The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-25 00:00:00

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' ") CEare" virn• arriirei s A the Ncii n f - rosver,°t; et l'i si , A r of' !t ale)" , -- -vvreits:/°, : i 1111 wo Mi3 o Zoyal clio' I e r ehear' m ornil* Barring" Hadso7 Bar 1A Kent, airing h t° e bar , c the rlg m on ';, the Pr i " 10 ill -office' EVEN ING EDITION CORN-LAWS. 'MEETING OF THi7 4ll---- IVRD OF FARRINGDON ---------- A meeting WITHOUT. gof the inhabitants of the 'Ward of Far ringdon Without was held yesterday in the New Court, Old Bail e y , i n conformity with a requisition presented that purpose to Sir James Duke; the worthy Alder man of the ward. Sir James Duke having taken the chair at 12 o'clock and the usual preliminary business having been gone through, Mr. GALLOWA Y in a very neat speech in which he ad 3'ocated the principles of free trade and expressed a hope that all party distinctions would now be sunk in the great fi g ht against monopoly, proposed a series of resolutions e xpressing the approbation of the meeting of the mea- Siires proposed by th e G overnmen t w ith respect to the duties on sugar and timber, and to the substitution of a *mall fixed duty on corn for the sliding scale—(Cheers.) Mr. POSTIFEX, in seconding the resolution, defended the conduct of the Ministry from the time of their taking S up up to th e present moment. They now t h rew them selves upon the people for support in opposition to the class interests, and he hoped the country would re s Pond to the call.—(Loud cheers.) During the course of his speech Mr. Pontifex was interrupted occasion "LY by a little knot of Chartists and Tories, who expressed their disapprobation in a most vociferous man ner, particularly when the name of Lord John Russell Was mentioned. Every hiss, however, was only a signal for a burst of applause from the body of the hall, which completely drowned the disapprobation of the dissentients. Mr. TYTE defended the Corn-laws, and expressed a hope that a modified property tax would be proposed. M r. : IV - m.l.s, before commencing his address, said, that if his opinions were not in accordance with those of his constituents, he would at once resign. He thought it impossible that this country, with such a heavy debt, conkl compete with foreigners. He contended that ex rience showed that when foreign corn was imported, as always paid f or i n go ld, an d t h at t h e B an k o f n was had been embarrassed in consequence. As to a fixed duty, who was to tell what would be sufficient p be ro4chtiewon or not ? Were the mill-factors of the people to against the landed interest of the country ? (Hisses.) The prosp er ity o f th e W ar d d epen d e d upon h_e la n d e d i nterest, who were their best customers.— iit erruption.) H e wou ld s h ut up w h en they liked, for e felt he should not convince. —(Cheers.) They were beginning at the w rong end. He was for cheap Govern ment, and he kne w th e poor never could have their rights they had a cheap Government.—(Cheers.) The r evenue in 1792 was 16,000,000/, and he thought it ought ° be brought back to the 16,000,0001. again ; and it kight be brought back without doing wrong to anybody. Tories cri es o f " Question. " ) He thought Wh i gs and -;ories were both equally bad. The consequence of the de bt rerdered it impossible for them to have cheap corn from abroad, an d th e i r grea t o bject ought to be to u .ain cheap Government. He was against any altera °ll in the Corn-laws—(Loud hisses and great uproar) — and he would move as an amendment a resolution, stating that it would be impossible for the manufacturers of this of to compete with foreigners so long as a revenue r fifty millions was wrung from the productive classes to be given to the unproductive classes. Mr. Basias, of Hosier-lane, seconded the amendment. .Mr. WOOD complained of the attempt of Mr. Wells to Shirk the question as one unworthy of the meeting. If ule 11 millions taken out of the pockets of the people an of bpi e present Corn-law were kept in the pockets ? t he ple, and out of the grasp of the mono ?lists, there would be no great difficulty in obtaining . ;" . . 4e a l ) Government. —(Ch eers .) Th e measures o f th e aovernment must -be taken as a whole.--(Cheers.) ere was now a prohibition against the importation of the and of m ea t. Th e l an d e d interest were a class that nothing could ever satisfy. They had even upheld t i dli tY upon egg s an d sausages .—(Ch eers an d l aug h ter .) l addition to th e e l even m illi ons ta k en b y t h e Co re rn s, the re was no less than 20,000,000 1 . taken out of tft Pockets o f t h e peop l e o f t hi s country b y i n di rect r ation, for the purposes of protection. It was neces- St)' to reduce the duty on foreign sugar in order to pre- O at the E ast and West Ind i a monopolists combining to 7,eeP th ese sugars out of the market so as to keep up the Lte. He conten d e d t h at t h e c h ange propose d i n t h e e rtil - laWs would not reduce wages but would in le e ase the present consumption of corn by at 2i st one-fourth.—{Hear, h ear .) Th e p oor l a b ourer , -°l iid not then be obliged to give his children vegetables uSe he could not give them bread. Mehemet Ali cargopan to Napier that he could not send a In of his corn here and take our manufactured goods 1;" r eturn, on account of the uncertainty as to the duty 41e should have to pay when the corn arrived here._ i Theers.) W ou ld they give u p thei r t ra d e w ith th e ' i razils on the hypocritical pretext that free labour could dote compete with slave labour. Why, the estates in the " eatlndies had increased in value since th e emancipa lion, and the way to increase free labour was td let it why freely with slave labour all over the world. why did they refuse to encourage the fre e l a b our o f Borth America by refusing the corn, and yet encourage the slave labour of the South states by taking the cot ton ?—(Cheers.) Why because they were the victims 4 4 the sugar, the timber, and the corn monopolists. kr: Deacon Hume, who was no party man, I latt said that if we did not get rid of our monopolies, our commercial empire would be lost.—(Cheers.) The V i lrect taxation which did not go to the purpose of -t)° .,_ernment, was greater than the direct taxation. The win g population had been taxed to its utmost ex tent Tli l ' e Government saw this and had long concocted thin g reat and mighty measure.L(Cheers.) „If they fol owed Mr. Goulburn's advice W leave things alone, Would the p u bli c cre di tor b e qu i te sa f e ? Wi t h t h e po pulation of th e manu f actur i ng towns starv i ng, were t hi ngs 0 e let alone.—(Cheers.) The proposed measures °I Q , prod uce an i ncrease d d eman d f or l a b our, an d con seqluent)y increased wages.—(Loud cheers.) ' lr . B. PDXTIFEX contended that more persons would ti e l called into employment in the manufacturing districts, t orsi would be thrown out of employment in the agricul ea' districts bv . a repeal of the Corn-laws. Belgium was fatter wort hy to the East Indies, and it was a ,rter worthy of swious consideration how the prosperity I,er,Ur manufactures was to be maintained. Our pros anr.;tiow depended upon maintaining our foreign commerce, continuedo ty lll o d that be maintained as long as these prohi f ? and they ought to take the earliest doing away with the incubus which was fixes, _.; l Pon us. Mr. Wells had complained of the t.;(4::::urre,talnveveirne s a u cl p d p iti v o i n ng to them he was for imposing on •b - e c onntry an additional tax by the Corn-laws. The Thal forme to h._ supplied customers in Holland, who used from the city of London. Feeling Co"alLt_as necessary to take measures to maintain our li nu r. q? e, he should support the resolution,—(Cheers.) into a hitst ,he supported the resolutions and went they were tc P t °f the Corn-laws, and stated that when (tans consideredalbe ?s- enacted the attempt to make corn dear e t:ocious that the Corporation of Lon ,tires,sedwdast saht that time the Lord Mayor was a Tory, ad theThsr:: 13 -U f lo L od o praying the law might not pass. ,ed on that occasion. The Tories of the City a The 11 1/4 1 . G ua e d .,always been . oppo . sed to the Corn-laws. ueSeripti n elliall, having given a most humorous fusinall of the absurd conduct of John Bull in re • elicit;d ea r' e ,orn, good timber, and cheap sugar, which of the revenue.great laughter, went on to account for the failure ost a The Ministers had given them cheap fo r Had there ever been such a glorious cause did ,i,411,2; Fevenue? The revenue was failing, and what incr e ul as e • Mi nisters say ? We will raise the revenue by .A zono ing the comforts of the people.—(Loud cheers.) , all the henefits of the change in the postage this W as the atnioenol the gre3test.—(Cheers.) At the present mo- Inent the • idinisters had put themselves at the head of the el ar 11 °Pe of the country.—(Loud cheers.) The de of Lord John :Russell was a proof of it ; and poly. g all to join him in storming the citadel of mono- IV Y. l ie had placed himself at the head, and would they . 41 Fs? to follow him ?—(Cheers.) They should help him, fre_n,eYP the mselves. —(Cheers.) Had he introduced some 110 so measure of taxation the Tories would have sup coll:ted Ith u•—(Cheers.) The people of England should Toi.lleder 'hat lie had done for them, and Whigs and e n ' s connected with trade ought to join in putting an to the odious system of monopoly.—(Loud cheers.) i n , \ l v a s glad of the opportunity afforded him of express lee I's sense of the conduct of the worthy Aldermen th em e uvenin g the meeting, and would say once more, let Bu PPort the Ministers. Let them rally . roum c cl i 71,-,.; J ohn Russell—(Cries of " No, drowned drowned in lou s che n ' -J ig, which continued some time)—and they would li ec„ced in storming the strongholds of monopoly. ye 15 LAKE defended the Corn-laws as having pre te-eqed flectuations of price, and as necessary for the pro pof the h om e grower. He denied that high rents Lto e a disadvantage to the country—(Disapprobation)— - contended that it was the duty of the Government to e c° , h ise l the home market to the English labourer. The of CO a ws were necessary for the maintenance horde State.—(c r i e e of " No," and hisses.) It was a Cr ies absolutely noceesary.—(" No, no," and hisses. l e °f " Down, down," " Off, off," and great uproar.) of c i . , happy to say that a vast majority of the House Wh,f linons was in favour of the existing Corn-laws 0-/ i 7 'le held t o b e f or the bone& of the country.— tal e s s s o es e , and uproar.) They weeeafeeady amused with - - - olaan of manufactu r i ng distress.