The Sun. — London, England, 1867-02-01 00:00:00

Dinner to Mr. Horsman, M.P. Last evening the electors of Stroud gave a public dinner to Mr. Horsman, their junior member, at the Subscription-rooms. Mr. J. W. Halliwell presided, _ . and nearly 300 gentlemen, including the Moderate Liberals and Liberal Conservatives of the borough, sat down to dinner. On entering the hall, Mr. Horsman was very warmly received. The customary loyal and patriotic toasts having been duly honoured, The CHAIRMAN proposed the toast of the even ing, " The Health of the Right Hon. E. Horsman," which was drunk amid the greatest enthusiasm. 111 r. HintsmAs, in responding at great length, said he must leave it to themselves, who knew better than he did the circumstances in which he stood among them, to judge what his feelings must be on that occasion, rather than attempt by any feeble words to give inadequate expression to his deep gra titude towards them. He regarded that gatheri:lg as a great public declaration on their part that they wished their member to be truly a representative, and not a delegate--(cheers)—and that while they valued party ties there were still occasions when great principles might override the exigencies- of party ; that when the leaders of a party, from weak ness, from blindness, from selfishness, or any other cause, entered into combinations at variance with its true principles, then it was of advantage to have a representative who would step forward to vindicate the cause that was about to be betrayed, and who would raise his voice to warn the country against danger into which it was being plunged. He had been a member of Parliament before many now in that room were born, and during a period of great labour, anxiety, and responsibility to public men ; and, speaking for himself, he could say the highest reward he could look to for any service that he had rendered would be when he came face to face with those whom he had been endeavouring to serve to be told that in his past career there was no cause of re- proach to himself or of shame to them, and that their interests had not been prejudiced through hay. ing been confided to his keeping. (Cheers.) He en tered Parliament soon after the Reform Bill of 1832 became law, since whish time a greater number of great measures had been passed than in any corre sponding period of profound peace in any country. But they now had a school of politicians who said that the Parliament reconstructed under the act of 1832 had done its work, was good for nothing, and • must be reformed ; while every man who stood up for it was supposed to be a recreant to Liberal principles. If; happened lately to come across one of these unfledged Liberals descending from a very old and official Whig stock, who ran last summer into rather wild courses, and said he thought the proposed Reform meeting in Hyde-park ought to have been held there, and that he himself, if his antecedents would have jus tified it, would have been ready to head the mob. Thereupon he remarked that he thought the break ing down of the palings of the park in order to get within the pale of the Constitution was rather an irregular proceeding. (Cheers and laughter.) The ardent young Reformer replied, " Oh ! your notions are antiquated !" He then asked the youth whe ther he remembered Sheridan's rejoinder to a suck ling politician, who told him he was not a Reformer. He said, " No." Well, he repeated Sheridan's words to him, which were—" Sir, I began as a Re former before you were born, and I shall continue a Reformer after you are hanged." (Laughter and cheers.) The youth was silenced for the moment, but returned to him next day, and asked him whe ther he really thought he should be hanged, to which he replied, "No, and for two reasons—first, because no Government would think you worth hanging ; and, next, that happily we don't hang people now for political offences, but if you go on as you have begun, I may tell you for your own comfort that you have a very good chance of being transported." (Renewed cheers and laughter.) Now, if there was one passage in his political life to which be could look back without self-reproach it was his connec tion with the question of Parliamentary Reform. That was a subject on which he had made great sacrifices, for no other purpose except to proclaim what he believed to be great principles, to defeat intrigues, to thwart discreditable combinations, and to save his country from the dangers into which he thought she was about to fall. From the firs his policy had been to effect what he felt to be just and necessary reforms, without giving the predominance to any particular class, and to those principles he still earnestly adhered. Let him remind them more particularly what those prin ciples were. By a curious coincidence it so happened that in the month of January of 1859, and speaking in that very room, and with Lord Derby then, as now, occupying the post of Premier, he expressed to his constituents his opinions on Parliamentary Reform, which, as they would remember, had not then become a party question. Everybody then, as now, was asking " Is the Derby Government going to introduce a Reform Bill?" and his answer to that question was that he did not know, that they had kept their secret very carefully. (A. laugh.) Then deal ing with the future of Reform he proceeded as fol lows :—" The difficulties in any plan of Reform that had hitherto been proposed for the extension of the franchise arose out of this :—The great defect of the Reform Bill was that it established one uniform franchise. Before the Reform Bill there were a great variety of franchises, although, of course, they were liable to abuse. In the excitement and hurry of that time it was more easy to sweep away than to repair and perpetrate them. Perhaps such a change was inevitable ; but it left for the first time this country a uniform franchise based on the qualification of property. I will tell you why I think that was defective—becaus?, if you have franchise based on the property qualification, if you extend that franchise, you can extend it only in one direction —viz., by lowering that qualification. Well, Lord John Russell in 1832 lowered the franchise and gave it to the £lO householder. In his subsequent Re form Bill, 20 years afterwards, he proposed to lower it to £s,but the same argument used in favour of reducing it to £lO or £5 would equally apply for reducing it to ss. or 5d.; and then you come to uni versd suffrage. Well, that is my objection and that is my difficulty to every plan for the extending the franchise which has hitherto been propounded." Now those sentiments expressed by him in that room in 1859 were received with the unanimous approval of his constituents, who gave him on the occasion a vote of unqualified confidence. But Lord Derby introduced in 1859 a Reform Bill which con tained no extension of the franchise, and which he thought defective. He told his political friends that they would be perfectly justified in the throwing it out on the second reading, and that if they took that course he would support them. But they might amend the measure in committee and then cast upon the Government the responsibility of accepting or rej.2cting it in its improved form ; while if it was not rejected, they would effect a permanent settlement of the question, and admit a large portion of the working classes to the franchise. In that course, too, he was ready to concur. But there was a third policy which he told them they might adopt —viz., by a faction movement to obtain the return of the Liberal party to office ; and that crooked and mis chievous policy he was not prepared to countenance. He warned them that if they pursued that course they might drive the Conservatives from power and take their places, but they would at the same time commit themselves to a pledge which they would not r e,ieem, and undertake a measure that they could not pass. The words he used on that occasion were t h ese When you have broken that pledge and foiled in your ineaiure your Government