The Sun. — London, England, 1828-02-19 00:00:00

zt . ~~~~~~ IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 18. Earl SPENCER presented petitions from the following ?laces, praying for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts ;--From WeNerd ; Swanburn, in Buckinghamshire ; Fordarn, in Essex ; Titchfield ; Cardigan ; Cardiff; Ever den ; and of Union-street, in the borough of Southwark. The Bishop of CHICHESTER presented a similar pe tition from the city of Chichester. Lori CAWDOR also presented a petition to the same effect from Caermarthen. Similar petitions were presented by Lord KING, from Denham, in the county of Essex ; Lyme Regis, Dorsetshire ; Duxford, in Cambridgeshire; New Court Chapel, Carey g'reet; Castle-street Chapel ; Abergavenny ; New Roa d Chapel, St. George's in the East ; Tenterden, in Kent Rochdale, in Lancashire ;. Gloucester ; Newton Abbots Hatfield ; Broadoaks ; Brixham, in Devonshire ; parish of St. Aubin's, in the isle of Jersey ; a'parish in Flintshire ; the Baptist Meeting-house in Little Alie-street, Goodman's fields ; and from several other places. On the motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE, Lord Dacre was added to the Committee on the Game Laws. Mr. Parkhouse, of the India House, brought up the 4th Report of the Tanjore Commissioners, and the 24th of the Mysore Commissioners Mr. Tierney, from the Tax Office, brought up a Return of the Salary and Emoluments of the Receiver-General of Taxes. Their Lordships then adjourned. No-11,058. site in renewing the opportunity that had so passed away. He had stated that he had no uncompromising feel- // 1 . return to England, and the period at which the Noble Lord opposite took up the enquiry, namely, that period when the name of the Noble Lord (the Member for Northampton) was first introduced. I believe, indeed, I know, although I cannot' state the precise date, that some time about the middle of last November, my Noble Friend (Lord Goderich), then at the head of the Administration, in talking to me casually one morning upon the subject, stated thatmy Right Hon. Friend, the Master of the Mint, bad suggested to him that it would be desirable to ask Lord Althorp whether he would be disposed to accept the Chair of the Committee of Finance. Lord Goderich then told me that in the conversation be had had with his Right Honourable Friend the Master of the Mint, be (Lord G.) had stated that from his habits of intercourse with the Noble Lord, he should be rejoiced to see his talents made useful in that or in any other situation ; but, as the question of Finance was one which would originate in this House, he would rather the subject should be consi dered by those Members of the Administration who had seats in this House. Lord Goderich did not ask my opinion, upon the subject, he merely stated what passed, and added that he considered the Noble Lord, from his inclination to business, possessed talents which would render him a valuable Member of a Committee of Finance. I certainly, at the time, expressed some doubts upon the subject, but those doubts did not apply to the fitness of the Noble Lord as a Member of the Committee, for upon that point there could be no difference, of opinion, as all who have known the Noble Lord, and have observed the talent which he has displayed in the management of public business, must be aware that he has directed his attention to questions the most likely to come under the consideration of a Committee of Finance. This communication of my Noble Friend was an incidental and not a formal commu nication, and I now beg leave to state that my Noble Friend did not say to me whether or not he had made a similar communication to any other Member of the Go-. vernment, nor did he authorize me to make any such communication. In a few days after at a Cabinet dinner, indeed after the dinner was over, and we were about to part for the evening, my Right Hon. Friend, the Master of the Mint, asked me whether I turned in my mind the conversation which I had had with Lord G. ? I replied that I had ; and that upon the whole, whatever might haae been my first impression, I :was inclined to the opinion that it would be for the advancement of the public interests to endeavour to procure the services of the Noble Lord. That conversation I considered to be such as may pass between two gentlemen acting together upon matters relating to objects which it was the common desire of both to forward. This conversation between my Right Hon. Friend and myself passed on the 19th of Nov. Some days after this Lord Goderich told me that he heard from my Right Hon. Friend that he had sounded the Noble Earl (Spencer), the father of the Noble Lord, the Member for Northamptonshire, and there I again think that my friend had taken the proper course by telling the Noble Lord at the head of the Government what happened. I did not then hear that my Right Hon. Friend had any authority to make the communication, and I again, for the first time, told myNoble Friend what had passed between my Right Hon. Friend and myself on the 19th. My Noble Friend asked if the Chancellor of the Exchequer was in formed that this measure was then in contemplation. I said that I was not aware whether be was or not, as I had taken it for granted that it had been mentioned to him in the same manner as it bad been to me, by my Noble Friend. He said that it had not, and that it was an over sight, but for that I am not, nor cannot, be conceived respon ; sible. I then told my Noble Friend, that I would under take to see the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and state to him what passed. I accordingly waited on my Right Ho nourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and stated to him what passed between my Right Honour able Friend opposite, (Mr. Tierney), Lord Goderich, and myself, and up to 'that time . tam bound to state, as my Noble Friend has stated in another place, that my Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer took entirely the same view of the matter as I myself took of it.—(Loud and ' repeated cheers.)--We had be s l / 4 1 engage& 't for some time in the discussion of the matter, when my Ridtt flon.Friend, the Master of the Mint, accidentally called— I say accidentally, as I did not expect, or had any reason to suppose, that he would have called but when he called, I begged him to come in, and I then stated to him what had passed between myself and the Chancellor of the Exche quer. My Right Hon. Friend the Master of the Mint said to me, as I was about going to Brighton, 1 called on you to talk upon the subject of the Finance Committee. My two Right Hon. Friends then entered into general conver sation respecting the questions to be brought before the Committee, the services which the country bad a right to expect from their labours, and a variety of other mat ters—and each of my Right Honourable Friends did what I had never done—they looked over their lists of the Committee—compared them together, and in fact, seemed to me to have advanced the business very considerably. On the next day the Chancellor of the Exche quer expressed a wish to see me, and I think at that inter view lie said that he had some reason for differing from the view he