The Sun. — London, England, 1867-02-14 00:00:00

IRELAND. DUBLIN, Feb. 13. We had made up our minds in this country that there was an end to the Fenian alarms, and that the time had happily arrived when the suspen sion of the Habeas Corpus Act might cease without danger to society. We were confirmed in this comfortable opinion when we read that the once formidable and mysterious Stephens was hors de combat, and had a narrow escape from the wrath of his followers. What, then, must have been the sur prise of the public yesterday on reading the account of a march of Fenians on the city of Chester,and the ex traordinary precautions taken there and in London to guard against the threatened attack ? Of course, we felt something more than surprise in Dublin when we learnt that 70 persons had been arrested yester day morning on board the Alexandra from Holy head, and the St. Columbia, from Liverpool, as part of the Fenian army of invasion. The first intima tion of the danger the public had was from the ap pearance of a body of police drawn up on the quay at the North Wall, armed with cutlasses. This was the result of telegrams received during the night about the movements at Chester. It was stated that when the Feuians found they could do nothing there they pushed on for Birkenhead and Liverpool, intending to come to Dublin. When the Alexandra came alongside soon after 7 o'clock a.m. 31 persons were arrested, chiefly young men. The steamer was a considerable time swinging round, and during that time the supposed Fenians were grouped to gether, apparently in earnest consultation. Of course, they had seen the police with their cutlasses, and they took the hint, and it is said they threw their revolvers and ammunition into the river. When arrested they had no weapons, no documents, nothing to criminate them, and they pleaded the Habeas Corpus Act, which they said was in force again. It is said that some of them are Americans. None of them gave a satisfactory account of themselves. They said they belonged to the following classes : Dock labourers, discharged soldiers, bakers, tailors, mill workers, &c., and that they came from Liver pool, Bolton, Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield, and Birkenhead. Later in the morning the Columbia arrived from Liverpool with about an equal number of suspected characters on board, and they were arrested under similar circumstances. The prisoners were first conveyed to Sackville-place station, and then lodged in Richmondßridewell-67 altogether. Three loaded revolvers were found in the first steamer, hidden under ropes where the prisoners had been standing. It is said that the bed of the river will be dragged in the hope of finding the revolvers. These arrests have produced great excitement, and the detectives are everywhere on the alert. Until this occurrence the interest in Fenianism seemed to have almost died out, even among sympathisers, a significant proof of which was the gradual falling off of voluntary supplies of food from friends to the inmates in Mountjoy Prison, who were at last left to depend on the gaol allowance. The law officers of Lord Derby's Government in this country are very fortunate, as they get into Parliament without opposition, trouble, or expense. Mr. Morris, the Attorney-General, was again re elected for the borough of Galway yesterday, this time without a shadow of opposition. In the course of a long speech, the learned gentleman dealt with several topics of local interest, and then passed on to the consideration of imperial questions. He said the Government had such confidence in the inherent loyalty of the great body of the Irish people as to announce their intention of dispensing with the fur ther suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. He dis claimed anysympathy with extreme political opinions and stating that the only hope for Ireland was in the development of her material resources, quoted cer tain speeches made by Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Glad stone, with the view of showing that the former was anxious, by improvements in the land laws and rail way system, to check the tide of emigration, which lie had so powerfully described as " hemorrhage of the life blood of the nation," while the latter did no more than make political capital out of sentimental and theoretical grievances. Mr. Chatterton, the Sulicitor- General, was elected in a similar manner for Dublin University. He was proeosed by the Rev. Dr. Casson, F.l .C.D., in very eulogistic terms, and seconded by the lion. and Rev. ',V. C. Plunket, who spoke at some length, and ably on the Irish Church and education. He expressed himself in favour of a better distribution of Church property, without interfering with the parochial sys tem, or alienating any portion of it from Church purposes, which he regarded as spoliation. On the difficult question of education he thought it was possible to devise a plan by which the State would give only secular education, leaving to the several Churches to give religious education. But that is the principle for which the national system was from the first denounced as " godless." Nothing would satisfy the Church clergy but forcing religious instruction into the regular school business. They were forewarned that this would throw the secular education into the hands of the priests, and now, when too late, they would gladly accept the princi ple they reprobated a 4 " godless." Mr. Plunket re gards the Solicitor-General as the sort of defender the Irish Church requires in these times. He said : " When they looked about for others to fill the places of those who had gone before—to tread in the steps of such men as Whiteside, Napier, Hamilton, and Shaw—when they looked for one to send to Parliament who could be worthy of a place beside their trusty, well-beloved, and honest representa tive, Anthony Lefroy—they could point to Mr. Chatterton as the man best fitted to occupy such a position." Mr. Plunket did not go back to his own grandfather, who represented the University when he was Attorney-General. It was well, perhaps, he did not remind his audience of the difference between his mind and the minds of those he enumerated. The Solicitor-General returned thanks in a modest speech. Nobody can blame him for not being a Re former, for he can see nothing wrong in any of our institutions. With regard to the University he said she needed no defender, and asked—" Can any one say there is anything illiberal in her arrangements, her regulations, or her education? Can anyone point to anything sectarian in this institution? Can any one say that there is not the most liberal hand held out by her to every person, no matter what his re ligion or politics may be? I perceive that Mr. Lawson, the late Attorney-General for Ireland, has given notice of bringing forward a bill to open some of your medical and surgical professorships to men of all religious denominations. (" Hear, hear," " No, no," and hisses.) Gentlemen, in the year 1852 a Commission reported on those professor ships in reference to the very point that is now about to be the subject matter of discussion in Parliament, and reported in favour of the relaxation of the restrictions upon the occupiers of those chairs, and what was the consequence? In the following year a letter w a s wr itt en b y t h e P rovost, expressing the unanimous opinion of the Board in favour of throwing open those professorships to members of all religious denominations. I ask you, therefore, did it require a statutable enactment to be brought forward by Mr. Lawson to open the doors of this institution in that respect to persons of different religious persuasions." With regard to the Irish Church the new member for the University will have no sort of difficulty, be cause nobody in Ireland has the slightest objection to the Establishment. Ile said:—..