The Sun. — London, England, 1828-02-15 00:00:00

tructions is upon that secret arti • themselves facto, and rong tnea- Tet article, iews of the into acqui the treaty be attained tants.—(A sentence to vas agreed, or Turks, iirala corn: in, to take he Treaty. rals carry id effective s, the only nd to listen inclination mente-01 Gentlemen eaty. Let s last een- I Admirals er between as written, it not have means that eesition of Bible, after I; to ima ir Edward to be the to attain by his in the Right ne for say he present re at war Id be too gate—but Lill; signal xecutes an sal to di , the same re Copen in, whose to prin -will he ral genius ited both n the one .ht hot • to "heeling.) ing ta•the igen took what wo slid 'ea; plainly this —We claimed the surrender of the whole navy of an independent power, on the ground that it was in hands too weak to retain it, and that it might be seized by our enemies, and turned against us. This course was never justified until this night, on the ground that the King of Denmark had declared war against us, but on the principle that it was necessary to our safety to take pos session of a naval force that might be turned against us. At the time, there was no difference of opinion on the prin ciple on which we acted, every body admitted its justice, for there was no doubt that a nation might do any thing to secure the safety of its own existence ; but the question was, whether the evidence of the necessity was sufficiently clear. The question was perfectly independent of the petty technicality of the declaration of war, and I am sur prised to hear a Minister of England make it turn upon that point. It was looking at the subject in that confined point of view, which caused us to be u pbraided for the ac tion by all Europe ; but it is a point of view in which it has never vet been seriously looked at in this house be fore te-night. Hear. )_But what does the form of de claration amount to after all? In ancient times heralds went from the Prince about to mete war, and declared it befor e the face of his enemy, but now it was done by a pro cession from Charing-cross to Temple-bar, and by the inti mation of it through Ambassadors. This vain ceremony of the procession was not gone through, and the Right Hon. Gentleman talks of it as if it were really a matter of mis fortune. But it was of no consequence, for hostile acts were carried on agaisiet . Denmark without it, and upon the same principle hostile acts were committed against the Turki•le fleet, those acts having been rendered necessary to attain the object of the Treaty of London, of which the Porte was fully aware. The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire has asked how the Trea.y was to be carried into effect— whether it. was to be by war ? Ile might as well have asked whether it was to be carried into effect at all.—(A laugh.) It is said that it was to be carried into effect by amicable means—and so it was, if possible—but the brutal war, as Sir Edward Codrington in his honest indignation called it, tarri e d on by the Turks, and persisted in by them in spite of the representations of the Admirals, rendered the action squally just, gallant, and honourable. The Right Hon. Gent. opposite has bronght forward the case of Toulouse, hut it was easy to perceive that it was not without great labour that a gentleman of his acute mind could bring himself to cite it really as a case in point. The great distinction be tween the battle of Toulouse and that of Navarin is, that when the former was fought, the object of the war was attained. But I will appeal from the Right lion. Gentleman's words to his understanding—( Hear,hear)—and ask him whether, if in this case he assumed it as justifiable to employ force, or to direct acts leading to the employ ment of force, in order to obtain this armistice there is any resemblance in the mode of obtaining it to the action of Toulouse, for which there existed no motive whatever?— That action was fought, from one or both Commanders —I will not now discuss the question as to which, if either of them knew it—being; ignorant that actual hostilities had ceased between the two nations, and that we were at peace with Louis the Eighteenth. 1 an surprised at a case of this nature being brought and compared with ano ther so different from it in the essential particular of the necessity for fighting. A vote of thanks would have been as unjust for the action of Toulouse as it will be just for that of Navarin.—(Cheers.)—This is the first time, since the practice of thanking naval officers has been adopted in this House for naval victories, that a vete of thanks for ' one has been proposed and refused. It is the first time, also, I have seen a British :Minister appear in his place in Parliament, deploring a naval victory.—(Cheers.)—lt is the first time the House of Commons has been asked to think it even a doubtful point, whether an officer should be thanked for obtaining a naval victors', and for a victory, too, which I will venture to prophecy, will be as memor able as any ever gained by the British arins.—(Hear.)— Ministers have by their language, and are now about by their acts, to give the world reason to believe, what the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire has affirmed, that their opi nion was as hostile to the treaty they now pledge them selves to execute, as the Hon. Member's for Diersetshire actually is. The conflict of doubts between the engage ments of a treaty and the principles of justice, is one of the hardest and most cruel to which the mind of a consci entious man can be exposed ; and I can imagine that in that moral conflict, a man may, by cruel necessity, b e obliged to prefer the more clearly expressed terms of the engagement to following what his heart acknowledges to be the path of justice. I can only grieve, if the Right Hon. Gentleman is exposed to this cruel conflict, if he has to decide between carrying into execution what he must consder an unjust compact to commit robbery, to do that which is not just or lawful—(Hear)—for that is the light in which it must be viewed by him, (the municipal laws of no nation allowing interference of this nature in private affai r s). If, I say, he bas to decide between this and the cause of humanity, I grieve for him.—[This, as well as we mould collect, from the noise that for a moment pre vailed in the gallery, was the tenor of Sir James's observe tions.]—l admit, that a man, by ch - cuinstances, may he obliged to decide in that way ; but there never was till now a statesman who volunteered to proclaim to the world, as the Right Hon. Gentleman will do if he resists this motion, that he doubts the justice of a treaty, to the execution of which he has pledged himself.—(Hear, hear.)