had taken the day before, as to the mode cf filling the chair; and I also understood from him that the proposal for placing the Noble Lord opposite in the chair was matter of conversation about town, and alma the names of other individuals appointed on the Committee were in circulation, and that he thought great inconyenienee would arise from such publicity. Re expressed his regret at the circumstance, and I heard his statement with regret. What I could do, under these circumstances, 1 did, / not the letter late in the day, and I immediately wrote to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, expressing my regret at hearing that the reports alluded to were current, and assuring him twat should exert myself to prevent any improper or unnecessary eliaaleaatre of matters :which a certainly felt ought not to be discussed, except among the !Cabinet. To shew the spirit in which I acted, that on the very same day, and with as little delay as possible, I sent a copy of that letter to my Right Honourable Friend to Brighton. This was on the 29th Nov., and an the 2d becember I got an at ewer loom Brighton, in whiela my Right Hon. Friend stated that he felt as strongly as the objections of having matters of this nature discaassa.4, asaTetst among ourselves : he agreed with me that the question ICa4 saat pone further than this, that the Noble Lord was at perfect liberty JO ft i the,chair of the Finance Committee if he pleased. A letter was written to the Noble Lord, desiring to know whether he would undertake the duty of Chairman, in the event of his being appointed to it. The anssvey of the Noble Lord was to the Effect, that if bis#ight Hon. Friend ahould do him the honour to propose his name, We • would mot feel indisposed to obey the wishes of th e 130ixse, Tbila (continued Mr. Iluskisson) clearly implies that up to that moment it was a mere matter of conversation—(Hear, hear)--that there was nothing to prevent the Noble Lord from refusing to alt the Chair, or to prevent the appoint ment of any .other ion. Ige4 s aa from being proposed. On the day on which I got this answer, i gaa pass also'from Brighton, tit into the bands of the Chat:l6llor of the Exchequer, and lap returned it Without comment or observation. This was the via* of the correspondence, and it certainly left 'on my mind the linaseaaisisa Shaa the l entire matter was of the most trifling and un important character ; that the Chancellor had fancied, perhaps, aasat he had received some slight—intintentional it most certainly war; but if intentional, one which, after some explanation and aasuara.seaa cf what the fact really was, had quite faded away froen hid recol lection. I fancied that T hail had the good fortune to restore all to good humour, and I can assure the House that I regarded thp Platter as entirely at an end. This brings us to the 2d pecenabe-;, between that (lay (the 2(1 December) and the 2 6th of becembei, i heard pot One v, , ,0 0 nrre—(flear, hear, hear, and loud cheers.)--- —.Whether (CPS4uSaati the Right H on . Gentleman) any tiirjgpa" noling happenededtotnthes jectarsaca a s a ah ers h e k new not, b ut certainly his (M r . H.~ a ) presence.— But between those periods circumstances which were public, and others which it weld he a breach of confidence to di vulge, liqpe,r,4s which tended m a t er i a ll y t o i mpa i r the Noble December, Friend Lord Psilmereton, and strength, and shake the atability of hi s M a j esty ' s Govern ha (Ur, H.) left town on a visit Otnothielis23,l so firmly resolved was he to meet whatever diffi culties might present themselves during the Session of Parliament, that he did, by word of mouth to some, and by letters to others, declare his de termination, whatever might be the risk of failure, which if it did swear must he attributed to his inability, not to shrink from the straggle. la/114st at Lord Paliner ston's he received a letter form Lord •oderich to the pur port already stated by the Noble Lord, and containing conditional tenders of resignation on the part of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, if the appointment of Lord Althorp to the Chair of the Committee were persevered in. ing of hostility towards the present Government ; but he thought himself fully entitled to demand that expla nation which he considered the public - entitled to receive. The first question he should ask, was the cause which led to the dissolution of the late Government : and the next point on which he wished for information—and the most important to the public—was the principles on which the present 'Government was formed. He under stood from report that Lord Goderich had said, the cause of the dissolution was a difference between the late Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite ; but that afterwards, in an interview between Lord Gode rich and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the latter Gen tleman expressed himself perfectly satisfied. When the Right Hon. Gentle Men opposite (Mr. Huskisson) volunteered an explanation at Liverpool of the breaking up of the last Government, which he (Lord Normanby) thought quite unnecessary, it appeared a singular thing that the Right Honourable Gentleman should have omitted all mention of this quarrel, which was said to be the immediate cause of the dissolution. As to the principles on which the present Government was formed, he had read the ' Right Honourable Gentleman's explanation with the greatest attention, and some parts of it with the sincerest pleasure. He had always looked up to the Right Hon Gent. as a public benefactor—or one of the first practical reformers. The reports he had read in the London papers of what the Right Honourable Gentleman had stated at Liverpool, he was bound to say, bore as much the appearance of internal truths as any reports he had ever arcade and looking at Reporters who were so responsible for the diselearge of their duty—so notorious for their extraordinary talent; and so exemplary for their regard to honesty; and, moreover, so free from all political bias, it was utterly impossible such a set of men should have conspired to misrepresent the Right Hon. Gentleman. He should not have said thus much, but that last night a country paper—the Liverpool Courier—was put into his hands, purporting to represent the speech of the Right Honourable Gentle man, but which could only be looked upon as a garbled extract, leaving out many important parts of the speech, and which his Lordship is ould not presume to think had been corrected by the Right Hon, Gentleman himself.— [The Noble Lord here 'quoted several extracts from Mr. Huskisson's speech at Liverpool, at the same time pointing out the several omissions made by the Liverpool Courier.] He then continued—lf the Right Hon. Gent.!placed his re liance upon those Members of the late Cabinet, and considered them as guarantees, in that case he must be aware that he had also counter guarantees. The Noble Lord then proceeded to quote from the speech of the Duke of Wellington, in the House of Lords, that part in which his Grace stated that what he supposed Mr. Huskisson might have said to his constituents at Liverpool, was to the effect that the persons who were in Office with him were a sufficient guaiantee to him for the perseverance in the measures of the late Cabinet. He (Lord Normanby,) was quite sure that the Right Hon. Gentleman had never said that which his Grace had assumed him to have said, and if he had not said so he now called upon him to state that which he did say.