“ There never was a more miserable sectarian, partisan cry than that got lip by political demagogues arrainst the Esta blished Church. I have lived among and mixed with men of all religious creeds, and I do most con scientiously affirm that I believe in my heart that there is no antagonism in any creed or any body of insii against the Established Church of this country. (Oh.) I have mixed with Roman Catholics', and I believe there is in reality no hostility to the Esta blished Church in this country. And, gentlemen, there is no ground for that hostility if it did exist. As to the property of the Established Church we took it from no one ; we owe it to no one. It is here as much ns the acres of the lord, or the duke, or the Roman Catholic proprietor, who either inherited his lands or purchased them in the Landed Estates Court. The revenues of the Established Church are as much her property and right as the revenues of any landed proprietor in the country—(hear, hear) — and it is an empty complaint to say that there is any ground of hostility to her, or that there is any wrong done to the population by allowing her re venues to continue, as they have been for centuries, appropriated to her use." This opinion of one of our greatest lawyers that Church property rests on the same basis as private property, instead of being intended, as the Dublin Evening Mail lately observed, to be paid as sala ries for the performance of services, will sound strange to the statesmen of the House of Commons, particularly to its present leader. There being no other candidate Mr. Chatterton was declared duly elected by the Vice-Provost, Dr. Lloyd, who pre sided. After the termination of the election the students proceeded in a body to the rooms of Dr. Lloyd, in order to give expression to their esteem for the popular Vice-Provost by a public ovation. Enthu siastic cheers were repeatedly given, and Dr. Lloyd having been loudly called for was at length obliged to appear at the window in order to appease their demonstrative ardour. Having bowed his acknow ledgments of the compliment he retired, and the students were soon induced to disperse. Mr. Smith Barry has addressed the electors of the county Cork, " as an independent Irish gentleman," pledged to no party. He is for " a frank and statesmanlike solution of the land question." He is a firm supporter of the rights of property, but he counts among the plainest and clearest of those rights " the right of the tenant to the enjoyment of the fruits of his own industry." On other points, also, he goes the length of the Roman Catholic Bishops. Colonel White was about to address the electors, but he has resigned in favour of Mr. M'Cartby Downing, of Skibbereen, a solicitor—a veteran tenant-right agitator. He is the popular can didate. This morning about 30 persons were arrested at the North Wall on their arrival by the steamers from Liverpool and Holyhead. Seven were able to account for themselves and were discharged; the rest are detained, pending inquiries. At Belfast a body of police went on board the English steamers yesterday morning as they arrived and overhauled the luggage of the passengers. No arrests were made. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE. The half-yearly general meeting of this company was held at Manchester yesterday. Mr. G. Wilson, the deputy chairman, presided. The report, an abstract of which has appeared in The Sun, was taken as read. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, reviewed the results of the half-year's work ing in this and the other great companies by which it was surrounded, showing that the Lancashire and Yorkshire did not suffer by the comparison, not withstanding the increase of working expenses. The development of the company's traffic was justifying the opinion which was entertained, during the cot ton famine that on the revival of trade in the manu facturing districts this undertaking would for the moment exceed all other lines in the rapidity of its progress. Trade had not yet recovered so far as might reasonably have been expected, nor could it do so while the price of cotton remained as at pre sent. Still the increase must satisfy the shareholders that the money they had from time to time appro priated for augmenting the rolling stock and im proving the stations was not laid out a year too soon for the enlarging requirements of the traffic. The number of passengers carried during the half-year by this company was 11,268,877, an increase of 471,391 over the corresponding half of last year. The distance it had carried them remained pretty much as before, being rather more than 9.6 miles per passenger, and the money received had averaged 9.11 d. per passenger as against 9.14 d. The passen ger traffic of this company was still omnibus traffic, and it was fair to infer that the introduction of any new lines in their district would never affect foun dations of a traffic so limited in the distance tra velled. According to the Board of Trade returns for 1865, the last to which he could refer, there was this contrast in the numbers and receipts of passen gers between this and other companies :—Sheffield Company, 23,877 passengers per mile of line, and 10id. per passenger; London and North Western, 18,610 passengers per mile, and is. 111 d. per pas senger ; Midland, 15,970 passengers, at ls. sd. ; Great Northern, 15,370, at 2s. ll d ; North-Eastern, 10,770, at ls. 414; while the Lancashire and York shire carried 51,386 passengers per mile,aud received only 91d. per passenger. The loss,: on the Pres ton and Wyre was now happily being reduced to the vanishing point. While the price of labour, ma terials, and fuel continued to rule high there was no prospect of much reduction in working expenses of railways. Nevertheless, the gross increase of traffic to this company for the half-year had been £97,551, while the expenditure for this increased earnieg had been £42,817, or rather less than 44 per cent. Since 1860 the passenger traffic had increased 40 percent., the goods traffic 28 per cent., and the coal traffic 83 per cent. In that year he ventured to express the opinion that this company could not retain its hold on the district without an outlay of capital of some thing like £500,000 per annum on an average. He adhered to that opinion, and, as a matter of fact, if to the capital expended in the last six years, or for which powers were possessed,were added the£933, 000 for which powers were to be sought in the present session, then in 1870, when the last of this money would probably have been expended, the total in crease of capital in ten years would be £5,597,000, or a little over £550,000 a year. Mr. S. J. ROBERTS (Chester) said he could not find any fault with the condition of the company's affairs, and wi shed to bestow credit upon the offi cials as well as directors of the company for their careful attention to the details of management. The report was unanimously adopted, and reso lutions were passed, including the declaration of a dividend on the originai stock at the rate of 64 per cent. per annum. The directors were authorised to expend not exceeding £200,000 on capital account for general purposes of the company during the half-y ear. _ _ _ The meeting was then made special, and the direc tors were authorised to consolidate the shares created under the company's Extension of Time, &c., Act, 1866, into ordinary stock, and also to exercise the borrowing powers contained in the act. The proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks to the chairman and directors. NORTH STAFFORDSHIRE. The half-yearly general meeting of this company was held yesterday at the London Tavern ; Colonel Pearson in the chair. The report, an abstract of which has appeared in The Sun, was taken as read. The CHAIRMAN', in moving the adoption of the report, said it contained the substance of all the di rectors had to communicate respecting the affairs of the past half-year. The accounts were as clear as could be, and he was only sorry that the result of the working did not give them a better dividend— but when he