—l do not call upon the House to pronounce judgment on the Treaty of the 6th of July, for I am ready to acknowledge, that evidence is wanting with respect to it, but there is none wanting, with respect to the conduct of Sir Edward Codrington, and I call upon the House not to refuse him a vote of thanks. If that vote of thanks be refused, it will be condemning the Treaty unheard. (Cheers.) Whilst to p a ss the vote of thanks, will not be to approve the Treaty, as they are given for a mere military service well performed, without carrying with them any expression of political opinion. (Cheers.) Besides, thanks in this case ar e the rule, and the withholding them will be the excep tion, the solitary exception. (Hear, hear.) I say this confidently, for no attempt has been made to show an in stance in which thanks were withheld from an officer gaining a signal victory. It is this departure from the ordinary course, if it does take place, which conveys the judgment of the House upon the Treaty. (Hear.) If it would not actually undermine the Treaty, it affords Europe an opportunity of doubting whether we are not ashamed of our treaty—afraid of the sound of our own victory—and Unwilling, to do that which is the natural and inevitable consequence of every step we have taken. I will not, Sir, speak of the learning that may or may not be pos• sessed by the Reis Effendi, as I have not the honour of be ing acquainted with him or any of his colleagues (a laugh); but I should imagine, let him be as ignorant as he may, that if there is any thing in the government of this country he, as aTurk, is better able to understand than another, it is the power exercised by the King. His Majesty's acts he can comprehend much better than those of a popular assembly, (Hear, hear.) Ple must have seen that hiaMajesty signed the treaty ; he must have heard, that upon him depended declarations of war and proclamations of peace ; he knows that his Majesty has given marks of his approbation to Admiral Codrington and the officers under him who fought at Navarin ; all these must be plain propositions to the Reis Effendi. That Minister knowing all this, which the Right Hon. Gentleman must think it so importaat he should not know, what has he to say for having advised th e b estowal of, these hoours?—(Hear, bear.) How will the Right lion. Gentleman justify his conduct as one of his m a j esty , s ad vis When he advised these honou rs to behe:to ? w bestowed alleethrse)oh jections he has this evening urged agetiraet the granting the vote of thanks, applied then with as great force d a o gainst the bestowal of those honours. -- (Hear, n) I (Hear, hear,) per ceive the l eas t di s tinction between the two occasion.not si; Edward C.odrington's elevation in the order of knighthood to which h e b e l onge d was a reward for his valour and con duct, ind e p en de nt o f an y p o litical merit att ac h ed to the action. It is upon that same consideration the H ouse is called upon to-night to pass a vote of thanks. When the King was bestowing those honours, did any of his advisers address his sNlajesty, and say, "the scrupulous conscience of the British nation will never permit us to bestow any InaTk of honour upon an officer who has fought a gallant action for us, till it has been proved by Jurists that it was in what is technically called war ; it 'is true it is fought in the service of his country; that he asserted the honour of Christendom, and increased the re nown, if possibl e , o f t hi s country, its principal state • Yeee," it was not d one i n war, I beseech your Majesty Oat to east Upon him a look of approbation ?" Was any thing of that kind said to his Majestsr 7 have serreel, among other ' or d for re signation, did an ivourd impossiblehis office, for him to continue in the performance principles of justice , nbesoto , wueeed,n artithenocourse. pursued, if so great a departure from the were attempted ? But such could not for the honours were yesterredsignations took place. Na-', no longer ago th an hie satiefactibn on an an - his Majesty bestowed a mark of foug ht at Navarro..._ ;lacer of distinguished merit that ie sty l s Ministers were (gear, hear . )—Yee, whilst his Ma arguments.we have this the ingenious and scholaa bestowing the honour of knighthood night heard, his Majesty was , e 4Cliiiering;)—But it is ighthood on Captain Fellowes. v icar s the thanks of the the House crown of an officer's reward to se of Commons, the thanks of the Reptesentatives of all ,his countrymen.—(Cheers.)-- There might be. something in the made h mo tion, if ire had taken this cours opposition to .f t v ; had Seed without a signal from our Boarder without a guide, first J ar acid warder of military Sovereign , t vrit..—(Hear, hear, hear., —Why should we nut follow that example—why not obey that signal? Why cannot we do an act of jus tice ? For fear forsooth, of offending Turkish Ministers. ___(Cheers.) —It has been said, that it might impede the progress of negociations still pending. Was such a doctrine ever before heard of? What precedent can we establish more dangerous than that of withholding honour from a public servant for fear of offending an enemy? What is that enemy. The Jurists of Constantinople.—(Laughter.)-- It is hard upon us that the Burgesses of England, assem bled in Parliament, cannot bestow thanks upon a servant that has pleased them, without consulting an Ottoman Minister. The establishment of so mean, so pitiful, a pre cedent is a dreadful sacrifice to negociations, he they of what kind they may. Let us see in what light other countries look upon that of which we are so much ashamed. His Majesty the King of France did not view it thus, for in spite of th e Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, he gave it - the legitimate term of battle—he called the battle of Navarin an unexpected but glorious battle—a battle which had forwarded the objects of the Treaty. Nothing about an " untoward event," or a " collision to be deplored," Sell from his lips. It was stated by the King of France to have promoted the pacification of the East of Europe. We, by our conduct to-night, seem to deny it, to doubt the justice of the Treaty, and to impugn the coriduct of the Commanding Admiral. But France does not stand alone, and all who are acquainted with this subject must have heard of the rescript the Emperor of Russia addressed to the kinglish Admiral, on receiving the news of the battle. He did not wait for the consent of the Muftis of Constan tinople, hut, in conferring the honours he did on Sir Edward Codrington, told hint that the victory had done the highest honour to the civilized world. And it had so, for the treaty was founded on civilized morality, and the battle was gained by civilized skill. Let the !louse reflect upon what it is about to do. The peace of Europe depends, per haps, upon its conduct. I am, God knows, one of the last to wish for war, or to advocate measures that may texs to provoke it ; but in toy opinion peace depends upon our neither flinching nor flattering—(Hear, bear)—upon doing nothing that has the appearance of nibbling at the victory in order to skulk out of the Treaty.—(Loud cheers.)