will be gone ; but Will the question of Parliamentary Re it will not be gone ; it will have form be gong' No , slipped from the hands of Parliament ; it will have gone out of the hands of the councils of Cabinets, but it will fall into other hands elsewhere. Legis lation you will have made impossible, but agitation inevitable and successful. That agitation will proceed year by year, with more and more party dirt thrown upon it, with Ministers and Parliament, and public men weakened, damaged, and discredited, until a period shall arrive when the sky may not be so tranquil, when commercial difficulty and manu facturing distress may dispose an ill-employed and heart-wearied population to meet the tale of their grievances half way ; and then, with tumultuous gatherings in the provinces, with telling re- ferences to official speeches delivered for one purpose, but now available for another, with the table of that House laden with petitions, and its avenue thronged with excited crowds—then even the hon. member for Birmingham mar be looked to as a preserver, and his Bill accepted as a compromise against the angry passions which your blindness and folly will have done so much to stimu late and influence." (Cheers.) Well, eight years had passed since then, and now he appealed to them whether his warnings had not been justified, and his predictions fulfilled ; and whether those who followed Lord Russell in 1859 in his factious and selfish course had not proved themselveS to be the real obstructors of Reform ? (Cheers.) Well, he had afterwards opposed Mr. Baines's Franchise Lill ; but for many years he had enjoyed the general confidence of the Liberal party in Stroud— being supported by the mo lerate section of it, because they regarded his opinions as, on the whole, orthodox, and also by the advanced section of the party, because they approved his independence—a quality which some of them declared they valued above all things. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) He had, however, more recently discovered that the notion of some of those latter gentlemen was that their member was to be independent of everybody but themselves—(laughter)—while some of the mo derate party thought teat a Liberal member ought always, whether his conscience was for it or against it, to go into the Ministerial lobby, in obedience to the Treasury whip. Now, he had rather spurned the yoke, believing that the House of Commons was not an assembly of delegates, but a council of rulers selected to deliberate and decide, not because their understanding and their attainments were on a level with those of the multitude, but because—perhaps, from some special advantages of early training, or study, or opportunity—they were greatly superior in those respects to the multitude. (Cheers.) He was told that he had been forgiven many of his faults, but that he had gone on from bad to worse, and he was more particularly charged with having opposed the Reform Bill of last year. Now, as Mrs. Malaprop said, he owned:the soft impeachment— (laughter)—and, if the opportunity recurred, he would repeat his offence. (Cheers.) His reasons for opposing the Bill was that it was a bad Bill ; that it established the principle of government by numbers, and was attempted to be carried over the feelings and opinions of the majority of the House of Commons by means of the extreme minority. He heard politicians assigning different grounds for the failure of the Bill of last Session, and he must say he thought one of those grounds was very shabby and ungenerous. It was said that it was all Mr. Gladstone's fault ; that he showed a great want of tact and temper, and that if it had not been for him the measure would have passed. He could not agree either in that criticism or in that censure. Mr. Gladstone had the conduct of a Bill which sought to be carried against the conviction of a majority of the house and the country ; but if he had had the charge of a good bill, and had had the country at his back, they would not have heard anything about hie tact or temper. But it was be cause he had to advocate a bad bill, on which his Whig supporters were a good deal too cold, and his Radical supporters a great deal too hot ; and so going on from day to day, beaten in argument, driven from one weak point to another, compelled more and more to rely on allies who must havebeen especially distasteful to a man of his high moral character and genius, if he did throw away the scabbard and yield to impulsiveness, one of the weaknesses of human nature, why, let any man in that room who was not liable to such imperfections cast the first stone at Mr. Gladstone. Ile, certainly, was not the man to do it. (Cheers.) He had wit nessed his efforts in favour of that bill ; he had lis tened to his brilliant oratory, and especially to his speech at the close of the debate on Lard Grosve nor's amendment, which would live as an imperish able record of British eloquence, for there was to his mind in the annals of Parliament nothing more powerful and magnificent. (Cheers.) But the fact was that, with all his extraordinary eloquence and almost superhuman efforts, Mr. Gladstone attempted an impossible task. The bill was ill-timed, ill-con ceived, ill-conducted, and therefore ill-fated. In all the provincial meetings during' , the last six months not a whisper had been heard in its favour. Every one of the processions of the League had trampled upon and despised it ; as being no settlement of the question, as only enfranchising some 2 per cent. of the enslaved five millions of whom they heard so much. Two fatal blunders were committed by the principal supporters of the bill in the House of Commons. In introducing the measure Mr. Glad stone said the Government had considered whether they should have a £6 or a £7 franchise, and that they fixed upon a £7 franchise because a £6 one would have swamped the existing constituency ; but though that was an objection in the eyes of others it was none in his. That was a frank and manly declaration of opinion, but it cut away from Mr. Gladstone the sympathies of the House of Commons, because that House had a very great objection to swamping the present constitu encies. Again, Mr. Bright, in a speech at Roch dale, apologising for his acceptance of the bill, said he accepted it as " a lever," with which he hoped to obtain a great deal more. That cut away the ground from under the feet of those who advocated it as a moderate and honest measure for the settle ment of the question. A friend of his met one of the then Ministers soon after this avowal, and asked him what he thought of Mr. Bright and his " lever." The Minister's answer was, " Confound him ! his lever' has done for our bill." (Laughter.) Some persons ascribed the failure of the measure to the action of the horrible Cave of Adullam ; but did anybody believe that if the country had really been in its favour some 30 or 40 members of the Liberal party could have stopped the prpgress of the bill or defeated it ? Why, all that Government had to do was to dissolve Parliament and send members to their constituencies, and the Cave would have been nowhere. But, in fact, the Cave represented a much larger force behind. (Three cheers were here given for " the Cave.") The hearts of a large section of the Liberal party were with it. They worked for it and canvassed for it ; but many of them were hampered by pledges, or by what were construed as such, and were coerced to give their votes against it. When the Cave was first formed the application for lodgings in it were so nume rous that they thought they would be compelled to enlarge it. (A laugh.) But he was told that in London there was connected with a par ticular ❑ewspaper, the name of which they would all guess, an &Ice in which was kept a book con taining the names of every extreme Liberal in every constituency in the empire. For instance, supposing there should be 200 Radicals in Stroud --rather, perhaps, a large calculation—(a laugh)._ their names would be inserted in that selected list. Well, if any member