in 1848 scattered like chaff by the blast which rose from France (Partial applause.) The equilibrium has been re established, and we reaped the fruit in the Crimea. In that war Russia was alone ; interest had replaced prejudice ; Austria and Prussia remained neutral ; the first power sensibly leaning towards France, the second against Russia. We triumphed, and for my part, I have always paid a tribute of homage to the Imperial Government for having undertaken that war; for, in my eyes, the first interest to be consi- . . dered was the interest of the country. (Tres Bien.) Yes ; thanks to that liberal breath from France which dissolved the Governments of old-fashioned prejudices—thanks to the Crimean war—the equili brium was re-established, and the counterpoise re stored. But why did we not rest satisfied with that? Suppose that since the Crimean war we had not ex pended thousands of lives and hundreds of millions of money for the Italian and Mexican expeditions, to what height would not our grandeur have risen? (Partial applause.) We should not have a single difficulty to contend with. How came we to abandon a policy which, at the time of the Crimean war, made us so great and so powerful? That policy was abandoned because the country was not in the enjoyment of its liberties. (Slight uproar.) Weil, we have been told that all our liberties would be successively restored to us, and I am heartily grate ful to whomsoever does so; but if they are restored to us, it is clear that we must have been deprive of them at some previous time. (Uproar.) It is a favourite saying just now that the concentration of power conduces to the grandeur of states. You will see that such is not the case. What is real liberty judged by its results? Why, it amounts to this— the country transacting its own business. (Applause.) When the country is free a wide field is thrown open to national activity; the country is both actor and spectator in the national drama of political life. Well, it was requisite to find a substitute for the suspended liberties of the country, and hence the departure from the sound foreign policy to which I have just adverted. Now, when I had first the honour of addressing you in 1864 you permitted me to point out that liberty was very difficult and very ' costly to replace. One of the first substitutes was great public works, entailing vast expenditure. (No.) Then it was found necessary to discover other sub stitutes, and a new-fangled pg)licy of nationalities and great agglomerations of - peoples' was resorted to. French liberalism had all the defects, as well as the qualities, of the national character, and to my mind it has shown itself faR too enthusiastic and cosmopolitan with regard to foreign affairs. First, it took up with warm interest the cause of Poland ; next, it conceived an ardent passion for Italy. Now we are all sincere friends of liberty, and wished Italy to be free, to be released from the miserable, petty tyrannies which doomed her to a regime alien to our age. But I have always thought that the consequences of the Crimean war would alone be sufficient to enable Italy to achieve that degree of liberty she was fit for, and that on more lasting and substantial bases than those on which she now rests. (Partial applause.) As for Italian unity I have never hesitated. I, too, have numbered illustrious Italians among my friends; most are now dead; but some few, though arrived at the furthest limits of old age, are still able to hear me. I told them : The unity of your country—never ! If I had the honour of directing the affairs of France, all the energy I may possess I would devote to preventing the unification of Italy. (Uproar.) Her freedom, yes ! her unity, no ! Thus an attempt was made to ground our foreign policy on the emancipation of Poland and the unity of Italy. No doubt it met with some applause. The press, unable to write a line about liberty in France, wrote about the liberty of Italy and about the liberty of Poland. (Laughter and uproar.) I am not censuring—l am only ex plaining. A current was thus created which dragged its creators with it, and the wise men, whose convic tions I respect, without sharing them on that point —the wise men who dread the freedom of the press had an opportunity of discovering that a press when not free can do quite as much mischief as if it were. Well, this current dragged everybody along with it. (Interruption.) Why, gentlemen, I am suggesting an excuse for very serious faults—you should accept it. But it was not deemed sufficient to make the principle of nationalities and the great agglomera tions of States a theme for discussion—they were converted into formidable realities. But before I proceed to show how from mere theory that policy went on to practice, so thoroughly as to achieve the unity of Italy and Germany, I wish to say some thing about this principle of nationalities." [M. Thiers then went on to demolish the doctrine that identity of race and language alone constitutes separate nationalities ; and went out of his way en passant to have a fling at Italy and Prussia ; and finally came to the " sad realities" which were the natural result of the introduction of these fancy principles into politics.] " Europe, as an impartial judge, holds that we, and we alone, have made Italy.' It would be re plied, he knew, that it was necessary to do so ; and all the old arguments would again be pressed into the service, that it was necessary in order to pacify Europe, which would never be pacified while Italy was not completed. Well, see how you have paci fied Europe (sensation). It was necessary to weaken Austria.' See what you have gained by weakening her. Again, we were securing Italy as a faithful ally ; last year you saw Italy did not hesi tate to strike a fatal blow at our policy, by forming an alliance with Prussia. Italy, it is true, declared that she bad no such intention. She had autho rised. our Ministers to proclaim it, but she had done it nevertheless (sensation). So you see you have not pacified Europe. You have gained nothing by weakening Austria ; and you have not gained an ally. Then there was another argument—the rights of peoples. Really that is not serious ; a people is never an isolated abstract community; if it has its rights, the rights of its neighbours are equally en titled to respect. Suppose that to-day the Eastern Christians wished to throw themselves into the arms of Russia—there could be no doubt as to their right—but would you allow them to do so ? (sensa tion). The right of a people is