saw the result of other companies' ope rations for the past year he thought, under the cir cumstances, they ought to be satisfied It might be interesting to mention the progress they had made in dividends from 1818 to 1865, taking the average dividend in periods of three years each. The first ended in 1850, and the average dividend was £1 14s. 100. per cent. ; the second ended in 1853, and averaged £2 2s. 61. per cent. ; the third ended in 1856, and averaged £2 123. per cent. ; the fourth ended in 1859, and averaged £3 10s. per cent. ; the fifth ended in 1862, and averaged £3 10s. percent. ; and the sixth ended in 1865, and averaged £4 per cent. per annum for the three years. During the last three years they had a very great increase in the tonnage of minerals and a very small increase of revenue. They had an increase in the number of passengers, but a diminution in the receipts per pas senger. The increase in the number of passengers arose from running a number of short trains to accommodate the local traffic, and, although the receipts per passenger were less, the total receipts were £6,000 more. From the figures given in the report they would see the utter fallacy of calculat ing working expenses by the amount of revenue re ceived, .„.There was £5,260 charge 1 to revenue for THE SUN, LONDOS, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 14 1867. materials to repair and renew rolling stock, and £6,370 for the wages of mechanics and labourers in that department for the past half-year. They might recollect the first account of the new manager as to the inadequacy of the rolling stock. Of 68 engines, 46 were reported as unfit for work, and so were a number of the carriages and waggons. Out of the 46 engines unfit for work 31 were made since into goods engines, while the waggons had been altered and their capacity increased from five tons to eight tons. Great progress had also been made in getting the rolling stock into good order. But they could not have done so much without the facilities afforded by the new repairing shops. In 1863 an agitation was got up by some of the shareholders, which resulted in an alteration of system in some of the departments beneficial to the company. If the directors erred in any way, it was on the side of eco nomy, for it appeared they " starved" the permanent way and rolling stock to give dividends to the share holders. They paid in dividends what should have been expended in improving and renewing the per manent way and rolling stock ; but he trusted that would not occur again. The general depression in the iron trade and the effect of strikes among the workmen for higher wages and shorter hours of labour had been injurious to many. Some left the district for places in Belgium where there was free trade in labour, and although the wages there were 20 or 30 per cent. less than in this country the workmen were better off. The manner in which some working men had acceded to the terms of the ironmasters by taking 10 per cent. less wages, ow ing to the depression of trade, augured well for all concerned. There had been an increase in the export of raw iron, and a decrease in manufactured iron. The decrease in the export of manufactured articles and machinery ranged from 8 to 11 per cent., so that the question of the value of labour was now of the greatest importance in manufacturing districts. The bill the company had before Parliament was not for raising additional capital, as they would make the money they had do what they wanted. Negotiations were pending with the London and North-Western to induce them and other companies to use the North Staffordshire line. The outgoings from their district to other lines were as three to one, and they thought it right to get some return by inducing companies to use their line. He then adverted to the debenture question that had recently been raised, stating that he believed no company could give better security in that respect, for they could pay off the whole of the debenture debt in five years out of the net re venue of the company. Mr. FiLDES, M:P., hoped they would never again have anything done in the way of starving the permanent way and repair of rolling stock. It was essential to the success of a railway that both the permanent way and rolling stock should be maintained in first-rate condition. Every addi tion to the estate of a company should be charged to capital, but every repair of an estate should be charged to revenue. The distinction between charges to revenue and to capital was not carefully attended to in some of the railway companies. The expenses of enlarging the waggons from five to eight tons capacity should have been charged to ca pital, as it was an addition to the estate. The prin ciple of charging to revenue and capital was very imperfectly understood. A long discussion ensued on items of occount, and as to the management of the business of the com pany ; but Mr. Samuda, the secretary, Mr. Smith, one of the auditors, and the chairman gave what was considered satisfactory explanations, showing that the dividend was honestly earned, and that the accounts were carefully and accurately kept. Resolutions were passed adopting the report, and declaring a dividend at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum on the preference stock, at the rate of 4 per cent. per annum on the ordinary stock for the past half-year, payable on Ist March, less income tax. A vote of thanks to the chairman and directors terminated the proceedings. The Mormons. The most wonderful exodus made by a people since Israel left Egypt was that which took place on the settlement of the Mormons in Utah. At the time when this extraordinary emigration occurred, the Great Salt Lake, with its valley and territory embo somed in mountains, was as little known as the wildest regions of Kamskatcha or the Hudson's Bay Terri tory. That a community should gather themselves together and march into the wilderness almost be yond the ken of men, encumbered with their women and children, and dragging along with them every article required by a people reared in civilisation, was an act which, at the time, surprised the world, though the world gave little heed to the movement. It was, in truth, a prodigious effort, ancl iv one which only bigotry, fanaticism, or great religious faith could have accomplished. Not many years have passed since the first prophet of the Mormon faith was cruelly murdered in his prison ; and the event occurred which led to the establishment of Utah as a territory of the Union, and the foundation of the Great Salt Lake City. The population of the city of the Mormons in 1866 was 17,000, and ac cording to the census of the year before, that of the Territory numbered 93,000. The sect had pene trated into waste places, and trusted themselves—a lonely band—to the protection that isolation begets, relying on PROVIDENCE and their own powers against the hostility of the wild Indians, by whom they were surrounded, in the hopes that the vast distance which lay between them and their former persecutors would be a guarantee of se curity for a number of years to come. But the march of events has outstripped in its speed all the calculations of the prophets. Cali fornia was created a State in 1850, and San Fran cisco in 1866 had become a city with a population estimated at 150,000. The city of the Mormons was found to be a station on the highway between San Francisco and the Atlantic seaboard. The Mormons, who had sought the desolation of the wilderness, found the city they had formed had be come a convenient halting place on the route to a rich gold-producing region, rapidly forming into one of the greatest and most populous States of the Union. The journey over which they had toiled on foot, sending forward the young men of their sect to grow grain and form halting stages, to pre vent starvation on the road, is now for the most part traversed by railroads, two of the lines being vigorously engaged in pushing