The Sun. — London, England, 1867-11-11 00:00:00

The Fenian Trials at Manchester. MANCHESTER, Nov. 9. At the sitting of the Court this morning, at 9 o'clock, _ _ _ Thomas Scalley, Michael Joseph Boylan, Henry Wilson, Michael Kennedy, Michael M'Guire, Wil liam Murphy, and Patrick Kelly were placed in the dock. Before their trial was proceeded with, Mr. Pickering, Q.C., referring to the verdict of Guilty delivered against three other prisoners late the previous night, drew the attention of the Court to the joint effect of the 24th and 25th of Victoria, cap 100, sec. 47, as amended by the 27th and 28th of Victoria, under which, whenever any person should be convicted upon an indictment for any as sault occasioning actual bodily harm he should be liable, at the discretion of the Court, to be kept in penal servitude for a term of five years, or to be imprisoned for any term not exceeding two years, with or without hard labour ; and whenever any person should be convicted upon an indictment for a common assault he should be liable, at the dis cretion of the Court, to be imprisoned for any term not exceeding one year, with or without hard labour. Mr. Justice Blackburn intimated that he should not deliver judgment until all the prisoners had been tried. Mr. Pickering then stated that of the prisoners in the dock there were three—Boylan, Maguire, and Kelly—against whom the Crown would not offer any evidence. Mr. Justice Blackburn said that a nolle prosequi would be entered against those three, who would then become entitled to their discharge. Mr. Cottingham, on behalf of Boylan, asked that he might be formally acquitted. Mr. Justice Blackburn said the nolle prosequi equally permitted the discharge of the prisoner. Mr. Cottingham--Yes ; but they might again prefer an indictment against him. Mr. Justice Blackburn said such a course would be perfectly legal, but hardly probable. The men might be immediately discharged. Boylan, speaking for himself, said he ought to have been discharged long ago. All three prisoners were then discharged. An application was made by Jones and Mr. Cot tingham that the costs of witnesses summoned for the discharged prisoners might be allowed. Mr. Justice Blackburn said the application was one requiring some consideration. It could be made more conveniently at chambers in London. The remaining prisoners included in the indict ment—viz., Scalley, Wilson, Kennedy, and Murphy —were then formally arraigned. Mr. Pickering, Q.C., Mr. Sowler, Q.C., and Mr. Higgin appeared for the prosecution ; Mr. Ernest Jones (with whom Mr. Blain now appeared) de fended Scalley and Wilson ; Mr. Cottingham de fended Kennedy and Murphy. Mr. Pickering stated the case for the prosecution, and at the conclusion of his remarks several wit nesses were called, as in the former cases, to give formal evidence of the attack upon the police van. Among the additional evidence given was that of Con stable Yarwood, who spoke to seeing Wilson standing near the side arch as they were driving through, but apparently as a mere spectator. William Hughes, the young man who was at the photographer's, saw Wilson loitering about the Hyde-road Inn for about an hour, from half-past 11 ; he also saw Scalley running away at the finish with the men who came out of the van—a few yards behind them. He went over the line. The boy, George Mulholland, spoke to Scalley as being in the centre of the road at the back of the van, and said he fired at Police-constable Trueman with a revolver. In cross-examination by Mr. Jones the witness said that shot was the only one fired at that moment. He saw Truman duck. A dozen shots were fired before the policemen got off. The next witness was Charles Thomas, plumber, who saw Scalley helping to throw stones to smash the van ; then saw him run away across the brick croft. Joshua M unn, the omnibus driver, saw Murphy near the van with the men keeping the crowd back. The other men bad revolvers' but Murphy had not. Another witness, James Ken nody, who was in the Railway Inn for more than an hour, saw Murphy there ; he was reading a newspaper, and invited the witness to drink out of a quart. He did so. Edwin Walton, a shopkeeper, near the Hyde-road, identified Murphy as being among those who threw stones to keep back the police and those assisting them. In cross examina tion he admitted that he had identified Featherstone at the police station ; and afterwards, at the police court, after looking them over, he said he was not there. Witness now admitted that he was confused by being called upon a second time. Mr. Theodore Fennel Kirwin, house surgeon at the Infirmary, deposed to the injuries of Truman. There was a bruise and extravasated blood. inspector Gareer was examined to prove the war rant against Kelly and Deasey. •In answer to a question from the Judge, as to whether it was necessary to go into all the evidence on this point again, Mr. Cottingha►n said he should not require it, because anything these witnesses had said as to a warrant he did n )t c3nsider could affect the legal question to be raised in London at all. Police-constable Dickens again proved seeing Kelly and Deasey go into the prisoner Wilson's house at 3 o'clook on the morning of the 11th of September. Elizabeth Robinson spoke to seeing the prisoner Kennedy, as she WAS going towards the arch, fire a revolver during the affray on the 18th ult. Could not say which way he pointed the revolver, but thought it was more towards Belview than Man chester. She was about a yard and a half from him when he fired. By Mr. Cuttingham—lt was not the first shot she heard. Did not know what the firing meant, but got through the arch as quick as possible after wards. Police-constable Drysdale apprehended Murphy in Hardman-street, and found a number of news papers iu his bedroom. This was on the 26th of September. Mr. Cottingham objected to the papers being put in, and the Judge thought it was better not. The case for the prosecution was then closed. Mr. Ernest Jones asked if he might not be re lieved of the case against Wilson. The only evidence against him was that of Yarwood, who saw him standing on the footpath, near the arch, like any ordinary looker-on, and the evidence of Hughes, who had seen him in the neighbourhood, at the Hyde-road Inn, at half-past 11 on the same day. Mr. Pickering said the only other evidence against the prisoner was that of police-constable Dickens. Mr. Justice Blackburn said that evidence, at the utmost, came to this—that Wilson was a friend of Kelly and Deasy, and might, therefore, have been disposed to rescue them. He did not think there was evidence he could leave to the jury in the case of Wilson. Mr. Cottingliam then submitted that there was not sufficient evidence against Kennedy. The only witness who identified him was Elizabeth Robinson. his Lordship said he should not think it unsafe to leave to the jury to decide whether that one wit ness, a credible witness, might be relied upon. It was entirely a question for the prosecution whether on that evidence alone they would submit the case to the jury. Mr. Ernest Jones then addressel the jury. lie raid, being relieved of the case against 'Wilson, he would at present merely indicate the nature of the alibi in favour of Scalley. He should call respectable witnesses to prove that Scalley was at work, tailor ing, at the time of the outrage. These witnesses could not possibly be mistake❑ ; they must either speak the truth in this matter or be perjuring them selves. William Ainsworth, master tailor, said he lived at 10, Bootle-street, near Peter-street, two miles from the arch in Hyde-road. had known the prisoner