founded with their blood. If the Italians had single-handed been able to achieve their unity, then, without absolutely ac knowledging their right I could understand their pretensions ; but with what have they founded their unity? With the blood of France. What was their right founded on ? Identity of language —and on such grounds you have expended the blood and treasure of France in au under taking the results of which will turn against you. Yes, you made Italy, without securing any guarantee for France, and without any lawful right on her part to claim your aid. But are those the only dangers to which the unity of Italy leaves you exposed ? Three years ago, in this Chamber, I pointed out that Italian unity would surely beget German unity ; would stultify your policy by compelling you to turn against Austria, whose alliance is necessary to you both in the East and in Germany. Those were my words three years ago ; have they not been veri fied ? (Sensation.) Let us, therefore, hear no more about the force of circumstances— it was you who were the real force of circumstances in Italy. But how about Germany ? In Germany unitarian ideas had more than once manifested themselves. Under what circumstances? When the Germans feared the phantom of French ambition those ideas rapidly spread throughout the country. But the phantom disappeared, the alarm subsided, and the aspirations towards unity simultaneously vanished. Some trace of them may have lingered, but in what degree and under what form ? Those aspirations were to be found among the Prussians, whose craving for unity was natural. That constitutes their greatness. But even in Prussia the Demo cratic party had sense enough to understand that unity under Prussia meant despotism, and therefore that party would have none of it. It wished for a unity in the shape of a Federal Parliament—a form which was least obnoxious to us. There was also the German Liberal party which is the most nume rous ; in spite of the successes and the repression of lucky despotism, that party wished for liberty under the rule of its princes. Like the Democratic party it had the good sense of perceiving that unity under Prussia would be despotism under its most onerous form, and now• the small states are pain fully aware that they are about to be taxed three times more heavily in men and money than they used to be under their own princes. What the members of that party wanted was quiet, secure, and cheap liberty. Further, they were anxious to preserve their old customs, their old-fashioned quiet ways, their various modes of worship, their various fruitfulness of mind, which last century gave Ger many so many illustrious men—Liebnitz . in Han over, Kant at Koenigsberg, Schiller and Goethe at Weimar, and Mozart at Vienna. That party should have been kept up ; it should not have been de prived of its chief alliance—that of Austria. But the blind hatred of Austria prevailed with our political innovators. They imagined that they could achieve Italian unity without bringing about German unity. Therefore Count Cavour and King Victor Emmanuel were allowed to take Tuscany. In virtue of what right ? Because at Florence Italian was spoken as at Turin—in fact, rather better—(laughter)—but like at Turin. For the same excellent reasons they were permitted to take Naples and Palermo, and a portion of the States of the Church ; and yet it was actually supposed that this new system would not cross the Alps, and that there would not be found in Germany a Minis ter and a King who would feel tempted to apply the same doctrine to the smaller German States. Such an expectation betrayed, if 1 may say so, a degree of trustfulness amounting to simplicity. Well, what happened ? The Danish throne having become va cant, a general cry was raised throughout Germany —not that the whole of Germany uttered th - at cry ; but there, as elsewhere, it is sufficient that one party should shout for the clamour to be set down as ' the voice of the nation.' (Laughter.) Well, they shouted, they speak German in the Duchies, so the Duchies belong to us !' I defy it to be proved that Prussia had any other right over the Duchies —that she had a snore legitimate right than that of Victor Emmanuel over the Italian provinces now annexed. And now the Duchies belong to Prussia ; nevertheless, the interest of Europe required that Denmark should retain the Duchies, and she would have retained them but for France. Let us suppose that France had not existed, Prussia would never have ventured to withstand Russia, Sweden, and England. But France existed. Had she had the courage of being inconsistent, and said, I found the principle of nationalities a good thing in Italy ; but I think it a bad thing in Germany ;' and if she had joined England and Russia, Denmark had been saved ; but France had not the courage of being in consistent. She declared that the populations must , be consulted. Denmark was sacrificed. We were told at the time that the peace of Europe had been thus preserved. It was preserved when it stood in no danger ; it was sacrificed when it would have been requisite to save it at any price. But when the weak is sacrificed an avenger remains in the shape of the victim's spoils, which brings about inevitably a quarrel among the spoilers." (Loud applause.) Here the sitting was suspended for a short time. On resuming, M. Thiers said "In considering recent events, I am tempted to exclaim with Bossuet, 'A man was found.' Not that I wish to establish any comparison between Cromwell, to whom the quotation applies, and the bold Minister who has so rapidly raised Prussia to greatness. The parallel would make M. de Bismarck a worse, but also a greater man than he is. (Laughter.) But, considering how wonderfully adapted he has shown himself to the task he has undertaken, I cannot help saying, Yes ; a man has been found endowed with rare political sagacity, still greater boldness, and whom his countrymen must consider as a great patriot.' He should have been terrified at the idea of finding him self backed by nineteen millions of Prussians only, with thirty-six millions of Austrians and fifty millions of Ger man confederates arrayed against him. Prussia then thought him mad, but the Minister had perfectly judged the situation: He saw that Austria was utterly unpre pared, and could only oppose him with half her forces, the other half being engaged in Italy. He also discerned that not only Italy compelled Austria to divide her forces, but that she paralysed the forces of Prance, involved in the meshes of her