forward their works to connect the Salt Lake City with the Eastern States, while thousands of Chinamen are toiling to the West to bring it into communication with San Francisco. Again, Mormonism comes into contact with the Christian world as an outrage on its prin ciples ; and again it stands face to face with the doctrines from which it professes to have derived its creed, and with the " Gentiles" betore whose persecution it fled for security to the wilds beyond the Rocky Mountains. But Mormonism since those days has flourished and grown strong. It now attracts the legislation of Congress and the attention of the civilised world. That any sect of Christians should have given birth to the monstrosity of polygamy could scarcely have been credited had it not actually occurred. As a matter of course the contact produces an explosion, in which BRIGHAM YOUNG and his doctrines are likely to be blown up. Since the close of the civil war attention has been directed strongly to the Mormon settlements and to Mormon doctrines. A bill has been introduced by Senator HOWARD, which, if it passes into law, will either at once destroy polygamy or raise an armed opposition of the Mormons against the Supreme Government. The Mormons are powerful only i n th e i r i so l a ti on . E very mont h tends more a n d more i n the completion of the rail ways to remove the great barrier of distance which separates them from the strong arm of the United States Government. There is no split in the Union regarding them. It is held to be an outrage on the national character that such a scat should have grown and thriven within their boundaries, and the moment that " Uncle SAM" can put forth his strong arm effectively the Mormon heresy will be knocked on the head. The question that is now exciting in terest is what course BRIGHAM YOUNG and his fol lowers will pursue. Will they fight, or will there be another exodus ? If another exodus, where will they go ? It is said that, with the in flat ad e tnaictde admirable of rsaußbplevei supported powers eN k vd 3 e i raYs and df t rNuol,e Mormonismdisplayed maintained by y by twh t i l e l afb n ai l li a lrt n y . t s i e o n n t e b b e i f e o f r , e a n t d h et that t reins w h fell ate v e i r n to might h t e It must not, howeve r , b e f orgotten that it grew in hands spite o o f f P t e h r e s e l:r u e have been the animating principle it was sufficient to accomplish one of the most extraordinary pro ceedings ever achieved by fanaticism. The strength with which a doctrine is held is not in proportion to the soundness and excellence of the principle it embodies. Although there are signs that the power of the Mormon rulers is not SO despotic as it once was, still it is sufficiently great to be very formidable, and to cause some uneasiness as to what may be BRIGHA3I YOUNG'S course in view of the late legis lative measures introduced into Congress directed against polygamy. The latest accounts taken from the Union Vedette, published at Salt Lake City, speak thatin the city these mer chants districts, though the of the preachers and elders as havi ng commence d a crusade against the " Gentile" merc h ants, and of their Editor n success pp ea red to think in the outlying would be able to hold their own. Dr. ROBINSON, who was treacherously murdered; was the former Editor of that newspaper, which appears, in spite of that event, to have maintained an inde pendent, outspoken course. That the Mormons are prepared to have resort to violence is seen from this dastardly outrage, and from the fact that no " Gen tile" dare walk through the streets at night. It is even hinted that the elders ha ve exc i ted the Indians into the active hostility which has lately led to so many tragedies and cruel sufferings in the Far West. These saints, in their paradise, wish their gates to be guarded by a two-edged sword. They are, however, dealing with a nation with whom, it, is above all others, dangerous to trifle, who would put its heel down on them and crush them out of existence if they scooped out the Rocky Mountains as a place for shelter. Uncle SAM says so in plain terms, and therefore we may take it for granted that the days of Mormonism are numbered. The " saints" may meet the approaching hurricane by abolishing polygamy ; but we do not believe this will avail the Mormons to preserve their sect. The tide of emigration and travel is setting too strongly across the Continent, and it must not be forgotten that the Salt Lake City is a main station on the new highway of the world. --Anglo-American Times. Steam Between Thames Haven and Boulogne. A new route between London and Paris has been projected—to be opened simultaneously with the Paris Exhibition. The line proposed is from the Fenchurch-street Station to Thames Ilaven, by the Tilbury and Southend Railway, there to embark in swift passenger steamers for, probably, Boulogne, which will be reached under five hours, making the journey to Paris in twelve, or an hour and a half more, than the qu i c k es t mail route. As the rail can never comp e t e w ith the sea in the economy of transit, the n ew li ne propos es to reduce materially the cost. This, the projectors assert, can be done at a trifling increase of time, without any decrease of comfort. From Thames Haven to the Foreland, the voyage being sheltered, may be considered a river trip. After passing the Foreland the steamers will head down the Channel, bringing the usual swell, which almost constantly rolls up from the Atlantic, on the starboard bow. Long, sharp, swift vessels, such as the Scud, Foam, and Petrel will scarcely feel its effects, so long as such a position is maintained. The rule will also hold on the return voyage, except, that the sea will be running up astern, and the vessel running with it, till it passes under the shelter of the Foreland. In this respect the steamers of the new route will have a great advantage over those of Folkestone, Dover, and the southern ports which cross the Channel with the sea a-beam, producing that disagreeable rolling motion that tends so materially to sea sickness. Hitherto the boats which have plyed from London Bridge have been designed for the carriage of merchandise, and have entailed on their passengers the disagreeables of a long and tedious journey down the river. This will be avoided by the new line, which will receive the travellers at Thames Haven, and the;vessels, being expressly built and fitted for the conveyance of passengers, are calculated to proceed at the rate of twenty statute miles an hour. When the arrangements now in progress are com pleted with the railways. passengers can book through, and those who prefer, during the summer months, a couple of hours more of sea, and less of rail, will be able to gratify their tastes, and at the same time save a large per tentage of the present cost of transit. One of the main inducements of fered by the new company to invest in its stock is that each registered holder of £lOO will be entitled at all times, to a free passage in the company's boats Thus firms and men of business, whose duties lead them frequently to cross the Channel, will be able to secure a good dividend on their investment of £lOO by the mere saving of passage money. The three steamers designed to commence this undertak ing cost nearly £120,000, but the present company have been enabled to obtain them for £66,000, being little more than half their cost. There can be little doubt that every means of transit be tween London and Paris will be taxed to its utmost to meet the requirements of the increased traffic during the Exposition, and that the new line will commence its operations under very happy auspices. The signs are abundant of the activity likely to prevail during the ensuing summer ; and the launching of this undertaking is one of them, in the face of such a depressed market. It is almost impossible to procure the necessary capital for any joint stock enterprise, no matter how well it may be based on sound business principles. In Paris, however, as well as in London, the opportunity this company offers of secur ing a ticket that will at all times frank the holder from Boulogne to the vicinity of London is worth attention. No liability will attach to the stock thus taken, and there is every probability of a good dividend being realised. Indeed, during the coming season the number of passengers will pro bably be beyond the accommodation the steamers can afford, and we have little doubt that this line, once established, will quickly become the favourite —at least during the summer months.