Sealley 12 months. In consequence of requiring extra assistanc e he sent his wife with a message at 9 o'clock in the morning, and Scalley, who is a tailor, came at 9.30, and worked for witness on that day (the 18th) till a few minutes before 8 in the evening. He worked on the same board with witness. He went out to dinner ht 1 o'clock, re turned at a quarter to 2, and from that time did not leave his work again during the afternoon. Cross-examined—Did not remember sending for any man before to assist, except that he sent several times to a man named Kelly for the loan of a man, but did not get one. Remembered sending to a tailor named Seymour for the loan of Scalley a fort night before the 18th. Scalley then came and worked for him three days in one week. Would not be positive whether before the magistrates he said two days or three days. The witness was closely questioned as to how the pressure of business came upon him to require the assiitance of Scalley, and he gave particulars. Scalley always had 3s. 6d. a day when he worked for witness ; witness did not pay him on this occasion. After some further evidence the judge ordered Wilson to be discharged, and _ _ The Court adjourned till 10 o'clock on Monday, when Mr. Cottinghatn will call his witnesses. SPAIN'S RELATIVE POSITION IN EUROPE. Unity of faith has one result which vastly affects the political question, inasmuch as it is the indis pensable basis on which the whole system of go vernment depends. This result is the sense of order—order not im posed by force of arms, or by the fear of paralyz ing commerce—but born of that religious senti ment which brings respect for authority, obedience to the law, and horror of every kind of violence and turbulence. It was but lately said by the Espana, "The Re volution has not taken root in our country. The last attempts have shown that the Spanish people yet preserves its traditional ideas of order, loyalty, and integrity." And another newspaper, the Regeneracion, with confidence declares that revolutions in Spain are to be traced always to the gentry of broad-cloth and light kid gloves, and never to the wearers of the fustian jacket. Both statements are undeniable. The Spanish people is anti-revolutionary, not certainly by na ture, for southern nations are by nature restless and turbulent, but in consequence of that admir able unity of religious feeling which has been always inseparable from its monarchial tendencies. Of all the countless revolts by which our country has been troubled not one really merits the name of popular revolution ; and if the people have ever taken up arms and shed their blood generously in any cause, it has not been to defend a barricade or overthrow a Ministry. No ; for in such miserable squabbles the Spanish people never take part— but to fight against the foreign invaders who com menced by assailing the holy religion of our fathers. It is natural that a stranger who sees our petty though perennial squabbles should believe that ours is an ungovernable country, first cousin to Mexico ; but assuredly such would not be his opi nion were he to know, as has been well remarked by the Espana, that public order is here at the mercy of but a dozen giddy and ambitious heads, and, therefore, that its restoration can easily be brought about by the adoption of radical measures measures as simple as complete, seeing that they are applicable to only a dozen schemers. We are thoroughly convinced that Spain is of all countries the very easiest to govern. In our opi nion, only two conditions are necessary in addition to the obvious requisites of honour and intelligence —frankness and stability of government. Frank ness, that no one may be ignorant of the road that is to be followed ; that every one may see that the Government will fear no obstacle in its way, or flinch from the measures it has determined on, re lying not on brute strength so much as on the unfailing honour and chivalry of the Spanish people. Stability, that every useful project and every work of promise may be carried into execu tion. A people that loves order is already more than half way on the road to happiness and prosperity ; and there is not a nation in Europe—let not our readers be startled by what we are about to say— there is not a nation in Europe more order-loving than Spain. Would France, Germany, and Russia I be as tranquil . as they are, without the Cmsarism that keeps them down ? Would these nations feel satisfied to stop at :revolts so insignificant—nay, so ridiculous, as those our country has witnessed ? The revolutionists of France, by whom the Revo lution is everywhere propagated, with all their vast resources, with all the secret societies they have scattered through the half of Europe, and above all, in Italy and Germany,—what would they not perpetrate were they not repressed by the iron rule of Caesarism? What would these secret societies not do in Prussia, in the German Con federation, if Bismarck's iron hand did not keep them down ? Why is Italy in the pitiable condition we now see her in ? How does the Russian auto crat uphold order in his dominions, if not by means of terror ? Is not even England herself constantly threatened, sometimes by the Fenians, sometimes by her own workmen, always by the discontent in Ireland ? The causes of the disturbances existing in Europe are all momentous, are all founded on one power ful principle that has long found nourishment in the hearts of nations—the revolutionary principle in France and Italy, Freemasonry in Prussia, the national religion and independence in Poland and Ireland—contradictory principles, ever at variance with one another, and never to be reconciled so long as the present condition of Europe lasts. Can such causes as these be compared with those which at times affect public order in Spain ? By no means : at fatal periods here we have seen the Revolution trumpeted forth in books, in pamphlets, in newspapers ; and yet, in spite of gigantic efforts to get it naturalized in the hearts of the Spanish people, it has managed to upset, as we have said already, just a dozen giddy and ambitious pates ! Is it not proved by the last attempt. which found no echo whatever throughout the country ? Well, then, the end which every Spanish Minis try should, as we think, have in view, is the maintenance of those two ideas which are so intimately connected—the love of monarchy and religion and the love of order. It is not for us to say what means are to be made use of to attain this end ; but it would not appear very difficult to up hold sentiments so innate and preserve them from every influence that could corrupt. These essential bases being secured, it is neces sary to proceed to consider the means that may best promote public prosperity ; for, although we ourselves must always prefer moral to material well-being, we yet are not of those who believe the two things incompatible. On the contrary, we think that one of the principal means of preserving moral order, of destroying the revolution to its very roots, and putting an extinguisher on the disturbers of the public peace, is to encourage trade, to give life to industry, and protection to agricul ture—not to undertake mere adventures of doubt ful results, but by every means to favour every undertaking that offers a probability of success— to;root out idleness and reward industry, from time to time holding provincial and national exhibitions as a stimulus to our manufacturers and our agricul turists. Let us not flatter ourselves with the idea that we can in a short while attain the level of other nations in these matters, but let us quietly, and yet ener