policy. To this sound view M. de Bis marck owed his success. Why did wo not see thinks as clearly as he did ? Had we done so his triumph might have been converted into disaster. All that we required to do was to discern that, whatever the issue of the war, it would bo unfortunate for us ; that the equilibrium of Europe would be upset ; that the position of Franco would be affected ; that in no case could there be any profit— and, above all, any territorial profit—for her; and, finally, that we had but one word to say to prevent the war. It was easy to justify these assertions. As regards any amount of profit, and especially any territorial advantage, that France could hope to derive from the war, it was well known that the ruling passion in Germany was to retain possession of every inch of German soil. Whoever won the conqueror must be a German, and you know what Prussia, who was in a better position than any other power to make such a sacrifice, replied to us on the morrow of Sadowa, 'No ! I cannot, without ruining my prestige in the eyes of Gormn.ny, part with the smallest particleo of national territory.' Therefore, take it how we would, we could hope for no territorial advantage (tres bien). But it may be questioned that a word from France would have sufficed to prevent the outbreak of hostilities. It was not necessary that that word should have been arrogant. There could be no arrogance on the part of France to tell Italy, have created you ; you are indebted to me for your exist ence; I cannot consent to perturbations which must alter the balance of European power at my expense.' I repeat, would it have been arrogant on the part of France to have thus addressed Italy ? (No, no.) And, as regards Germany, we were equally justified in speaking the word that would have prevented the war. The treaties by which we gua ranteed the Germanic Confederation conferred upon us the right of declaring that our forces would be turned against any aggressors of the Confederation. Austria, who only went to war out of a sense of honour, as Venetia was de manded of her, even without fighting, would have hailed such a declaration as fallen from Ilefeen ; and Prussia, who considered her alliance with Italy a pledge for the neutrality of France, would also have held back, and there would have been no war. I know it has been said—and it is a calumny which circulates in unguarded terms when pub lic and in very broad terms in private—that that word had become impossible ; it has been said that this Chamber had so energetically pronounced in favour of peace that the Government could no longer utter that indispensable word. I appeal to the Chamber—whilst expressing ita wishes in favour of peace, did it refer to that cowardly and shameful peace which would have reduced the Government to say in substance—' Let the Italians, the Austrians, and the Prus sians cut each other's throats, and the balance of power take care of itself ?' Is that, I repeat, the kind of peace the Cham ber wanted ? " A Number of Voices—No, no. " M. Rouher Certainly not. " M. Thiers—Yes, the Chamber was anxious for peace —but the peace of Europe, not the peace of France alone. (Loud applause). The Chamber had very clearly discerned that war was desired not by. Austria, who reluctantly made up her mind to it, but by Italy and Prussia. The uhambcr saw clearly that only one word was required which Prussia and Italy should understand, and wanted that word to be spoken. (Sensation.) It is alleged that the Chamber paralysed the Government. Well, although I have not the honour of representing the majority of this house, I say that if the Government had come down and asked you for supplies to enable it to speak that word, you would have voted them with acclamations. (‘ We w ould, we would.) a T p h p i e s ar a,h ca lumny, eie therefore,has also been a talk vanishes' I trust never to re of another policy which I had stigmatised beforehand, and which consisted in con tracting an alliance with Prussia, with a view to earn the reward of such en union. But that policy can never have existed. What ! to France's dishonour, her Government would have accepted same fragment of Germany as a bribe to acquiesce in German unity. The proof that that policy can never have existed is that no one has been found to avow it, and it were a great shame were it otherwise. "A Voice—Then why allude to it ? "M. Thiers—Here is what has occurred. Our Govern ment waited, dawdled, and trifled, hoping that something would turn up. Something has turned up—the greatness of Prussia. (Sensation.) But we are told that it was im possible to foresee the course of events. This is quite true, and nothing can be more rash than to indulge in pre dictions on the eve of a battle; but there is one thing that could bo foreseen, that the issue, whatever it might be would be unfortunate for us, and that is why the war should have been prevented. (hear, hear.) It is also said that Prussia displayed qualities she was not suspected of possessing. In the first place, a Government is gene rally provided with means of knowing what takes place abroad. But, however, let us not dwell upon that. People talk of the new armament of the Prussian armies, but you should have known all about that. But was it the arma ment that decided the fate of tho battle of Sadowa ? It is now nototions that up to two o'clock in the afternoon the advantage was in favour of the Austrians. What prevented their carrying the day ? The want of forty or fifty thou sand men on their right to check the advance of the Grown Prince of Pruss,ia, who, had he arrived ono hour later, might have arrived too late. Now where were these 50,000 missing Austrians? Why they were at Custozza— and it was not only 50,000, but 110,000 who were fighting the Italians between the Mincio and the Adige. Draw your own conclusions. It was Italy that decided the course of events in Germany, and I repeat that I regret that a boldly inconsistent course on the part of France should not have been adopted to prevent such a calamity as the unity of Ger many following close upon that of Italy." Here M. Thiers gave a sketch of the resources which the North German Confederation placed at Prussia's command, and noting the tendency of the Southern States to join the North, pointed out that practically the Cabinet of Berlin had the control of 40,000,000 of Germans on the French frontier. He also referred to the Eastern queseon, and, disclaiming any intention to hurt the feelings of Russia, he pointed out the danger of Constantinople falling into