—Anglo- American Times. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The question of the hour is, shall we go on attempting to pass a Reform Bill ? There is no 'anger any advantage in debating the inquiry as to how we shall proceed with it. The resolutions of the Government are before the House of Commons and the country. They are vague, they are incom plete, some of them can only be named to be re jected; but if Parliament reject them, refusing altogether to consider them, the settlement of Re form will be put off further than ever. As it is, the House of Commons is supplied with an outline, per haps we should say a sketch, the details of which may be indefinitely modified so as to admit of a per fect Reform Bill being evolved from it. The Go vernment invites the criticism and co-operation of the home, and the most startling of the resolutions is expressed in such terms of doubt and hesitation as to appear on the face of it no more than a sugges tion. The House of Commons can, of course, refuse to share the responsibility of her Majesty's Ministers, and declare point-blank that it will not discuss a single Resolution. Party motives may, perhaps, recommend a peremptory negative of this kind ; but it will be well to count the cost of it before it is pronounced. We must then have a broken session, the ordinary Parliamentary- business must be sus pended while a desperate attempt is made to recon struct a party, an accession of strength would almost certainly be sought by an appeal to the country, and the prime question lying at the root of the diffi culty would be deferred for another year, when the consideration of it would have to be resumed after another autumn of agitation, and in the face of a compact Opposition freed from the constraint now compelling it to support reform. The responsibility lies upon the House of Commons, or, in plainer terms, upon each member of it. Say what we will of the Resolutions of the Government—condemn their vagueness as much as we may, and it cannot be too strongly condemned—denounce the ill-advice which prompted some of them, and it is marvellous how any Cabinet could have so mistaken the temper of the time as to think suc h proposa l s m i g ht b e adopted—still it is• true that the Resolutions as a whole point to a complete me asure . It i s th e part of practical wisdom under an y c i rcums t ances t o take the good, eliminate the bad, supply what is de ficient, and amend what is capable of correction. It is especially necessary to follow such a course when the issue is between that and nothing. The house of Commons may well feel embarrassed in its pre sent position, when an unusual duty has been cast upon it, and the burden h as been a ggravate d b y the mismanagement of the Ministers of the Crown. But what hope is there of escapin g f rom embarrassment, . and, indeed, is not certain that the embarrass ment must be increased if the house s i mp l y re solves to accept no responsibility ? There is only one safe course, and that is to be found in firm and clear-sighted action. The mode of procedure which ought to be followed may be indicated with little difficulty. The first resolution, affirming the neces sity of increasing the number of electors, should be passed as a matter of course. The second might with advantage be postponed until some of those which follow are considered. W e b e li eve that only a small fraction of the House of Commons would hesitate to accept the third Resolution, which declares it to be contrary.to the Constitution of the country to give any class a predominating power in the Government. A practical neglect of thi s t ru th is, in fact, the chief justification of Reform, and it is no more than a solemn enunciation of the funda mental principle of representative government We do not imagine that the fight of last session would be renewed over the relative merits of rating and rental qualifications. That no cardinal principle is involved in it is plain from the fact that Lord John Russell proposed a rating qualification in ,1852, and Mr. Disraeli a rental qualification in 1859 ; the ques tion is one of convenience and accuracy in determin ing the true value of qualifying tenements, and the Union Assessment Act of Mr. Villiers has made it possible to adopt the test which Lord Russell's choice in 1852 indicated to be in his opinion the more ad visable. Three resolutions being thus disposed of, the fifth, putting forward the invidious and impos sible principle of plurality of voting, must be sum marily thrown aside ; but the House of Commons, which is not legislating in a matter of this kind for a twelvemonth merely, must make up its mind to the necessity of providing a substitute. We have already - indicated a simple method by which the voter may be set free to dispose as he pleases of the votes the law gives him, and the great difficulties which make statesmen pause at an extensive reduc tion of the occupation franchise and at - a transfer of seats from small constituencies to populous towns and counties may be at once removed. Let this or any other adequate plan be adopted in substitu tion of the fifth resolution and the second may may then be taken up. Instead, however, of pass ing it in its present unmeaning shape, the extent to which the House is disposed to carry the reduc tion of the values of the qualifying tenements in counties and boroughs must be stated in so many words. There must be no mistake about this part of the scheme. The country would justly resent as a mere mockery and waste of time the consideration of resolutions which would bind the House of Com mons to nothing specific. What figures should be adopted we do not pretend to suggest, but that some figures must be determined is certain. The Re distribution of Seats, which is dealt with in the sixth, seventh, and eighth resolutions, depends, like the figures of the occupation franchises, upon the substitute provided for the fifth resolution. Just as • the privilege of voting may be freely extended, pro vided the individual voter is allowed to dispose of his votes exactly as he pleases, so may additional members be freely added to large constituencies if the total representation of the constituencies be not, as now, given over wholly to the party which for the time has a majority. The necessities of Parliamentary warfare may possibly explain the proposal that no borough shall be wholly disfranchised, though with the Liberal party in opposition and a Conservative Government in power, a bolder policy will, we hope, be enforced. A point of far greater importance which the House of Commons ought to determine is, whether the increased representation of populous districts should be conferred by way of additional representatives to existing constituencies, or by their subdivision. If the voter is to be permitted to ac cumulate his votes on the candidate who represents his opinions, the true policy will be to increase the number of members for the boroughs and county divisions already in existence, and a maximum of efficient representation will thus be secured with a minimum of change. The Resolution declaring it to be expedient to make better provision for the pre vention of bribery and corruption avenges on the Administration the factiou3 vote on Sir Rainald Knightley's motion last year, against which we protested at the time. It is vain to dream of repressing