getically, go on making the improvements that our actual state requires. Let us have less railways and more high-roads ; less professional training and more primaryinstruction ; fewer elegant streets, and fewer sumptuous palaces, and more model farm-houses, more artesian wells, more schools of agriculture. To inspire absolute confidence in our commerce, so that our mutiny-mongers may never reckon on elements for the disturbance of public order, and that business affairs may be carried on with security; to open up public works so that the misery in our working classes may be allayed ; in a word, to let the whole country understand that it contains within itself—in its own natural wealth --the solution of the great financial problem that now occupies the attention of the world—such should be the object of the Government in the administration of public affairs. For our part, we are thoroughly persuaded that this is one of the most simple, most certain, and, at the §DXIQ time, Lead may me.tufs that can be MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. (From the Anglo-American Times.) PARIS, Nov. 6. The curtain has fallen upon the second act of the Italian Drama, and Garibaldi, beaten, and wounded, and prisoner, has at length learnt as Rienzi, Coriolanus, and many others have learnt before, what it is to depend upon the fickle support of an Italian mob. The French press do not say whether or not the Pontifical force were or were not supported by the troops of France, but it is more than probable that such was the case. That, how- ever, makes little difference, as in sending troops to Rome the avowed intention of the Emperor has been to protect the Pope against the attack of ag gressors, who, whatever might be the patriotic purity of their intentions, have yet commenced action in a most unconstitutional manner, and upon the principle that the end justifies the means the King of Italy has been placed in this affair in a diffi cult and delicate position, which has given him very much the appearance of running with the hare and holding with the hounds, and it is more than probable that either the knowledge of this fact, or a suspicion of his policy, has induced the rapid action of the French Government. Anyhow, judg ing from the opinions formed and appearance of matters in France, I am inclined to believe that all this tangled web of difficulties will receive an im mediate and satisfactory solution. Garibaldi has, it is true, set the ball a-rolling, but the matter has now passed out of his hands, and the question of the continuance or otherwise will most probably receive a peaceful and deliberate solution, and in all likelihood by the intermediary of a European Con gress. As regards the position of France, Ido not think it is likely she will oppose such an arrange ment, as in the first instance the Liberal party strongly disapprove of any interference in Italian affairs; and, secondly, I am of opinion that the Emperor has acted simply in accordance with the terms of a convention to which he considered him self in honour bound to adhere. The Universal Exposition has now become, like all sublunary matters a thing of the past, after a pro rogation of three days, the receipts of which are to be given to the poor, a decision of the Imperial Com mission which is, I think, infinitely to be preferred to an indiscriminate admission without payment, which would, I think, scarcely have guaranteed the safety of the priceless articles exposed ; and even, under present circumstances, a robbery of diamonds, to the amount of 35,000 fr., has taken place on the last day, supposed to have been com mitted by two women, who have as yet passed un detected. It is said that the next Universal Exposition will be held in America at some few years' interval. It is to be hoped that the energy and untiring power of progress which have so distinguished our brethren on the occasion of 1867 will by that time have succeeded in rendering them at least the equals in those industries in which, at present, they have held but an inferior rank. In saying this it is necessary that I explain myself somewhat more fully, even though it is not my intention, in the limits of this letter, to enter upon a comparative examination of the merits of the American section as compared with those of others. I shall speak more fully on that subject before long, when the Ameri can Commission and their talented Secretary, M. Mellon, have laid their report before Congress. America, in coming to the Exposition of 1867, has laboure4 under many disadvantages, amongst the principal of which may be considered the late war. Nevertheless, all honour to the South, she has come boldly and fraternally to the rescue, and the con tributions both of North and South may, I trust, be looked on as a good omen of further and future conciliation. The distance has also been a serious difficulty for exposants, but it has, nevertheless, been completely vanquished, and all things considered, leaving out of the question the number of the prizes gained, I maintain that America will come well out of a comparative examination of the Exposition of 1867. lam wel aware that even many Americans have stated that they have been ashamed of the poverty of their Exposition, but such men have been unfortunately but superficial observers, and have based their opinion not upon the quality, but upon the quantity of the objects exposed. And in saying this I speak with the authority of one who has closely and scrutinisingly regarded every exposition in the Ame rican section, from the invention of Milton Bar low, I speak his name with respect, ani at the same time with the liveliest personal remembrance of the kindness and patience with which he has several times explained to me the properties of the Plane tarium—an invention of which Galileo himself might well be proud. " E per se muove," said the great astrologer. What would he•say if he could now see the Planetarium, which, however, I do not intend to describe at present, for I am simply unequal to the task, and merely content myself with a protest, which I trust will pass over the world on the wings of the Anglo-American against its being considered simply and merely as an educational improvement. " Mais revenous a nos moutons." I have said that I haVe scanned the American Exposition from the Pla netarium tothe arms and trinkets of the Ojibbeways ; from the heights of civilised science to the depths of barbarism, from the crude products of the mines of Colorado and Nevada to the peerlessly artificial ladies' boots of crocodile leather, furnished by Fel meden, New Orleans (I will pursue the comparison no further) ; and I maintain, and will in the course of a few letters prove, Q. E. D., as we used to say at college, that America comes very well out of the Exposition of 1867. Look, for instance, at Group the first, the Beaux Arts. The paintings, it is true, are comparatively few ; but select a few of those glorious landscapes of Bierstadt, Church, Gignoux, and others whom I will ere long criticise more at length ; look at the part of America from the period of its colonisation and the long struggle with every-day life which lay before the simple but stern Puritan, and then consider only one subject at this moment, the glorious American scenery which has created a school of art in its natural inspiration equal to any in the world. But lam getting out of my depth. I must wait till next week, when, if my reader, like Mr. Weller's fiancee, by her love letter, wishes there was more, he will probably be gratified. I have been so serious hitherto that I believe I must try to rnake him laugh with