the hands of Russia, and argued that sound policy should be directed to prevent such a contingency. He denounced the idea of creating a Christian empire at Constantinople, as a chimerical scheme, worthy only the advocates of the principle of nationalities, and then proceeded:— " Commonsense, therefore, indicates that we should keep the Turks there, not that we like them, but because they are there. But it is said they are barbarians. Yes, they are, but they are not more so than those who seek to re place them. A statesman of the most lofty intellect deli vered the other day on this subject a speech full of sound practical sense. I could wish that there should be at Constan tinople a Power more congenial to our views and custoi,ls, but commonsense commands us to accommodate ourselves to circumstances, and consequently maintain the Turks at Constantinople. The most sagacious men ask themselves if a treaty of alliance does not already exist between Prussia and Russia. I know not, but I know there is something mere grave than a treaty of alliance —unison of interests— and it is that which constitutes theveritable alliance. (Par tial applause.) There was no treaty of alliance between Italy and Prussia early in the month of April last, and that treaty was concluded in 24 hours, because there existed unison of interests between the two countries. This con stitutes the double danger of Europe at present. It is true that the Emperor of Russia is wise, and that M. do Bismarck is an able man. Neither seeks to precipitate events ; but the situation of Europe depends, it would ap pear, upon the wisdom of a sovereign and the prurience of an ambitious minister. Events, last year, were in the hands of France, and now they are in hands of Prussia and Russia. This is the change that has taken place in the situa tion. (Partial applause). What course of conduct, then, must wo follow ? I admit that in such a position we can not attempt to work miracles. We have two political sys tems to choose from, and ono of those I unequivocally re pudiate, and which it would be iniquitous on the part of France to pursue. I mean the policy which has for its ob ject the agglomeration of States—the policy which con sents to follow the ambitious. France, in adopting such a policy, would render 'herself odious to tho whole world. German unity would become accomplished ; the East would be invaded ; and whilst Prussia and Russia would meet with little effective opposition on the part of Austria and Turkey. France would encounter serious difficulties in advancing towards the Scheldt. Such a policy, as I have said, would be iniquitous. We should be at the same time the most guilty and the most severely punished. (Partial applause.) The most wise and reasonable policy would be to place France at the head of all threatened interests ; and to revent the occurrence of further injustice. (Tres Bien, tres Lien.) 1 do not desire war; it would only be an extravagance on our part which would precipitate events. Let us, then, admit what has been done, but let us also de clare that we will tolerate nothing further. War ? No ; a thousand times no. Peace suffices, as is proved by the guarded attitude which Prussia maintains towards us. She avoids wounding our national susceptibilities ; she finds that she cannot leave France out of her reckoning, and she is right ; for France, in case of need, would prove to her that she must not beiguored. (Great applause.) The policy of peace must, therefore, carry the day. A disarmament would be tempting; but if, in the present state of Europe, France were not powerful, the world would be turned upside down. France, then, must remain power ful. I have never had, nor have now, but one object in view—the interest of my country and that of my own reputation, and I am now fast approaching the close of my career. (Sensation.) I have respected the dynasty which I have served ; but I have always loved and still love my country (Tres Lien, tros bien.) Yes ; I will examine with sincerity, as a good French citizen, the project for the reorganisution of the army, and if the force which is asked prcportionato with the disquietude it causes the country 1 shall give my assent to it. France, then, must be strong; she must become the hope of nations. You have no longer European interests to deal with, and you have not at present a single ally. You do not surely count upon Austria; she is not yet rec)nsti , tuted, and can think only for herself ; in fact, she has not had sufficient time to restore.her confidence and gratitude towards France. (Laughter.) Can you see an ally in Italy ? She is already searching for new adventures. You desired to make her happy and contented, but you have not succeeded. Italy is placed between two difficul ties, which appear to be insurmountable. The first is, to succeed in establishing feelings of cordial sympathy be tween Naples, Florence, Turin, and Palermo—in that country where it was intended to illustrate the policy which reposes on the consent of the people ; the other is, to pro duce a budget showing one milliard 100 millions of expen diture and 700 millions only of receipts. Every time that these difficulties become more apparent, Italy seeks for new adventures. It was under those circumstances she attacked Naples, then the States of the Church, and, lastly Venetia. It is not difficult, then, to foresee who she will attack next. The Roman question is at present suspended, but not solved. So that Italy is not an ally for you who are anxious for the peace of the world. And as to Spain—but you know it already—never have the Pyrenees been higher. (Laughter.) And England—you aro aware of it, too—she is disgusted with European events, and that disgust be comes with her a system. She was allied to us for a moment by the confraternity of arms ; she joined us, too, i❑ our action respecting Poland, but only reaped bitter disappoint ments. She was ready to join us in our negociations rela tive to Denmark, and we were not of her opinion in the matter. Het systematic disgust commenced that day, and she said to herself, domain is the sea.' Yet she expe rienced a feeling of exultation at What recently took place in Germany which was scarcely generous. She has not, there fore, the slightest reason to interest herself in passing events. But when she sees the East in danger she is reanimated ; and when she hears the policy of great agglomerations spoken of, she understands what it means, and the men tion of the Scheldt compels her to forget the Black Sea. (Sensation.) She may