bribery by penal legislation so long as the power of bribery is as great as it is. If the total representation of a borough is to depend ' upon the vote of a small corruptible section which remains unpolled at half-past 3 o'clock in the afternoon, no mortal virtue of Whig or Tory can stand the temptation. The remaining Resolutions are absolutely unexceptionable. The principle of voting papers has been sanctioned by Parliament, and whatever we may think of the result of the last contest at Oxford, there was never an election at which so large a proportion of the electors was polled —that is to say, in which the decision represented so accurately the opinion of the constituency. The only objection to the Resolution providing more pol ling places is that it does not go far enough, and although Mr. Disraeli has almost contrived to make the matter of boundaries a party question, it may be remembered with advantage that the Reform Bill of 1832 was supplemented by a Boundary Act which was half as large again as the statute to which it was an appendix. The object of all well wishers of their country should be to settle the Re form question, and to settle it now. Nothing can be less desirable than that constitutional changes should be discussed in the midst of tumult, nothing can be more unpatriotic than to postpone legisla tion until an exasperated populace demands instant action. The comparative failure of the so-ealled Demonstration of Monday, so far from being a rea son for delay, should be an incentive to exertion. It showed how sound to the core is the popular opi nion. Shall it then be said that because the unen franchised masses distrust the flattering promises of demagogues who assure them that the miseries of life will vanish before a change in our electoral ma chinery, they shall be denied a voice in the national government which would have been accorded them if they had been more ignorant, more passionate, and more credulous ? Shall it again be imputed to Parliament that, partly to escape the trouble of alterations it disliked, and partly to gratify aspira tions for office, it threw aside the consideration of Reform, and left all to the blind chance of the future ? We trust not. We care for no party, no section, no clique. IVhether Whig or Tory is in office is profoundly indifferent to us. The welfare of the people is our supreme law. It is because we desire to fix the attention of Parliament upon that, above all things, that we urge the House of Com mons to resist all attempts to enlist it under the banner of this or that candidate for office, to seize the opportunity presented to it, and to achieve at once and for our generation a settlement of reform. THE WESTMINSTER GAZETTE ON THE DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN POLICY OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. —I said in the last Number that in the new Impe rial Constitution of France universal suffrage was the basis of electoral rights. How uncertain are the results of such a system of voting ; how precarious, unstable the Government depending on it, I endeavoured briefly to show by arguments drawn from reason and from experience. If for twelve or fourteen years universal suffrage has not been characterized by such a mutability in France, this has been owing to the elaborate centralization of her Government, and to the extraordinary pres sure of the Imperial power. But this more steady political action has been dearly purchased by the sacrifice of all those wholesome influences which landed property, mercantile enterprise, profes sional skill, and literary and scientific eminence would have exerted in the Legislative Body. And such defects were, of course, aggravatedby the ab sence of free municipal institutions, by the want of laws to consolidate the existence of the nobility, and by the equivocal, half-hostile attitude of the Government towards the Church. Accord ingly, in a system of election, where the votes of clergymen, landowners, merchants, professional and literary men were drowned in those of a vast numerical majority, and where too the Govern ment exercised such inordinate sway, it was to be expected that a Legislative Body would be chosen, characterized by mediocrity of talent and servility of character. How was it possible in such a state of things to raise up an effectual barrier against despotism ? And so against the many arbitrary acts that have marked the present regime, we never hear a protest from this Legislative Assembly ; or when a generous voice has been raised it has been promptly hushed. From that assembly no censure has come forth against the cruel confisca tion of the property of the House of Orleans— the arbitrary suppression of so many Catholic and Conservative journals—the blow levelled at the charitable society of St. Vincent of Paul—the lavish expenditure of the public money—the reck less accumulation of the national debt—the revolu tionary war in Italy—the vacillating, cowardly, mock-protection given to the head of the Ca tholic Church ! Such is a Parliament, the creature of universal suffrage ! How pliant an in strument in the hands of despotism is democracy ! But how feeble is a power, unsupported by the sympathy of the noble, the wealthy, and the intel lectual classes ! Of all props military force is the weakest ; for those who lean on the sword will perish by the sword ! This leads us to speak of the prerogatives of the Crown. Having briefly described the other members of the body politic, and their several functions, I must now say a few words of the head. " Monarchy," as Aristotle says, " is the most ancient, the most widely diffused, and the most durable of all forms of government." It adapts itself to every stage of civilization, and to every variety of national cha racter. The civil power, indeed, under every form is of Divine origin, because it upholds civil soci ety, which is of Divine institution. But royalty, as the direct emanation of paternity, has a charac ter more especially sacred. The Divine origin of civil authority was acknowledged by the heathen nations, and among others, by the early Greeks. It was ever associated with the priesthood ; and it is a remarkable fact that in the great oriental monarchies, when the King was taken from the military caste, he was, before he assumed the diadem, initiated in the mysteries of the sacer dotal body. The Jewiih and the Christian churches in pouring out with solemn rites and prayers the unction on the royal head, remind the newly-consecrated monarch of the sublime origin and sublime purpose of his dignity. I called roy alty the principle of cohesion in the body politic ; and such it is, more especially under the Christian dispensation. All classes group naturally around it as a common centre ; it binds them together ; it forms the keystone of the social edifice ; it grows with the growth, and strengthens with the strength of nations ; and both in foreign and do mestic relations is the symbol and rallying-point of a people's nationality. Differing from the Re publican magistracy, which is a political abstrac tion, royalty is a living impersonation of power, and so, in despite of individual defects, is an object of popular affection. Being hereditary, too, it links in social union not only the living, but generation after generation. Submissive to the Church in spiritual matters, its mission is to pro tect her doctrines and canons, to preside over the administration of justice, and mitigate at times its rigour, to confirm, modify, or annul the enactments of the subordinate Legislative Bodies, and to defend its subjects in war, and protect their interests in peace. The Republic appears later.on the arena of history. That form of polity I defined on a former occasion as a municipality severed either by revolution or by colonisation from the parent kingdom. Under certain circumstances and certain conditions, it is conducive to the pros perity and g rea t ness of a State. But, unfit at all times