for any constituency hap pened to betray symptoms—not, perhaps, of insur rection, but of doubt as to the wisdom of the course taken by Government, whether by giving notice of an amendment, making a speech, or even in con versation—a telegram, as he was told, went down to the one man who worked that particular consti tuency, and almost by return of post the member had a letter from nearly every Radical elector in the borough. That system, he believed, had been brought to bear upon seven or eight Liberal members, who had indicated certain divergencies of opinion in the ways he had mentioned, and before their notices or speeches had been in the papers 24 hours, those gen tlemen came down to the house andrecanted. (hear, hear, and laughter.) The result of the course adopted by the Liberal leaders in 1859 was the indefinite postponement of a settlement of the question of Reform and the agitation which the country was now experiencing. Mr. Bright now said that man hood suffrage was imprudent, unwise, and at this moment impracticable ; and he recommended the Liberal party to take its stand on household suf frage. What was household suffrage? Why, nothing more nor less than the swamping of the present constituencies, and establishing the go vernment of numbers. What would be its effect in Stroud ? Mr. Gladstone's return, presented last session, showed the present constituency of Stroud to consist of 1,483 voters. But according to . the same return 1,771 new voters, or about 300 more than the whole existing constituency of Stroud, and those 1,771, all of one class, would be admitted by the principle of household suffrage. But that was not all. The returns showed ,that at present the operative class were about 25 per cent., or one quarter of the present constituency. A quarter of the present constituency was 370, and, adding that number to the 1,771, who would be admitted under a household suffrage, they would have in that borough 2,140 voters of the labouring class, or nearly two to one, as compared with all the rest of the electoral body. (Cheers.) lie, therefore, called that not an enfranchising but a disfranchising measure, and one that would reduce them to the po- sition of Marylebone or New York, in the latter of which places the cry was " For God's sake contract the constituency." Why in their new Reform Bill were the existing constituencies to be disfranchised, intelligence discredited, property disqualified, and the Government of the country handed over to the dominion of numbers? What reason was msigned for substituting household suffrage for the £7 fran- chise scheme of last year? It was said, "Look at the magnificent processions you have had, and the order and respectability of those who walked in them !" He did not deny their order or respectability, and he must say he thought the body of those processions a great deal more fitted for political power than their leaders. (Hear, hear.) But, after all, it was ridi- culous to assign such a reason as that for giving one class a practical monopoly of political power. But the leaders of the masses were very fond of contrast ing the state of things in France, Germany, or even Russia with that which prevailed in England. Those gentlemen had better try the experiment of living in those countries, and let them know the result. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Suppose some Mons. Beales went to the Prefect in Paris and said, " I want you, on such a day, to stop all the traffic on the Boulevards, in order that 100,000 of the friends of liberty may parade there." Or suppose some newspaper editor were to go to Count Bismark and say, 1 intend on a certain day to have 10,000 or more petitions presented, and I shall publish a copy of these petitions," as mischievous in their terms as they could be and as seditious as they dared. Or suppose again that some Mr. Leicester went to St. Petersburg and said the Emperor's Council were a set of squint-eyed scoundrels, and that the Emperor was unfit to govern his empire because he could not blow a glass decanter— (a laugh)—what would be the result. His own impression was that those gentlemen would soon prefer being free men in England to being slaves on the Continent, and would have very little more to say about the bless ings of universal suffrage. (Cheers.) Liberty in France meant the fiat of the Emperor and his army. All history taught them that the working class in any country, standing by itself, did not understand liberty, and had never done anything for liberty unless under the guidance of other classes. standing by itself, it had invariably been blind and helpless, and it had ever been the first aim of de magogues and despots to destroy that great middle class which in every age and nation had been the true champion of freedom. (Cheers.) But the season of demonstration was drawing to a close, and the season of deliberation approaching. They all asked what Lord Derby's Government was going to do. As in 1859, when the same question was asked, he must say he had not the least conception. Nobody knew, and, as far as the public prints as sisted them to an answer, they had no very direct or convincing proof that the Government knew it themselves. (A laugh.) But he would tell them what the Government ought to do, and on that point he filt no hesitation. If they saw their way to a just, an honest, and a sanguinary set tlement of the question of Reform, it was their duty, without losing an hour, on the first day of the Ses sion to announce it. (Cheers.) On the other hand, if they did not so see their way—if they could not master the question, as the late Government could not master it—then he said it was a matter which they should not trade with, and they ought not to postpone all the other important legislation of the country to the agitation of a question to the settle ment of which they did not see their way. Two things had been decided by the debates of last year, the one was that that question ought not to be evaded or postponed, and the other was that the late Go vernment were utterly incompetent to settle it. The agitation in the autumn had not been favourable to its settlement. The recent demonstration had shown that as far as the plan of the Reform League was concerned the nation was entirely averse to it. One class alone had joined in the agitation, all the other classes standing quite aloof from it. Let them com pare the agitation of 1866 with that in favour of the Reform Bill of 1832 and iu favour of Free Trade in 1846. In both cases the landowners, the great mill owners, and, above all, the great middle class parti cipated in one common movement, the nation was converted, and its convictions were embodied in legis lation. How different was the case now. Even Mr. Bright, the great leader of the movement, was shunned by every member of Parliament invited to its meet ings. It was a most interesting thing to read the apo logies of those gentlemen for not attending the de monstrations in the Great West Riding, the centre of so many great movements, and in Durham. All those tremendously earnest Reformers, when invited, began with one consent to make excuses. (Laughter.) Mr. Horsman then proceeded to answer the charges made against the House of Commons in regard to the question of education (in respect to which he gave in his adhesion to a compulsory system), the question of the Irish Church, the question of economy and retrenchment, and other subjects, maintaining that the advanced Reformers were either " conspi cuous by their absence" or their silence when those topics were discussed in that Assembly, or that they showed themselves signally incapable of propound ing any practical measure for their satisfactory settlement; but that any proposal made there always received a fair hearing, which was more than they could safely reckon upon in a Chamber elected by s althougho constituencies in which one class had an overwhelm ing preponderance: Returning to his own views on Reform, he said he had never uttered a e s word whomrd of is as p w arag n e o m t en