—The peace of Europe depends upon our Ministers showing no fear, upon their not looking upon the Treaty as a hard burden imposed upon them by improvident predecessors— hut, as a sacred obligation, they are not only bound but willing to perform, not upon their putting the question, as to whether it shall be peace or war, for that is not the question ; for the question is, whether the treaty cannot he executed pacifically ; and it that ques tion is answered in the negative, let them proceed to execute it according to the provisions of the treaty. I repeat, I deprecate the occurrence as much as any man can do, for I am acquainted with its evils; but, as far as my informa tion enables me to judge, the only thing that will encou rage resistance on the part of Turkey, excite dissatisfac tion am ong th e Alli e d Po wers , and, by the discord which would thence arise, spread a general war throughout Europe, is the manifestation of weakness or timidity on our part—such as would be exhibited in refusing to give the Officer who carried the Treaty into effect the thanks which are due to him. It must be evident to all who re flect for an instant on the subject, that the Treaty of the 6th July is at present the key-stone of the tranquillity of Europe ; let it be touched, and war and desolation will be the consequence. There is little to be apprehended from the resistance of Turkey, but much from yielding to her._ (Hear.) Sir, 1 assert that not only the persons who are parties to the Treaty of London, are pledged to the sincere and effectual execution of its articles, but Austria and Prussia also are pledged to the enforcement of it, by their own declarations, in the face of Europe, as deeply as any of the immediate Contracting Powers. For what other conclusion can I draw from the note of Baron Ottenfels, published in March last ? And did not Austria give the Porte warning of the measures that would be adopted against her by the Contracting Powers, in order to com pel her to pacific proceedings? That warning was pub lished in November—and the nature of that connnunica tion proves, that Austria is as much bound to the enforce ment of the Treaty of London as any of the three Powers that signed it—and this occurrence took place, he it re membered, before the Egyptian fleet had reached Greece, and at the time when Turkey was withdrawing her armies. And now, - Heaven. grant that no re-action may arise from any late circumstances, and that any senseless stupidity ut tered in this House, on this or any former night, may not stimulate the Ottoman Porte to renew measures of obstinate resentment—that it may not induce her to rush blindly on her own destruction—an event which must be the con sequence of her renewal of that barbarous war of exter mination—that war described by the gallant Admiral to have been waged against women and children, and the track of which, Captain Hamilton says in his letter, may be traced by the clouds of smoke, and fire of burning vil lages, and the solitude and wretchedness of devastated fields and ruined habitations. However, Sir, though my con viction of the justice of the motion has not been at all shaken by the arguments that fell from the Hon. Member, I feel no partic4r wish that it may be pressed to a divi sion, if I could he assured by his Majesty's Ministers that it is their attention to carry into of the articles of the treaty warmly, boldly, and fearlessly—and not merely ob serve the letter of it coldly, reluctantly, and ineffecenally. However, as the motion belongs to my Hon. Friend, I shall leave it to his own disposal. I have no particular fears as to the result of the motion but on account of the effect it may produce on that gallant Officer's feelings, not withstending that the discussion has drawn down, from all sides, the most honourable testimonials of his skilful acrd gallant conduct.---(Cheering.) Mr. Secretary PEEL—Sir, differing as I do from the Hon. Member on the principle of his motion; differing as I do front him in my impression of the propriety of meeting it by the qualified measure proposed by my Hon. Friend, I must at the same time confess, that I entirely agree with the Hon. Gentleman on the recommendation that the House should discuss a..d dispose of it in a manner the most temperate, and with views the most remote from any thing like the feelings or opinions of party politics ; and I candidly avow my desire to abstain from every sentiment calculated to stand in the way of the discussion of the proceeding ad vised by the Hon. Member who has just sat down. Sir, I agree with the Hon. Member, also, in the justice of not considering the question in relation to the policy or im policy, the expediency or inexpediency, of the negociations from which the transaction may be said remotely to have arisen, and on the propriety of discussing it only on ab stract principles. And for my Hon. Friend, the Member for Dorsetahire, I am sure he will not think that I fail in my wonted respect for his judgment, if I shall decline his recommendation to debate the question in reference to the policy of the Protocol of November, 1826. But as my si lence on the subject may give rise to erroneous impressions as to the opinion I entertain of the Treaty of London,! have no hesitation in declaring, as Minister of the Crown, that I am ready, cordially and effectually, to follow up the enforce ment of the articles of that treaty. Sir, in the stipulations of that treaty his Majesty has declared his solemn intention to adhere to the observance of its articles, and his reso lution to carry the three objects of it into full and com plete effect, whether looking at the termination of hostili ties in Greece, the adjustment of amicable relations between the contending parties, or the preservation of the peace and tranquillity of Europe, as set forth in his Majesty's speech of 1815. These stipulations I think just, wise, and expedient, and the intentions of the Government to carry them into effect, cordial, honest, and sincere. —(Loud cheerin g .)—On this ground I am prepared to meet the Hon. Member for Knaresborough, and I trust, that after this declaration, the Hon. Member will abandon his doubts of the sincerity of our intention to effect the complete ex ecution of the treaty. Now for the arguments of the Hon. Member, and first, that deduced from his assumed fact that the present is the first instance in which the thanks of Par liament shall have been denied to a naval commander after the achievement of a brilliant victory ; but what is the fact, Sir ; not that this is the first instance in which thanks have been denied, but that this is the first instance in which thank s h ave been proposed, under the cir cumstances o f t h e case._(ch e _ ers .)—And here, Sir, let me b e a ll owe d to say , that I a gree with Hon. Gentlemen hi th e i r g l ow i ng eulogiee, of tie skill and valour of the Gallant Admiral who commanded our fleet on that occasion, and that I do no- ground my opposition to the motion through any doubt ofthe Gall ant Ad m i ra l's professional qu a li t i es, b ut be cause I consid er it a gainst all Parliamentary usage to vote the than k of Parliament to a naval commander in the cir cumstances of the present case. Sir, in proving the cor rectnees of this, my opinion, I shall follow the Hon. Mem ber through every one of his arguments—l shall not leave one particle of his reasoning untouched or unrefuted. And first, for the Hon. Member's assertion, that there has been no instance in which a previous declaration of war wa s considered necessary to the passing a Parliamentary vo te of thanks for a naval victory ; though on that point the Hon. Member touched on the case of Admiral Hyng, as a solitary exception, that could not be considered to affect his proposition. Bnt, Sir, though the Hon. -Mem ber but touched on the case of Admiral Byng's victory, he has not, he cannot, escape from its effect on hie argument. For what says the Hon. Member ? Why, that Admiral Byng's case was a rare one, and that it was not usual to pass votes of thanks for naval victories in that time, be cause, forsooth, of their unfrequency. Now, could this unfrequency of naval victories be a reason with 'Parlia ment for not - voting thanks to the commanders ;' or would it not rather be a reason why they should ex press the gratitude of Parliament for successes that must-1 have been moat deserving of thanks in ptoportion to their 'infrequency?—(Cheers and laughter.)