--(Hear, hear.)—lt would be hardly fair to the Right Honourable Gentleman if he did not state his motives for wishing to have the explanation for which he asked. The three points to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded in his speech at Liverpool, were, the question of Catholic Emancipation, the commercial policy of the country, and the foreign policy also. His (Lord Normanby's) opinion was, that the present constitution of the Government was unfavour able to the Catholic question. When he saw on the Ministerial benches a Right lion. Gent. (Mr. Peel), who was well known to be the most powerful opponent of those claims, he could come teem other conclusion.--(Cheers.) —He did not mean to say that any unfair means would lie used in the disposal of the Government patronage ; but at the same time it was obvious that pateprtage would be likely to follow in the channel of power ; and With regard to the Colonial policy, 'lee had no doubt thie grea,tese.. advaisteoe must accruety the Right lion. C4st.l remain ing in the Administration; but as regarded the commercial policy of the late Cabinet, it owed its success chiefly to the support given to it by his (Lord Normanby's) side of the House, and it tied been counteracted by most of those persons with whom lie was now connected iu the present Administration. The Noble Lord then al luded to the amendment on the Corn Laws, proposed by the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords, and con tended either that that amendment wasof no importance, or else that both were exposed to the charge of captiousness. The Right Honourable Gentleman must be aware that most of the Members belonging to the pre sent Cabinet were opposed to his views on that ques tion, in the House of Lords, and had voted for that amend ment, and therefore some explanation was necessary. With regard to the foreign policy, he must say that he re garded the Speech from the Throne as being by no means so cordial and gracious in its tone as that of the French King's, he could not also feel gra tified at the cold manner in which acquiescence had been given to the treaty alluded to by the present Ministry. He denied that the inference could be drawn, that Mr. •Canning's policy, was the same as Lord Liverpool's, and the assertion that it was so, would be received with the greatest astonishment in every cafe and Cabinet in Eu rope. The Noble Lord felt happy in concurring veith the universal regret occasioned by the lamented death of m r . Canning.—(Hear, hear, bear.)—His party was scattered to the winds.—(Applause from all parts of the House.) —lf within one year after his death his name could not be mentioned in the Cabinet over evideis he presided, or if mentioned, could only lead to discord, thereby his death might well be considered a national calamity.— The Honourable Gentleman concluded by thanking the House for the attention with which he had been heard. Mr. HUSKISSON commenced in a low tone of voice. Having thanked the Noble Lord who had just sat down for having made the call, he (Mr. H.) expected since his return from Liverpool to London, he addressed the House to the following effect :—Sir, at the woe time that I sin cerely rejoice that ass opportunity has been now afforded me of entering into an explanation of my conduct in connection with the breaking up of the late, AO the formation of the present Ministry, I may say that I offer myself to the notice of the House, under feelings of difficulty and anxiety greater than I have ever before experienced in the course of any public life. If, Sir, no other interest attached itself eo the transaction which I am about to relate, than the protection of the private character and honour of an individual humble as myself, I well know from long experience that the indulgence this House is in the habit of extending to all Hopeora ble Members, will not be withheld from me under.the present circurnstaerses.—(Cheers.)—But, Sir, when the object of the inquiry relates to the conduct of a public reap-...and I there agree with the Noble Lord opposite that the cha racter of a public man is public property, and the more especially so, if the public man at the time he ad dresses you holds, as I now do, by ehts gracious favour of my Sovereign, a seat in the Councils of my Sovereign, which imposes on me the discharge of one of ehe most im portant offices in the State—l say, that from thee: mo ment the question ceases to be one of individual interest, but becomes a queatiou of public interest and public importance, and it is upon that ground I claim from the kind attention of the House—thet indulgence which I am sure I shall receive, and which every gentleman possessed of right feeling s will, apart from political o pinions, I am satisfied, extend to me.—(Cheers.) --Sir, before I proceed to answer any .of the tmestions put by t h e Noble Lord, or to advert, i n coy degree, to the „N e d under discussion, I t rus t I may b e allowed t o state w ithout reserve, and without q ua lifi ca ti o n, that sin ce my return from Liverpool to London, I have nei ther dir ectly nor i n di re ctly had any communi ca ti on w i t h any " f nay Noble or Right Hon. Friends who form „ port o f t h e present Ad ministrat i on , either in reference to wh a t I h ave been reported to have said at Liverpool, or what any of them t to address the H ouse . have said elsewhere or in refere nce to the observations am now a se u which I --I wish the ; t o b e dearly understood and I tru st that every li on. m em b e r will do me the justic e t o bear in mind, during th e c ourse of the observations which I s hall add ress to the house,that what ever impression those ob servat i ons may snake upon the House, whatever may b e the consequence s of them, that I alone 3111 responsibl e . I assure my Right Hon. Friends that it was not from any want of confidence or reliance upon them that I have abst ained such communication s u p on the sub ject , but did so because I felt by doing that I m i g ht ex p ose t hem and myself to the from entering into suspicion of casting our parts and preparing our no t e s, In what I am now to state to the House I shall not enter upon any transactions which occurred between the period of my HOUSE OF COMMONS, FP.IDLUARY 18. In consequence of the general expectation that the debate of this evening would be unusually interesting, all the avenues to the House were crowded at anearly hour by per nans anxious to procure admission to the gallery. The number of Members present was also very large. • Mr. TIERNEY, from the Tax Office, presented a❑ ac count of the Salary and Emoluments of the Receiver- General of Exeter. Mr. .MAYLIEW presented a statement of the Accounts of the Imperial Gat and Coke Company. On the motion of Lord HOTHANI, the Ayr and Calder Canal Bill was read a first time. -M5. LITTLETON hroughtin a Bill for the improve ment of the town of Stafford, which was read a first time: Mr. LIDDELL brought up the report of the Committee on the North Shields Improvement Bill.—Leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. OWEN WILLIAMS brought up the report on a Bill for making a Road near Baaumaris, isle of Angles•a.— Laid on the table. LIVERPOOL STEAMERS, General GASCOYNE brought up the report of the Committee on the Liverpool Steam Vessels Bill, and leave was given to exempt Steam-boats trading to and Irons Li verpool, from pilotage dues. Mr. ROBERT KING brought up a petition from the Catholics of Cove (county Cork) in favour of Catholic Emancipation, and complaining of the Vestry and sub . -letting Acts. The Hon. Geatleman also presented similar peti tions from Macromy, Kilahannick, and Kilvullen, all in the county of Cork.—Ordered to he printed. CORPORATION AND TEST ACTS. Mr. W. SMITH brought up a petition from the Students and Tutors of Homerton College, for the Repeal of the 'Test and Corporation Acts ; and similar petitions from the Sleeting Mouse at Hackney ; the Protestant Dis "'enters of Kentish Town ; from the Dissenters of Union•sstreet in the Borough ; from the Dissenters of the town of Bridgend ; from the Dissenters of the town of Hastings ; from the Dissenters of the New-road Chapel, Brighton. Ordered to be printed. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR presented similar petitions from the Dissenters of the towns of• Durham, Stockton.upon-Tees, and Walsingharn, in the county of Durham. The Hor. Member stated that his opinion was always favourable to the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts. Colonel POWEL presented a petition from the Maltsters of Cardigan, for the repeal of the Malt Acts. Mr. STANLEY presented a petition from Preston,-fin this r epeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. Mr. BORRADAILE presented a similar petition fro) n the Dissenters of Newcastle-under-Lyne. Sir C. COLE presented similar petitions from Swansea. Ordered to be printed. Colonel DAVIES moved that there be laid before the House an account of the distribution of the Royal Waggon Train.—Ordered. Col. DAVIES presented a petition from Worcester, for the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. Lord W. RUSSELL•presented a similar petition, ft out `laYistock. • Sir JOHN NEWPORT presented a petition from the Catholics of the parishes in the county of Waterford, in ;ova= of Catholic Emancipation. Sir JOHN NEWPORT presented a petition front the Chamber of Commerce, in Waterford, playing that Abe laws relating to the Butter Trade should be consolidan,d. Ordered to I>e printed. Sir JOHN NEWPORT presented a petition from. the Chamber of Commerce, Waterford, complaining of the defective state of the Admiralty Court in Ireland. Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a petition front the Dissenting Congregation of the Old Jewry Chapel, for the 'Repeal of the Tot and Corporation Acts. Mr. EASTHOPE presented a similar petition from Andover. Sir C. MORGAN presented a similar petition from Newport, county of Monmouth. Sir J. KNOX presented a petition from the Catholics mf Newry, in favour of Catholic Emancipation.—Laid on the table. Mr. R. PHILLIPS presented a petition from Haverford west, in favour of the Repeal of the Test and Corporation .Acts.—Laid on the table. Mr. TALBOT presented a similar petition from the borough of Warwick. REPEAL OF THE MALT ACT. Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a petition from the Malt:stem of the county of Gloucester ; and a similar peti tion from the Maltsters of the city of Gloucester, for the Re peal of the Malt Acts. Mr. HART DAVIS presented a petition from the Maltsters of Bristol, against the Malt Act. Mr. WATSON TAYLOR presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of Devizes, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acta. Mr. SPRING RICE presented a petition from two parishes in the county of Derry, and in the county of Dublin, in favour of the Catholic Claims. Mr. SPRING RICE present e d a petition from Salis bury iti favour of the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. Mr. C. PALLMER presented a petition from the Malt stirs of Surrey, against the Malt Act. Mr. WOOLRYCHE WHITMORE moved for returns of the Eiports to the East Indies, from January, 1824, to January, ISM Mr. P. THOMPSON presented a petition from Folk atone, Kent, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. —.Laid on the table. Mr. CAMPBELL moved that there he laid before the House, Returns of the quantity of Barilla and Pearl Ash im ported into Liverpool in the years 1824, 1825, 1826, and )827. —Ordered. Mr. LIDDELL presented petitions from Radnor and ea t er places, praying for the repeal of the Test and Corpo aation Acts. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that he should postpone his motion for the repeal of the Test and Corpo ration Acts until Tuesday, the 26th inst. Mr. Alderman WAITHAIAN presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of Hackney, praying for a repeal of the Test Acts. Mr. RQBARTS presented a similar petition from Maid atone. Mr. GUEST presented similar petitions from parishes in Brecknock and Carnarvonshire. On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY the Transfer in Aids Bill, and the Exchequer Bills Bill, w ee , read a third time and passed. Lord WHARNCLIFFE morel, that an h umbl e address be prese n t e d to hi s M a j esty, pray i n g that the last report o f the Nati ona l V acc i ne I nst i tut i on, ma de on the 14th inst., be l a id b efore the House.—Ordered. Sir THOMAS ACLAND presented s imilar petitions %from ,Parishes in the county of Devon. Lord N . UGE NT presented a petition f rom the Baptist +congregation of W a tf or d, i n B uc ki ng h am , praying for the .repeal of all religious Tests. Mr. Alderma n THOI ppresented I S a si milar peti %ion fro m t h e Protestant Dissenters of Eastcheap. SUPPLY. The " CH ANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose and moved the Order of the Day, for the House resolving it self into a C ommittee of Supply. r. Parkbouse, from the India House, brought up the fourth Report of the Ta njore Commissioners, and the 246 of the Mysore Commissioners. lord NORMANDY rose to ask an explanation from the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. An opportunity had already been given of affording an explanation which it was understood would hav e been given. But that opportunity having passed away w i t h out any explanation, he t ru sted he would be excused in pursuing the course he had adopted, because he had really no personal enmity, and believed he was doing the greatest kindness to the Right Hon, Gent. oPP°' l''''', • s it; . : s . ~ .......)„.... c „...., . . . ~ ..„.„_,..,•,..„._,_,_,,•...,._.,,, N 1 7 , 1 ' ''' -• . -IN 4„ ''' ,` •I‘;' ~,1` ' --7 --- o' : ---' '). ^"------ --.'„ k* ~ ,9 ", - .., fr 0 ..6 -1...„1 . ....., ; , 1. , ~..,:,--, . \ ~. ... , -w i -:-...- - - -7... --, ,,,,,, .--„ -, 1 ~,,-, 4 ,1 i . . 4 ,,: • '046:-„-- -. 