af t r a ai g d ain t s o t mtheeetwfoarokeinto face , classes, la disparagement their leaders were afraid of meeting him. (Loud cheers.) He had ever steadfastly resisted, and must still resist, the degradation of the franchise towards the principle of numbers. Various schemes of Re form were before the country ; that of Mr. Beaks went for manhood suffrage, and a complete answer to it was supplied by the Registrar-General's report, which stated that from 20 to 30 per cent. of the adult males in this kingdom could not read or write. His own opinion was in favour of a plurality of votes—a principle for which they had already a pre cedent, and one with which they were all familiar in the elections of vestries and poor-law guardians. They ought to have their representation based on three great elements—viz., numbers, intelligence, and property—and if they wished fairly to balance those three elements they must give one-third of their electoral power to each of them. They must in some way find a mode of harmonising the exten sion of the franchise to the masses with a just regard to the rights and interests of other classes ; and he knew of no plan of doing so better than by givin g a plurality of votes proportioned to education and property. In that direction, he believed, the solution of the problem would ultimately be found. At this point of the proceedings a crash was heard at one of the windows in the hall, caused by a stone thrown by some mischievous person outside. The missile struck a gentleman sitting at one of the tables a violent blow on the head, making it bleed profusely, and apparently stunning him for the mo ment. General indi.Tnation was freely expressed by the assemblage. Fora minute or two a pause ensued, to see whether this outrage was meant to be carried further, and several of the guests took the precau tion of putting on their hats as a partial protection against that contingency, but no further disturb ance happily occurred, and the wounded gentleman was led out of the room. (Cries of "Go on" were then raised, and Mr. Horsman resumed amid cheers.) What had just happened, he said, told them that a great principle was involved -- (cheers) —and he must take the liberty of making that the sub ject of the remark with which he meant to con clude. As far as the question of Reform was concerned the ground was now clear, because there was no Ministerial Bill to stop the way ; old falla cies had been exploded, and everybody who had a -r E SUN, LOIN ON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 1, 1867. practical proposal to make would be listened to with attention and patience. But they were entering upon a critical time. He did not object to the new schemes of Reform which men propounded. He knew bow to deal with them. But he objected to the new means and the new morality by which they were supported. (Cheers.) Every man who pro fessed to be a Liberal must now choose his party ; he must choose his leader, and, what was not less important, the leaders must choose who were to be their followers. Hitherto they had believed that they lived in a free country, with a power of free speech. But all that was now changed. Those new Reformers made intimidation the basis of their policy. (Cheers.) He had stood before a hustings in the metropolis where an excited multitude pelted an unpopular candidate with cabbages and rotten eggs until they could not see the colour of his coat. But, with art instinct of old English goal feeling they had never thought, on account of a difference of opinion, of inflicting violence on a man's person. But all that was now changed. (The wounded gentleman here re-entered the hall amid general cheering.) But if a member of the House of Com mons conscientiously expressed:opinions unpalatable to those outside, the word went forth that his speech was to be hung up in workshops, he was to be hooted, hustled, his windows smashed, or his head broken. That was their notion of free speech. They were there that night to protest against such a state of things, and against Reform being made a screen for carrying out what was in fact re volution. (Loud cheers.) He knew well the at tachment of those he addressed to truly Liberal principles, and that they could discriminate between them and their base and senseless counterfz-it. (Cheers.) They did not intend to go to America for their institutions, neither would- they go to the League for their political morality, or to Birming ham for their Christian charity. Actuated by purer and higher principles, inspired by the maxims of the religion which was their hope, by their regard for the institutions which they valued, by their love for the country which they would protect and guard, they would, by God's help, carry her through every conflict and every danger until they could transmit to their descendants unspotted, unimpaired, and untarnished that noble constitution which was the bulwark of freedom, the type of progress, and the envy and admiration of the world. (Loud cheers.) After some other toasts, the company separated. Dinner to Mr. Doulton, M.P. Last night Mr. Doulton, M.P. for Lambeth, was entertained at a public banquet by his constituents. The entertainment was originated by men of oppo site political parties in the borough, and was de signed to express a general approval of the indepen dence which has marked the political career of the hon. member. About 150 gentlemen sat down to dinner in the large room of the Horns Tavern, Ken nington. Mr. Evans (who proposed Mr. Doulton at the last election) took the chair, having Mr. Doulton on his right, and supported by the Rev. Dr. Lester, Major Irvine, D r . Griffith, Dr. Pinder, Messrs. Tarn, Pew, C o ll s, H o dges, Barton, Mit chell, Rathbone, Clark, J. B ar t on , Cullen Murphy, and G. Taylor, honorary secretaries, and _other in fluential inhabitants of Lambeth.. After the usual loyal and patriotic toasts, Mr. G. Taylor read letters— from the rector of Lambeth, expressing the opinion that Mr. Doulton had been roost illiberally treated because he had the moral courage to take a free and independent line in the matter of Reform ; from the Rev. Ar thur Mursell, a Dissenting minister, conveying his disapproval of the un -E ng li s h m anner in which Mr. Doulton had been a tt ac k e d ; and from Mr. C. Buxton, M.P., who agreed that Mr. Doulton had been ill-used. The CHAIR3IAN, in proposing the toast of the evening, said that Mr. Doulton had been the faithful representative of the electors of Lambeth. (Cheers.) He had not failed in any of the promises he made at his election, and had been in all respects a sincere and true Reformer. He had been throughout willing to accept a full, free, and fair representation of the people of this great country ; but was it for the in terest of Lambeth or of the country at large that they should accept a miserable instalment of reform, with the certainty of a renewal every year of the o great quest i on o f re f orm ; p or ut w t o o u r ld est ? itno l t V b a e s w i i t se f r or to th p e as goo d o a o great o f the a n d n a t n compre hensive t agitatimi and turmoil which every one w i s h e d to see be perpetually raising the measure which should settle the question for one generation ? A certain section of the Liberal working party had obtained a nickname ; but th ey i nc l u d e d among their number men of the greatest abilit y an d o administrative capacity, and they offered argu men t s unan swerable. (Cheers.) Would the electors of L am b e th commit of in support of their views which were quite men the powerrepresentatives of the House of Com m o ns ? t o returning t he trades t h e unions who le f of the m (No.) Mr. Doulton was desirous to support a complete a n d per f ect mea sure, but he was not willing to commit the country to the turmoil and dictation of a mob. (Cheers.) The chairman concluded by proposing " The Health of Mr. Doulton, Aix.," which was drunk with the greatest enthusiasm. Mr. DOULTON said that if be had felt any doubt as to the general feeling of the borough of Lambeth