— But, Sir, the armament was not at that time unused to vote their thanks for services performed by our forees--on the con trary, they were habituated Mille land victories of Marlbo rough and his armies, and took pleasure and pride in ex pressing their gratitude for their glorious .achievements; and doubtless they would have been equally glad to avail ihernselves of Admiral Pyng's case, to express their thanks tin. a naval victory. But the Hon. Member is incorrect in his history, as well as inconclusive in his reasoning. The first occasion on which thanks were voted for a naval vic tory was in 1692. The next was to Sir George Rooks, and the naval achievement that followed ; next was Admi ral Byng's over Spain, in 1718 ; now what were the cir eurnstances of that cuss—we were then acting under the stipulations of the Treaty of Utrecht, which hound us to effect the pacification of Sicily, and to bring about an armi etice between the contending parties, Austria and Spain. We were at the time at peace with Spain, yet we fitted out a naval armament, and sent it out to the coast of Spain. Admiral Byng apprised the Spanish Minister, Cardinal Al beroni, of his intention to interfere with the King of Spain's attack on Sicily, and informed him of his instructions to bring about an armistice, even though he should be obliged to resort to measures of hostile violence. And what said the Spanish Ministers to this ?—Do ; you may obey the instructions of your Court, but we will not intermit hostilities against Sicily. Admiral Byng did accordingly obey his instructions, and gained a signal victory over the fleet of Spain. Now, Admiral Byng's conduct was entirely accordant with his instructions, and so high was the sense of public approbation of his acts, that George the First wrote him a letter of thanks, and with his own hand, and the Emperor of Austria sent him a letter, expressing his warm approbation of the Admiral's conduct; yet, after all these honours, lie never received the thanks of Parliament. No : though there was not wanting an attempt on the first night of the Session to condemn the measure, on the usual motion for the Address, and that, Sir, not by the Lords— not by the high Tories—(cheers)—brit by that gentleman called Mr. Robert Walpole, and Sir Joseph Jekyl, and other Constitutional Members of the Whig party. (Lord cheering.) And Admiral Byng was not thanked by Par liament for that naval victory ; and for this reason, because the nation was not at war with Spain. This, therefore, is a case in point, and one from which the Hen. Member cannot, with all his ingenuity, extricate himself; but then, exclaims the Honourable Member, if we do not vote our thanks to Admiral Codrington for his victory, we shall seem to want admiration fur the gallant Admiral's skill and bravery. What, and was it because we felt no ad miration for his skill and gallantry displayed by the Duke of Wellington in the battle of Waterloo that we omitted to vote to him the thanks of Parliament ? No ; but for the same reason that influenced Parliament in the case of Ad miral Byng, namely, that we were not at war with France on the 18th June, 1815 ; and here I must remark that we, on that occasion, stood to France in the same relation that we now stand towards the Ottoman Court. But, asks the Hon. Member, if the conduct of the Gallant Admiral 1 ,, e deserving of the approbation of the Crown, why is he not entitled also to the thanks of Parliament? Now, Sir, for this also I have a precedent in the proceedings that fol lowed the affair of Toulouse : in that case the Commander and the army did not receive the thanks of Parliament, though they were honoured by the Royal approbation, and rewarded by a medal bearing the word " Toulouse."— (Cheers.) —But the affair of Copenhagen—that precedent (cries the Hon. Gentleman)—that, at least, is entirely mine. Now, Sir, I take leave to remind him, that in the case of Copenhagen there existed the fact, the non-exist ence of which prevented the presentation of a vote of thanks in the case of the Toulouse affair ; for in the former case (of Copenhagen), war had been formally declared against us by Denmark before the engagement occurred, and we were still at war with Denmark at the time the vote of thanks was proposed to the forces engaged in that victory. Now, at the time that the action was fought at Navarin we were at peace with Turkey, and at this moment that the thanks of Parliament are proposed for that victory we are still at peace with Tur key ; now this alone creates an important difference between the two cases of Copenhagen and Navarin.—(Cheers.)— But, Sir, there is another point of difference between them —this, the object of the battle of Copenhagen was definite, namely, the seizure of the Danish fleet, while the object of the battle of Navarin was not definite, and was not the de struction of the Turkish fleet. And to this let me add another essential difference, which is, that after the victory of Copenhagen, we seized and brought to this , country every Danish vessel that remained after the battle, while, after the battle of Navarin, not a Turkish vessel was seized by the Allied squadron, and not one of the three Admirals commanding the squadron had acted in the affair on any specific orders from their Courts. In that, sir, there is not one circumstance in the two cases alike.—(Cheering.) And here I must observe, that whatever feelings din suf ferings of the Greeks may excite in the breasts of some Hon. Members, or whatever hopes other Hon. Members may entertain for the probable downfall of the Ottoman Power in Europe, these sentiments ought to have no place amid our considerations on the present subject. The only matter for our present consideration is, the policy of voting our thanks to the Commander and Officers engaged in the battle of Navarin, and we have no right to mix up our sympathy for the suffering Greeks, or our hopes of the downfall of Turkey, with the consideration of that question. —(Cheers.) Again, Sir, an Hon. Member has hinted, indeed intimated broadly, that certain late changes of . the Government have a tendency to cause the rent of the Gal len t Admiral in command of our fleet in the lonian Seas, as if any domestic jealousies could have the effect of turning that Gallant Officer out of his ably-filled office, to deprive him of his well won honours.—(Loud cheering.) —Sir, that Hon. Member (Sir J. Mackintosh) ought to be the last, the very last—to entertain such an idea—for it so happens that the only Member of the last Government who has a seat in this House, I mean the late Master of the Mint (Mr. Tierney), is returned by the same borough as the Hon. Member (Knaresborough) ; and, he may reasonably suppose, entertains the same political opinions with the Hon. Member.--(Lond laughing.)—And if that Right Hon. Gentleman considered that the late changes in the Government were likely to create any change in the con duct of Ministers towards that Gallant Admiral, surely we should have seen the Right Hon. Gent. sitting by the side of his eloquent colleague, and cheering him in the delivery of his vehement oration—(Laughter)—and as the Right Hon. Gent. is absent, surely we may take it as an indica tion that he, at least, does not concur in the opinion of his Hon. Colleague for Knaresborough.—(Cheers.)