4 441' ' . ' - ' 5( ''•: ~ - ce., ~..0 . . -- _ — __i ---- --,:'-- 4 , ... me siukAtik „ LQllykl.em - vii • - -,-, ' 4 , 1 el di hii,mo — „4-101 A 4.,'• - LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1828. Lord Goderich left him (Mr. Huskisson) at liberty to com municate the contents of this letter to Lord Palmerston ; and he now appealed to that Noble Lord, whether, what ever chance there might have existed of conducting the affairs of that House through the Session, he did not then declare that that chance was at an end, as he could no longer look to that cordial co-operation upon which they had relied.— He, in consequence, waited on Lord Goderich, and opened his mind. He told hAn that the question as to who should, or who should not, be Chairman of the Committee, on its being duly and fairly considered a 9 an abstract question, was a mere nothing—that with all his respect for the talent and industry of the Noble Lord (Althorp) he felt there were many others in the House capable of discharging the duties with as much benefit to the coun try, but that from the moment he bad understood the ques tion to be settled, he could not bring himself to recede from the point. He felt that if there should be any conces sion, it must necessarily lower his character, that it must subject him to be taunted out of doors and in that House. That in fact any departure from that compact, or at all events, understanding, which existed on the subject, would exhibit such weakness on his part as effectually to deprive him of any little influence he might hitherto possess. (Cheers) On the 29th a Cabinet was summoned on matters of great importance. He (Mr. H.) waited that morning on his Noble Friend Lord . Goderich, and informed him that he no longer considered himself a member of his :Majesty's Government, and that he had tendered to the King his resig nation. Lord Goderich replied that if he (Mr. H.) resigned, his Lord Goderich's Government was at an end, for that he would not continue in power without him (Mr. Hus kisson), and that if he determined to resign, the Cabinet was necessarily and indispensibly dissolved. Lord Goderich requested that he (Mr. H.) should suspend his determination for some time, and not send the letter he had written to Windsor. He (Mr. H.) acquiesced in this suggestion, and in the mean time had an interview with the Marquis of Lans downe, who thought that though his (Mr. Huskisson's) resignation would break up the Government, the resig nation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer might • not have the same effect.—(Hear, hear. )—Under these con siderations, he (Mr. IL) postponed his intended resignation for a few days, and on the Ist of Jan. he wrote to Lord • Goderich to inquire from him whether he had learned from Mr. Herries, that he persisted in his resignation. Matters remained in this situation for some days, in conse quence of the arrival of the Infant of Portugal in this country, and his proposed visit to Windsor. On the Bth Jan., however, it was understood that Lord Goderich went to Windsor, and laid before the King the difficulties he found in carrying on the Administration, and in justice to his Noble Friend (Lord Goderich), he was hound to say that he believed he had fairly and fully stated to his Ma jesty all the difficulties with which he was encountered. It had been insinuated that he (Mr. H.), after receiving a communication from Lord Lansdowne, in confidence, took occasion to make use of that confidence to prevent an ap plication being made to Lord Lansdowne. On the con trary his, (Mr. H.'s) lips were sealed from the time he had the communication with Lord Lansdowne, and he might appeal to his Noble Friend (Lord Carlisle), whether he had not cautiously avoided mentioning the name of the Noble Lord (Lansdowne), except to his own friends, lest the confidential communi cation made by his Lordship should transpire, and become known to the Noble Duke, who was en• gaged in forming the Ministry, or any of the other individuals who were interested in forming the present Administration. And he could confidently appeal to the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite (Mr. Tierney), or to any one of the Members of the late Go vernment, whether he had not used every diligence and exertion, to the injury of his health and • strength, and many other things that he held dear, to keep the Cabinet together as it then existed in union and strength. He should now come to what the Noble Lord was pleased to OW the much snore important part, and which he also certainly thought the much more important part—namely, an explanation of what he was repeerfed to, have said at Liverpool respecting his com munication with the Duke of Wellington, upon the constitution of the present Government. He did not expect the Noble and Learned Lord would have sunk into an animadversion which had been made upon him in another place, by talking of gratuitous explanations, and so on ; and supposing that he had made unnecessary explanations to his constituents. The same remark he was sorry to say, with something of a sneer, had been made in another place.—(Hear, hear. )—Notwithstand ing, however, the respect he had for the great constitutional verdict, not of the Noble Lord opposite, but of the distinguished individuals to whom he referred, he still must retain what might be considered, amongst some, an obsolete idea—that when a Member of that House accepted office from the Crown, in consequence of which he vacated his seat, and offered himself again to those who had before reposed confidence in him, to solicit their support, lie thought it very natural, according to the old doctrine, that he should give such an explanation as he thought his constituents had ..”.ot only a right to demand, but which ho had als,nost said it was a duty on their pa;:t to have demanded. He knew that he bad been called a theorist, 14, was sure whatever doctrine might have prevailed among his constituents at Liverpool, that even all the virtue—all the transcendent eirenrostan4e3 oi dis ti.netion—and all the high character of the Noble indivi ' dual refewzi to,—would not have been a sufficient zuarantee.to have ;440 1.;:: flonstitnentl to have returned him to Parliament, unless, placed as he was, he had # g:L:ier; some explanation. Having stumbled sornehoW or otkv on ;11,- . ) ,unfortunate word guarantee, as ap peared in the reports connected with t7hat be had said, at Liverpool, he felt bound fairly to own that he did ;tie that word in what he had addressed to his constituents, and he had no scruple in saying, even after all that he 11;4 eai . i' 4 , '..hat he should probably use it again, did the same opPortunity occur. iieaiii hecould not help being perfectly astonished t 6 know hoik.'it ' happened, that the use of this unfortunate word guarantee, upon which so much stress had been laid, and upon which so uapths malevolence had been at work, for the )ast ten days, should have have excited so touch mis conception in the minds of the community of thii - metro. - - polis. He could not 'Conceive how there could be under ; ,stencliga sea constructed, imaginations so perverted, as for a mornem, to suppose that ilia 1 - ..i . 0h1e f ri; ; 44 anti himself should communicate with the Dike of Wellington upon the principle of a contract to be thade- - --of a bargain to be entered into between adverse parties—with opposite. and conflicting interests..