—{gear, hear.) l Ol ff i , se d , becaus e —(L ou d cr i es of " Tuna out , _ hi sses, and di sa p pro b at i on ) . Sir j". DUK E h oped i t was a slip, that he Old not mean that tales of distress would amuse any one. BLAKE had made use of the word because those nt , e , S . had nothing to do with the question.—(Loud vies Off, off," " Turn him out.") Mr, YONTIFEX interfered to procure him a hearing. after a few words from Sir JAMES DUKE, 43*. BLAKE continued, and said he made us e of the 15ut 11 ; 1 amuse, not b ecause h e did not feel for the distress, because ft had nothing to do with the argument. He mellied that the doin g away w i th the Corn-laws would in theiease manufactures It fo re i gn nat i ons did not want our allu factures, no differen ce i n price would make them, It d they would never take more than they were obliged. Was not fair to take away the protection from English . udust ry.—Misapprobation, and cries of " Off, off," and Time, time.") It was usel ess to have cheap bread if they could not purchase it.—(Cries of 2P ea ‘ "Down h , d ich the er sat down.) LyNull denied the preponderance of the agricul tural e: eases. The majority of the community was en tßaged in !:rade.—(Cheers.) How did it happen that the o:r est continental labourer had more comforts than the ' glishlabourer ? Our merchants connected with America Nv €Te ruined, because we would not take the American ‘'or`l in exchange for our manufactures. One-third ` 3 Alk f the labou rers o f M anc h ester were out of employ. i mat prop ort i on o f t h e popu l at i on of /luau_ fie t owns were living in cellars in the greatest 1 4 „ 1- 44ery and wretchedness, and in that very town he found Lue poor th e v i ct i ms of disease ; and the only means of P r oviding' against them was by giving them good bread Ch ammil food.—(Ch eers, mixed with h i sses from the •Alartists,) It was miserable to reflect that the taxes ! l ift God's blessings prevented the poor men from en *Ming them,—{Considerable confusion was created at this period by several Chartists insisting on putting on their hats and refusing to take them off ; a gentleman at length tool: off one of their hats, which was the signal for a general '• physical force" attack on the part of the Chartists, which ended, however, in their being speedily ejected from the meeting.) Mr. E. PONTIFEX said there were a knot of persons who had come for the purpose of disturbing the meeting. Sir JAMES DUKE said that if he found any person who was not an inhabitant of the ward attempting to in terrupt the proceedings of the meeting he should give him in charge of the police. Up to two o'clock they had been very quiet, and he trusted the meeting would sup port him.—(Loud cheers.) A man in the body of the meeting here rose, but on being asked if he was an inhabitant of the ward, he said he was not, and was consequently not permitted to speak. A GENTLEMAN present said he knew him to be a hired Chartist, who went about for the purpose of dis turbing public meetings. Mr. E. PONTIFEX trusted it would be understood that every one of those interruptions had proceeded from per sons not connected with the ward. The CHAIRMAN then put the amendment, for which four hands only were held up. For the original resolu tions a forest of hands were held up, and they were de clared to be carried amidst the loudest acclamations. A petition, founded on them, was ordered to be presented to the House of Lords by the Earl of Fitzwilliam, and to the House of Commons by Sir James Duke. Mr. FEARON, considering it not improbable, from the previous conduct of the Tories, that they might go the length of voting against the Annual Sugar Duties Bill, which would be tantamount to refusing the supplies, and having the greatest faith in the greatness of soul and magnanimity of Lord John Russell, he would pro pose a resolution to the effect that, should the House of Commons impede the passing of the Annual Sugar Duties Bill, her Majesty's Ministers be entreated to adopt every measure to carry into effect measures which they had proposed. The resolution having been seconded, was put and carried with one dissentient only. The resolutions were then ordered to be advertised in the usual Morning and Evening Papers. Mr. Deputy BLACKETT, after paying a high and well merited compliment to the worthy Alderman for his conduct in the chair, moved a vote of thanks to him, which was carried without a dissentient voice. On the mdtion of Mr. PRENDERGAST, a resolution was proposed and carried, requesting the mover and seconder of the petition to take charge of it, for the purpose of procuring signatures. Sir J. DUKE acknowledged the vote of thanks in a very neat speech, and the meeting, after giving three cheers for the Ministry and the measure, separated at four o'clock. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS FRO3I THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—Both by their speeches in Parliament, and by their organs out of doors, the Tories exult over what they call " the crisis of the Ministry." There is, how ever, another crisis, of infinitely higher moment, to which they affect insensibility. They find it convenient to over look the crisis of the country. To this they make no allu sion. They are so engrossed by the contemplation of the private advantages which place and power yield to its possessors, as to be insensible to the responsibility of Government, and the duty which it involves of encoun tering difficulties, and being prepared to counteract them. They cannot, forsooth, consent to descend from the Pisgah to which they have ascended, and from which they behold, spread wide before them, the Canaan of their hopes, the land of corn, and wine, and oil, in which they expect ere long to revel in enjoyment. An in creasing expenditure, with a revenue decreasing year after year, notwithstanding increased taxation, has no terrors for inveterate place-hunters—although statesmen who had less of the spirit of faction would merge party feeling in patriotism, and assist in providing a remedy for evils which are preying on the vitals of the country. The recent debate laid bare to the quick the rottenness of the old system of national finance, and exhibited to public scorn the selfishness and hypocrisy of its sup porters. By bolstering up a monopoly in corn, and in the other articles of general consumption, for the " pro tection," as it was contended, of class interests, com merce, the true source of national prosperity, is crip pled—our manufacturers impoverished—thousands of operatives thrown out of employment in consequence of the diminished demand for labour—wages, ruinously depressed, no longer enable even those who find employment to obtain sufficient food, and thus the labouring classes of the community, who would be, and ought to be, the greatest consumers of taxa ble commodities, are prevented by poverty from becom ing purchasers—they cannot obtain a sufficiency of bread. Thus, on the one hand, while many of the manufac turers are ruined, being excluded from foreign markets by the prohibitory duties which shut out the produce of foreigners from our own, the national Exchequer is gra dually impoverished by the diminution of consumption in those articles from which the revenue would other wise derive its principal receipts. STANDARD.—" The idea of a coup d'etat is start ling, we know ; but for what do the prerogatives of the Crown exist if not for exercise upon such an occasion as that imagined, in arrest of the factious triumphs of the banded monopolists, and in protection of the most important interests of the people ?" These are the words of.yesterday's Examiner, and our Contemporary has given the right name to the act of the Ministers. It is a " coup d'etat," a des perate and " startling" stroke of wicked policy on the part of a wicked Cabinet, having no other end than to save its own existence. It is well to have the truth thus plainly confessed. But only half the criminality of this policy is seen in its tendency to divide and disturb the people, to array interest against interest, and, as Lord Melbourne himself said, to throw the country into confusion. Another and a more pressing, if not a greater, evil flowing from such tampering, is the creation and aggravation of distress in every department of national industry. The Ministers and their supporters in Parliament and in the Press dwell with unconcealed satisfaction upon the proof of suffering among the people, more particularly among the manufacturing population ; and well may they exult in it, for it is in the greater part their own work. Over-trading had, doubtless, done something to produce the affliction—an affliction which over-trading periodically renews—but the ill effect of over trading must be as nothing compared with the de solating operation of that total banishment of confidence from all commercial transactions pro duced by . the Ministerial propositions. No man will manufacture, or buy, or export, until he knows what is to be the market to which he is to send his goods, and of course what is to be their quality, upon what terms he is to export them, what returns he is to expect, and when he is to expect them. Such uncertainty is equivalent to the complete privation of a market ; and it is unneces sary to look further to account for an universal stagnation of the industry of the people, and for all the indescribable misery which such a stagnation must produce. It is thus that Ministers hope to accomplish their object. They halloo the manufacturers upon the trade, the agri culture, and the property of the nation, and they starve them, as animals used for the chase are sometimes starved, that they may be keener and more fierce in the pursuit. To call this simply a wicked policy is to treat it too mildly—it is diabolical. COURlER.