for the rule of a great country, that unfit ness has been much aggravated by the Chris tian Dispensation, which, by emancipating the masses, has indefinitely augmented the number of free citizens, and consequently rendered the task of government more arduous. Now, let us apply the foregoing remarks to the Iniperial power. In the Parliament of 1848, the Bonapartists were, as regards numbers, talents, and respectability, the feeblest and most obscure. In his work on " Democracy in France," M. Guizo excuses himself for even naming M. Bonaparte as one of the candidates for the Presidency. Had Na poleon, when he overthrew the Republic, resisted the suggestions of ambition, and, playing the part of General Monk, have restored to France her legitimate line of kings, not only would he have rendered immense services to his country, but he would, I verily believe, have eventually promoted the interests of his family. All the natural powers of civil society would have rallied round the legi mate King all the maxims and traditions on which a State lives—all the holy and glorious re collections of the Church and the aristocracy—all that latent love, strong, patient, and enduring, glowing within the bosoms of his devoted adherents of every class, would have spontaneously revived to facilitate the exercise of power, and compensate even for any possible inferiority of talent. The jealousies, the envy, the ambition which array themselves against a new Power, the ancient dy nasty would certainly have not in the same degree encountered. But if an act so magnanimous as the one adverted to were either above the desire, or beyond the capacity of Napoleon 111., still he might, by a course of wise and generous policy, have justified the overthrow of the anarchic Re public of 1848, and healed the bleeding wounds of his country. To govern France was then not so arduous a task as in the time of King Charles X. A certain portion of the Bourgeoisie, then so hostile to religion and to monarchy, had been reclaimed to the Church, while others, appal led by the horrors of socialism, felt, though still unbelievers, that Catholicism could alone save society from a general shipwreck. In other classes, too, the religious improvement was strik ingly perceptible. Again, none of the political parties that constituted the great party of order in 1848—the Legitimists—the Orleanists the Catholic party—the moderate Republicans—would have opposed a religioug and Conservative policy, by whomsoever inauguiated. Nay, they would— some in a greater, some in a less degree—have given it their active support. To have achieved all those reforms, which Catholic France had so long demanded—to have established the liberties of the Church on a solid basis—to have purified many of the public schools—to have encouraged Catholic education and Catholic literature—to have checked the irreligious and anarchic press— to have formed a hearty affiance with the Church —to have restored the long withheld communal and municipal franchises—to have allowed the no bility, in order to preserve their families from destruction, the right of bequest which Republican America concedes to her citizens—to have founded a true, solid system of national representation, at once restraining and supporting the sovereign authority ;—this was a task not so difficult as it had once been, and which, if carried out, would have conferred lasting blessings on France, and caused its author to be held in perpetual benedic tion. But alas ! how different a course has been pursued, we have all seen. The Emperor of the French has thought he fulfilled all his duties towards his country when he embellished her cities and her capital, and when he fostered trade and manufactures. He might have emulated the glory of Charlemagne; he has preferred to ape those ignoble Caesars, who gave to the degenerate Romans, panem et Circenses, food and amusement. How perfectly consistent the foreign policy of this potentate has been with his domes tic, I shall show in the next number ; and here happily my task will be much more brief. Confederation of British North America. - The different provinces of British North America appear at last to have given in their adhesion to a scheme of Confederation. We understand that for the present, at least, the plan will not include either of the colonies detached from the continent—New foundland or Prince Edward's Island. The conti nental provinces will, however, be amalgamated, with the exception of the Hudson's Bay territory. This territory belongs to a Joint-Stock Company, and may be considered as property which can be obtained by the Confederation, when its Govern ment is in a position to pay that Company the sum it demands. The broad measures on which the scheme is based have, after great difficulty, been agreed to by the several provinces. The interests of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia did not run in the same groove as that of the Canadas, and they saw that in a general Parliament the interests of the more powerful provinces would swamp their own. A scheme, however, of connecting Halifax by a railway with the Canadas would tend mate rially to force their interests in the same direction, and to bind the various provinces by a more inti mate connection. The question was how the money could be raised for an undertaking that would cer tainly not command the necessary funds in the open market. It is understood that this difficulty has been overcome by the consent of the Imperial Go vernment to guarantee the i loan for the sum required. The different provinces having agreed among them selves and with the home Government, the measures have become matured which her MAJESTY'S Minis ters are prepared to submit to the Imperial Parlia ment. This has been announced in the QUEEN'S Speech, and the delegates from the colonies will re main in England to watch the fate of the measure when laid before the representatives of the people. Simultaneously with the announcement of an under taking which will tend so materially to the interests of Halifax, a prospectus has been published of a new telegraph cable to be laid from Falmouth to Halifax via the Azores. This Atlantic seaport appears to be in a fair way to absorb the lion's share of the good things projected, but we have little doubt that all the provinces will reap a portion of the benefit.-- Anglo-American limes. COUNTRY MARKETS. GAINSBOROUGH-T UESDAY. Wheat came sparingly to hand, and prices advanced is per qr. An improved demand for barley, which sold at last week's prices. Other kinds of grain were a moderate show, the inquiry was active and last week's prices in each case were realised. BRISTOL AND NORTH SOMERSET. An extraordinary general meeting of this company was held on Monday at J‘liclsotner Norton. Mr. J. COLTIRIRST, the chairman, presided, and in his opening remarks referred to the vacancies in the direction, stating how undesirable it was that the present state of things should continue, and urged shareholders to make an effort to complete the line. Ile then adverted to the large amount of money which had been borrowed upon the personal respon sibility of the directors, and expended on the under taking. Mr: SMITH, the vice-chairman, said that up to the p of re i s e 2 n o t , o t o i o m e b tohneai fi r l! ie n e s t had, i bscr w i b i e t d h e t a h p e small e e :n Ce m pt a io d n e by means of the loans which had been raised upon the personal responsibility of the directors. These who had advanced the money to the company ought to be fairly represented at the board. The under taking would require £340,000, and those who only represented £20,000 should not oppose the gentle men who would find the money to complete the line, and who had already provided over £200,000 of that sum, He moved that Mr. F. P. Chappell, Col. Hamilton, and Mr. G. Hardy be elected direc tors to fill the vacancies on the board. Mr. W. Co RTES seconded the motion. Mr. J. DAWSON moved an amendment to the