in respect to the course he had felt it his duty to pur sue in the last session of Parliament on the question of reform that doubt had been removed by the com munications he had received, and by the cordiality with which he had been received by a meeting, which, as a representative assembly, had never been exceeded in the borough of Lambeth. (Cheers.) Ho would not accept the present gathering as a personal compliment, nor was it necessary to assume that all who werepresent agreed in all he did d • urmglast ses sion. (Hear.) He was, however, justified in assuming that the feeling of the borough was directly opposed to those who expected their representative to give a blind, unthinking obedience to any political party. lie was also justified in regarding the present de monstration as a protest against the tyranny of those who would degrade the position of a representative in Parliament to that of a mere delegate, and who would make membership of the House of Commons, not as it now was, an honour to be desired, but a shame and a humiliation to be avoided. (Cheers ) The object and end of any Reform Bill was to give to all classes a proper share in the representation of the people, and as that proper representation did not exist any Reform Bill to meet the requirements of the day must give a largely increased representation to the most intelligent of the working classes ; secondly, a wise and extensive redistribution of political power ; and, thirdly, provisions against bribery and corrupt influences. The Reform bill of the late Government did not seriously attempt to deal with the redistribution of seats, or the preven tion of bribery, but only with the extension of the franchise. The object of any Reform Bill should be to admit to the franchise those who by political edu cation and training were most worthy to exercise it, but the bill of the late Government would have admitted within the electoral pale many of those who were the least worthy, and would have left out in the cold those who ought to possess votes. (Loud cheers.) The principle of the bill was that it carried out a uniform and indiscriminate reduction of the franchise in all town constituencies. To that prin ciple he for one was directly opposed: A uniform franchise could not be a just franchise. The late Government proposed to reduce the £lO franchise in boroughs to a £7 franchise. A£7 franchise would hardly have given 25 additional voters to Lambeth, while it would have increased the number of voters in some country boroughs three or four fold. (Cheers.) What would household suffrage do iu London ? It would not add 50 voters to Lam beth ; but it would add 2,000,00 0 to the electors of the United Kingdom. A£6 house in some districts was worth more than a £lO in others, and it was therefore impossible to deal satisfactorily with the question by a simple lowering of the franchise to a uniform amount. He would admit that the bill included a large franchise, but it was so hedged round with restrictions that the Government could not have anticipated that any great number of the working men would have been enfranchised by the lodger clauses. The defects of the bill would have been supplied to some extent by a fair Redistribution Bill, but this, although pro mised by the Ministry, was not forthcoming. No argument was necessary to prove that a complete measure ought to be laid before the House of Com mons. He voted on Earl Grosvenor's motion against the Government on this first issue, and he never gave a vote in his life with a firmer conviction not only that he was right, but that he could justify that vote to a Liberal constituency whenever the time should arrive for doing so. (Cheers.) Lord Gros venor's motion was lost by five votes, yet practi cally the Government were defeated, and the best proof that the minority were right was that the Go vernment undertook to introduce a Redistribution Bill. It was conceived unwillingly, brought forth in anger and disappointment, and received not merely with coldness, but with something like con tempt and derision on the part of the House of Commons. If ever there was an absurd and pre posterous bill it was the Redistribution of Seats Bill of the late Government. The hon. member pro ceeded, amid the laughter and cheers of the meet ing, to give some examples of the groups proposed by the bill, and of the anomalies which it created. Another principle of the bill was to give an ad ditional member to large towns such as Bir mingham and Liverpool, Manchester and Leeds. But what did the bill do for Lambeth ? No thing ; and the elite of the working classes would still have been excluded. He objected to giving additional members to large existing constituencies. He was not afraid of a large extension of the fran chise ; but let the great constituencies be separated, and boroughs like Lambeth divided into wards. By a division of large towns two objects would be attained—a practical representation of the working classes, and a full and complete representation of the opinions of the electors of the borough. At present as a rule only one-third of the electors of the larger boroughs recorded their votes, and in Lambeth out of 26,000 voters 14,000 did not vote at all. The result of the present system was that the supposed minority did not come to the poll at all. The hon. member next proceeded to defend his vote on Lord Dunkellin's motion for a rating instead of a rental qualification. In the Reform Bills of 1852 and 1854 a rating qualifica tion was adopted, and in 1860 Earl Russell advo cated a rating clause. At all events, a member of Parliament might be allowed to have an opinion of his own on such a subject without being politically excommunicated. (Cheers.) The Government, however, being defeated resigned office in the same spirit in which they had brought in and discussed the bill--namely, in a spirit of anger and disap pointment. It was not expected on th.. Liberal side that they would resign, but when they did so he saw no cause for clothing himself in sackcloth and ashes. (Laughter.) There was but one feeling, that it ought to have been withdrawn long before the division on Lord Dunkellin's motion ; and it was apparent to every one, when it was introduced, that it bore upon its face the marks of haste, incomplete ness, and indecision. It was said to be a step, but it was a step in the dark. No two of its supporters agreed as to what it would do. Mr. Gladstone asserted that 204,000 working men would be ad mitted by the bill to the franchise. Mr. Bright said it would only enfranchise 116,000. Mr. Glad stone said that when the bill passed it would place 330,000 additional voters on the register. Mr. Bright put the number at 179,000. The difference between more or less might seem unim portant, but the difference between £6 and £7 might be imagined from Mr. Gladstone's statement that he did not take a £6 franchise because it would give a numerical preponderance to the working man. The first blunder was the denial by the Go vernment of independent judgment to individual members. The Liberals were to receive the Bill with out inquiry, and accept it without hesitation. They were to open their mouths and shut their CyeS and see what their leaders would send them. (A laugh.) The language of Ministers, and of a portion of their Press, was, "Differ from us and you are politically excommunicated." (Laughter.) He, on his part, pro tested against the illiberality of those who said that because he voted against a Reform Bill he was there fore opposed to Reform. This was tyranny under the guise of liberty. (Cheers.) Mr. Bright said that the House of Commons ought to accept no Reform Bill from a Conservative Government, but this was not the language of an honest Reformer. It was not that he loved Reform less, but agitation more. (Cheers.) He (Mr. Doulton) was not one of those who believed that the agitation of the past six mouths had advanced the just settlement of this question. If, as he believed, on the contrary, the coming assembling of Parliament would find class more bitterly than ever arrayed against class ; if there were more distrust and suspicion on the part of the working classes against the House of Com mons, it would not be difficult to fix upon those who would be responsible for such a state of things. (Loud cheers.) Five years ago he had told them in that room, when seeking their suffrages, that he should go into the House of Commons as an inde pendent member, supporting measures, not men. If he continued to be member for Lambeth, it would be to support the same principles as an inde pendent member, and not as the nominee of any party. (Loud and continued cheering.) The Hon. MEMBER afterwards proposed " The Health of the Electors and non-Electors of Lam beth," humorously expressing his obligations to certain of the latter body who had attended the meeting at the Walworth Institute, and had denied him a hearing. After the usual compliments to the chairman and to the hon. secretaries the meeting broke up. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS TIMES.-Mr. Bright has many merits as an orator, but among them versatility has not hitherto been included. We have had ourselves sometimes to complain of an undue tendency to repetition, and of a monotony of abuse, which has become wearisome. Ju6t now, however, he has introduced himself to us in a totally fresh aspect, and in his last suggestive review of all that has been done and all that has been left undone on the field of politics, we congra tulate him on having so successfully proved that his oratorical guns can traverse, and are not built up in the wall, as the Turkish ordnance used to be before Western Europe gave the Ottomans a lesson in the art of destruction. Mr. Bright comes before us now in a new and most alluring attitude, as a good, easy man, of strong convictions, of inoffensive habits and susceptible feelings, one who has fallen on evil tongues and evil days, and winces tremulously under the pressure of libels and calumnies which he wants alike the spirit, the power, and the will to retort. The pleasing office has been reserved for his fellow-townsmen of Rochdale to bind up this bruised reed and pour balm into this deeply wounded spirit. Mr. Bright says, " I have asked myself how it happens that that is done in political life which is not done in any other kind of life. A man may be very active in other fields of controversy, but no one, however much opposed to him, would think of pursuing him with that rancorous spirit which, unfortunately, is introduced into political controversy, and which has pursued me with an unrelenting animosity, not for months only, but for years past." He looks back upon his past life, and finds that his course has been straightforward. In legal matters he has been in favour of justice ; in political in favour of high morality; but he has united himself with neither political party, and so it is deplorable to think that he Ihas become a target for both. Ile is " a member of a small but somewhat remarkable religious sect, in which personal ambition is practically unknown," and which, as typical of its extreme nt2eknes and mildness, invests all its members with the alluring name of "friend." Nor is this all; " he feels for the millions a sympathy which he has not been able to express in words, and for which he can find no proper exhibition of outward conduct which he can manifest towards them ;" and yet this single-hearted, this amiable being is the object of unceasing calumny, under which nothing could support him, under the weight of which he must retire from public life,were it not for the sympathy of his fellow-townsmen. In one part of Mr. Bright's complaint, thus pathetically heard, we must entirely agree with him. Nothing can be more unfair, nothing more unhandsome, no thing more unjust, than the private attacks of which Mr. Bright has been the object. The public has nothing to do with the manner in which he conducts his business, nothing to do with his relations with his workmen, nothing to do with stories which may be collected from rivals in trade at a distance or hos tile neighbours on the spot. It is only as a political character that we have to deal with Mr. Bright, and that certainly with sufficient material, without in truding ourselves into his busiuess or social relations; but when Mr. Bright asks why it is that political controversies are carried on with a bitterness known to no other disputes, it is difficult to answer with the gravity which such a question maydemand. Has it never occurred to him that there is no man in England who has laboured so long and so success fully to embitter and envenom political controversies as himself—who has set so evil an example, and one so fruitful of mischief ? Few can imitate Mr. Bright's eloquence, but every paltry spouter at a provincial dinner can copy with the utmost case the virulence of his invective and the violence of his personal denunciation. In this very speech he im putes by implication dishonesty to the whole Press which ventures to disagree with him ; and, if we except O'Connell and Cobbett, we doubt whether a choicer garland of abuse against parties and persons could be gathered from the speeches of any other public man of the present century than from those of Mr. Bright. It is not without a certain feeling of pleasure, therefore, that we observe how keenly the man who has set this example to our public speakers seems to feel that very castigation of which he is so lavish to others. Attacks which any other man of his calibre would treat with con- tem - ptuous silence appear to drive him quite beyond his patience. In respect of habitual vituperation he is the more inexcusable, because he derives no coun tenance from the practice of our other public men. There never was a time when, strong as our political differences, personal courtesy in this respect was more studiously preserved by men making any pre tence to the character of statesmen. Mr. Bright, finding himself assailed by public writers and speakers, feels justified by a spirit of charity in con cluding, without a particle of evidence, that " an order had gone forth from head-quarters to the miserable writers and speakers of that miserable and bateful faction to abuse him." Has it never occurred to him that there is no occasion to assume the exis- tence of an original conspiracy against him, while he is so studious to excite every element of hostility by his own unceasing provocation ? It is not for having had his share, with many others, in the triumphs of Free Trade, n or yet for the repeal of the Paper Duty, that Mr. Bright has drawn upon himself the comments of which he complains. His absurd plan of dividing India into six independent Presidencies, which would have rendered defence in case of invasion impossible and laid the foundation of eternal discord in case of our departure, might have been left in oblivion if he had not been foolish enough to revive it. We do not wish, unless he com pels us, to recur to his universally-condemned propo sitions with regard to the purchase by Government, and re-distribution among needy tenants, of the best managed estates in Ireland ; nor shall'we fight again the battle for the right of the owner of the land to deal with it as he pleases, without the pressure of legal compulsion. We are not concerned to attack Mr. Bright's political career further than. to observe that it may be divided into two parts_ those things for which he and his coadjutors have been able to make a good case, and those for which they have not. The first he has succeeded in carrying ; the second, he has not carried, and, we trust, he is not likely to carry. His opinion is, that from the Revolution of 1688 down to the Reform Bill, a dreary period of 140 years, will you look in vain for any wise or good legislation in the House of Commons. Since the Repeal of the Corn Laws nothing bas been done, and nothing can be done, fur good. With such sentments we are not surprised that Mr. Bright thinks it would be good for us that the millions of our countrymen should now seize the sceptre, or that he should think that Parliament is powerless for good, simply because it is unwilling to reverse the policy and overthrow the institutions of our ancestors. To all this we are accustomed, but we are surprised that a person who holds these opinions, and habitually employs this language, should think it possible to defend himself against the charge of anti-national feelings, and of a disregard to the true interests and the real and valuable institutions of the nation ; and that the man who makes it his business to decry institu tions of which we are justly proud, to pervert the facts of history, and praise other countries at our expense, should suppose that he can do these things without raising up some faint echo of his own spirit of bitterness. There is nothing too good to be be lieved of other nations, nothing too bad to be asserted of England. We condole with Mr. Bright for having found, like other persecutors, persons almost as zealous and as bitter as himself, and we ex h or t hi m t o improve the p a i n h e now feels by d raw i ng from it the resuluLiou to teat others a little more as he himself would like to be treated. • POST.