—According to the new reading of the Con stitution to be gathered from the public conduct of Govern ment, it is quite clear that the people neither have, nor are intended to have, the slightest influence in the direction of their own affairs. The extraordinary spectacle is now for the first time presented of a Ministry tenaciously clinging to office, against the more than ten times re corded sense of their own House of Commons, without taking into account their long-continued contemptuous defiance of adverse opinion as notoriously existing in the higher House of Parliament. Nay more, as if the no-confidence votes of the House of their own calling were not the faithful reflection of the public voice without its walls, they have the temerity to hazard the dangerous experiment of a pretended appeal to the very constituencies whom, at the same moment, they are vilely outraging in the persons of their repre sentatives, whose decisions, clothed with a popular and public mission as they are, are treated with disdainful disregard. We say a pretended appeal, for it is noto rious, and the fact neither denied nor concealed by Minis ters or their supporters of the press, that not the slight est hope is entertained of stealing a majority through this unprecedented manoeuvre of a dissolution, the cer tain prospect of which alone, assuming the end could justify resort to means however disgraceful, might afford some plausible grounds for justification. On the reverse, a confirmed minority only is anticipated in the new Parliament, and this we gather, not from Conservative sources alone, in which reliance may be securely placed, not from the querulous and desponding tones of Ministers and their adherents of the press, which are sufficiently expressive, but from the unreserved avowals both of journals and Ministers. THE IRON TRADE.—A meeting of the princi pal ironmasters of the neighbourhood of Wolverhampton was held on Monday, the sth instant, at which it was determined (we are informed) that fifty furnaces should be " blown out," viz., thirty-five in Staffordshire and fifteen in Shropshire. Although this resolution is much to be regretted, as evincing the depressed state of trade at the present moment, we are glad to learn that but few of the work people will be thrown quite out of work, as they will, for the most part, be partially emnloyed a short time ; the alteration, we believe, will take place immediately. —Monmouthshire Merlin. GERMAN AND ENGLISH COMMERCE. — Most of the German papers are hostile to the commercial treaty between Great Britain and the States of the German Customs' Union, which has been signed, but not ratified. They expect few advantages to be derived to the latter from the con vention, and the Augsburg Gazette in particular, after discus sing the subject at some length, and saying that England is not sincere in her wishes for mutual (commer cial freedom, makes the following observations :—" Germany has no interest in making concessions to England, and it would be inopportune for the Customs' Union to conclude a treaty of commerce with any country before the Union is rendered complete by the accession of all those German States which border on the North Sea, and by the ac cessions, easily afterwards to be obtained, of Holland and Den mark, before, indeed, it shall have obtained the command of all its natural outlets of rivers, ports, and straits, and also created a navy. Then only will be the time for speaking out, and speaking with firmness; for, between this and then, ideas will be ripened, and the horizon cleared. All that might vi,pw be done would he fatal to the future, and the career of Ger many towards its full grandeur and . power would be stopped." KIRKCALDY.—The pet itions from this place and neighbourhood for the total repeal of the obnoxious' Corn laws have got 2,811 names adhibited to them, which is above 100 more signatures than was appended to the former one.— Edinburgh Tiredly Chronicle. A petition from the Rigg of Gretna for a total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws, was signed by 447 .Amongst them were 38 farmers, some ti of whom vgy rents to the amo unt o f 500 /. or 6001 a year. Th e w h o l e o f the tenants of the Earl of Mans od, w i th one exe.9l3 # 9P2 Ogrigd the petition.—Carlisle J r . 4 /71d, 10. THE SUN, LONDON, .TITESDAY, MA Y 25, 184 i. BELGII M. BRUSSZLS, MAY 22.—The Paris Journals announce the ar rival in that capital of the Princess Isabella of Spain, from Brussels, and add that she has been taken back to the Con vent, in the Rue de Sante, from which she eloped with Count Gurowski. According to the Eclair of last evening, howe ver. her Royal Highness has arrived again in Brussels, in order to be married here to Count Gurowski. A Ghent Journal states that several manufacturing workmen, with their wives and children, left that town on Monday for Ostend, to embark for Mexico, where they are going to be em ployed in new factories. On Wednesday last, at Namur, there was a sale of several fine specimens of English cattle recently imported by the Belgian Government, with a view to improving the native breeds. Great interest was excited ; at the meeting the animals sold at prices varying from 540 f. to 210 f. a head. _ _ BUYING A BARGAIN.—.A person calling himself Monsieur Frederick Lemoine, of very elegant manners, made his appear ance a few days since at Bruges with a handsome horse and smart tilbury. Being thoroughly conversant with everythingre lating to horses, the young gentleman quickly formed an ac quaintance with a number of sporting gentlemen ; the con versation naturally turned on the subject the most con genial to their tastes, and Monsieur Lemoine expressed a wish to sell his turn-out for a moderate sum. A bargain was forthwith concluded, and horse and tilbury became the pro perty of a military officer, who lost no time in paying down on the nail sbofr. the sum demanded. As the objects were worth at least 1,000 fr., the military man sold his bargain on the following morning to a Monsieur G., and netted a hand some profit. Thus far all parties were perfectly content; but, unfortunately for the officer, two days afterwards:a livery-stable keeper rode into Bruges, at full speed, in search of the young gentleman, and 1: then appeared that both horse and tilbury were his property, having been hired for half a day by the well-dressed swindler, who had directed his steps towards Ostend, and thence to Dunkirk, for the purpose, it is supposed, of avoiding any disagreeable questions which might possibly be put to him. The affair will shortly be taken into a Court of Law ; the livery-stable keeper claiming his property, and the officer who loses, consequently, his 550 francs, threatens Mon s;eur G., as the final purchaser of the property, with an action to make him fulfil the terms of his engagement. The General Steam Navigation Company's vessel Soho arrived from London yesterday at Antwerp, at a little before twelve o'clock at noon, bringing forty-five passengerv s 4mong • - them the Hon. Mrs. Spiers. Sir Hamilton Seymour will give a grand dinner on Monday, in honour of the birth-day of the Queen of England. A THREATENING LETTER.—On Wednesday last the police paid a domiciliary visit to Monsieur Puttemans, a dealer in articles of vertu residing in Rue Montagne de la Cour, begging him to assist them in forwarding the ends of justice. Their object was to ascertain whether an individual would present himself to take possession of a bag of silver which Mr. Plet, a watchmaker in the Rue de la Madeleine had been called upon (under threats of hitrrible consequences in case of refusal) to de posit near a window in a passage leading to the Museum and which separates the houses of the above-named tradesmen. The sum of 500 f. the sum reqaired in the threatening letter alluded to, was accordingly placed in the window ; but no person made his ap pearance during the whole of the n;ght to seize the bag. How ever, on the following morning a youpg man was seen holding a letter in his hand which he was reading, who suddenly took away the bag, and was instantly taken into custody by the officers. He described himself as a clerk in the employ of M. Muquardt, a bookseller. On comparing his handwriting with that of the letter received by M. Puttemans, they appeared to resemble each other so much that he was committed to prison to await his trial. He is about 18 years of age, and had been in the service of M. Plet, the watchmaker.— British Gazette. COURT HOUSE, WELLCLOSE _ SQUARE. Before W. BAKER, Esq., Coroner, and a Special Jury.) NICHOLLS V. THE BLACKWALL RAILWAY COMPANY. This was an inquiry to assess the amount of compen sation to be paid by the Company to the complainant, who carried on an extensive business as a butcher, in White Lion-street, Whitechapel, over which street the railway passed. Sir F. Pollock and Mr. James were for the claimant; Sir W. Follett and Mr. Alexander for the Company. Sir F. POLLOCK, in stating the case for the Jury, said that this claim arose under the 51st section of the Act of Parliament by which the Railway Company was incor porated, and which gave a right to all persons who were possessed of houses or shops situate within 50 feet of the line of railway, to claim of the Company to purchase such houses and shops, provided a jury should find that such property had been deteriorated by the con struction of the railway ; and further, that if the Jury found in the affirmative, then that the Company were compelled to purchase such property so deteriorated, at an amount to be assessed by the Jury. The claimant, up to the time of the construction of the railway, had carried on hisbusiness of a butcher; since that period, the street had been rendered impassable, and his trade, which consisted chiefly in retail custom, had become ma terially diminished. The Learned Counsel went on to state that the value of the house, independent of the trade to which it was adapted, was also deteriorated by the proximity of the railway, and that the noise proceed ing from the carriages traversing the line would detract from its value if exposed for sale, and render the house unfit fur a residence. The claimant was possessor of an unexpired term of three years, under a lease granted in 1829, and for this he claimed a sum of 601. For the loss of good-will in his trade he claimed a fur ther sum of 4001., and for improvements and alterations in his premises, 3001. It appeared, from tha evidence of two surveyors and many of the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, that until very recently, when an alteration has taken place by substituting wooden wheels for iron, and by which the rope which draws the carriages is worked, the noise was very great, and, as stated by the witnesses, annoyed them very seriously in the occupation of their houses, and many of them stated their opinion to be, that the business and good-will of the claimant's trade has been rendered almost valueless by the construction of the railway. Sir Wm. FOLLETT addressed the Jury on behalf of the Company, and urged that this was a case of very great importance, for that if the present claimant was entitled to compensation upon the principle of his house and shop being deteriorated, the Company would be de luged by claims from persons possessed of property within the line, which they would be utterly incapable of resist ing. The Learned Counsel commented on the different heads of claim, and contended that the claimant was not entitled to any thing in respect of