become our ally, but she is not so yet• As for Russia, she is not disgusted, but she holds aloof. Thus, Austria almost exhausted, Italy in quest of adventures, England systematically apart from European affairs, but quite capable of turning her attention to them some day, and Russia consulting only her own interest, these afford hardly the materials for an alliance. Yet it is not impossible for the Government to draw the interests of Europe around us; and, when you convince Europe that minor interests have nothing to fear from you, be sure that the dangers of the Eastern question will induce England to unite with you once more; and that alliance I never thought so necessary as I do at the present day. When England and France are once more united a power ful cortege of small States will gather round them ; the ambitious powers of Europe may indulge in a few whole some reflections, and France and Europe will have a few days of peace and quiet, of which the latter stands in great need. Such modest but sound common sense policy may not obtain the same applause for you as when you vowed you were going to free Poland and Italy. But it is the only safe ono to pursue. The other I call a policy of empty popularity. Sound popularity you commenced to deserve in announcing fresh liberties. I congratulate you on the idea. At a moment when fresh burdens are about to be thrown upon the country it is only fair to give it that share in the management of its own affairs to which it is entitled. (Applause.) You will find in so doing the ad vantage of resuscitating French patriotism—not that the patriotic flame is extinct, but it requires to be revived by the invigorating breath of liberty. (Fresh applause.) A word to conclude. I would never recommend even an op position to try and achieve popularity, although it is the natural lot of most oppositions ; but a Government should ever disregard it. Governments are judged by ono uuer• ring, inflexible standard—by events; and the verdict of that judge no amount of applause can possibly rep:ace. As for me, if I recommend that policy, it is because I think it a good one. Ido not inquire whether the question of the Papacy or whether the question of nationalities aro popu lar questions or not. I examine thorn with a view to see how they affect the interests of the country—those interests I cling to. If au individual, alone, without a party, with- out support iu the press, can follow such a course, a Go• vernment which concentrates in its hands all the instru• meats of power, can adopt it for more securely and conve• niently fur itself. In concluding, gentlemen, I supplicate you, for your sakes and for that of the country, unreservedly to give yourselves up to that policy which I may call the policy of common sense ; for I will add but one word—a single word—there is not ono single blunder loft the Go vernment to commit. (ft n'y a plus cue seule facts a corn mettre.) (Great sensation.) The house immediately ad journed." Miscellaneous American News. The West Virginia Legislature has voted to re move the State capital to Morgantown, Monon gahela county, on the Monongahela river, 295 miles north-west of Richmond. The Albany Argus suggests an entirely new liquor law, compelling the drinkers of liquor, in stead of the dealers, to take out a license. " The license should be annual, and the sum charged should be from $2O to $lOO. No young man should be allowed a license till he was sixteen, and then and until twenty-one years of age only a beer license at a moderate charge. After twenty-one he could vote, and chew tobacco upon payment of license ; and the same privilege should be extended to strong minded women." The commissioners of both city governments have reported, as was expected, in favour of the immediate annexation of Roxbury to Boston, which would give a city with a population of 230,000 inhabitants, and when peopled as densely as the portions of Boston now built upon, would contain 1,000,000. The principal obstacle to the consolidation mentioned in the report, is the lack of an adequate water supply. The Cochituate water commissioners say that the capacity of their works is only equal to the supply of a city of 254,000 inhabitants, which Boston will have in fourteen years at its present rate of increase, and they do not recommend that Boston should be compelled to build new and expensive waterworks for the benefit of Roxbury. The action of the Republican party is producing its expected fruit. Like the struggle in the field— the struggle on the platform, in the press, and in Congress, is going in favour of the stronger party, who are exerting their power with an obstinate determination to conquer. The impolicy of the President's policy is now apparent. It was he that raised the opposition feeling in the South, and led the people to aspire to hopes and measures never to be realised. Mr. Johnson's attitude induced the South, when prepared to accept the Northern terms, to await the result of the struggle between himself and Congress, and to lend him all the, sup port they could. The end has only been to delay reconstruction and the harmonious working of the entire Union. Congress has shown itself tobe mas ter, when it fairly represents the Northern people ; and with that conviction now entering every mind, the South knows that its only course is to take the conditions offered, and work back by constitu tional means into its former place in the Union. When opp: sitiou is seen to be hopeless, and likely only to lead to more stringent measures, difficulties will disappear ; the South will accept the position which it is now doing, and the Northern people will smooth the road back, for it is the wildest untruth for the extreme Copperheads to state that any considerable section of that people desire to exclude the Southern States, or have any wish but to see the Union restored and military government totally abolished. In two States the military go vernment has been declared in force, and there appears to be a general intention on the part of the South quietly to accept the measure. The President has nominated the officers to the different commands, and those named are Generals Scho field, Sickles, Ord, Thomas, and Sheridan. A clause in the Army Appropriation Bill, which has been passed, curtails the power of the President in his action as Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army. By this bill he is prohibited from removing General Grant, or assigning him any other post than Washington in which to do the duty of his office without first