--There is a fashion in warlike armaments as there is in everything else, and nations possibly think, and perhaps with better show of reason than individuals, that to be in this respect out of the fashion is equivalent to being out of the world. In regard to dress it is only necessary for some grande dame, whose right to innovate is acknowledged, to make some startling alteration in the style of some portion of her apparel, in order to find numerous imitators ; and in like manner if in war a State employs some particular engine whose powers are more than ordinarily destructive, or adopt tactics which are pre-eminently successful, straightway all other states hasten to use the same engine, or establish the same system. During the past few years the occasions have been by no means few on which, the fashion having been set by some innova tion in military or naval armaments, it was speedily adopted by the members of the great family of nations. During the interval which elapsed between the war in Italy in 1859 and the secession of the Southern States of the American Union, it became the fashion to substitute iron-clad frigates for wooden ships of the line, and in theory it came to be aicepted that a wooden vessel could not success fully contend with one whose sides were covered with armour. France and England were the first to act in accordance with the new code; but as the adoption of the new fashion involved a great deal of expense, and as it was by no means certain that the mode would not again speedily change, few other States followed their example. Shortly after the commencement of the American civil war an event, however, happened which established the supremacy of the new style of naval architecture, and completely dissipated the doubts of those \r• ho hesitated about adoptin g it. Au engagement took place in Hampton Roads between the Merrimac, a very homely and uncouth specimen of an iron -clad, and some wooden ships of war which lay at anchor under the guns of some well-manned forts. The Merrimac in a very brief space of time sank the wooden vessels, and withdrew from under the fire of the forts without having sustained any , substantial injury. From this naval engagement' the European Powers conceived that they had learned a useful lesson, and drew two practical con clusions—first, that wooden vessels are virtually use less when contending with iron -clads; and, second, that fortifications are practically powerless against vessels whose sides are covered with armour five inches thick. Acting on these views, France and England speedily increased the number of their iron-clads from two to about thirty, whilst every . Power with the smallest pretensions to be con sidered maritime proceeded either to lay down the keels of one or more of the new species of war vessel, or cast about for the means of trim ming their wooden vessels in conformity with the orthodox fashion. On the other hand, the theory that stone fortifications were of any service for the defence of 'seaports was universally regarded as exploded, and England, which had just commenced the construction of an elaborate system of fortifi cations for the protection of her naval arsenals, forthwith desisted from an undertaking which every one unanimously condemned. So matters remained, with comparatively little modification, till the close of the American war. The failure of the Federal iron-clads to force an entrance in Charleston Har bour to some extent restored the pre-existing faith in stone walls and heavy artillery ; but the confi dence in armour-plated vessels for all operations against wooden ships remained unshaken. Artil lerists set themselves about the construction of guns which would pierce armour-plating, and, having succeeded, naval engineers in their turn substituted for the plating then in use other which proved to be impenetrable by the newly constructed cannon. It was admitted on all hands however, that a navy could not be said to exist if it did not consist of ironclads ; and, although the cost of each vessel ex ceeded a quarter of a million sterling, the several maritime Powers hastened, even at this cost, to construct vessels which they at all events flattered themselves would under all circumstances be more than a match for any ships not armed like them selves. Such was the position of affairs when war broke out in the course of last summer between the allied Powers of Prussia and Italy and Austria. Prussia employed no naval force, but Italy eagerly sought an occasion of bringing into active service against the common enemy a fleet, including several ironclads, which at an immense cost she had been at the pains to create during the past few years. The much wished-for opportunity presented itself, and at Lissa, to the great astonishment of the world, an Austrian fleet, composed almost exclu sively of wooden vessels, defeated the Italian squadron with great loss—the Re d'ltalia, one of the most powerful of the iron -clads, being actually sent to the bottom. So much for the principal events connected with naval architecture and its changing fashions within the past half-dozen years. But it is not alone in naval armaments that nations have recently deemed it expedient to introduce im portant and costly modifications. Just as the ex ploits of the Merrimac in Hampton Roads cm.- vinced maritime Powers that their fleets were useless, in like manner the successful campaign of the Prussians in Bohemia last summer satisfied military Powers that the organisation of their armies was faulty, and the weapons of their forces almost harmless. Not that fashions have not been chang ing of late in fire-arms. The flint musket—to speak of things within the memories of all—gave way to that furnished with tae percussion hammer, and a few years later the smooth bore was replaced by the rifle. But now the rifle, perfect instrument though it seems, must be thrown aside because it cannot be loaded sufficiently rapidly. The time occupied in ramming the charge down from the muzzle is too great, and the more expeditious mode of loading from the breech must be adopted instead of the ancient method. And accordingly, before the details of the brief war which terminated at Sadowa were well known to the majcrity of the reading world, all the military powers in Europe had begun to convert their costly muzzle -loading rifles into breech-loaders ; and at the present mo ment, as every one well knows, they continue to prosecute that task. But the successes of Prussia also induced a very general distrust in the existing systems of military organisation. And so it hap pens that throughout Europe one hears of scarc,ly anything now but the reorganisation of the armies. France, believed to be the first military Power in Europe, and possessed of au army both nurnerou s and efficient, deems it necessary to reorganise her forces and increase their strength. Austria, Spain, Italy, and even peaceable England, follotv suit, and each one vies with the other in anxiety to reorganise and to equip after the latest and most approved fashion—" Quicquid delirant reges, plec tuntur Achivi." We fear it is a story without a moral. The madness is universal, and, if only for the sake of keeping well with our fellow lunatics, we must join in their mania. The reflection is nevertheless a bitter one, that the commerce of na tions must suffer, their industrial energies be checked, and the hard-earned gains of the mechanic and the labourer be diminished for the sake of maintaining the position which becomes a military or maritime Power a la mode. The death is announced from Chalons-sur-Saone of Vol. Andre Marechal, protably the oldest military offi cer in Europe. He was born in 1764, entered the army as a volunteer iu 1781, served through all the revolutionary wars and those of Napoleon, and was made a colonel in 1812. He had received six wounds. FIRE-DAMP.