diminution of busi ness, and his claim in other respects was wholly extravagant and absurd. The CORONER, to whom the precept was di rected, (in consequence of one of the Sheriffs being in terested as a shareholder) summed up the evidence very minutely, and the Jury having retired for about three hours, returned a verdict—" That the property was de teriorated by the construction of the railway, and assessed the value of the premises, the loss of good-will, and the amount of fixtures and improvements, at the sum of 2501 CROYDON PETTY SESSIONS. A young man dressed in black, and of genteel appear ance, but who was evidently of unsound mind, was brought up by Sergeant Chambers, of the P division, under the following circumstances :—The officer stated that having received information that an insane gentle man had been wandering about the neighbourhood of Banstead, he proceeded to search for the individual, and he found the defendant near the Cock at Sutton, parad ing backwards and forwards, and apparently very much exhausted. He went up to him, and the defendant begged that he would not hurt him ; and upon his mak ing some inquiries of him, he said that he had been upon the Downs all night, and that he was upon a pilgrimage, and had been fighting , with the enemy. Seeing the state of the prisoner's mind he was induced to take him to his station, and on his searching him he found a Bible in the breast of his coat. In answers to questions from the Bench the defendant said that his name was Alfred Kelly, and' that he was the son of John Kelly the auctioneer. He also said that he had left his friends on the preceding day, and that they did not know where he was gone to. The COURT said it was evident that the unfortunate young man's mind was affected, and they directed the officer to take care of him, and make the necessary inquiries, with a view to his being restored to his friends. MIRACULOUS ESCAPE.—As three men, who were employed in removing some stones which pro jected out rather more than wished, in the Gotyrcoed tunnel, Taff Vale Railway, were standing on a platform at work, a large rock, weighing about 2 tons, gave way and broke the scaffolding in pieces. The effect was such as to render the men quite senseless, but when they re covered they found one of their companions, a most in dustrious man, named Lewis Abraham, lying down with the whole of the weight on his hand ; they lost no time in getting him up, and then carried him home, when Mr. Strange, surgeon, was sent for, and upon exa mination found his collar bone fractured, and that he had received severe bodily contusions. He is now doing very well.—Cambrian. ANTI-CORN-LAW MOVEMENT IN NORTH WALES.—Petitions against the existing Corn-laws have been got up, and numerously signed, at Machynlleth, Rhosllanerchrugog, Aberdovey, Towyn, Llanegryn, Talyllyn, Abercorris, Maesypandy, Ebenezer, Dinorwic, Bethesda, Holyhead, Llanerchymedd, Amlwch, Peny sarn, Brynbo, Rhosymedre, Acerfair, Flint, Mold, Den bigh, Mostyn. Public meetings were held in Bangor and Carnarvon, on Friday last, which were numerously attended, when petitions against the bread-tax were una nimously adopted. THE EIGHTEEN ABSENT LIBERALS.—A Correspondent wishes us to call upon these gentlemen to account for their absence on the division on the Sugar Duties. We leave this duty to their constituents, who in a few weeks will do it in a way that cannot be misunder stood. CORN-LAWS.—THE MEETING OF WEDNES. DAY.—Our local Anti-Corn-law Association has reason to congratulate itself on the result of its public appeal to the citizens generally. The largest place of meeting it could com mand was filled to overflowing, and manyhundreds, who would have gladly lifted up their voices against the cruel bread-tar, were obliged to turn away for want of room. Throughout the large assembly, too, but one feeling prevailed—detestation of all monopoly, and an earnest desire to see our trade arid com merce relieved from the mischievous shackles of restriction. The Chartists, from whom opposition was expected, and who actually made a formidable attempt to defeat one of the resolu tions proposed by the Association, rendered essential service to the demonstration, by declaring, in language that cannot be misunderstood or misrepresented, that they are determined to have the Corn-laws abolished, and that their only reason for not co-operating with the Repealers is, because they do not believe that the object that both parties have in view can be otherwise attained than by the general adoption of the princi ples contained in the Charter.—Aberdeen Herald. EMIGRATION. —Thirty vessels have sailed from this port up to the 15th of this month, and in them have sailed 4,662 Emigrants, for the United States and New South Wales. This number is exclusive of all those conveyed weekly by the steamers to sail from some English Port. It is little short of disgrace to eur Government and Institutions, that the very best and most useful class of our population are thus forced to seek in exile, and in less favoured lands, the fruits of honest labour and a secure home for themselves and their fa milies.— Cork Southern Reporter. ANNAN—FREE 1 , RADE.—A public megting on this subject was held in Annan on Saturday evening last. The meeting was called by Provost Little up on a numerously signed requisition. • The Town Hell WO Crowded to the door, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, May 24. Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented several peti• tions from places in Kent against alteration of the Corn. laws. Messengers from the Co mmons b roug ht up the South Western Railway Bill, the Clent Vicarage Bill, the Shotts and Wilson Railway Bill, and several other pri vate bills, which were severally read a first time. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented petitions for repeal of the Corn-laws from the Ward of Farringdon in the City of London ; from B r id gewa t e r ; from Lothian, and several other places in Scotland ; from Grindleton, in Yorkshire ; and from a great number of places in va rious parts of England. Lord WILLOUGHBY D'ERESBY presented a num ber of petitions from Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Huntingdonshire, and parts of Yorkshire, against any alteration of the Corn-laws; the Noble Lord made some observations which were not heard in the gallery. Earl FITZWILLIAM rose amidst some laughter and cries of " Oh, oh." My Lords I undoubtedly told my Noble Friend that I would not raise a discussion upon the presentation of petitions.(Hear, and a laugh.) But as my Noble Friend has presented petitions from parts of the country with which he and I are equally connect ed, I think I could find no opportunity more convenient than the present for calling your Lordship's attention to some facts connected with the question.—(Oh, oh.) Your Lordships, I have no doubt, have seen the recent li publication of a letter addressed by the Noble Lord to the Chairman of a Meeting in the County of Lincoln, in which an apprehension is expressed, that the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government will be detri mental to the country.—(Cries of hear, hear, and a laugh.) But, in my opinion, the fear of my Noble Friend and of those who agree with him, have prostrated their under standings.—(Laughter.) My Noble Friend states in the letter that a duty of Bs. upon corn would have the effect of sweeping away one-third of the rent of the country.— (Cheers.) I believe, my Lords, it will have no such ef ect.—(oh, oh.) If you think, my Lords, it will have any such effect, what becomes of the charge which your Lordships so often make against me, in speech and ges ture, that I falsely accuse a part of the Legislature with acting npon selfish motives in maintaining the present laws ?—(Hear.) For if the ground of your Lordships' apprehension be, that the proposed alteration would sweep away a third of the rent, then it follows that you wish to maintain the law to prevent a reduction of your rents. (Cries of " No.") What then, my Lords, is your object ? The Earl of WINCHILSEA—To give employment to the labourer ? Earl FITZWILLrA bf—What labourers ? The Earl of WINCHILSEA—To the labourers who are now employed upon those lands, which would be thrown out of cultivation.—(Cheers.) Earl FITZWILLIAM—I wish to be told in what part of the country those lands are that would be thrown out of cultivation ?—(Cries of " Oh," and " Question.") The Earl of WINCHLLSEA—Why in Lincolnshire itself, as the Noble Earl must know very well.—(Hear.) Earl FITZWILLIAM.—I defy any one to find out the place in Lincolnshire in which one-third of the rent would be swept away. Is it in the fens ? Is it in the rich lands of - the north ? Is it on the heath ?—(Hear, hear, from Lord Winchilsea.) I am glad to hear that cheer. I am owner, and I have been a cultivator a great part of my life of lands upon the heath, and I am bound to say that the effect would be to lower the rent to some extent, though not to throw any portion of that land out of cul tivation.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) My Lords, lam right glad to find that their Lordships admit that this is a landlord's question. You admit that the reduction of the price to the farmer would be met by a reduction of rent.—(Cheers.) My Lords, I wanted no more to justify me in saying that this is a landlord's question, and not a tenant's.—(Cheers, and cries of " Oh !) But my Noble Friend says that the value of agricultu ral capital would be swept away.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend says one-third.—(Hear.) Now what is the meaning of this? Is it meant that the farmer will lose every third waggon, plough, and harrow ? Or is it meant that these would be reduced one-third in cost? If so, I think it would be a great advan tage to the country that one-third less capital would be equally efficient in cultivating the land. The Noble Earl proceeded to say that the value of labour did' not keep pace with the price of provisions. That was the opinion of Mr. Burke, who said that the squires of Norfolk, when they expressed a contrary belief, "must have dined." A temporary rise in prices was, in fact, more prejudicial than otherwise to the labourer, inasmuch as it necessarily left him more competition to contend with, without any compensating demand, During the late high prices he had received a statement from a Poor-law Commissioner to the effect that wages had in no instance with which he was acquainted, been raised more than 2s. ; in other cases they had been raised is. ; and in other cases there had been no rise whatever. The greatest delusion had been attempted to be practised as to the price at which foreign corn could be sold in this country. A gentleman, formerly a Member of Parlia ment, had stated in a pamphlet, that corn could be shipped from the warehouses on the Continent for 265. a quarter. There could be no greater delusion than was attempted to be practised upon the people of Lincolnshire on the present occasion. It was in that way that appre hensions were attempted to be excited, and for which there was not the slightest foundation. That the pro posed alteration would have the effect of lowering prices much below the average of the last eighteen years, was a proposition he did not think any man would be able to make out.