—No, Sir, the change of persons in his Majesty's Councils has produced no alteration of the conduct of the Govern ment towards the Gallant Admiral. But in reference to the Honourable Mover's proposition, I have found in the despatches of Sir Edward Codrington, the copy of a note transmitted by the three Admirals to the Commander of the Turkish forces, two days before the battle of Navarin—in it they state that, of three courses of conduct open to them, they are determined to choose the last, as most advantageous to the Porte itself—namely, that of taking such an imposing position in the bay of Navarin as would enable them to propose with effect, con ditions beneficial to the Ottoman Court. Now, such an intention could not have proceeded from a wish to destroy the Turkish and Egyptian fleets ; but rather from a desire of inducing the Turkish Commander to that beneficial ar. rangement, by the imposing presence of the combined fleets. But the result of taking that position was otherwise than had been expected—it was not foreseen by the Admiral , : of the Allied squadron—nor by their respective Governments —nor by the Commanders of the Turkish and Egyptian fleets; and if it was so unexpected, so unhoped, surely we may mix with our admiration of the gallant conduct of the victors, sincere regret for such a melancholy result— (cbeering)—and, accordingly, in the King', Speech, he called the affair an " untoward event." But the Hon. Member will tell the House that the King of Frame in his speech expressed his approbation of it. Sir, in the speech of the King of France also, it is called an unfore seen occurrence; nay, and what is more conclusive in my favour, it has been called by the Gallant Admiral himself who presided over the victory, what, why a most dis astrous extremity.—(Cheers.)—Again, Sir, when in that gallant Officer's despatches we read that the Commander of the Egyptian fleet declared he would not fire at all, and when we afterwards learn, that subsequently lie was drawn into it by incidents beyond his control, surely, we may safely conclude that the character g i ven t o th e event by the Gallant Officer (Admiral C.), is a correct oue, particularly when it wae remembered that the result was not contemplated by either party. But still more, Sir, the o c day r r en after e, c the nature of the message: sent by th e Ad m i ra l s o f t h e com bined Admiral's own ad mission,tbhine ei: ng re a l g u e a m dr e o n ns t, t s o h t o l , : v e s, T b u y rk t i h h t t time Commander, that England - was, a % Gallantheof thecu not only at peace with Turkey, but on terms of good un derstanding. The import of that measure was, that as the Allied Squadrons had .not entered the Bay of Navarin with hostile intentions, so they would not destroy the remaining yea sole of the fleet, providing the Commander acknowledged that they bad commenced an unjust aggression against the Arlied Squadrons—in this case, the Allied Admirals would immediately and willingly renew the friendly understanding that had existed between the fleets up to the moment of the battle.. Mr. Wyndham, in objection to that vote, lays down m rinciple, which, if not applicable in all its parts to the case now before us, atleast is in its general bearings ; and those , Wing just, we are entitled to apply it hese, with out intending to cast any reflection whatever on the Gallant Officer or his brave companions. In speaking of the expe dition to Copenhagen, Mr. Wyndham says—" It was on. . pleasant to object to a motion of this kind, because the party principally interested was brought before the House by no fault of its own. It was unpleasant to object to what was asked in their name, though not by them. It was un pleasant also,because there was en idea that where praise was withheld, there was intention to cast blame." Mr. Wyndham proceeds—" It was certainly right to keep the merits of the army and navy distinct from the merits or demerits of Ministers : and to separate the consideration of the orders from that of the execution. But it was not usual to sepa rate, and keep distinct the nature and character of the ser vice. The nature of the service was always one of the indispensable rules by which public gratitude was mea sured. In all military annals there were instances of great personal merit in the minutest actions, as i n o p era ti ons on the largest scale; in single ships, in Tuggers and schooners, in packets even ; as there was lately a brilliant example, shove ail, in actions of boats." Mr. Wyndham went on— It was not in this state of mind, nor for successes of this description, that a nation indulged in public rejoicings, or poured forth its a cknowledgements to those by whom those successes had been obtained, however meritorious indivi dually their conduct might have been. National thanks implied national rejoicing ; and national rejoicing did not belong to the present occasion : It was on this principle that he heard with pain and disgust the firing of the Park and Tower guns on the (lay when the news arrived. It was a call for exultation on the occasion where sorrow for the ne cessity of using force was in the mouths of his Majesty's Ministers, and in the hearts of the British people." I quite sure that such would be the language of Mr. Wynd ham in the present case ; that be would decide .according to his own strong natural feeling, and impost those principles laid down in the extracts from his speeches which I have read—speeches, the House will recollect, of a man who was not insensible to the claims upon national gratitude for such victories—a man who, even in the case of an officer (Capt. Peliew), for the capture of a single frigate, thought the expression of our thanks ought not to be withheld. On that occasion Mr. Wyndham said, " You are not to mea sure your thanks by the extent of the service rendered, but by the nature of that service." That having been the principle which, in the case of a single frigate, governed the House, how much more strongly ought it to be applied in one of so much greater magnitude as that now under our consideration? upon these grounds it was that I made up my mind respecting this transaction—feeling that no imputation of blame respecting Sir E. Codrington ought to be deduced horn the circumstance that his Majesty's Government declares it cannot acquiesce in the motion of the Hon. Member ; and considering that this is a case in which it is not desirable to extend the principle which has hitherto guided Parliament ; for were we to concur in the motion of the Hon. Member, it would lee a departure front established custom.—(Hear.) I think that signal valour, or splendid proof of professional ability and skill, ought to entitle a man to the thanks of his coun try ; and in this instance I ant far from denying the merits of the Gallant Officer. God knows my opposition to this motion is not upon private grounds—God knows that it has nut its origin in any indifference to, or any doubts of, the deserts of Sir Edward Codrington ; for if it had been in confimrmity with the practice of the House, 1 would have joined most heartily in any tribute to his deserts.