—(Great cheering.) -:—Was ip to ne e.epeeted that the Duke of Wellington with his exalted distinctiOni and nice sense 'of honor; should have sent not for one; but for five ei six gentle men, tbemselyes having all untarnished reputation, and he trusted a high feeling of honor, for the purpose of offer ing to them a direct insult ? Was it not clear that the Noble Duke, if he could by possibility have descended to such a thing, must have felt that the proposal would only L„,-, -,,,,,! , ,, , - e d t o t a lly useless the services of:all thiPf veho might have been bit 64 enough to have' lent"' theritsefvei to Such a transaction. On the part, therefore, of the Duke of Wellington, and hii Noble Friend with whom lie was cmine.ei,e(i, h e !;egged to state distinctly it was most preposterous to hare supposed tha' siieh Ti Fop9eal was ever made, or even thinight of. lie did not' cer tainly retract one syllable from what he had said at Liverpool respecting guarantee, but standing in the House of Commons where he did, he would state what he actually be ea lead answerableh' a i j eii he T ls e ad v ' i a P fo d ; ; r l ii ti s: ad dressed b l his is 4 accuracyrees i ' s e t r i et a t p i:i o e f l p e i i . i at ss e i sil ln i i ny r ol oed ae r p e l6 i i r r r dy o: s u :t :l v d: it r i h i d ai e e s t em mi n g f i l ' l t sio h . ,n7o e f a bee h n ust l in i g ai s ie by 6f tli ‘ e 'l ß ' . 4 ex pert and ingenious fie' may have been, and WhO probably never attended an election at Liverpool before, nor received all the accommodation they merited. What he said was, • that before his acceptance of office lie sought for 0 7aplanatiaa, ;se well in respect to the principles as to the pending measures of the 'Giove'rnment, awl the general adrnistration of that Government; that having should e s o t nutl g ide u n a c:o t o,a • ii. received a n understanding in respect, to the mea sures, and in respect to the principles of Government, which appeared 0 him satisfaetory, he did eoneide: that, the a inl n t,i t n ee wnea lV i i nt l ,4 i l oc i ffil best e c o e could l d he afforded, ecution l t u h a o i those e N i % n il e o as I t % i . r e i r s e and t inn expectedfurtherance to of execute those p t r i i l i e s i c n i -, tniilees,ins(iisich understanding would not be departed from, while gnTarhairs:tecontinuedtha t the (m l could Right I h l a o d n .; 1 p n oss o es t sv it n h o ou o t ther,an(l Idesiied no b e tt er , even t h oug h I was understandings and ex pl anat i ons , t h at t h e principle s of the Governments in which 1 had previously . th e l E . m x p e l n all a e t r i s o , n l s v h a o n s ; e l understandingsservadw'ould s l i v o e t re be a l so d ep h a a r ( t i e w d i f t r h o from. known principles led me to the conclusion, that I ought to PRICE 71). be satisfied with what satisfied them. I stated—and you may call the statement by what name you will—guarantee, pledge, or u nderstanding, it matters not—that I was satis fied an intention existed in the minds of the individuals constituting the present Government, to maintain the public policy of their predecessors. I said what I un derstood to be warranted by the circumstances of the case, and what I also wished to he understood by the public, namely, that common consistency, and a respect for ourselves, for our own interosts, for those of our Allies, and of the rest of Europe, aft - orded sufficient reasons for asserting that it ought not to be presumed that the policy of the country was to undergo any change in the hands that and enforce my sentiments and opin'ions as they regarded our foreign policy, I asked if it could he b for s o nig b le , moment have now undertaken its guidances In order to illustrate conceived that my Noble Friend at the e Treaty Foreign Office, Office, whose signature is attached to the e. of . t h he 6th of July, would be likely to stay in office . . occupy present is Treaty were not to be observed by the Government of whether it was which he now forms a part? I asked Foreign Secretary probable that my Noble Friend the situation—if he thought the cooditions of that would have retained o ffi ce for the purpose of destroying Isis own character, by consenting to give up his strongly es in the face of the country and of the world ? So did I state this, and so warmly did I feel it, that I added the circumstance of my Noble Friend having rimained in the Government (in common with others—our r.ola_ friends—pledged to pursue a similar line of folic)) was in itself an evidence or guarantee, that the policy of the Cabinet was not to undergo any change. . That was the mode in which I alluded to the subject. I said to those captious kiterists that addressed me at Li verpool, and questioned me on the subject of the policy of the Government I had joined--1 said to them, " Al lowing for a single moment that, for the bare purpose of staying in office, I could sacrifice my reputation for con sistency, my regard to public character and personal ho nour—supposing this, can you be persuaded that such men as my Lord Dudley, and my Right Hon. Colleagues 'Lit Mr. Canning's Administration, would enter into a conspiracy to destroy their own character and honour as politicians, and as men, by a general dereliction of public consistency, and a sacrifice of those principles to which as politicians they are bound ?" It was, therefore, clear and obvious to every man who heard roe on the hustings at Liverpool, and I know, and am satisfied, it was perfectly obvious to the friends who supported me on that occasion—and who, be it remembered, are men, from their pursuits and avocations in life, well acquainted with the nature of bonds, guaran itees, and securities—that 1 did not speak, that I was fat from speaking, of guarantees in the strict or legal sense of the word, but in a general and conversational way. I used the expression in the ordinary mode in which we are accustomed in common parlance to use it : and by its use I meant to convey that certain indications, assurances, and understandings, subsisted between myself, my Noble and Right Honourable Colleagues, and the Noble Duke at the head of the Cabinet, that we should not he called upon to make a sacrifice of what had invariably bee,: our public principles, or required to forego the prosecution of such measures as we thought essential to the well-being and best interests of the country. When the present Cabi net was about to be formed, we thought ourselves at liberty to wait till we saw what would be the constructimi cf the whole GoVernment, in order, if possible, to discover in. that construction the best security for the furtherance of the objects for the sake of the accomplishment of which we finally connected ourselves with it.----[Such appeared to us to be, in this place, the tenour of the Right Hon. Gentle man's observations, which, however, we were prevented from hearing and following satisfactorily, owing to the Right Hon. Gentleman's suddenly lowering the tone of his v( l iee.]