—(Hear, hear.) He was aware of the great authority , attached to every thing emanating from a person in his Noble Friend's station ; and, therefore, he could not suffer these statements to be made, which were founded on misrepresentation and misconception, without offering a few observations to their Lordships. Lord WILLOUGHBY D'ERESBY, who was very indistinctly heard in the gallery, said he regretted the Noble Earl had not waited the arrival and presentation of the petition to which he had alluded. Although the Noble Earl might despise that letter—[Earl Fitzwilliam—" No, indeed, I do not"] —he was gra tified to say thi\t he had consulted the labourers as to the amount of 'cyages that would satisfy them—he em ployed 180 of them himself, and might be supposed to know something 0f their condition.—(Hear.) The letter had been written bar him as an apology for not being able to attend the meeting. He certainly never expected that it would have been brought under their Lordships' con sideration. Earl FITZWILLIAM believed the consideration of the farmers, and the good nature of individuals had in many instances met the necessity of the case, but that was not the rule which should govern the rate of wages. Lord W. D'ERESBY said the wages which he had stated were not those paid in his immediate neighbour hood, but throughout the whole country. The Earl of WINCHILSEA thought it was exceed ingly inconvenient to bring in discussions on so impor tant a subject, affecting not m ere ly th e ag ricultural inte rest, but every interest connected therewith, on the presen tation of petitions. He had on former occasions refrained from offering any observations on the presentation of petitions, but he begged leave to say a few words on the present occasion. The Noble Earl could not be unacquainted with the character of _ . that respectable country gentleman, Mr. Chaplin, who represented the county of Lincoln on a former occasion; there *as no man who lived more arming his- tel nantry, or was more anxious to promote their - in terests.—(Hear, hear.) He had never attended a pub lic meeting at which so much devoted attachment was displayed towards any individual, and he had no hesitation in saying that the charge to which the Noble Earl had alluded was false.—(Earl Fitzwilliam—" I did not make any charge against him.") He would go with Mr. Chaplin, in saying that torn could be brought in at 26s.,which, with the Bs. duty, would be 345. per quarter. —(Hear.) It appeared to him that the present system was the best that ever had been devised—(Hear, hear)—on an average of years it had worked well, and he was convinced that under it all labouring classes lad received a better price than they could hope for under any other system. He was surprised to hear the Noble Earl contend that the price of wages did not de pend upon the price of corn. He thought the average of many years past must have convinced him of the fal lacy of that assertion. He was his own steward on all his properties ; he let his own lands, he drew up his own agreements with his tenants, he directed the method of cultivation that was to be pursued, and he was as prac tically acquainted with the agricultural interest as any land agent in the Kingdom. In Kent, in Lincolnshire, in Northamptonshire—in all the counties with which he was connected, wages had been invariably affected, and the price of corn in Kent, where, when the price of corn was low, in 1835, the wages had been 9s. a week, they were now from 13s. to 15s. In Lincolnshire when, in 183 h, they had been 10s. they were now 13s. 6d. ; and in Northamptonshire where, in 1835 they had been 9s. they were now 12s.—(Hear, h ear .) He believed a fixed duty to be a delusion.—(Hear, hear.) When the price of corn was low it would be no protec tion at all, and when it was high no Government would venture to collect it. The agriculturists only wished for a fair protection, and the great body of them shared the advantages and the burdens equally with the labourers, and if the manufacturers had done the same he did not believe that the present distress would have existed._ (Hear, hear.) The factory system had caused all the existing evils.—(Hear, hear.) Men, when they at tained the age of twenty-five, were thrown out of em ployment, because it was cheaper to employ wo men an d children, and those men, thus thrown out of em ployment, were so crippled and demoralized by their previous labours in the factories that they were unfit for agricultural employment, and were driven to work at hand-looms, at which it was impossible they could earn more than 6s, Bd. a-week. He hoped the at tention of the Legislature wo uld, er e long, be drawn to the growing evils of the facto r y s ystem. — (Hear, hear.) The effect of any alteration in t h e Corn-laws would be to throw the land out of cu ltivati on. In Lincolnshi re there were large tracts of la nd w hich were not worth cultivation an ti w i re r' an► artificial which were artificial onlym ore t keptha 2. u n in man ner.—(Hear, hear, from Earl Fitzwilliam.) Now, if the price of corn were such that the farmer could not afford to manure these lands, they must be thrown out of cultivation. In Kent there was land whi c h Fitzwilliam.) of land so The s proposed had formerly been offered to the farmer rent free if h e and, whil e a ll other would cultivate it, and it h ad be en refused on th ose terms. That land was now manured and culti vated.— measure would hear," entailfrom Ea riti r n l on itz a w ll ii proprietors situated. Let their Lordships omp.rietorecollect, that, whether cultivated or not, land had t o su pport the burden of the te and protected,he liigh wthaye'-argratCieusts were a l so en ; agriculturists Pointerestsrwere titled to protection.—(llear, hear.) They would not allow them to have cheap s hoes, or c heap hats, or cheap Poor-rate silks—why, then s hould they cry out for cheap corn?— (Hear, hear.) If the country were ever dependent upon foreigners for a s upply of corn, and if, when it came in, it were made a sou rce of revenue, was it t ic,t to be supposed that other countries would m a k e it a source of revenue as it went out ?—(Dear, hear, hear.) - They • would say to us, in times of scarity, " You have thrown your own lands out of cultivation, you have a starving population, clamorous for food, and we know that, whatever duties we choose to impose you must pay, for you can not do without our corn."—(Hear, hear.) If the state required additiohal burdens to be laid on the people, the agricultural interest would cheerfully bear their share of such burdens.—(Hear, hear.) He would say to the, Government lay them on, but do not pursue the fatal course of raising this cry of cheap bread throughout the country,:—(Hear, hear.) Did the Noble Lord wish to see the price of wheat down to 355. a quarter, as it had been in 1932, when the labouring classes had no employ ment ?—(Hear, hear,) Of what use would cheap bread be to them if they had no employment ?—(Hear, hear.) The manufacturers, he was convinced, were as much in terested in the maintenance of the Corn-laws as the agriculturists, and he coincided in the opinion which had been attributed to Mr. Chaplin.--(Hear, hear.) Earl FITZWILLIAM cared little about the accusation brought against him by the Noble Earl of having misre presented Mr. Chaplin, but the fact was he had not done so. He had said Mr. Chaplin was labouring under a misapprehension, and the Noble Earl seemed to labour under a similar one, that the present price of corn in fo reign markets was to be taken as a criterion of what it would be under an altered state of things, forgetting that the first consequence of a demand for corn from the Eng lish market must be to raise the price abroad.—(Hear.) Lord REDESDALE characterised any alteration of ' the Corn-laws as the spoliation of the largest interest in the kingdom.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl said that if a man could stock a farm under the proposed system for 1,0001., whereas it would now cost 1,5001. to do the same thing, he saw no great harm in it. That was the same as saying there would be no great harm if a manu facturer should be able to purchase for 100,0001. a gentle man's estate which was now worth 150,000/.—(Hear.) He believed that was what the manufacturers wished to (lo—(Hear, hear)—that the object was, by these mea sures, wherever they had a mortgage, to obtain posses sion of the estate.—(Hear, hear.) All the great landed interests, the landlords, the farmers, and the labourers must all go together, for he was convinced that the farmers and the labourers were equally interested with the landlords in upholding the present Corn-laws. Earl FITZWILLIAM should .be very sorry to have uttered such a speech as the Noble Baron had just made. —(Hear, hear.) He denied that such were the motives of the manufacturers in seeking a repeal of the Corn-laws. The Earl of HARDWICKE said it was too much to say that the object of their Lordships was only to keep up rents. Their Lordships were not the sole proprietors of land, but they were anxious to protect the rights of those who possessed a few acres only, upon which their whole subsistence depended. The Noble Lord talked of rent as if it was something that affected the Members cf that House alone—as if it were not the staple of the country.—(Cheers.) In time of war and financial dis tress, where did you turn but to the land, which bore every burden ?—(Cheers.) Tax us (said the Noble Lord), but do not destroy us.—(Cheers.) The Noble Earl (Fitzwilliam) spoke not to their Lordships, but to the reporters of the press and to the people out doors. —(Clieers, and a laiigh.) Why did not the Noble Lord , fix a day for the discussion of the whole question ?-- (Hear, hear.) He did indeed give notice once, but (said the Noble Earl, repeatedly clapping his hands) he flinched—he was choked off.—(Great laughter.) He (Lord Hardwicke) deprecated the practice of making in cidental speeches of an inflammatory tendency upon this subject night after night, and imputing sordid motives to the Members of that House.