one or two of the final jokes of the expiring Exposi tion. In one instance at the brewery, the visitor condemned the beer as awful. " That," said the waiter, who had no longer fear before his eyes, " is the international beer—a little of everything except some castor oil, which we expect from China." In another instance, however, the garcon was not so fortunate. Ile had supplied a foaming tumbler of hock to a fashionably-dressed lady from the Rue Vivienne, who apparently found the foam rather in excess, if one may judge by the remark—" That beer," said the lady, " resembles you, mon garcon." " Et pourquoi, madame," said the hero, expecting, doubtless, a compliment. " Too much false collar, mon cher, beaucoup, beaucoup." The Emperor of Austria has at length left Paris, after a brief visit to Compiegne. The lovers of the horrible have a criminal treat before them, of the highest possible stimulus in the instances of the butcher d'Avinain, condemned to the guillo tine for murder and dismemberment of his two victims ; and in the trial of Ipgros, the woodcutter, for the murder with a woodman's axe of the Sieur Demandre and his servant. The weather is clear, healthy, and cold, and the amusements of the winter season hatefully taken THE SUN, LONDON. MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 11, 1867. adopted to bring us out of our financial troubles. We shall be told, perhaps, that these are only general ideas, and that they are practically full of diffir;ulty ; that what we require is something more tan gible, more definite, more easy of attainment. !Those who have to manage the affairs of State ha re need of fundamental principles like these if th ey wish to follow out a fixed, straightforward sy stem. It is not our business to enter into par ticulars; but we venture to assert that by adhe rence to the conditions laid down at the beginning of this article, viz., frankness and stability, our views could be carried out without much labour, and to the entire satisfaction of the country— pensa miento Evanol. the place of those of the departed summer. Even autumn has vanished, leaving her fallen vine-leaves as a trophy, and her chestnuts to be roasted for the benefit of the good people of Paris. The Hon. David A. Wells spoke at the Board of Trade, Toledo, Ohio, on the appointment of revenue officers. Referring to the information he had gained in Europe, where little was lost through dishonesty or incapacity in officials, he observed that a re form was necessary in America in the mode of appointing revenue officers. In Europe they had to submit to a searching examination, but their appointments when received were for life or during good behaviour, and they rose by seniority as in the army and navy. To save the immense sums out of which the Government is annually swindled, Mr. Wells went on to say it is necessary to adopt a method resembling this when an honest class could be secured. There is danger that the Republican party may split in the Presidential election, and if General Grant was not so strong, the chair of the Chief Magistrate might be filled by a Democrat in succes sion to Mr. Johnson. Many supposed Chief Justice Chase would have dropped out of sight on the result of the elections in his State (Ohio) becoming known ; but they have been mistaken. The Cin cinnati Commercial, on the 21st October, published a defence of the Chief Justice, at the same time reviewing his political career. It says Mr. Chase in temperament and convictions is one of the most Conservative men in the country. From the first he has been opposed to confiscation and impeach ment ; that he never advocated negro suffrage in the North ; and that his basis for reconstruction is, and has -ever been, Universal Suffrage and Universal Amnesty. Nor is he in favour of any paring down of the national debt, but desires that the nation may work to make greenbacks as good as gold, and then to pay off the Debt. A copy of this article was forwarded in MSS. to the Tribune, and appeared simultaneously in both papers. It has excited a good deal of attention, as it indicates the design of the Chief Justice to stand for the Presi dency, and if he does, he will be strongly backed by the Republican party. If that party splits between him and Grant, the Democrats might carry General M'Clellan or Horatio Seymour. It is still rumoured that Mr. Johnson will resist the action of Congress if suspended from office during impeachment, should the New York elec tions prove favourable to his cause. The Maryland Militia, nearly 5,000 strong, with its three batteries of brass guns, has been reviewed by Governor Swann, but as this is too mild a thing to go to war with the United States, even with a President at its head, a more dreadful story has now been concocted. General Sherman is to hold the army now employed against the Indians in readiness. This is the latest bit of "sensation" news due to the fertile imagina tion of the Washington correspondents. The ridi culous canard has, by order of the President, been branded as a fabrication. A telegram from New York, dated Nov. 7, announces the debt of the United States on Nov. 1 L 867, to have been $2,625,000,000 ; and the cash in ,he Treasury $134,000,000. From the latter sum has to be deducted $ . 24,900,000 in gold, due in payment of gold dividends. This will leave the net debt of the United States on the Ist of this month $2,515,900,000. On the Ist of Aug., 1867, the net debt was $2,511,306,426. On the Ist Sept., $2,492,783,365. On the Ist Oct., $2,495,277,446. Messrs. Belding, Keith, and Co., of 80, Lombard street, have called attention to the fact " that the only loan of the United States Government which is issued under an act distinctly specifying that the interest and principal are payable in gold had but then, for the first time, been quoted on the Stock Exchange. This loan was issued in 1864, redeem able in ten, or payable iu forty, years, and bearing 5 per cent. interest. The amount of the loan was $400,000,000." They strongly advise their clients if they have any fear that 5-20's will not be paid in gold to exchange them for 10-10's, which they offer to do for a single commission. The fall in the pricy of cotton appears at last to have reached its limits. It is remarkable that iu the face of a deficient Southern crop the staple should have drooped so low. According to the Na tional Statistical Bureau of the United States the crop for the year 1867 will reach only 1,700,000 bales. If this estimate be correct prices can scarcely fail to rise. The loss sustained in Liverpool must have been prodigious, and it is time that those who have suffered so heavily should at last experi ence a change for the better. Although there were rumours that the trial of Mr. Davis would be again postponed, the case will probably be heard during the present month. Cfiief Justice Chase has announced that he will preside at the trial if held in sufficient time to enable him to dispose of the case before the sitting of the Federal Supreme Court on the 2d December. Mr. Davis's counsel wishes the Chief Justice to preside, and Mr. Chase has instructed Judge Underwood to let him know that the trial can commence on the 13th inst. if his client prefers it, although his bail-bond does not require him to appear before the 27th. The Fenian trials in Dublin are raising questions which people might have supposed, in this age of the world, had been settled centuries ago. Colonel John Warren claimed, as an American citizen, to be tried by a jury de meditate lingicx, and his coun sel withdrew on this being refused, alleging that the United States had then become the