— (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, I must claim from the Right Honourable Gentleman (Sir Janice Mackiatosh) the admission of this principle also—that to thank the Gallant Officer, in the way proposed by the motion of the Honourable Member, would, with respect to the Ottoman Court, furnish ground for believing that the Battle of Navarin was a very deliberate act. The /lon. Gentle man quarrels with the words "ancient Ally" in the King's Speech, and he seems to think that some peculiar favour was intended to lee shewn to the Turks, at the ex pense of the Russians. The Hon. Gentleman had said, it was net certain that the Turks would sympathize with us in professions of amity; that he was not sore that the Turkish Government would not disclaim the application of those expressions, "ancient Ally." But if we were to look to some of their expressions respecting us in the time of Queen Elizabeth, we should find that they admitted us to terms of amity, and that they acknowledged the value of our connection in all the luxuriant language of Eastern compliment. After the restoration of Charles 11., it is true, that in one of their state Papers they declared—(but at that period every body knew that the geographical knowledge of the Ottoman Court was not of the highest order)— in that document, however, they said, as a reason for not doing something with respect to England, that " they had always looked upon England as a dependency of France."—(A laugh.) To deny that Turkey was our ancient Ally would be, I think, too much for the Hon. Gentleman. For 300 years we have been at peace with Turkey, interchanging acts of friendship and treaties of amity with her. The year 1589 was that in which our relations with Turkey commenced, and they continued un interrupted up to the present time, except during a short pe riod, in each of the years 1799 and 1806. The Honour able Gentleman says, the Turks would repudiate an alliance and hurl back the term " ancient Ally ;" but that is no new phrase—for in the Treaty of Amiens (that treaty of so much importance) the Ottoman Porte is characterised as " the Ally of England."—(Hear, hear, hear.)—lu the treaty of 1799, so far from Turkey refusing to recognise us in that character—so far from refusing to acknow ledge the good understanding that had prevailed between us—so far from repudiating our alliance, that treaty concludes with these words—" The uninterrupted good understanding which has always existed between the Court of London and the Sublime Porte, and the common in terests involved in the war in which they were engaged, in duced the parties to renew and to cement the terms of their ancient friendship."—(Hear, bear.)—ln the former (the King's speech) we call Turkey our " ancient ally;" in the latter (the treaty of 1799), we describe her as " our an cient friend." It appears to me, therefore, that it is mere cavilling to say that we intend to exercise undue influence, because we call that power stow " our ancient ally," which we always called " our ancient friend." (Hear.) What said Mr. Canning? What were the terms in which he spoke of the relations of this country with the Ottoman Government ?—(and these were terms not used for the purpose of conciliating the Turks, for they were used in a communication with the opposite party.) In his letter to the Greek Government, dated Dec. 1, 1824, in his an swer to an application for an interference made on their part by M. Rodio, Mr. Canning says—" Connected as England is with the Perte by long established obligations, and by ancient treaties, which the Porte has never violated, surely it is not to be expected that England would engage in a war against that Power." This being the language used in speaking of the Turkish Court, would it be supposed— ought it to be objected, therefore, that because we used the words " ancient ally" in the King's Speech, that they were introduced with any lurking desire to cast a reflec tion upon or leave out of view the obligations we were under to the Gallant Officer (Sir Edward Codrington), and time force under Isis command.—(Hear, hear.)—ln the observations I have felt it my duty to make, I t: ust have not suffered myself to be led away by the heat that sometimes occurs in debate, and permitted my self to sitter one word or one syllable of Sir Edward Codrington (or his gallant companions), calculated by any possibility to deprive him of the value of his bril liant conduct. It must not be inferred from the oppo sition I give to the motion before this House, that I have any desire to deprive th!ose distinguished persons of the recompence of their valour—that because we are not pre. pared to depart from that principle to which the faith of the country stands pledged, that we are not as willing as the most ardent supporter sf the motion, to do justice to the gallant officer who is the object of it.—(Hear.) -1 trust, therefore, that, in accordance with the suggestion of his Right Hon. Friend, the Hon. Gentleman will do that which is manifestly the wisest, namely, to take that course which, under all the circumstances, would be most satis factory to the gallant officer—most consonant with the feelings of the House--and most consistent with the good faiths and the reputation of the country.—(The Uight Hon. Gentleman sat down amid loud cheering.) Sir FRANCIS BURDETT—I hove heard, with un mixed satisfaction, the declaration of the sentiments of the Right Hon. Gentleman who has just sat down ; and I have no doubt that my Hon. Friend, prompted as he was origi nally by all those feelings which the transaction under con sideration is calculated to produce in the breast of every Englishman—all that sympathy for the gallant object of his motion, which his (Sir Edward Codrington's) conduct so naturally produced—that feeling that every thing he sou ght to effe c t h as b een achieved—be will be satisfied with the candid declarations of the Right Honourable Gentleman ; and with the same candour with which the Right Honourable Gentleman avowed . his senti ments, come a t once t o that conclusion which, it ap pears, worth" satisfy the House.—(Hear, hear, hear.)— I am quite convinced that those gallant men, whose cha racters are at stake—who had persevered in fulfilling that which they deemed their duty to their country and to humanity, will be satisfied with the admis sion, that their conduct was not only blameless, under whatever circumstances it shall be viewed, but that the • whole affair was conceived with a wisdom, and performed in a manner, which has obtained for them the admiration and the gratitude of every man who feels for the character of the country. But when we consider the very difficult and perilous situation in which Sir Edward Codrington - was placed—the heavy responsibility that rested on his shoulders—not only the valour but the discretion that marked his conduct—it is imposaible nut to agree that no Naval or Military Commander ever performed his duty under circumstances of greater difficulty, and at the satne time displayed more of the characteristics of a truly great man. Not only did his victory redound to the honour of England ; but it may have achieved other objects of incalculable value. Iday it not be the means of found ing a lasting friendly connexion between Powers never be fore so brought together —a reciprocity of feeling, and of interest, between Great Britain, France, and Russia.— (Hear.) It is due, therefore,to Sir E. Codrington to express our admiration, not only of the valour displayed by that Gallant Officer himself, but of those Admirals who, placed by their Sovereigns under his guidance (the first time that 'he Admirals of those Powers were ever brought toge !her), vied with each other, not only in deeds of glory, kit in deeds of generosity. All the glory of their brilliant exploit was of less value than the creation of that glorious emulation which produced envy, not that envy which rows pale at the sight of the glory of another, but that , pecies of envy which stimulated them to emulate the glory of our own Admiral, who, in executing those orders, onununicated to them by him, felt themselves enabled to display before the wtold union of talent and bravery never before witnested.