—M. De Fonvielle devotes an article in the Cosmos to the various methods hitherto devised for averting the danger arising from fire-damp in mines. After mentioning Lord Kinnaird's suggestion of a mechanical apparatus for warning off the miners when the presence of the insidious gas has been ascertained, the author of the article proceeds to notice Mr. Graham's important dis covery, viz., that diaphragms of animal matter, such as bladders, possess the property of absorrbing by endosmosis a portion of the carburetted hydrogen contained in the air. • This discovery affords a very valuable means of ascertain ing the existence of fire-damp at different points of mine; a bladder filled with common air and hung up in the suspected place will expand by the absorption of the carburet, and the mount of the expansion may be ascer tained by an ingenius contrivance of Mr. Aurell's, con sisting in a lever which, on receiving the pressure of the swelling bladder, sets in motion an electrical bell, which gives the alarm. The miners may thus leave the mine in time, and not return to it till it is well ventilated. Ex perienced miners, on the contrary, affirm that they become aware of the approach of fire damp without the assistance of any apparatus, by the mere appearance of the flame in the safety lamp; and they believe that with proper precautions they• might use the common open lamp, in their opinion the best indicator of the existence of fire damp. Perhaps it is ; but then let those experienced miners explain how it happens that explosions are so frequent ? The open lamp has been repeatedly tested by the impru dence of miners themselves, who, unable to bear the tortime of a dim light In a dark place, have but too often occasioned catastrophes by opening their lamps. M. d o Fonvielle concludes with recommending the use of Biwa . ' korff's apparatus of induction for the illumination of the galleries, by which means all danger of an explosion might be altogether avoided.—Galignani. COUNTRY MARKETS. BRIS TOL—THURSDAY. Our market this morning was inactive for wheat, and a decline of 2s per quarter was established. Malting barley very dull, and fully is per qr. lower. Fine qualities of oats maintain their value, but black and secondary white are freely offered at 6d per qr. reduction. Maize scarce i:nd dear. B2ans quiet. MAN C lIE S T Ell--TxtrusDAY. There was a slender attendance at our market tbis morning. Both English and foreign wheat met a limited demand, and must be quoted 2s per qr. lower. Flour Was offered at a reduc,ion of is per sack, without leading t° any business of much importance. Oats declined id F er 451 b, and oatmeal Gd per load. English beans were &nit but Egyptians receded Gd per qr. Indian corn was 2s per qr. cheaper. BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. At this day's market there was a moderate supply from the farmers, which sold slowly, at a decline of 2A. Barley is per qr. Oats held for previous rates. Beans is lower; Peas unaltered. The millers reduced the retail price of flour 3s 4d per sack. BURY ST. EDMUNDS—WEDNESDAY. There was a fair supply of wheat hero to-day, most of which was in bad condition. The trade ruled dull, at 2g per qr lower. Not much barley offering ; most samples were easier to purchase. Oats, beans, and peas were un altered. EDINBURGH—WEDNESDAY. Wheat on the to 4s Od down average, 3s 9d doWi l ' Barley on the to p , is 6d down average, is ld Oats on the top, Os 6d down average, is Old down' Beans on the top, Os 6d down average, 2s 9d down Total supply and sales. Wheat B9O qrs sold 294 Barley 1819 qrs sold 106 7 Oats 2549 qrs sold 1127 Beans 136 qrs sold 113 Average prices. Wheat, 58s ld I Oats, 2Bs 7d Barley, 3Bs Od i Beans . 42s 8d Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 56s Od ; O tri' superfine, 51s Od; superfine, 52s Od; fine, 50s Ud. GL AS G OW—WEDNESDAY. This day's market was well attended. Wheat and &tit ruled dull, - at a decline of 6d to is per boll and sack ; and peas, and Indian corn receded 6d to is per boll; bee oats, and oatmeal unchanged. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. A.ustralia and New Zealand, via Southampton_ _Feb. 19 ' Ditto, via Marseilles . Feb. 3' Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Ditto, by Wrench packet Feb. ~3 . Cape of Good 'lope, Ascension, and St. Ilelena Feb. 2' China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton—Feb 2,, Ditto, via Marseilles Feb . l ' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Feb. 2 ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Feb 2 ' Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Feb. 2 ' Ditto, via Marseilles Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Feb- 2 ' ditto, via Marseilles Feb 7 o 1-. Mauritius, via Southampton Ditto, via Marseil,ei... Feb- Feb •33 • Newfoundland " Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. United States and British North America, by Bri tish packet Ditto, by United States packet, via Southatnp- ton .. Ditto, xia Cork Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry .. F eb meat Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and llondurat) Feb' ; Ye .. Bahamw. via New York. Feb. '' Cuba and Mexico - Feb' 13. Bermuda, via Halifax 3. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe .... Fetoi.e,' Births. the BARNEY—On the 31st ult., at 10, Bloomsbury-squtir— wife of Stephen Barney, Esq., of a son. 44 , 8 Oi l° BOWLEY—On the 31st ult., at 53, Charing-cross , " of K. Bowley, of a daughter. eb el i KENNEDY—On the 29th ult., at 20, Lansdowne-placeA - 0 ,, 0 tenham, the wife of Captain Kennedy, 11. 14.1 H.M.S. Frederic William, lfoynes, of a son. oife KEENE—On the 30th ult., at Tiddi ng t o n, Oxon, i l/e of Major Buck Keene, of a son. Marriages. SHEFFIELD—DUMARESQ—On the 30th ult., at Ag i oil Lincolnshire, Sir Robert Sheffield Bart., of 14°I. tD ir „ Park, Lincolnshire, to Prescilla 'lsabella Latlo,oo.o daughter of the late Lieut.-Colonel Henry' p un R.E. T„far ti a li d, S OUTHG ATE—BOTRWXLL—On the 30th ult., at vie s " l3 , l e l Dorking, Francis Thomas Southgate-, of " r ‘ ; solicitor, to Ellen, youngest daughter of the lat' Bothwell, Esq., of Dorking. Deaths. /3 ,0, -,ford-Pl34°' BAurooT—On the 30th ult.„at 10, Dunstan J. L. Barfoot, Esq. „ o,i r g o tis- , , , e d b-' CAMPERDOWN— On the 30th nit., at Weston wickshire, Adam Duncan, Earl Camperdow°7l°Pli. LLOYD—On the 35th ult. at Upper Tooting, Sur e PO , A Lloyd, Esq., banker, of 60, Lombard-street, tigeictedfor''' OXENFORD—On the 30th ult at 16, John-street, ' •, ter' row, William Oxenford, Esq., aged 84 . Chester, PRALL—On the 29th ult ~ E at Theobald-squa re ' - cie Mr. ltichard Prall, solicitor, aged 65 . .1. PP SLADE —On the 27th ult., at Boulogne-sur - g er, St' Esq., M.D., aged 57. oftr e ' WE BST ER—On the 30th . ult., at 29, Warrior-`debter'< Leonard's-on-Sea, Charlotte, Dowager Lady -- O s , 0 )9 0 London: Printed e.nd Pubiimhedby-VILLIA.A „ A ‘ , 14 No' .! Ot of No. 112, Strand, Painter at Tni3 SIIN OD q o ujill Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, ill t he lilicltileux.—Friclay, February 1,107.