principal. Captain Augustine Costello exclaimed, in an ex cited manner on the Attorney-General concluding his statement,— " I do not recognise the authority of this Court to try me as a British subject. My learned counsel has applied for an alien jury to try me, and that has been refused. I would have followed the course adopted by Colonel War ren, but at the earnest request of my counsel I have con sented to allow the trial to proceed in the usual manner; but I emphatically and distinctly protest against the course that this Court thinks fit to adopt. I claim to be an Ame rican subject, and if you try me as a British subject on your heads be the consequences. To the people of the United States I look for justice." The Dublin Nation and Irishman uphold the right of an American citizen to be tried by an alien jury, and deny that because a man had been born a Bri tish subject that therefore he must remain one till death. The doctrine of eternal national allegiance, the Dublin Nation says, was blown to fragments by the cannon of Bunker's Hill. Judge Keogh overruled the claims made by the prisoners, alleg ing the English law to be perfectly clear that one born a British subject could not shake off his alle giance. Allegiance or no allegiance, British or American, French or Chinese, all living in a coun try, can claim to be protected by the laws of that country, and are eit her bound to observe these laws, or stand the consequences of infringing them. If the Unitel States are compelled to defend every party of fillibusters—every body of liberators— every gang of mad schemers who may issue from her borders to commit outrages iu foreign countries, the Government of Washington will have enough to do. The Nation and Irishman attach great import ance to the question of allegiance, but we cannot see the grounds. There is no country more inte rested in maintaining the doctrine that aliens sheltered under laws owe the same obedience as natives to these laws than the United States, for in no other country do so many foreigners tind a home. If American citizens commit breaches of British laws in the United Kingdom, all that America has to do is to see that the man is fairly tried according to those laws, and when these newspapers threaten England with the venge ance of the United States for acting in compliance with the well-established interpretation of those laws, they may speak on behalf of the Fenian organisa tion, but not on behalf of the American people, who, as a body, strongly condemn their lawless and violent acts. On the 16th October, Chief Justice Chase ruled that the apprenticeship of negroes in Maryland, by the Orphans' Courts, was such a species of slavery as to come within the meaning of the Thirteenth Article of the. Constitution, and that the Civil Rights Bill was constitutional. The master of the apprentice who sued out the writ of Habeas Corpus did not employ counsel to defend his claim, but let the matter go by default. The decision will affect a large number, and gives the final blow to the last vestige of slavery. On the 12th October the Indian Peace Commis sion met Santana, chief of the2Kiowas, and many leadhig chiefs of other tribes, at Fort Lamed. The great conference is to take place at Medicine Lodge Creek, and the head chiefs will accompany the Com missioners on their way to the interview. Governor Crawford and Senator Ross, of Kansas, are with the Commissioner. Both advocate firm measures and disapprove of any temporising. Superintendent Murphy warns the Commissioners against a strong escort, which may tend to alarm the Indians. The gathering is very large; runners have been out to bring in outlying bands. On the 16th October the Dog soldiers, with their chiefs, Tall Bull, White Horse, Little Bear, and Grey Head, arrived. The Penettichet, Comanches, or Honey-eaters, had also reached Medicine Lodge Creek, from Texas, 300 miles south of Little Arkansas. All the Cheyenne Lodges were to be assembled by the 18th October, making up in all from 7,000 to 10,000 Indians. On the 16th Superintendent Murphy issued a week's rations to 5,000 Indians. Strong hopes' are enter tained that the interview to begin on the 19th Oc tober, and last for four or five days, will tend to peace. Attention has been drawn to a decision of the President to test the Constitutionality of the Tenure of Office Bill. The manner in which this is to be accomplished is shown in the following statement, which is said to be published by authority of the President : " Whoever shall take the place will receive an appoint ment outright as Secretary of War, vice E. M. Stanton removed. It is the purpose of Mr. Johnson to make an absolute removal of Mr. Stanton under the law as it existed prior to the passage of the tenure of office act, which is held by the administration to be unconstitutional. In this opinion of its unconstitutionality, Mr. Stanton himself con curred. When the bill was passed, Mr. Stanton prepared a portion of the veto message, denying the power of Con gress to pass such an act. The removal of Mr. Stanton being accomplished in the manner indicated, the President will simply send his message to the Senate nominating a secretary of war. In case the nominee be rejected possibly Mr. Stanton will claim that ho shall be reinstated, but as the President will consider him out of office he will bo compelled to seek his legal remedy by a mandamus, or by any other mode, if there bo any other pointed out by law. This will bring the question as to the constitu tionality of the tenure of office act before the Supreme Court of the United States for adjudication." The following is the text of a letter addressed to us from an influential source. Regarding the first name we have received other letters, which leave no doubt of the occupation to which Mr. Rutledge has devoted himself. From one of the best shops in London this man secured a supply of the best articles, regardless of price, as he might well do, considering he never intends to pay. h is characteristic of this style of gentry that they go to the highest class of shops, and select the highest class of goods, and they go to the best hotels, exact most, and live on the fat of the land. We give prominent insertion to our correspondents' com munications to guard the public, but we should be sorry to do the slightest injustice to any individual, and had not these names been mentioned through other channels we would have declined to publish them. " SWINDLERS ABROAD.—Consuls are particularly cautioned against one Rutledge, claiming to be from Charleston, South Carolina, sometimes passing himself off as the Earl of Rutledge. He has some worthless drafts which he borrows money on, and has a certificate of iden tity from the United States Consul at Hamburgh. Ho rarely pays bills, and his drafts are always protested, and he is wholly unworthy of confidence. Another disreputable person travelling on the Continent is one Col. Alexander, claiming to be a brother in-law of Speaker Colfax, which is not believed to be true. He also is good at borrowing, but poor at paying. He was dismissed from the United States army for dishonest prac tices. A woman, sometimes passing off as Mrs. Smith, and sometimes as Mrs. Wiliams, also lives biborrowing. She was last heard of at Strasburg. The people are also cautioned against one Sey fried, who is an adopted Swiss American, and who nearly lives by borrowing money." ITALY AND THE POPE. The supporters of the Italian Government com pletely forget two things—namely, the engage ments contracted by Italy, and the sovereign rights of the Holy Father. If Italy had been faith ful to those engagements —had