--(Hear, hear.) Although I ag ree most entirely with most of what fell from the Right /ion. Gent. there are a few passages in his specech in which I cannot concur. I must admire, however, the great can dour with which the Right lion. Gentleman admitted the purity of the motives which influenced my lion. Friend in bringing forward this motiou, and also the full justice done by his Majesty's Ministers to the energy, the ability, and the bravery of the Gallant Officer and his distinguished companions. I shall not, therefore, —detsin the House longer than to express again my satisfaction that thisjus tice has been done to our naval Commander, without stop ping to dwell upon the admirable state of preparation in which his ships were found before the action, and all the bravery and skill that directed it. When all parties concur in one strain of congratulation, it would be worse than useless. I have, therefore, merely risen to express my Own sense of the transcendant merits of our Gallant Com mander, and my admiration of the candour and manliness of the Right lion. the Secretary for the Home Department. —(Hear, hear, hear.) Mr. HOBHOUSE—After the declaration of the Right lion. Gentleman, I do not feel myself called upon to trouble the House at length. I ant happy to find that in the opinion of the House I have been guilty of no indiscre tion in bringing forward a motion, which has elicited such an unmixed expression of praise and admiration of the Gallant Admiral. The admission, by the Right Hon. Gentleman that he would have assented to my motion had the action taken place with the vessels of a Power with which we were at war, would, of itself, have rendered it unnecessary for Inc to have persevered in my motion; but when the Right Hon. Gentleman declares that the character of Sir Edward Codrington stands as high as that of any Officer in our service, thus enabling me attain the great object I Lad in view, I should feel that 1 abused the indulgence of the House were I to occupy its attention for another mo ment. After that declaration of the Right lion. Gentle man, I cannot accede to the suggestion of my Right Hon. Friend, and shall therefore, with the leave of the House, withdraw Iry motion.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The motion was then withdrawn. SALMON FISHERIES. Mr. WOOLRYCHE WHITMORE then moved and obtained leave to bring in Bill for the better regula tion of the Salmon Fisheries, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday next. Mr. G. R. DAWSON brought up tilt, report of the Transfer of Aids Bill. The amendments were agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. The report of the Exchequer Bills (1;,000,0001.) Bill was also brought up ; the amendments were agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. The House adjourned at a Quarter to Eleven o'Clock. This day was published, price 25., APLAIN STATEMENT of sonic Parti culars of the FINANCIAL SITUATION of the UNITED KINGDOM, with brief Remarks on the Inuti lity of the Sinking Fund in the present State of the Re venue ; with an Appendix, showing the Amount of the Revenue and Expenditure in 1825, 18et3, and 1827. Published by J. Ridgway, 169, zn - 1 , 0 k s , .11114 LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 1,), Our readers will perceive that Mr. HosimusE brought forward last night his motion for a vote of thanks to Sir E. CODRINCTON• Mr. IlurActssow and Mr. PEEL Opposed the motion on the ground of its being unprecedented—and adverted to the parallel cases of the Battle of Toulouse, and of Admiral BYNO'S victory over the Spaniards, where• thanks had not been voted by Parliament. All the speeches are well deserving of perusal, and the liberality of Mr. PEtr.'s drew forth the approbation of Sir F. BURDETI. Want of space prevents our enlarging further at present. The French Papers of Tuesday, and the Gazette di Fiance of Wednesday, contain little of importance or in terest to English readers, being chiefly filled with their own debates, an 1 translations of ours. According to letters from Vienna, a levy of 45,000 men is going to be made to complete the army. Fgrrwn FUNDS.—Five per Cents. 104 f. 455. ; psi Cents. 70f. '7oc. Bank Stock, 1,920 f. ; Naples Stock, 77f. ; Royal Spanish Loan, 72f. Vic. ; :elaytian Loan, 630 f. Exchange on London—one month, 25f. 15c. ; three months, 25f. sc. The St. Petersburglt Journal of the 20th ult. contains a long article praising the Russian Administration in tht. Province of Erivan, which is in consequence undergoing great improvement, while the inhabitants continue to enjoy comfort and tranquillity. The Nurembury Correspondent contains the following, which may be intereEtiug to commercial reader, FRANKFOILT, TEE. 4. Contrary to all expectation business has become very brisk here, especially in English manufactures ; and in Silks, of the finest in particular, large quantities go to Bavaria and Wurtemburg. Sugars have risen a little, but Coffee con tinues to fall. I:XCMANGE ON LONDON. Am STE FEB. 12.-11. 97%.—Tw0 months. 11.:r1?: Halifax Papers of the 19th, and New Brunswick tt the nth ult., have beets received at the North and South American Coffee-house.—The Fredericktown Royal Ga. zelle contains a Proclamation, by which the meeting of the General Assembly is further prorogued to the 14th of February, for the following reason, which will be read with deep concerts :—" It is with extreme regret we learn that on Friday last his Excellency the Lieut.-Governer (Sir HowAan Doutaas), whilst walking in his garden, happening to step on a piece of ice, sudienly fell, by whirl. his Excellency's face wa► severely cut in one or two places, and his right wrist and one of his ancles dislocated. This misfortune, its his weak state, must evidently tend to cheel in some degree his Excellency's recovery from his former illness, but it is hoped not very materially ; he is now in t. fair way of recovery." THE ARMY. A detachment of the 4th Regiment of Light Dragoon, will embark on Monday nett, on board the East Company's ship Duchess ;of Atholl, for Bombay, for tin purpose of joining their Regiment. The detachments stationed at Salisbury, under the cot/i -nland of Lieut. Swayne, of the 44th Regiment, wil remove to Hindon, to remain during the election of Member of Parliament, about to take place at Salisbury. Jeremial: Morgan, a deserter from the 23d Regiment. with six other prisoners ; broke out of the city g aol of Here ford, on thg evening of Sunday the 10th in st. by makin g hole through the boundary wall ; they ha ve not y et bee, retaken. of it which HOIPiE OF LORDS.-(TH IS DAY. )--.GOR on a tenant, t wu affirmed I, part DON V. ANDERSON. —The judg ment of the Cour t of Se , sion in this case, in so far as it decided that the gener. r th eg e u L la o t ß io D ns c t li ve i r N e cbziintdoinßg; n the d. cided that these regulations did not apply to the last yea of the lease was reversed.—(We have no room to•day fel the case of STRACHAN V. PATON.) SHIPPING- INTELLIUENCE-CTII P.A V.) 1 , R0'.11 DEAL, FEE. 1 I.—Wind S. by W.—Arriced from Lort don the 6co. Bentinck, 31`Kenn , , for Havannah; Tri dent, LaWrellee, for Santa Martha; Dania, Ent.; an , ! Christie, Mackie, for ditto. P O PASMOU ill, Frs. I -1.--Wind S.W.—The deuce, Ford, has put back, having sprung- her loierr.e:q in a violent gale, from N.N.W., on Monday last, off L**l4al4; reports seeing several ships to leeward, well in urr . thr French coast ; parted company with his Majesty's- ship.; Revenge and Melville, the Claudine, and a large fleet, .sap posed to be outward-bound. MARGATE, FEi. 14.