obtaining the ap proval of the Senate. The President is further re quired to issue all his military orders through a general of the army. The news of the rising in Ireland has not been received so coldly by the. Fenians in America as we were led to believe. A mass meeting has been held by the Brotherhood in Union-square, New York, to appeal for aid for the insurgents in money and n men. Secretary Seward has been compelled to produce some more of the diplomatic correspondence result ing from the " M'Cracken " statements. Letters are now shown from Minister Hale at Madrid, from Minister Sanford at Brussels, from Minister Morris at Constantinople, from Consul-General Murphy at Frankfort, and other representatives, declaring the allegations utterly and entirely false in every word and line. It must have been gall and worm wood to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs to be forced to furnish a correspondence which condemns him more than any other official act of his life as wanting in the dignity, reserve, and discretion which should characterise the great officers of a great nation. Surratt was arraignel, Feb. 23, in the District Criminal Court. The irons with which he was fettered were removed. Ile maintained a calm at- titude, and he has observed the strictest silence on the subject of the crime laid to his charge. Ile pleaded " Not Guilty," and was conveyed back to prison when the preliminary investigation was con cluded. lie was to be tried at the next term of the court, which was to open on the 4th instant. Sandford Canover, who had been found guilty of perjury in the testimony he had given as to the complicity of Jefferson Davis in the plot to assassi nate Mr. Lincoln, was brought up on the same day and in the same court, to receive sentence. The sentence was deferred, pending a motion for a new trial. The wheel of fortune has again brought these two men together, over whom hangs so strange a mystery. In default of the Senate confirming the appoint ment of the Hon. Edgar A. Cowan as Minister to Vienna, Postmaster-General Randall will be nomi nated. Mr. Colfax will be elected Speaker of the New House, and Mr. M'Pherson clerk. The Atlantic telegraph informs us that the Pre iclont will not send the usual 1,1..aa g ,. to Congress, and that he is preparing to execute the Bill for the military government of the South. This bill the Governor announces is in force in the State of Louisiana. The House of Representatives has asked the Speaker, in view of the events transpiring on the northern frontier, meaning thereby the Confederation of the British Provinces, to appoint a Committee of Foi eign Affairs, to consider the foreign relations of the United States. That House has passed a supplement to the Reconstruction Bill, empowering the military commanders of the South to take a census for registering the votes of the population ; to call a Convention and form a constitution under the Military Government Bill. Congress will not adjourn until the question of proposed guarantees for the reconstruction of the South is settled. Mr. Sumner proposed to guaran tee the homesteads of the freedmen, but his pro posal was defeated in the Senate.. The Republi cans have carried the elections in New Hampshire, Mr. Harriman having been elected Governor, and ;hree Republican candidates returned to Congress a] that State. A Portland firm received an invoice of flour from California recently, which was only forty days on the route. Flour can be obtained quicker from San Francisco than from Chicago, so unreliable and in adequate are the transportation facilities from the West. The officers of the Nellie Chapin, on which the Elder Adams' colony went to Palestine, report that Adams got drunk frequently on the passage out, and opened a liquor shop as soon as he arrived at Jaffa. A party of colonists, larger than the first, is going out for the relief and consolation of Elder Adams' Palestine emigrants. They will he gathered principally from Orriugton, Cherryfield, and towns in the vicinity from which the pioneer adventurers went. The Providence Journal recommends the appro priation of Field's Point, a promontory at the head of Narraganset bay, two miles from the city, as a public park, and that it be suitably improved and forever dedicated to this purpose. The tract of land has a water front on three sides and contains nearly 200 acres, of which enough for a beautiful park can be obtained at an almost nominal cost to the city. The National Board of Fire Underwriters have just held their annual meeting in New York and presented a report, which shows that the average losses of each of the five years preceding 1865 were $18,000,000, but in that year they increased to $43,000,000, and in the first six months of 1866 were largely in excess of those of the entire year before. Including the increased expense of con ducting the businesses, the condition of the com panies was shown by the fact that at the end of 1865 there was only $2.37 of assets to every $lOO of risk, instead of $2.98, as had been the average for the preceding five years. The report advised an adherence to the present rates, and an advance, if necessary, sufficient to make insurance what it pro fesses to be, an indemnity against loss by fire. The subject of increasing the rates was discussed fully, and finally left with the executive committee to arrange as they should judge best. The number of the committee was increased from twenty-five to fifty, and a tax of $lO on each $5,000,000 of risk belonging to mutual companies assessed, to meet the expenses and pay up the debt of the board. Congress has passed a bill to pay Commodore Winslow and the officers and crew of the Kearsage $190,000 for destroying the pirate Alabama, the amount being her assumed value. Last Saturday a telegram was forwarded from London to New York, and au answer received within four and a half hours. With regard to the duty on foreign pictures, to which we referred in a previous number, it has been recommended by the Committee in the Senate that a specific duty of $3O be imposed -upon every im ported picture valued at $lOO, and less. On all pictures above that value, it is recommended to levy a duty of $3O, with an additional ad valorem of 10 per cent. Returns received by the Commissioner of the Gene ral Land Office from the local offices at Tallahassee, Florida, show that during the month of January last two hundred and eighty farms, comprising in the aggregate 21,490 acres, were added to the pro ductive force of that State, under the Homestead Act