—l said, and I again say, that both my Noble and Right Hon. Colleagues and myself have received all the understanding—all the assurance—all the explanation—all the guarantee—(again to make use of the term)—which we ever dreamt of receiving, or thought it right that we should receive, or expected to receive. We have received all the satisfaction which any men coming together for the purpose of explanation could possibly desire or expect to have from one another. lam unwilling to impose on my Right Honourable Friend near me (Mr. Peel as was under stood), the necessity of saying one word on this occasion— or taking any part in the discussion. However, I ask him— (l make the statement in the presence of my Right lion. Friend—and he will correct or contradict tut, if I am wrong)—whether, from the very earliest perio d of the corn-. munications that passed between the Noble D uke :,the head of the Government, my Right Hun, Fri!;; I rl an d my self, on the subject of my accession to tLc Present Cabinet, I did not distinctly state, that if. ',lvey wished me to form 4 part of the Administration, 1 expected that the None Carl now at the head of the Foreign Office--sfssl any Ri ght Hon. Friend ; the Presiler4 Gf tit:. hoard of 'Frad that the Noble Lord near me (Lord Palmerston,) and the Right lion. Gentleman who was, and still continues, Secretary for Ireland, should constitute parts of the Government, the construction of which was then in contemplation? This requisition was complizcl with by the roble Duke, and that s i :t e i a s i fi e ed w N i . t t , i a , s Is eras y n the Noble sti l a ) j n e d e t of policy and mea. ,„,,,,- beipg tire understanding, I did not ask—it would have been Right itcm. Friends, whose absurd to have asked—for any stipulation. So complete comm .:al:de e , leftt ':RI Councils l' e l la.td a olgt g unii ul :Id. ) h i:::itet e ecgtnt s lailolliltbEsnti mlto4deairlart'''l!'s'odo.k)consented invited Nil Flllt.amtharrietlta'eeillknteNHel .'l t:t ttbuloill'ite::el f 'Fiec o l.:: t r °lsa.li t ibaunlnti n eoyililec::d. t-e.s p :s''''::—.‘ l stn':9a l P : pi t '?.:Pe. s ).l:aeile o el I°''le t' St °al: headn 'llnt flightl 'dl l ttrl; e n k idl9b e dunt::edonaoorfliliHonourable :: clele4 a eae: te i et'to Administration. n'::sel e ;:t x :conijt p etout l 'i Cs a ohteatli n maoy: iliea a i:2l.Y:- t y tteleslyt concerttl t i o is a, vto t N v iin ; go s mdo,rnelcehiwyaeideli arrangement o a n el t al cu t shd l te e bdoif : t_ x ii ~.,i h s a; : e e im n: og e f4ls o ye f eeenu a7 t 1: ; 4 7, 111 : e i , i o u s place,nhjc t and of we having b t a n v t i u n r g e Nol?le DI:1;e hying matte propOsitions 0 each of the par tGi explana tions Government e.pt hl communicationstlis havingdeen t s b ub en se a o s it k en o t7 ti c re or N ot o n b u l n e ic D at u e k d e t t o o ge f t a h l e o r u o r n u %he wlintab tt e: , ;.cm (l in k! • i s ..4 i t i e n r d v e ie r t s s t - o , o i ti n ti, o ,, n t le t : h . e that it might be c1,:.w.4 and distinctly e., -- p:,ii - siatipns and, understandings which we had . aeparately received, and which we interpreted as having the same meaning, were rightly underst7,n;', by all of us as having been intended in a siss.iias. sense, and ap- I g l e e n a e r ~. a ) 1 ta . 1 0,7 4a. saidllallege,) reag b rev e , )-, ap plied to us conjointly as , -- s.sai l l as indivishially. (Hear. hear,) In what other way, Sir, could I have described ; its;,.seed 7tcicisu,'irra(te the Reporters of ing like'thiS, except by adopting the term, '' understanding," the accounts they give of or " guarantee ?'' i certaNy msasct to tiesyribe no other species p tofoif u rreP b e l :P i 9 c utclie p l7ii r eti le Pl e g‘r e ‘e? d esy i ls n l : kg s " , n‘i'wle ( sr i 'll d lhy.o a tl%al g r:e a eC i e n ein s tre t skill, diligence, and impartiality, '... hate nothing yet instansss ' - . - , - ,Te sisesirred in whleh they have been be . Wayed into error and Miseo: c. c t , :t i i::: :?..i7e lll a e r y ka ' cberhtnsolymmis conceived i ; th a e n i d it , ir l p y o h r ia t t an is d effect of what was stated by me the . persions who att9dssi She slestion, and took a part in on the hustings on the occasion of my late re-election at the FoceellingS that day, do not appear to labour under any , m n is o ta t k m e ne o r n ely th i e ipo su n bj m ec y t . oLw n dia a t ut l ho th r en it stated. I shall give that give the words I uttered on that occasion—and whotr, tl:s. TiTiotiae will allOw to be nei sthuerilni of another individual, obliged to sttliactsin : ii .i: i 7 i n t Z t C t 4 e e r ?‘ . i b T ve 4 b P e it e r n i.ia , : r i t i d l' al in w e l 7. l.,i, regret, ;hat in me by post this morning. It is dated my speech, entitles m e to cp,g7J.tr.iate myself, tres pass at considerable hTe. C., the attention and patience 01 appeara that Hon. Members expected it, the l - fryse., iise letter which I now hold in my hand was received by Liverpool, and the testimony it contait cu, the subject of House, an hearing his name be a v n ,, in ba ce4 mea t this explanation Ix :we". postponed from Friday, when it (':: entleman the to thin : i s ,:i s o ec op f .l 0, t a li ,nge r f hm , nit t ne h gno a ,, that It is a letter from a witness, who, I make no doubt, of au opi nion is above all suspicion on tliSs sense as i ; i' l parti:l l ilY am correctness. The tiq . 4. - : (41 this letter is not a friend of mine---j or- political, I never saw him in my life, till I !net him on tire hustings, where he stood during the I p l r i o t c h ee t t i l r i e ng st s ri t c h t a e t st a a c t c t o o r i n t p io a n n , ied my election, close by my. my politica l side. Ile was most interested in watchistg WilAt I sa id on my speech, and sr,alki did ciiminent on it in the most ol s i o tic fa a decided and ancomproinising manner. To this op ponent, I am compelled by his suhst-iiiint conduct to ae knowledge myself bound to haver grateful ; inasmuch as , - r l ifrrioemnd,aiztelaerrinasg s:t t n L ed i v t e i r w po a o t l t , it i u n d et from a mere sense of English fair play towards an incl . vidual, however opposed to him in a politi ca l sc , ,,, _ ari ' , - , acting under the influence of that enlarged charity whirl, row sap Peol).. in Its for .ee. which Dhhf had ?zi,clPo 9l k Da whisk dui flint was the d tho,ehe • lab that I a policy Edema in :heers.)— thought it rable de- ler place, luskisaon) which w aa tight Hon. vas not to curnstances so as to oc- this evil. irectly false Honourable he late Ca e cause, but test ground r.)—There pointment, of any in his office. selves peen !tries's) ac ed that he erference of ed, ..there nd persona nittee had ng ds by letter received an of the Go complained that fur- rat cautiou which waFt '26th of that Strauge cir. le 24th and , abilicated„ nment was H err i e g) the Finance of tbp Go- ;DAY y, and same ►riy all, low- The three fa and at the my has been to' 1, but it atket, which. NT. (0111.1M2nt, is ad a meeting Earl of Har iount of the t is supposed, from ;oe pro- report. of the liant euology pon - the Con nan occurred, ation that his inobsetTed by sometimes loving in his at Mr. Can a safe liberty, e proud testi in honour of tuning's fame iota and as ho had ever ie would be Ir. Canning's country. At isal of a Com e plans from inquiries to a iggestion was of, the Corn. ttee originally Ober was en f to the Cow 'neliffe, Lord le, 84e. &c. voted, to the kke the Chair his great per and second e first official inistration, of :macott were onument, but Raring and ly absent, in nee•Commit— !spectably-itt- e notice' the the .711Iiiiinis Lord , gen t. Agar Ellis, led Members Na,: .4 ke - I,4Tri ~~. • - • it titiititatifi, tbeehatatikit . of a CliUtian 'minister to 4 mania, spore Ositictilarly in: a cask where unjust impu tations'bive been now Comes forward and ad dresses me in a leliet'ealctilited to set my conduct at Li verpool in its ) true hear.)