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of RADNOR supposed that the reproof of the Noble Lord was intended to apply to him as well as to his Noble Friend (Earl Fitzwilliam), but he denied that either of them intended to excite the people. He still contended that the whole object of the Corn-laws was to uphold rent. It was said that the object was to employ labour in the cultivation of the land. Now, if that were the case, why was the produce of grass land protected ?—(Hear, hear.) There was a tax upon the importation of horses, also upon the importation of asses. —(Laughter.) Horned cattle were prohibited, so were sheep and swine. —(Hear, hear.) Turkeys, fowls, cheese, milk, and eggs were taxed.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There was not an article of food of any descrip tion which was not taxed. What could be the object of that but to put money into the pockets of the landlords? —(Hear, hear.) Not only the produce of the land, but that of the seas was taxed.—(Hear, hear.) Now, this was said to be done for the sake of protecting the fisheries, and of encouraging a race of seamen. How was the fact ? What fish was the most highly taxed ? Why, salmon the fisheries of which had nothing to do with educating semen. Se veral Noble Lords by means of this tax derived as much as 4,0001. and 5,000/. a year from thei r salmon fisheries. But what fi s h did their Lordships think was exempt from taxation ? They would suppose it was some ignoble fish ; but it was no such thing. It was a fish that never was seen on the table of a poor man. It was turbot.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Yes, there was another fish not taxed. Was that a poor man's fish ? No, indeed ;it was lobster—that their Lordships might have sauce for their turbot.—(Laughter.) This was not a matter for their Lordships to laugh at. Hundreds of thousands of their countrymen were starv ing around them ; whilst every animal upon the earth, every fish in the sea, and every bird of the air, was taxed to prevent its coming to those famished people.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl then went through a series of returns from 1802 to 1839, to show that the rate of wages did not depend upon the price of food, but, like all other prices, on the demand and the supply. In the course of the years to which these returns referred wages were at the highest when food was at the lowest, and on the other hand when food was dearest wages were lowest. It was also pretended that the effect of the Corn-laws was to render this country independent of foreign coun tries for the supply of corn. Nothing could be more contrary to the fact. In the years 1838, 1839, and 1840, 6,235,000 quarters of wheat were imported ; and since the establishment of these pernicious and disastrous laws, one-sixth of the corn consumed in this country was de rived from abroad. He believed the laws to be most mis chievous, and he would do all in his power to procure their re al. Lord .. .ASHBURTON hoped that the temper in which the subject was discussed in that House and throughout the country, would be a warning to the Noble Viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government, that he should not, without the most urgent r ecessity, agitate questions which had the effect of setting every interest in the coun try in hostile array against every other.—(Cheers.) It was a maxim with a statesman, to whom history has done tardy justice (Sir R. Walpole), quieta non movere.— (Cheers.) But the Noble Viscount acted upon the very reverse of that maxim. —(Loud cheers.) But he would not accuse the Noble Lord of throwing the country into agitation, for tke sake of covering his weakness in both Houses of Parliament.—(Cheers.) As the Noble Lords opposite contended that the wages of labour did not depend upon the price of food ; he would beg to refer to the practice of the manufacturers, when the price of food . was low. They collected labourers from all parts of the country to compete with those already in employment. — (Hear.) In their petitions upon the very'question of the Corn-laws, they made it a subject of complaint, that the high price of food compelled them to pay high wages, and prevented them from competing with those countries in which food was cheaper.—(Hear.) He read an ex- Apia from a pamphlet of Lord John Russell, in which the Noble Lord pronounced political philosophy to be an awful thing—(a laugh)—upon themost important points on which no two writers were agreed—this question of the relation of wages to the price of food being the most dif ficult and the most disputed.—(Cheers.) In the same pamphlet the Noble Lord (J. Russell) deprecated any interference with the Corn-laws.—(Hear and a laugh.) He (Lord Ashburton) was of opinion that, if the people of this country would have food at the same price as other countries, they must be content to live as the people of other countries ; and it was to be remembered that Mr. Jacob, in his report to the Government stated that the people in the east of Europe all lived upon black bread, and that he never saw white bread on the East side of the Rhine.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord then went into a comparison of the quantities and kinds of food consumed by the mass of the people in this country, in France, and Germany, to show that the condition of the people of England was, in respect to food and comfort, vastly superior to that of the people on the Continent. He contended, therefore, that the system had conduced to the good and happiness of the nation at large, and ought not rashly to be upset topsy-turvy.--(Cheers.) The Earls of RADNOR and FITZWILLIAM ex plained. - Lord PORTMAN brought up the Report of the Com mittee on the Brighton and Shoreham Railway, which was ordered to be re-committed to-morrow. Lord YARBOROJGH presented a number of peti tions from Wigan, and other places, against the repeal of the Corn-laws. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER presented petitions from Paisley, and other places, in favour of free trade. Lord MELBOURNE presented a great number of pe titions from Dundee, and other places, for a moderate duty upon imported corn. Lord RODEN presented petitions from Hereford and Essex, against alteration of the Corn-laws. Lord SONDES presented similar petitions from Kent. Their Lordships then Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 24. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly Mom Four o'Clock. _ ----... Mr. Rawson, from the Poor-law Commissioners, brought up papers. Mr. BERNAL brought up the Reports of the Com mittees on the Leeds and Selby Road Bill, the Gourdon Harbour Bill, the Olveston Inclosure, and the Great Leinster and Minister Railway Bill. Mr. GREEN brought up the Reports of the Com mittees on the Totnes and St. Helen's Small Debts' Bill. On the motion of Sir B. CHICHESTER, the Barn staple and Braunton Roads Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. BLAKE the South Western Railway Bill, was read a third time and pa sse d. Sir D. NORREYS brought up the Report of the Com mittee on the Ipswich Docks Bills. On the motion of Mr. LOCKHART, the Shotts and Welsontown Railway Bill was read a third time, and passed. Mr. GILLON presented petitions from Kilmarnock and Renfrew in favour of the propositions of the Govern. ment ; and from Greenock, against a n y a l terat i on i n the present system of banking in S'cotland. Mr. LEADER presented a petition agreed to at a public meeting of the inhabitants o f W estm i nster. The petitioners complained of the laws which enhanced the pr i ce of provisions, which appeared to them a violation of national justice--that the Corn-laws were enacted to secure high prices to the landlords and to cripple the trade, commerce, and manufactures of the country—that legis lation for class interests as they regarded the laws relating to co rn, timber, and sugar, would no longer be endured bv - the people, and they prayed the immediate repeal of all tax es affecting the necessaries of life. The Hon. iliewher alsO presented petitions to the same effect from Bridgewater, West Hackney, Clerkenwell, Cannon -street, St. George's, Cheltenham-place, Westminster-road, Wap ping, London-road, and several other places. Mr. WILBRAHAM presented a petition from a con gregation of Protestant Dissenters of Soho, praying for the abolition of Church-rates; also a petition in favour of a repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. EWART presented a petition from Warrington and other places in Lancashire, in favour of the mea sures introduced by Government for the alteration of the duties on corn, timber, and sugar ; also a peti tion to the same effect from an individual named John M'Taggart, of Liverpool, and another petition to the same effect from a place in Surrey ; also a petition praying for the remission of punishment of all political offenders at present imprisoned. Mr. THORNELY presented a petition from a Bap tist congregation in Staffordshire, praying for the aboli tion of Church-rates, and the liberation of Mr. Baines. Mr. GREG presented a petition from the inhabitants of Cowes, praying for a repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. BROTHERTON presented a petition to the same effect from Salford. Mr. WRIGHTSON presented a petition from Bromp ton, in the North Riding of Yorkshire, in favour of the Government measures for the alteration of the duties on timber, sugar, and corn. Mr. ELLIOT presented several petitions from the borough of Southwark, and other places, in favour of the repeal of the duties on timber, sugar, and corn. Also a petition from Gallashiels, praying for a repeal of the Corn-laws, and another from the same place in favour of the commercial measure of the Government. Mr. WARBURTON presented a petition from Brid port, in favour of the Corn-laws. Also six petitions to the same effect from the inhabitants of the metropolis. Also fifteen petitions to the same effect from the calico printers of Manchester, and five petitions also to the same effect from : different operatives employed in the manufactories of the same place. The Hon. Mem ber also presented a petition praying for the abolition of the Corn-laws, from a place the name of which we could not catch ; the petitioners stated that they would have recourse to physical force to obtain the object of their petition, if they could not accomplish it by other means. • Mr. EASTHOPE presented several petitions from places in Leicestershire praying for a repeal of the Corn laws, and a revision of our commercial system. Lord WORSLEY presented several petitions from places in Lincolnshire against any alteration in the Corn laws.