--The Mary, f!'r iatuaielt, is on shore below Tilbury, with It of bowsprit, hairrg run on board the Lord Lowther, Stewart, bound to Matiraf; aid China. TI4L: FUNDS-(THISA)Ai-, CITY, TwrzrE a' Consols opened at 85,1, bu)ers, but a supply of money stock having come forward, drove them down to 65i for this, and 85i for the new account, which opened yesta day, and is fixed for the 10th of April. India Boat 93 4, and Exchequer Bills, 61 2 pm. The dealers and speculators in the Foreign Funds • are actively employed in regulatiut- accounts, this being sailing . day. Th e diff erences during ' Le account have been heavy, Loth in Mexican.and Colombian Bonds, the former opened at 354, being a heavy Bull account, and the supply ci •tock has depreesed them to 3-14 ; they rtcovered to .35, but are now all b; Colombi an ar e 23. 'Three per C ent . Consols, 85i Ditto for April, 93.4 ; India Fond s , 9 3 4. pin. ; FOREIG N . Exchequer Bills, 614 m. 62 A ; Buenos Ayres, 86 8 ; (Milian, 22 4; Colombian, ; Danish, 6l- 2k ; Gr e ek, 171 ; :Mexican, 5 per Cent., .25 6; ti per Cent., 33 ; Peruvian, 23 ; Portuguese, 74i s'; Russian, 941 ; Spanish, 101 BrarAli in, 51 3 prim. l\z lN ; r ß s. o - 11, ..k a t r i , g 2 lo di ly . e ; xi c ca , i o , share;mbian, 2 I per United Mexican, 0 01 19. 1 ,- dis. ; General Mining Association, SI pm. per share. TWO O'CL OCk". The proceedings relative to the Fin,:nce Conunittee arc looked for with intense interest. Consols ate sbi 4t. THREE 0' CL 0 CR: Consols, 86-1 FOUR O'CLOCK.--CLOSING Consols 83 Danish 62 Do. for Ac. 85i j Greek, 182.5 Brazilian Bonds 62/ Mexican, 1823'33 Bueno,; Ayres 37 j Peruvian '2'3 China!, Do. Russian 9-11 Columbian, 1824 2u Spanish, 1821 1O The Duclics of KENT entertaioeti a nurrler. , oils party to dinner on Wednesday, at her apartiaents the Kin g 's Palace, at Kensington. A Cabinet Council was held )esterday after- . noon at the Foreign-office, Downing-street. IL?. lets present were, the I)o.—e of WELL/NOTOr, 1.4r1z Bz.- rutntsr, Dunt,Ey, and ABErte)rE!,, Viscounts MtLvILLE and PALMEIV,IOV, Lord ELLENBOROLCH, Mr. St , ..eret,r,„ PEEL, Mr. Secretary Ihrsxiswx, Mr. CIIARLL3 GRANT, and the CIIANCELLon of the Ex cm v.ltrErt. The summonsos for the Council were issued at 11 o'clock )e3terday morn in;. The 'Ministers met at two o'clock in the afternoon, .end continued sitting till a quarter to five o'clock. Earl DUDLEY came to tovvn yesterday morn ing, from the Royal Lalte in \Viudsor-park. Prince LIEVEN (the Russian Anibas:adar)) :uid Baron Bur.ow (the Prussian Minister), transacted bu .iness yesterday at the Foreign-office, Downing-etrest, with Earl Dental-. The Marquis de PALMELLA (the Porte 4uese Ambassador) transacted business on Wetiresday the Foreign-office. Mr. I - lusicissoN tcuk pussessicn 3esteEday of the house in Downing -street, adjoining the Fcrelgu-office Viscount GoDErtiot has taken Pembroke ticusr, Privy-gardens, for seven years. BlRTA.—Yesterday, at ids residence 1::?!-- kcley-s q uare, the Lady of Sir Wm. Glazer Cu:itHlC:. Bart., of a daughter. It i:; rumoured that the LORD CHIEF BAROY retires ou his pension and an English Peerage, to be ;tic,- reeded by Sir WILLIAm WMA.wox, Bart., who: place in the Rell'a Court will be occupied b r 311. Cork Mercantile Chronicle. WEYMOUTH ELECTIONr-FOURIR DAY v Z POLL, WEDNE;;DAY, FE3. 13 :-. This Day. Major Weyland _ _ Edward B. Sugden, Esq. ...... DURHAM COUNTY ELECTION, WEDN3S rAv, FEs. 13.—Mr. Iliz.szu., of Brazcz.ptitl^. Cutle, Lag been returned Member for the county of Durham. The 11ououtable Gentleman expreased himself km:lt - able t Catholic Emancipation. C • R-LE-STREET, FEB. 12.--Yesterday a grand dinner was given at the Lambtun Arnac Inn, in honour of Lord DUR}IA7.II%i elevation to the Peerage. 'as Chair was ably filled by JAbin NEL3OW, Esq. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, DUBLIN.' --MA= t'. MAGLIIRII.-ErmArum.--in o ur pap t ,r Of yesterday it was stated by mistake, that the verdict traa set aside with costs; it shouhl be without costs.—DNi n , Morning Post. The Americas► Education society, in their Annual Report, state the population of the IThited States to be advancing at the rate of 1,000 per day•. The bad state of the roads from the incle mency of the weather, has delayed the arrival of the coaches much beyond their usual time for several days past, and the delivery of the letters from the General Post-ofEcs has consequently been proportionably late. COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE.—Mr. XEAh re-appeared last night as Shylock, and was re-cei - .-ed with warm applause, by a crowded house. He went through his part with no slight portion of his former energy, and seems recovered in part from the effects of his late serious indisposition. NEW PUBLICATIONS.—The following in teresting Works are just published by Mr. COLIC alk,.New Burlington-street, viz. 1. The Third Series of Sayin 4 s and Doings, or Sketches from Life, Si vols.—lt. The Re miniscences of HENRY ANGELO, comprising numerous Anecdotes and Traits of Noble and Illustrious Characters, 1 vol.--. 3. Tales of the West, by the Author of Letters from the East, 2 vols.-4, Lord BYRON and soma of his Contemporaries, 1 vol.-5. The O'Briens and the O'Fla hertys, a National Tale, by Lady Nowak:, Sd Edition, 4 w i l l s r. o en cedyesterday by that Right vols.-6. Travels in America and Italy, by the Viscount de CHATEAUBRIAND, 2 vols.—And 7. Tales of an A nti. quary, illustrative of the Manners, Traditions, and L oc ei . ,, ties of ancient London, 3 vols. about ee from report office o f H U3 gISSOI' being to r T et l it l Hon. Gentleman taking poo„sion CO Sir RE V . of the house in Down.. ing-street formerly belonging nozEAT PSTO, which was purchase a of t h e worth y Baro net i n coneequenc of a vote of the House of (Air"°/ 13 , on the motion of Mr. LITTLETON, for providinfiffaatiuture residence for the Secre tary of State for Fo -c a se fur rs. "r * CINNI " w " then- Secretary of -te frieed Foreign Affairs--Mr. Ltmiroy being the particular .. of the late Right Hon. Gentle d so g considered Out of his man, an party. The house e has un dergoft consid erable alterations since the decease of Mr. CANNING, parti cu l arly the entrance hall. These, combined with other circumstances which have taken p , ace w i t hin these few dayb, have given rise to another report, t hat Mr. HUSEISSON is to be Secretary of State fur FO - Affairs, and that Lord DUDLEY is to retire; it la a lso added that Lord GODERICH it to succeed Mr. 11csrts sori as Secretary of State for the Colonial Department_ the mine offic e which the Noble Viscount filled un , :er the late Mr. CANtaNc's Administration.— Morning Herald. ' 7 HATTON-GARDEN.--(This DAT.)— ..li t ATTEMY T TO ASSASSINATE,-..lioiCard wan being e y e _ mined, but nothing new transpired before we went to press, The Ist Battalion 60th Foot, on returning from Portugal, will land at Cork and tbt Depot Compauie e c have been ordered to embark at Devonport, to j o i n th j ecnit, at Cork..— Cork Mercantile Chronicle. The parish of Gwennap, in Cornwall, is supposed to be, in point of act ua l pro d uce, one of the duringrichest thein the kingdom. Th e copper ores sold from it last seven years hare amounted to nearly o millions. In the last year the amount was 307,000 L, besides what was received for tin, floor-spar, &c., which may be estimated at 50,0001. more.