effect that no directors be appointed until a commit tee of investigation had examined the books. Mr. GIBBONS seconded the amendment, which was declared carried by 23 to 12. A poll was demanded and taken, which resulted in 145 iu favour of the amendment, and 141 against. The meeting then adjourned. DUBLINTR g U e N ne K ra e I O m N e N e E ti O ng Tl o N f G his coin- An extraordinary p u a r. ny ß N u va ss s e h ll, eld on Tuesday a t th e L on d on T avern ; M.P., in the chair. Mr. BIZEKON (chairman of the Committee of In vestigation) said that immediately after the meeting, held on the 31st ult., the committee commenced their labours of inquiry into the affairs of the com pany. It was clear that the call, due on the 15th inst., would be required to meet the engagement of the company, an d that another call would be neces sarycireusmosotuantcoesmteheet other engagements. had t gementos. consider Un de r what these they were prepared to recommend to the share holders. The directors had made the following pro position :—" The undersigned directors and share holders of the Dublin Trunk Railway Company, entertaining undiminished confidence in the value of the proposed lino and in its ultimate success, agree to accept transfers of shares from any share holders willing to dispose of the same on the follow ing conditions :--We agree to accept the transfer to ourselves or our agents for as many shares as may be offered to us by the present shareholders for the consideration of a penny per share, and we agree that the local transfer of such shares shall be made at our cost on the register of the said company within one week of the purchase. We further agree, jointly and severally, to indemnify and hold harm less against obligations and liabilities of every kind all shareholders who may sell and dispose of their shares to us on the above conditions, but it shall be optional with us to withdraw these terms in respect to all shares not offered on or before the 21st inst. We further agree that the terms of this offer shall be sent to every shareholder not later than the 14th inst." He said that he should un hesitatingly advise the shareholders to accept the proposal of the directors. In answer to a question it was stated that the company had received £36,000 on capital account, and that about £34,000 would be required to clear of the liabilities of the company. After some discussion it was decided that the pro position of the directors be adopted, and that the absent shareholders be requested to accept it. A vote of thanks to the chairman closed the pro ceedings. RAIL WAY BILLS. Yesterday, before Mr. Palgrave, the only Rail way bill examined on standing orders was that of the Dublin Trunk Connecting Company, which was passed. The Jaseur, 5, screw gunvessel, 427 tons, 80 horse power, Commander J. W. Grubbe, recently returned from the West Coast of Africa, was yes terday paid out of commission at Sheerness by Capt. S. S. L. Crofton, of the Naval Barracks. The crew were granted the usual leave, and the vessel pla ee d in the third division of the steam reserve. lIIILL.--i-TUESDAY. The supply of wheat at to-day's market was limited. Business was firm, and prices had an upward tendency. moderate supply of barley, and the demand was firm et about last week's prices. Oats a steady trade, and late rates were supported. Beans a slow sale, and without much change in price. English white wheat, 66s to 70s; red, 63s to 66s ; Dant sic and Konigsberg, 67s to 72s ; Baltic red, 62s to 66s ; Danish and Hamburg, 58s to 60s ; Russian, 55s to Wm. Barley, English, 36s to 50a; grinding, Mediterranean, 34s to 35sfid. Oats, new English, 26s to 28s; Russian, 26s to 275. Beans, old English, 58s to 60s; foreign, 4 3 s to 445. Peas, English blue, 42-; to 44s Od ; foreign white, 44s to 455; grinding, 43s to 44s Od per qr. SALISBURY.-T UESDAY. We had a large attendance at our market to-day, and only a small supply of corn. Wheat advanced is to 2s per. qr. Barley met a steady demand at late prices. Oats and beans unaltered. The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised from 55s to 65s ; barley, 87s to 538 ; oats, 24s to 30s ; beans, 46 3 to 58s ; and peas, 40s to 52s per qr. Tares, from 4s 6d to 5i 6d per bushel ; Best bread, 15d ; household ditto, la per 81b loaf. Flour, 45s to 49s per sack. MONMOUTHSHIRE-TUESDAY. The following are the average quotations:—Wheat, reds 7s 3d to 7s 6d per bushel ; white, 7s 9d to 8s Od ; inferior, 6s Od to 6s 6d ; malting barley, 46s to 52s per qr ; grind ing ditto, 31s to 34s Od; beans, 448 to 50s ; white oats, 27s to 28s ; black ditto, 24s 6d to 25s 6d. LYNN-MONDAY. ----- Our market was thinly supplied with wheat to-day, an d there was a tolerable attendance. Fine sorts advanced 10 per qr. A limited supply of barley, which sold at late rates. Oats were in healthy demand, at previous prices' The show of beans was small and prices were about the same. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton.„ Feb, 19. Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. 1 1 L Brazil and Cape Verde, by British paoket Mar. 6. Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena... Feb. 27. china. Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton Feb 1 9 . Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 2 7 raiklanct Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Feb. 1 9 . India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Feb 19. Ditto, via Marseilles - India (Bombay), via Southampton. F e b. 22 Ditto, via Marseilles .. .. Feb. 19 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Feb. 1 9 ' Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 2 2 . Mauritius, via Southampton Feb. 39 ' Ditto, via Marseiliee. Feb. 16. Newfoundland Portugs) Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet we Feb 21. Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, is Cork . Ditto. by Canadian packet. via, Londonderry ..Feb. 1 5 West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Honduras) Feb 13. Baham'...4. via Ndw York. Mar 7 . Cuba and Mexico Bermuda. via Halifax .. Feb. 13. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe „„ Mar. 6 Births. 0 CHAPMAN—On the 13th inst., at 80, Eaton-place, the w if of Edmund H. Chapman, Esq., of a son. ( 11 ELPHINSTONE—On the 11th inst., at Carbery Tower, .. ,11 Elphinstone, of a daughter. JAcxsoN—On the 13th inst., at Swanscombe, liampst os(ll tho wife of John Jackson, Esq., of a daughter. YOUNG—At Lincludon House, Dumfries, the wife of g il i °r Young, late 37th Regiment, of a daughter. Marriages. .„„to PILKINGTON—MAXWELL—On the 7th inst., at ibex ri Chapel, Terregles. Edward, only son of J. Pilkino Esq., of Swinithwaite Hall, Yorkshire, and Park Yon 4 House, Blackburn, to Agatha Mary Constable, se',;,l l - daughter of the late Hon. Peter C. Maxwell, of mond, Yorkshire. v ger WALKER—Low—On the 12th inst., at St. Ar ' " E n's, ti J. lane, Stamford-hill, Louisa Mary, eldest daughte r ;pe, L. Walker, Esq., of Upper Clapton and Duckef oot-i to Frederick Low, Esq., M.R.C.V.S., of Norwich. Deaths. BR OWN—On the 12th inst., at the Colosseum, Bob -13 park, James Brown, aged 63. j CORYTON —On the 12th inst., at Woolwich, Genera,.,,i. Coryton, Senior Officer of the Royal Marines , HoM&N—On the 12th inst., at 347, Mile-end-road, Homan, Esq., aged 78. C. J* KNOWLES —On the 13th inst., at Hurst-green , Sus seli Knowles, Efq., of the Middle Temple, aged 6 8 . MILNER—On the 12th inst., at Nun Appleton , Sir ' M. E. Milner, Bart., aged 46. f Isle" WHITE—On the 10th inst. Jose Joseph White, ° Esq./ worth, Notts, aged 60. • Ur c- WrisoN—On the 11th inst. at at 9, Somer's park, Lieut.-General George J. Wilson, Colonel late Bombay N. 1., aged 78 ----------- 'I" 01 London : Printed and Pubilehed by W IL L1A.5 1 AN lie ' :O. of No. 112, Strand, Piiriter at Tu SUN 01E0 43, of Strand. in the Preolaot of the Savoy , In the C '' Piliadleux,—lhureday, reinaggy 14, 1567, qn TnE Ca: It( PA' be; %111 Bp, WM 1 i h , wa b,, Rrat riag