she merely observed her own laws had she arrested or dispersed the bands of Garibaldi, instead of providing them with arms and stores, and reinforcing them with her own soldiers—had she done all this, the bravery of the Pontifical troops, which General Menabrea himself admits, would have disposed of these in vaders, and France would not have to send a single man to the Roman States. Can Italy plead the violation of her own engagements in defence of her conduct ? The present state of affairs is the direct and inevitable result of the dishonest con duct/of the Rattazzi Cabinet, and Italy must take the consequences. It is not because Victor Em manuel has not prevented and repressed, as he had solemnly promised to do, the aggression of the Garibaldians, that his own usurpation becomes legitimate. On the contrary, it is still more odious, " becausel ying and dishonesty ag gravate the infamy of the crime." One may admit, in excuse for the Garibaldians, their personal disinterestedness, and the dangers they faced ; but what shall be said of a Government that steps in to profit by the acts of the very ad venturers it disavows? The September Conven tion, the main object of which was to keep the Italians from the Roman States, cannot,.in any manner whatever, be alleged by them in justifica tion of their invasion ; and if France can do that which the Italians are prohibited from doing, the only reason is, that Italy has not kept her promise. Besides and above that Convention, there is the sovereignty of the ' Holy See, whose rights are as much entitled to respect as those of any other sovereignty. The Pontifical State constitutes for Italy, as well as for France and for all Europe, a foreign State, fully independent ; and its territory cannot be in vaded and occupied without a complete disregard of international laws. Does the Italian Govern ment imagine that it has towards the Pope and his subjects a particular situation, and other rights than France, than Austria, or than any other Power? This is a pretension which it would not dare to put forward, because it would not be ad mitted by any Government in Europe. Some time since it pleased the Italian Parliament to decree that Rome should be the capital of Italy. Is it pre tended' that any right is derived from so absurd a declaration ? If there be such a right, the door is open to every species of ambition. Between the Roman populations and the populations of Tus cany or of Piedmont there are no more affinities of language, of manners, of usages, of institutions, than between Lyons and Geneva, Paris and Bras sels. The French Chambers would in vain resolve that Brussels and Geneva should be the chief towns of two French departments. That resolu tion would be utterly worthless ; it would give the French Government no right, and no Euro pean Government would attach value to it. The sovereignty of the Pope is, then, intact ; it is as complete and as absolute as that of Belgium and Switzerland. The presence at Rome of Ambassa dors of all the Powers is itself the recognition of that sovereignty. The Pope acted as a Sove reign when he expressed to France his desire to be protected by her against the enemies whom the bad faith of Italy has raised up against him ; and he acted in his capacity of Sovereign by not desiring the presence of the Italian army in his territory. France is in the Roman States through deference towards the Pope, and in con formity with his rights as a Sovereign. Italy can not be there but by a violation of those rights. There is then no parity whatever between occupa tion by the French troops, and the occupation by the Italians. French intervention is legitimate, because it is sanctioned by the Sovereign ; Italian intervention is sanctioned by nothing—it is merely usurpation and violence. The assimilation which General Menabrea tries to establish between these two interventions is the most complete:disregard of e Pontifical sovereignty; it is an insult to the Pope, and it is an outrage flung in the face of France. It is the act of the malefactor who has the pretension to be the equal or the honest man, and who says, "I have assassinated the person you are giving succour to—come, let us join hands." Neither by the -law of nations nor by the laws of honour is a joint intervention admissible. It cannot be tolerated by France, inasmuch as it would be the negation of the sovereignty which our troops are going to Rome to defend ; and it would be just as well to sacrifice the Pope at once, and without hypocrisy, as to acquiesce in the destruction of his rights. We hold for certain that a joint occupation will not be tole rated ; that the Italians will be called upon to evacuate the Pontifical territory, and that our protest against their presence will, if necessary, be supported by arms. We have as our guarantee the attitude of the Government from the very first day, the clear and precise declarations of its Minister at Florence, the engagements it has con tracted towards Pius IX. and all Catholicity, the effect produced on the public at large, who ask whether the limits of patience are not exceeded. ! the Italian troops cannot remain on the Roman territory in presence and by the side of the French troops ; for their presence would belie our words, and would be the destruction of that which our soldiers have accomplished. It must never be said that all France has been moved to its depths, that Catholic Europe has turned S its eyes towards her, and that 20,000 French soldiers are sent to Rome with the approbation of the country, merely to witness a moral Castelfidardo, in which right, sworn faith, the word of the Em peror, and the honour of France are sacrificed to Italian cupidity.—Presse. THE DANGERS WHICH THREATEN THE SOUTH GERMAN STATES. Under the title—" `Warning for the Preserva tion of South Germany from extremest Dangers," a memorial addressed to the representatives of the people in South Germany, has just been pub lished at Stuttgardt, by Moritz Mohl, a deputy of the Wiirtemburg Chambers. This interesting pamphlet will not fail to excite great attention in the press and in the political world. The writer pronounces in the most decisive manner against the domination of Prussia in South Germany ; and his work fully confirms the statements of an article in the Kreuz Zeitung (a Berlin Conserva tive paper), which were much spoken of at the time, as to the strong antipathies against Pr ussia which prevailed everywhere in the populations of South Germany. This was especially true of Wiirtemburg ; and to this popular feeling, though in more measured language than that of the writer of the Kreuz Zeitung, Moritz Mohl has given a forcible expression. Mohl begins with the mission of Prussia to:the domination of Germany, and inquires whether Prussia have the strength to incorporate the whole of Germany. He has strong doubts that such a question could be answered in the affirmative. To attain such end would only be possible were Prussia resolved to call the whole of Europe to the field of battle and wage a war with its enemies to the death. But in the Luxemburg affair Prussia showed that it had no such inclination, far less would it be able to do so now when the Austro- French alliance proposes to prevent by force its entrance into South Germany. Mohl, however, .does enter further on this point ; he is much more concerned with the question—What must we in South Germany do ? llas Prussia a right to sub ject us ? Is our welfare compatible with such a subjection, and what ought our plan of action be at the present moment ? The Nationalists and Liberals demand the en trance of South Germany into the