of July 21, 1866, which limits the entries to 80 acres each. A proposition is said to have been made by the Sioux Indians to guarantee the safety of travel through their country, if a force is organised from their number by the Government, and properly paid. Preparations for work on the new scientific school at Worcester, for which John Boynton, of Templeton, gave $lOO,OOO two years ago, have been begun. The building will be of rubble stone with light granite trim mings, three stories high, with a southern frontage of 150 feet, and surmounted by a tower 85 feet high. In con nection with this school, lehabod Washburn of Worcester is going to build and equip a large machine shop, where young mechanics can get practical and theoretical training. The number of public schools in Boston is 280 ; number of teachers, 612 ; average whole number of pupils, 27,723; average daily attendance, 25,809, an increase for last year of 808; total expenditures for school purposes, for the financial year ending April 30, 1866, s776,37s—in crease over previous year, $132,600; cost per scholar, ' $20.77. The new building of the Berkshire Life Insur ance Company, which is to 'be erected at Pittsfield during the coining summer, will be wholly of the light-coloured Nova Scotia stone, and the first from this material in western Massachusetts. The expouse of the edifice will not bo less than $lOO,OOO, and it will be one of the finest business blocks in the state. A NEW FEATURE IN FREEMASONRY.—On Wed nesday evening, Febenary 20, a meeting was held by the members of Marion Lodge, No. 278, F. and A. M., at their lodge, West Farms ; Brother Macoy, of New York, pre siding. The proceedings were of a highly interesting character—to confer the Eastern Star degree on about 45 ladies, wives and daughters of Masons, principally resid ing in America. Judging from the pleasure depicted on the countenances of those present, particularly the fair sex, the ceremony was looked upon with intense interest, and gave great satisfaction.—Neto York Ilerald. la A Portland man suggests that high schools be established where young ladies can be taught in all useful household arts, and when sufficiently proficient that they receive the honourable degree of F. W.—fit for wives. Marriage is getting to be within the reach of all classes at Bath, Maine. They have a minister there who lately performed the ceremony for 38 cents. Smuggling over the line from Canada is a profit able employment, and is still carried on with much skill and persistence. A carman named Richard Kane was de tected in importing about three gallons of whisky, bottled up in a hole seven feet long, bored with a two inch augur in one of the beams of his sleigh rack. LAMP EXPLOSIONS.--A Cleveland gentleman has kept a partial record of accidents from the use of kerosene lamps during the past two years. Ho says that nearly two hundred persons have been burned to death, and six mil lions of dollars of property destroyed. A PLEA FOR OUR WAIFS.—In Frank Leslie's illustrated paper there is an excellent article on this sub ject, full of compassion and humanity. It is indeed a pitiful sight, to which we all become too familiar, to see the number of destitute neglected children in our streets, at an age when they should be trained to constitute a nation's strength, instead of becoming each day a g reater source of weakness and crime. W e fully agree wit h Frank Leslie that it is safer to best o w in passing a mite orl a neglected, half-starved, half-frozen child, than to qui et our consciences and steel our hearts with the reflection -- "itis no charity to give to beggars." We also consi der the subject of such importance as to call for wise and com prehensive legislation So much has been effected for o ur dogs, horses, and domestic helpless animals, by benevol ent societies, that we do not despair that this infinitely nlor° important subject will yet be taken up, with the attentio n and determination it so loudly calls for. A very radical temperance man in Pittsfield re cently sold a neighbour a cask of cider, the purchaser to take the goods from his cellar. The cask was sent for by a job waggon and duly delivered, but the buyer was a good deal surprised, on tapping it, to find that it ran Bourbon 'whisky instead of cider. The cask was returned, and Ll lO mistake rectified. COUNTRY MARKETS. NORWICH—SATURDAY. At this day's market there was only a fair supply of wheat, which sold at an advance of is to 2s per qr. for al l good conditioned qualities. The samples of barley a re now fast diminishing, and prices may be quoted about the same as last week. White wheat (weighing 631 b), 68s to 70s ; old red ai tto, (weighing 631 b), 60s to 63s ; new red ditto weighing 601 b to 631 b), 60s to 62s ; best malting barley (weighing 521 b to 531 b), 44s to 46s ; runs ditto (weighing 5 11 b to 521 b), 41s to 44s •, distilling ditto (weighing 501 b to 521b)' 36s to 40s ; oats, 24s to 26s ; beans, h7s to 39s ; peas (maple), 3 6 $ to 38s per qr. Flour, 45s Od per sack. NOT T ENO LIA.NI-3AT tiItDAY. The supply of wheat to-day was by no means abun dant, there being a sprinkling of white and red sorts. The demand was firm, at is per qr. advance. A tolerable show of barley, but the trade was quiet, and prices were is per qr. lower than last week. Of oats we had a moderate supply, and a steady trade—inferior lots easier to buy. The show of beans was small, and the demand fair, at a slight advance iu prices. Beans and peas at about recent rates. Old white wheat, 68s to 73s ; old red, 60s to 66s ;O white, 64s to 70s ; new red, 54s to 63s per 36 stone. ts, old, 34s to 38s ; new, 28s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 54s to 58s ; new, 44s to 48s per 38 stone. Fine flour, 4 8 s to 50s per sack. LEICESTER—SATURDAY. We had barely an average supply of wheat at Our cor_ market to-day ; the demand was healthy, and prices au vanced fully is per qr. Barley inactive, at easier rates* Oats changed hands at last week's prices. Beans in stead)" demand, prices being the turn in favour of the sel ler . without much variation. New white wheat, 64s to 68s ;• new red, 56s to G2s ; white Gls to 70s ; old red, 62s to 65S per 36 ston e. -1 ";,"; s ley, for malting, 44s to 518 per qr.; grinding, 31 s t° `'.l per 30 stone. Oats, old, 33s to 36s ; new, 28s to 30s per stone. Beans, old, 56s to 60s ; new, 44s to 49s per 38 stuns. Fine flour, 50s ; seconds, 45s to 46s per 20 stone. YORK—SATURDAY. At this market to-day the supply of wheat was moderate, and higher rates were realised. The inquiry for bar „ l , i r . was inactiv e , and ordina r y s o rts were is per qr. che' L r,f ,' e d The supply of oats was much as usual, and prices eq u ' l those of the preceding w ee k. F o r beans there was 3 ° d: inquiry, and a small adv ance on late prices was obtaine 36 Now white wheat, 56s to 60s ; new red, 50s to 58s1 1 stone. Barley, for making, 38s to 40s per qr. ; 32s to 34s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 24s to 28s per 24 st;.).no-4. Beans, new, 42s to 44s per 38 stone. Malt, Ggs to Flour, 47s to 49s per sack of 2801bs. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton.,..."Mar. 23. . Afar. ill Ditto, via Marseilles . ..... . 1 7. Brazil and Capa Verde, by British packet....... • • • Apr' Ditto, by French packet ......... Mar• 23 r F Cape of Good Hope, Ascension , and St. Helena... ' ~ China. Penang*, and Singapore , via Sou' hampton—Alar. 2 ' O • Ditto, via Marseilles Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton 6 India (Calcutta), and Ceylon , via South. ..... ........... 3 1 .1 3: 1 1 aa L i r r rr . : 11 ; 56 0 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Afar. 15 Ditto, via Ilarseilles Mar. 1 0 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Afar. 15. Ditto, via Marseilles Mar ' 6 . Afar. 2'. llauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via MarselLe J... Mar. " 6 Newfoundland - Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon United btatee and British North America, by Bri tish packet. .. . . Mar. 3. Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry ..Mar 15 West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Honduras) ...... Mar. 1 6 . . Bahamf...s. via New York. April 4 Cuba a'id Mexico April I . Bermuda, via Halifax .• Mar. 13. {Seat Coat.t of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ... April 3 Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork . .. ....... THE NEW SUB-ATLANTIC CABLE.—Specimens of cable manufactured on the process adopted by the Britis" and American Telegraph Company have, acco rding to 0 , re port just forwarded to their offices by the ' electrician to the Telegraph committee of the Board of Trade, been und er Government test for some years past. The repor t is higbil d favourable as to the tensile power of this form of cable, an the increasing perfection of its insulation according to the number of years in which it has been immersed. Its sup?: riority in lightness of weight and in diniiinish ed bulk will render the task of submersion infinitely less c ostly ti . n a hazardous than in the case of the two cables already linking the two hemispheres. But in addition it possess es a quali fication which surprised the Government electrician, Niril° says " he could not kink it , though he tried by every mean d ° which suggested itself to men of exper ience acquainte with submarine telegraphy who a,ssisted in coiling it more for less rapidly." Now, this fortunate free dom from a cont.gency which involves a terrible chanc e of fracture during the process of paying out the cable , is another and wond.er ful guarantee for the success of the operation in addition to those already mad© public in the company's prospectus. With the benefit of the experience of past efforts in sub merging Atlantic cables, and with improvements in con struction and facility o f handling, the re seems to be a cer tainty that the first effort of laying down the new cabl° will be a complete success. FOOT BRIDGES OVER CROWDED THOROUGHFAR ES ' —For years past the construction of bridges for foot pas sengers at such da n g erous crossings as those at the St' Paul's end of Cheapside, and where the six ways meet opPc' site the Bank, Mansion House, and Royal Exchange, 1 i9 " 5 been from time to time advocated, and we have frcquentli ure the thorough practicability of the suc, gest i on , and t he small d cost at which it could be carried out. While the English have been talking the Americans have been acting; o ne of the most handsome and substantial structures that could be desired having already been erected over 13roady* N£47v o Y o. o T rk h , e b b y ri l‘ d l g e e s h sr a s s . bn ß e i e ch and Griffiths, at a cost of Oil 0 proved capable f sustaining I°l tons, and 100 men tramping over it at the same time Pr e . ; duced v no perceptible vibration. The bridge is situate re Fulton-stroet crossos Broadway and tho four coruer6 are coilue veniently connected. There is ' l7ft Bin. or more under t 3 4 s teps! bridge, which is approached by four flights of each having three landings. Surely the corporationen! London, although they could not be induced to set_ ~_ De u example, will not longer delay the consideration ef t f e, matter, now that they have the Broadway bridge aS cedent.—Alining Journal. BAKER—On f 25, fo n d o t h w e i c l et h e r i r li a s c t. : park, a a daughter. Pollock, of a M ro lnn o i c s K. ol- 0 -On the 16th inirstiiht.ete,gbawetSni.3?,B-Dofonjt7gyese-plakceer, :Isacip: ham-road, the wife of William 11. Morrison, Esq., of ii daughter. 'WARNER- On the 14th inst., at Bath, the wife of Captain thdeaulg6hthteiru.st., at Putney-hill, Mrs. Chas. E. Warner, Madras Staff Corps, o f a son. Marriage 0. . HUDSON—SMITH—On the sth inst., at the Church of S.t. Paul, Valletta, Malta, Captain James Hudson, 84th Itea: ment, to Agnes Campbell, second daughter of Sir J. yv T Yi lt ti l' rh ill Smith, K.C.B. Not ,OHswenArLyniuOrnnetrlr Esq., of oifnstth.,ea:stialit: john's, _ E.-ensiogton! er of Th e* to Jean Waddell, younge st surviving daught Oswald, Esq., of Fulham. Deaths. CLAPHAM—On the 14th inst., at St. Ann's-hill, Leeds, Samuel Clapham, Esq., aged 67. -0 0 ) - FERGUSON—On the 15th inst., at 37 Charles-street, D. ley-squaro, Admiral Ferguson, of ' Pitfour. S. GOLDSIIEDE —On the 15th inst., t.t 61, Marylebone-road, Goldehedo, Esq., aged 69. , Mir!, Knox- On the 14th inst., at 7, Earlsfort-terrace, 1-,11-4. Col. Chas. Knox, of Ballinrobe, county Mayo, age u " Ir . West° LIGHT —On the 14th inst., at Groystone Lodge, super-Mare, Thomas Light, Esq., aged 79. ill od WOOD — On the 9th inst., in London, Col. John M• v' °- 1 Burloy, Dear of The Lyde, Bucks. WDITEHURST—On the 15th inst., at Woodford, Essex , C' M. Whitehurst, Esq., aged 59. ----.---%-:.."--.° I.ondon : printed zu d Published by W ILL AN vi tNw 19 ' ot No. 112, Strand,lter at THE Sus thnoe, No• 112 „; Strand, the Pre,elaet of the Savoy, i n the co unty v Midilletex.—Xonday, March 18, 1887. i - Lon , Ti DA N A th( phi twi fro 1) lt( A .r Lu dal Co u 3 No THE suN, LONuOii, MONDAY EVEMNG, MARCH 18, 1867 1 1 i I