—(Hear, hear, on the Opposition benches.) Sir G. STRICKLAND presented six petitions from places in Yorkshire, in favour of the commercial mea- , .. ....._ sures of the Government. Lord HENNIKER presented a petition from the pa rish of Woodbridge in favour of the present Corn-laws. Mr. YOUNG presented a petition from. a place in Cavan to the same effect. Mr. EDWARD FELLOWES (as we understood) presented six petitions from Huntingdon against any al teration of the Corn-laws. The petitions were signed by the inhabitants of 107 parishes, which comprised all but five of the entire county. The Hon. Member also pre sented a petition from Huntingdonshire, praying for Church Extension. Mr. MUNTZ presented a petition from Birmingham, in favour of a duty of Bs. on foreign corn; also a peti tion from Cheltenham, signed by 1,536 working men, praying for Universal Suffrage, and an Address to her Majesty for the release of political: offenders; and a peti tion from John Joseph Stockdale, praying for a reduc tion in the sugar duties. • Colonel WOOD presented several petitions from Brecon in favour of Church Extension. Mr. HUTT presented a petition from the Corporation of Hull, deprecating the high rate of duties on sugar, and praying the House to adopt the measures of her Ma jesty's Government with reference to those duties. 11 - Ir. B. WILBRAHAM presented a petition from Manchester, complaining that a petition in favour of her Majesty's Government from that town, presented a few evenings ago, did not fairly represent the feelings of the inhabitants ; that at the meeting from which it emanated no one was admitted without a ticket, and that the room was filled before the time of meeting by the partisans of her Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BROTHERTON had no hesitation in saying that the statement of the petition was contrary to the fact— (Cries of "Order, order")—amidst which the Hon. Member sat down. On the motion of Sir H. HARDINGE, the Launces ton Small Debts Bill was read a second time, and or dered to be committed. WANT OF CONFIDENCE IN MINISTERS. The SPEAKER having called on the Notices of Motions, Sir R. PEEL rose, amid the most profound silence in a very crowded House, and said—l rise, Sir, to give notice, that I shall, on Thursday next, move a resolution to the following effect :—" That her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House of Commons to enable them to carry through the House measures which they deem of essential im portance to the public welfare, and that their continuance in office, under such circumstances, is at variance with the spirit of the Constitution."—(This announcement was received with tremendous cheering, which latted for some minutes.) BUENOS AYRES. Lord SANDON said the House was aware of theincon venience to which British trade was subjected in conse quence of the blockade of Rio Plata. That arose in con sequence of the differences subsisting between the repub lics of Buenos Ayres and Monte Video. He wished to know whether there was any truth in the report which had appeared in the public papers that the difference be tween the eastern republics was about to be settled by the amicable interference of France and England. Lord PALMERSTON said the report to which the Noble Lord alluded was not correct, as regarded the steps taken by the French and English Governments, on the subject of the difference between these two Republics. Some time ago, about three months since, the British Government had received a communication from the Go vernment of Monte Video requesting the good offices of England in order to bring about a reconciliation between that country and Buenos Ayres. To that ap plication an answer was immediately returned, stating that it would be exceedingly agreeable to her Majesty's Government if they could be able to reconcile the differ ences existing between these two countries ; and instruc tions were sent to the British Minister at Buenos Ayres to offer the good offices of England to that Republic ; and, if they would accept it, he was to take measures for endeavouring to bring about an amicable arrangement. He hoped that that confidence which the Government of Buenos Ayres had shown by accepting the good offices of England for reconciling the differences that had broken out between it and France would influence it on the present occasion, and that the Government of Buenos Ayres would. accept the media tion of Great Britain in putting an end to the contest at present going on between that republic and Monte Video. RELATIONS WITH PERSIA. In answer to some questions from Mr. M'LEAN, that were quite inaudible, Lord PALMERSTON said that the state of our relations with Persia had been pretty nearly ex plained by the papers that he had laid before Parliament some time ago. But since then a dif ference had arisen between the two Governments, in con sequence of Persia not evacuating the fortress of Gourian, according to the arrangement with the British Go vernment. The British mission was still at Erze oum,, and la; gentleman had been sent to Teheran for the purpose of going to Gourian, and reporting to the Embassy the actual state of the matter. Some hesi tation kad taken place in the Persian Government with respect to the evacuation of the fortress, founded on an opi tion that the British Government were no longer anxious for its evacuation, on account of some difference between the official residents. But instructions had been sept out to our Charge-d'-Affaires, to inform the Govern ment that no change whatever had taken place in our policy, and that the British Government expected the arrangement would have been carried into effect. With respect to dm other point, he did not believe that any intelligence had been received of a difference between our resident at Teheran and the Government of Persia, and he had no reason to suppose that anything of the kind had taken place. What we demanded of the Persian Government was a complete apology; that apology we had received, it had been laid before the House, and we ought to be satisfied with it ; but the British mission would not return to Teheran until the fortress was evacuated. POOR-LAWS. Capt. POLHLIL asked a qUestion of Lord John Rus sell, which was supposed to be when he intended to pro ceed with the Poor-law Amendment Bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S reply being inaudible the question was repeated by Mr. WALTER, upon which Lord J. RUSSELL said he would take that oppor tunity of correcting an answer that he had given to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite with respect to the case •of Mr. M'Leod. He had told the Right lion. Gentleman that the . trial would take place in the Federal Courts, but he had since received information that it had been removed into the Supreme Courts by habeas corpus, and would be heard on the 3d of May. With respect to the Poor Law Amendment Bill, it was not his intention to proceed with it during the present session of Parliament. —(Loud cheers and counter-cheers.) Mr. HODGSON wished to know when the Noble Lord meant to go on with the Right of Voting Bill: Sir ROBERT PEEL wished to -know if the Noble Lord meant to go on with the Bribery Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was his intention to proceed with that Bill, and he hoped that he would have the support of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir Robert Peel) when proceeding with that measure. Sir R. PEEL was understood to say that he would support the Bill. SUGAR DUTIES. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX CHEQUER, the House then went into Committee of Ways and Means, to consider the Annual Sugar Duties Bill. Sir R. PEEL, who was very indistinctly heard in the gallery, was understood to say that the Bill now pro posed was in perfect conformity with the resolution lately carried in the House, namely, " That that House was not prepared, especially in the present prospect of a supply of sugar from the British possessions, to adopt the measure of her Majesty's Government for the reduction of the duty on foreign sugar, and he (Sir R. Peel) could have no objection to support the Bill now proposed. He had not any desire to obstruct the pub lic- service or throw any difficulty . in the way of a Bill of this kind, even if it were not in conformity with his own opinions and the opinions of the majority of th e House of Commons.—(Opposition cheers.) Mr. HUME said that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) had read par t of the resolution of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord S andon), that he was unwillin g tha t any al teration should take place in the laws regulating th e importation of sugar. He (Mr. Hume) hoped th a t t h e country would understand that the effect of that resolu- EVENING EDITION. tion, which the Right Hon. Gentleman so paraded, was. _ to make every man in the country pay threepence in the pound for sugar more than he ought to do. The Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, s might, if he pleased, publish to the country that the ef- : fect of alteration of the sugar duties would not be the centessimal part of a farthing benefit to the pur chaser ; but the effect of the continuance of the present law during the last year had been to make • every man pay threepence more for sugar than he ought . to do. The Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to think there would be a supply of sugar which would keep down the price. He (Mr. Hume) differed from him. From every account he had seen, he the ht there would not be that extra supply, and that, coisiee quently, the public would continue to be taxed, not for the sake of the revenue, but for the support of thg mo nopoly. The people might see from this, what benefits they were likely to derive from the measures of thl Right Honourable Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) There was not a man who consumed sugar, but would be in fluenced by the course pursued. He was surprised that the Right Hon. Baronet should have prided himself upon that victory which he had obtained, because it was a victory obtained not so much against the Ministry is against the public.—(Hear, hear.) It was a victory against the people of England. If Honourable Geri- • tlemen opposite desired the people to be comfortable and happy they had, at any rate, chosen an extraordi nary course for producing that result, when they deter mined to maintain the high price of sugar.