North German Confederation. That by such an arrangement the Federal States of Austria, with thirteen millions of men—that Austria, as a Federal ally, with a popu lation of thirty-five millions, would be lost to Ger many, and would become the natural enemy of Prussia ; that Luxemburg and Limburg are already lost as German lands ; that the " eternally undi vided Schleswig-Holstein " threatens a complica tion of its own; that the banks of the German Rhine—which, before the splitting up of Germany. by Prussia in 1866, were an inviolable and uncon ditionally secure possession of Germany —now for the first time since fifty years stand in constant jeopardy of being torn away. All this does not make the Prussian faction in South Germany hesi tate for a moment as to whether the Prussian project is in reality a national one, or whether, rather, it has not already led, to an immense ex tent, to the splitting up and diminution of Ger many—Germany which henceforth threatens with the most terrible wars, and, whatever their issue may be, with immense losses to that united Ger many which possessed, before 1566-70. But were Prussia to be worsted the Rhine provinces will be lost, and should Prussia succeed in breaking Aus tria to pieces, which could only come to pass by the help of Russia against France, Russia would pene trate in the most dangerous manner into Central Europe, and-sacrifices would have to be made by Germany, and permanent dangers would arise such as could never have been conceived before the events of 1866. The German Bund certainly left many things undone ; nevertheless, under its sway Germany enjoyed for half a century peace and tranquillity. Nobody had dared to attack Germany undivided, and Prussia might have secured for itself, by " its reforming energy," a good position in the Bund. Things have come to a different pass "by blood and steel." The South German States have been fined forty-seven millions of florins ; the Northern States, although they did military service in the field, have been visited with the loss of their independence. All this may be popular in Prussia ; it is not so in South Germany, which has no desire to become the future inheritance of Prussia. In South Germany the difference in race and land is so great that they could endure only with the greatest reluctance a union with Prussia. " The South German States," says Mohl, " are by na ture fertile, thickly peopled, highly cultivated, and, comparatively speaking, rich countries. The im posts are moderate ; indeed, many of the com munes in •Wiirtemberg and Baden pay from the proceeds of rich forests, or grazing lands, not only the communal imposts due from the citizens, but also a part of the taxes due to the State ; and they, moreover, provide them with wood for fuel, or give them a share in the net proceeds of the communal income." Thousands of communes are in a position to give up to their citizens and to widows portions of land for cultivation, to be held for life. The large income which the State pos sesses is spent in South Germany in the most ex emplary way ; to this the high state of cultivation attests. Further, the land belongs in South Ger many, with the exception of a moderate fraction to the peasant, to the commune or to the State therefore, to the man who, in the sweat of his brow, tills the ]and, and to civil society, and not to an army of feudal landed proprietors. Hence in South Germany a free people and a free constitu tion ; hence a fresh, joyous mind, and a happy mode of life, among populations which are purely Ger man, and have German sentiments and German hearts on this account, and on account of the beauty of nature. South Germany is the land of German poets, and of German talent in general, both artistic and literary.—Kolnische Blatter. An Eastern paper says that through most of the year, in parts of California, the inhabitants can have straw berries and cream in the morning, and before n3on a sleigh ride. The Pacific Railroad affords the necessary facilities for the latter. LADVERTISEMENT.)—Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which contains three times the nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times its cost in other remedies, restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disordered or enfeebled, removing speedily and effectually indigestion (dyspepsia), habitual constipation, diarrhoea, haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervous, ness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, influenza noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, erup tions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, pal pitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea, and sickness, sinking fits, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, incipient consumption, scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach, between the shoulders, &e. We quote a few out of GB,OOO cures :—The Pope's health restored by Du Barry's Food.—Cure No. 68,413. "Rome, July 21, 186 G.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, aban doning all other remedies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabic°, Food, of which he consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly benefi cial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly."—From the "Gazette du Midi." July 25. Cure No. 49,832.—" Of fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Maria Joly, Wortham, Ling, near Diss, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121.—Mi5s Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Herts, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies. Important Caution.—Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached.— In tins at Is. 10.; 1 lb., 2s 9d. 2 lbs., 4s. 6d.; 5 lbs., lls.; 12 lbs., '225.; 24 lbs., 40s.—BARRY Du BARRY and Co., No. 77, xtegent-street, London; also Fortnam and Mason, 182, Piccadilly ; and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 150, and 289, Oxford-Otrge 1i 380 Strand; And all grocers and chemists, a..•••• THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE. The present state of Europe is similar to that which existed in 1847, at the time of the Sonder bund, only the evil now is immeasurably graver. The legitimate and popular Governinents of Fri burg and Lucerne, attacked by the revolutionary free corps, who were speedily supported by the regular troops of the Confederation, had on their side right, justice, the will of the people, and the faith of treaties. They were also under the pro tectorate of great powers as much interested as themselves in their triumph, or rather in their deliverance. France and Austria, from whom they demanded succour, feared the Revolution,' and gave them nothing but empty words. M. de Metter nich wrote fine despatches, haughty enough, which were the last of the kind; the decrepit Governmen t of Louis Philippe did not venture so far. The Sonderbund was conquered, and with it Monarchical and Conservative Europe. Austria received a blow, from which it may not recover, and which, in twenty years, has rendered it even liable to fear the fate of Turkey. The fate of the French Government is known. Whether it fell becauso it was not attacked, or because it was not sup ported, does not matter. When Governments fail to answer their purpose, they lose their natural defenders. There is no conspiracy against them ; they are not attacked ; they are supported, indeed ; but no one feels any concern for such Governments They become feeble, difficulties multiply, a shock . comes, and they fall. The Government of Louis Philippe—why, is not known—disgusted the bour geoisie, which