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hume) hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would recommend all his friends to read the paragraph which he had read to the House, at the approaching election, that the country might know that he was determined to keep up • the monopoly. He could not but express his surpriee that the Right Honourable Baronet could have read • - with such humour that resolution which he ha carried in spite of all the Ministerial forces that could be mustered.—(Dear, hear.) lie said so undoubtedly, but it was nothing to the credit of those who carried it. If he were to judge by their measures, he should say that they were likely to be against the consumers and the country. eoul He hoped, when the could do Hon. Members would d ay came that explain why m,hayt they compelled the poor to pay a high price for so essential a necessary of life as sugar.—(Hear, hear, hear.) On Thursday next they should have an opportunit:i of discussing the question, and he hoped from that • - as s 7.. cussion 'the country would be made fully aware sh e -. whole question.—(Ch eers .) .Sir R. PEEL said that thi s was w h at he got by s u p porting her Majesty's Governm en t. — (great laughter.) With respect to the statement of the Honourable- Member for Kilkenny, that it would be desir able that the resolution of the Noble Lord, the Member for Liverpool, should be read on every hustings, .all he had to say was, that he should cer tainly when on the hustings read the speech of the Hon, Member himself; which was delivered on the Bth Ju1y,1840, ; it was to the following effect :—" Sugar Duties "(Laugh ter.) Mr. Hume—l wis h to know whether the Right ' Hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade, is aware whether it is correct as reported that a quantity of S ugar the produce of sl a y e -l a b our has been imported into this country paying an enormous differential duty 2—(Cheers.) If this practice is to be allowed, the attempt of the House to put a stop to the importation of slave-grown sugar would be rendered abortive." And then in an other part the Hon. Member said, that he had no objec tion to the importation of sugar, but he thought, if they wanted a stock for home consumption they ought to take that in preference which was the produce of free labour."—(Great cheering.) It appeared to him, there fore, that the opinion of the Hon. Member was clearly in favour of the sugar duties at they at present existed. Mr. HUME said that the Right Hon. Baronet should bear in mind that a motion was made to admit foreign sugar. The House rejected that motion, but he' (Mr. Hume) was against the opinion entertained by the House, and lie told it plainly that such would be the case, and that the result would be that they • would admit any kind of sugar.(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet thought he had obtained a triumph over him, but he was quite mistaken; he had - merely expressed and argued upon the opinions come to by the House, not upon his own. He had joined with the Hon. Member for Wigan in the attempt to obtain the ad mission of free labour foreign sugar, merely because he had before failed to obtain more, and he would tell the House had that question of his been attended to, the taxation of the people of England would not have been so much as it had been by the sum of four millions. General EVANS understood the resolution moved by the Right Honourable Baronet to be one for the con tinuence of monopoly, and the Right Hon. Baronet was entitled to the thanks of that House for his candour, and he was certainly also entitled to tell his constituents on the hustings that he was not only the seconder before the Chair, but that he ought to have been its proposer.— (Immense Tory cheering.) He had an undoubted right . , to tell his constituents and the people of England that he, at at the head of his body of supporters—the confederated s - monopolists opposite--(Loud cheers and laughter)—that he and they had determined that the monopoly on sugar should continue. • Lord J. RUSSELL s a id th a t t h e resolution read by the Right Hon. Baronet was that to which the House had come to, only entirely leaving out that part of it relating to humanity.—(Loud cheers.) The Right Honourable Baronet now admitted that all that part of it was a mere pretext—(Loud cheers) —intended to catch votes, and he had s uccee d e d in catching his Right Ho n . Friend the Member for the Tower Hamlets: By leaving out all that part of the mo tion which was now shown to have been intended to catch the feelings of the humane, and although he had succeeded in catching his Right %Hon. Friend, he would tell him that he had totally failed throughout the coun try.—(lmmense cheers.) However, the Right Hon. Baronet, with less than his usual judgment and tact, had chosen to throw aside the humanity part of the resolution as a warm garment ; and the House must see that the proposition before the House was in fact one of the prohibition of foreign sugars While upon that sub ject he could not but advert to a complete misrepresenta tion of what fell from him which had gone abroad. It had been stated that his argument was, that Brazil sugar could not be brought into this country to be sold under - Gus., and that at that rate the West India interest would be no sufferers. But he went further ; he went on to argue that if the prohibition were continued, and that-if the Indians failed in raising the quantity calculated upon, if they should fail in their promises, then the people would be previously taxed without any hope of remedy, whereas the propositions of the Government would have afforded that remedy without any great detriment to the West Indies. Those who had quoted his speech had taken the whole of the former and omitted the whole of the latter part of his argument.(Cheers.) What he stated was, that if their calculations should turn out to be erroneous, then there might be a taxation of a penny, - twopence, or threepence per pound on sugar. Now, in his opinion, the people of England ought not to be sub jected to those monopoly prices. The proposition of the other side is, that let what will happen, if there was a good supply, then the people will gain the advantage, bUt if not, that the West India interest still maintain their prices and their profits. Their motto appeared tole, " Let monopoly flourish, if the people perish."—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh.") Lord STANLEY was exceedingly astonished that during the eight nights' debate on that question, the Noble Lord had not thought it necessary to enter into that explanation before.(Loud cheers.) It ins to be remembered that the statements of the Noble Lord were made before the debate began—while the Noble Lord was opening the plan of the Government, and not in answer to any arguments or statements made on that side of the House.. Lord JOHN RUSSELL--The Noble Lord knew full well that if he (Lord John Russell) had again at tempted to speak in that debate— Lord STANLEY—You did. Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Certainly, to address the House upon the amendment. And he had considered . that the misrepresentations of the Noble Lord had been fully answered by his Right Hon. Friend, the President of the Board of Trade, and others. At the time he was proceeding upon statements in a memorial presented to the House by the Noble Member for Liverpool, upon which the House was called upon to legislitte. Mr. WAKLEY—The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir It Peel) had again taken credit to himself for s upporting her Majesty's Government, and he appeared to think • that he was not well treated because he did not receive . a share of gratitude from that side of the House upon a great variety of occasions ; the Right Hon. Bart. hadsione g the same thing, and that made him (Mr. Waklhey) ask very plain and simple question, which was the country it would be were the resolutions next? _ e Honourable Baronet carried on Thursday the were prepared to pursue the same policy of what the u ß s i e gh to t andof what i a) p a t s a s hd t e , e of the Minis rithi poterssa,ihwleitluiLhwe would d le it e h x e c f e o p r tio th n e o e f iou i n ti z goocl a party should sit. on their (the a very sensible sort of doors, for after all John Bull was fellow. If the measures o f the Right Hon. Baronet were House? That question would be ask ed seriousl y ou t of to be identical, the change would be wholly useless —nay, most considered t h at t country. hey inost serious confli c t i n most prejudicial to the ta en He believed feverish—there never wa s a 4 public was this hey country. • time when he had greater apprehensions as to the result were now ow getting lie i ved n tohere never was a tim e w h opinion had not given satisfaction, the y were of their measures y • than at this m oment. The I c 'l h i e e e p rs re .) sen T t Ghaotvwernmas theen wtinaymtahunecyy were only objectionable because they ass ume d too much of a Tory chara cter. had become s o un p o p ular, and u n til th e last two or thre e da un popularity was rapidly i ncreasin opiniong. In his party soliciting office had already taken a s s which the y wo uld d - false step , o ne ver y short space of time. He hop: and he be lieved it; that was his predictio n , an d a very - s hort time would prove it s correctness. He s th eir h e t i h r e scarcely knew whether there was or was not a Radical party in that House.(Laughter.) But if there was, and that they had a recognized leader, they would prove of essential service to her Majesty in her present strait.—(Loud laughter.) He shoitiat hope thee the leader of that small but intelligent party would 1* sent for. However, as things stood, there would only be an exchange between the leading faction of Whig and • Tory; but he hoped that the good sense of the people of England would come to the rescue. He had been told that the late vote was one of confidence or no confidence in Ministry. He, for one, could not view it in that light-- it was not.fair to put in that light. He supported the propositions because they were fur a reduction of the burthens of the people—because he believed they would confer on the c ountry an immense amount a good —not because he had any confidence in the Cairene ment. It had been said, vote against the propositions order to turn out the present Ministers ; 'but for wha purpose should they do so if the policy of those who wer to follow was to be the same? It was said, vote again them in order to turn out the Po or -l aw Ministry; bu where were they to get another wh o wou ld b e Anti- - p ost -l aw lie had been delighted to beer 'the statement ma& by th e N o b le Lord that he did