had created the citizen King, and which he, in his turn, had crowned. They held banquets out of opposition to the Government. M. Barrot banqueted with M. Baroche, and M. Theirs allowed these banquets to be held. His health was drunk. Whilst these politicians were giving vent to their after-dinner eloquence, and M. Guizot kept repeating-441t is nothing," 1,500 or 2,000 demagogues, the half of whom were en rolled among the agents of police, took possession of Paris, struck down the throne, the Government, and the Chambers, and set up a Republic in France. Everybody was in great alarm. M. Barrot, M. Baroche, and M. Thiers, and the Republicans were alone amazed. The Government to-day IS better prepared and more on the alert than it was then. Every one is convinced that -it would put down very promptly, and with great vigour, any Republican rising in the streets of Paris. This is the chief cause that there is no rising to put down. There is no room, therefore, to predict in France, —if as a consequence of the fall of Rome that terrible event should come to pass—the sudden shock which followed the fall of the Sonderbund. Nevertheless, there are many things which time will not settle—many difficulties which w ill be multiplied: The Revolution will not sleep upon its triumph, neither in Italy nor elsewhere. It will fill up the measure of its iniquity—it will have means enough at its disposal. It is always a great misfortune for a Government—one of the gravest political evils—not to know how, not to be willing , or not to be able, to protect right. If Austria collecting its forces, and appealing to the preli minaries of Villafranca—had not tolerated the fire crime of Piedmont against Papal sovereignty—it would have to-day amongst its possessions the Quadrilateral the more, and in its annals the battle of Sadowa the less, which would have been as much use to us as to her. If Italy had observed the stipulations of Zurich, or if she had been compelled to do so, King Victor Emmanuel would not have been forced to throw himself against the Church, and would not have had the other day, his 10th of August in the Pitti Palace, and might have enjoyed a more peaceful reign, perhaps a longer--• certainly a more honourable one. If France be mindful of its word, given on the 15th of Septem ber, and secures all which that word compelled her at least to preserve, she will find again the days 0 f 1852 ; if not the cycle of grea t ca t as t rop h e s, is open, and there will be seen in the world, deeper than has ever yet been seen, the abyss of winch Shakspeare speaks—that abyss, of sovereign power i overthrown, into which all are fl ung , an d w hi c h s filled with blood. God will always protect his Church. It will live for ever. It will give to the world its highest excellencies, its greatest virtual its noblest souls, which will never succumb to the ignominious violence of tyranny. But the nations —what will become of them ? May God protect France ! Univers. COUNTRY MARKETS. NORWICH—SATURDAY. White wheat (weighing 631 b), 75s to 78s ; red aitto, (weighing 631 b), 66s to 72s per qr. Flour, 49s Oil to ols Oci per sack. New barley, 41s to 46s per qr. NOTTINGHAM-SATURDAY. Old white wheat, 80s to 84s ; old red, 73s to 78s ; ne vi white, 88s to 84s ; new red, 70 s to 76s per 36 stone. 'Oats, old, 38s to 40s ; new, 27s t o 36 s per 21 s t one . B ean s, olt 51s to 58s ; new, 44s to 50 s per 38 s t one. Fi ne fl our , O'x' to 56s per sack. LEICESTER—SATURDAY. New white wheat, 77s to 81s ; new red, 68s to 74s ; old white, 74s to 79s ; old red, 68s to 74s per 36 stone. „,cr ley, for malti ng , 40 s t o 46 s per qr . ; gr i n di ng, 35 s t o 0 per 30 stone. Oat s , o ld, 35 s t o 38 s ; new, 27 s to 34 s per ,4 stone. Beans, old, 47s to 54s ; new, 46s to 52s per 38 stone' Fine flour, 56s ; seconds, 50s to 52s per 20 stone. YORK—SATURDAY. White wheat, from 74s to 80s ; red, 70s to 74s per 36 stone. Barley, for malting, 40s to 43s per qr. ; grindia , 396 to 40s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 26s to 30s per 24 ston°' Beans, new, 50s to 52s per 38 stone. Malt, G6s to 686 ' Flour, 52s to 55s per sack of 2801bs. Rye, 44s per qr. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. S.ustralla and New Zealand, via Southampton. Nov. 1 9 . Ditto, via Marseilles •......N0v. 13 ' Ditto, via Panama Nov. 23 . Brazil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video Dec: 4. Ditto, by French packet ••••••• Nov. 22 Cape Verds. by Brazil packet Dec. I. Cape of Good Hope. Ascension. and St. lielena Nov. 27 * China, Penang, and Singipure, via Southampton Nov. 1). Ditto, via Marseilles Falkland Islands Dec. t Gibraltar, via Southampton India, via Southampton Nov. I.V. Ditto, via Marseil es Malta, Egypt, &O. Nov 13. Ditto, Marseilles Oct. 27. Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via Southampton Nov. 19. Ditt ), via Mareeitics Nov. ' 3 * Nov. 20 Newfottudla no Portugal Dea. 1 . Ditto, by r It ship to Oporto .. Ditto t to Lisbon United states, k ana California, by Britisd packet Ditto, by L Lited States packet Ditto ditto 'New York) Ditto ditto N,w York) Ditto ditt ( (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet West Coast of Afrt,, Madeira, and Teneriffc,....,Nov. ll * West Indies and Pazilic (except Mexico and Baha mas) Cuba and Mexico ,,Nov. 28 Bahamas, via New York No/. 1} Bermuda, via Halifax Births. ALLEN—On the 7th inst., at Windleshaw, St. Helen's, 1411. J. Fenwick Allen, of a SOD. EnwAnns —On the 7th inst., at Belshford Rectory, ITO rIY castle, the Hon. Mrs. Thomas Edwards, of a daughter. HANBURY —On the Bth inst., at 10, Upper Grosvell°r street, the widow of the late Robert C. Hanburn late M.P. for Middlesex, of a daughter. Marriages. FAIRLIE —BLAIR—On the 7th inst., at Blair, in the collutif of Ayr, Charles Arthur Cunningham, Esq., eldest s o° t ° , Sir Percy A. C. Fairley, of Robertland and Fairlie, lla to Caroline Madelina, younger daughter of Blair, Esq., of Blair. LIDDERDALE—PONSFORD—On the 7th inst., at Li.- - church, Lancaster-gate, Francis F. Lidderdale, Esq ., e 0 Bombay, to Hester, youngest daughter of tho late Ja La Pousford, Esq., of Queen's-gardens, Hyde-park. Deaths. BIXCK—On the Ist inst., at Pleshey Parsonage, Thos. .. 1 1 : Bluck, Esq., a Deputy-Lieutenant and Magistrate w • . .. . the county of Middlesex. W S. BUTLER—On the 7th inst., at Hill House, Danbury, , 66 , Elizabeth Butler, late of flighbury Now-park, age' t h, CARTWRIGHT : On the 7th inst., at Haugham, near Lou Nathaniel Cartwright, Esq. r , Lam - ELL—On the Bth inst., Elizabeth, wife of D. J."' Brixton, aged 75. SHAW—On the Bth inst., at Somerfield-terrace, Maidston.st Major Gardine Shaw, late of the 14th Light Dragoons__ London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tun SUN 00100, NO of Strand, in the Precinct of the SP voy, in the Cou u ' bliddlesu.-31onday, November 11, 1867. At Atte London RiN Thi s D ublin It i s tome. Sal by the Vonlps n Rs GT Obsor " Einal n' 14, Rub Alm kis Pre e h o: r d e ,T2Vabl "'ount ~,„ burin A InN Aux } Prinetna an d Cho COITI Mr • and icoTi ( Pelran e , SISTRI RUNG, Monda, Pr[vat rnenade VV , Piro np of ju parlo r E The Gr( CORM Itoo N ' (from ti gr( 4 at N Perform ~,t4r s . c Dp c u) at 1 Etalle C d. eat past 7. /WA iddedp • cost un ; britt es Open frc 4 thnle A.R( ,Thit It'gent, h alia n Now ki Znor Curti. 1 %1 n rr ternovi n T. 4 11' -Adj ea . l tt 3 1 -41 %1 cfc r4TtT Al oi rm for 54 , 8 l ODetfl T t o MI. awl lit, ~~l • Rll, tatat,.'• I Tl' Or t en hr th T G t 'Dr o t pi ot he n h 1 :1 1 ; bkgsho nee 11 11 T ,I eti t , to ti AZT) 'elrettx, C I O ehj's r4 le tter libo nt , R A , ' t BtretZl () Wtly