--The name of the individual who has thus addressed me, is the Rev. W. Shepherd. I believe he is known to the Honourable and Learned Gentleman opposite, who must also know that he is a person incapable of making an intentional misstate ment. Mr. BROUGHAM was understood to assent to the Right Hon. Gentleman's observations. Mr. Secretary HUSKISSON—The Rev. Gentleman can have had no motive for the course he has taken in ad dressing me on occasion of the statements which had been made relative to my Liverpool speech, except the unim peachable motives of honesty and justice. I repeat, the Rev. Gentleman has come forward for the sake of public justice. Sir, I have only to say, that if 1 had not received this letter, there would appear nothing more than my own assertion on the subject of what I intended to say,and did say, at the Liverpool election,as opposed to what, I maintain, are the imperfect and unsatisfactory reports of what I then utter ed. Perhaps the House would have thought my own simple and unsupported assertion (unsupported except by the character fur integrity which I have always maintained I sufficient. Certainly 1 should never have deigned to sv,- licit testimony in corroboration of my own simple state,. ment from any quarter whatever—least of all from this quarter, which of all others is one to which no man in my situation, desirous of availing himself of the evidence of another, could for a single moment entertain the idea of applying. I have only to say this letter, which I shall now proceed to read to the House : contains a statement purely and entirely voluntary on the part of the writer. It is addressed Huskisson, Req. M.P." anti is dated I 4th of Febrnary, from the ordinary residence of the reverend writer. The Right Hon. Gentleman proceeded to react the letter ; which was in the following, or nearly the following, terms " Sir—On reading the Morning Cloi•anicle this even ing, it appears to me that the London Reporters havf , strangely misapprehended an important statement in your l a te speech made on the hustings, on the occasion of you' - re-election." As I stood close to the . Rev- Gentleman on the lo4stings„ and he marked, as it was his duty to mark, what fell from me on the occasion of my re-election, there can be little doubt of the favourable situation he was placed in for oh serving my statements. It will also be admitted that he was not extremely likely to misapprehend them. But the letter proceeds : Ct te rio de:a'rlCharles rested ioG e n a r o a y n in o nt l t t t h o s e a p nt o c h, k i o e m e o p Gn f o eo s g ii ne i ,roirnina‘m.ni:teifeunetats you hl Lord:ar} e a )i Cabinet, t now call to mind." The writer goes on— "Of personal guarantees as demanded from, and g ive'• by, the Nike of Wellington to you, you did not say or' word."—[Loud cheers followed the reading of this passat This sentiment, if it hail been uttered—or any thing s it—must have been heard, but the Rev. Gentleman, wi Zu stood beside me, is perfectly unconscious of any such do - claration having been made. The circumstance is f.Pks tainly deserving of the attention of the House % What sz i , Mr. Shepherd ? " Of personal guarantees, as demanded from, and tiven by the Duke of Wellington to you, you did not say one word. Accordingly, in my reply to your speech, the es sence of what I said was expressive of a doubt as to whether the construction of the Cabinet was such as to ,nable you to find support for your liberal views."' This is the opinion of a competent, and assuredly not (ir. c v favour) prejudiced witness.' His letter fully acquaint.. me of having used the alleged term in the sense 111eged.— (frear.)—Heaven knows how much I have suffered unde , the imputation. I trust the House will consider my ex, culpation complete.—(Hear.)—The letter does not. cup elude here, and I believe I had hotter read the remaiode• I it, it goes on to say— " Peihaps before you receive this, you may h.ave auntlet through the House of Commons."._(' laughter.) " If this letter can be of any service to yi disposal, Ministers have sufficient to ans. being inconvenienced by the errors of press."—(Laughter.) run the Hear, and J'a j it is at your 4 ,/tr for, without d'Ae gentlemen of the " Your obey at of the ,,p. H s o . n_. lantdaktenu'feo:l et t . l;i ii ern l shall read . for the benef i t it td(a o en onos.u ' i a ,gt, n —ch. t .a , (ma hoc l t a v u il g l h i ,, ie There is a postscript w): .4 . i., "W. SHEPHERD." c G ommunicate the conterA of 'i v : some cowmen tl tt7e, rr , .• but that bu t‘ • e, • he notproceed - ..,. . . stir point may ;rounds, i wr, h letter to hir.n."—(Laughter.) lam quite ready (continued the Right 1-i noses ,,, ~ tary, making a motion to hand the lette r " a -' - 7- 6 em - • to o , ei , the Reverend writer's inir 'to Mr. , 1 1 ,on g ..h ara ) Mr, HROUGHAM—It is `actions In tA. ° respect. quite unneco,:aary 'hel l4- ' tli n Gentleman' . ~g.n o . ---I accept .. s personal guarantee.—.(A laugh, ) Mr. Secretary N - e T e/SKISSON—I trust, Sir, I - hear no more ar ...cer to-night of subject in relation t „ which I ha - _,e been clearly misrepresented. Ravin; • stated thus - .ouch on the subject of a mistaken word, and - mat have been made of it, I am ready to 0w... re: the uses irly, that with respect to political principles, a r o , ' -o the ;rowing out of them from the very fei_ / bev.. measures .. been under no great apprehension that we ( 1 -* m , ," e ~ ' .,is . ajesty s existing Go vernment) are very likely to ',offer among ourselves. Gm i tletuen talk of the mea'iires and principles connected with our foreign aid kneotic t,44 ; but these matters are nor unfrequently made the subjects of much loose and vague declamation, T acknowledge that there are certain mea • a ilognratinit: sures and principles in relation to which it is neoemary— , :,:-..solutely necessary —to, have an understanding, or it impossible for a Cal :Met to agree. But it appear, to me, that if a fair and distinct understanding subsist between the i , , nembeet of a Government, as to gene:ai principles, that is ufllcient. Sir, I do not know what people mean bc , talking of the principles of our domestic and foreign poliev except in so fax as th.t application of principb;: relates to meaaw-s tQ to adopted in regard to foreieu and domestic affairs. Of the principles we never lose -sight ; but their application must mainly, if it dves not entirely, depend on the nature of particular cir cumstance; and events, if I se as be allowed tt, illus.. tratz the point by a reftircnice to subjects which I introduced I'u the course of my speech at Liverpool, I will say that the expedition to Portugal in the last vat:, and our recent iuterfereoce in the affairs of Greece, form parts of out foreign policy during the last IS months ; and grow not so much out of any geneer.l system, as they proceed from the effect of necessit:y operating under particular circum stances. With. respect to measures of domestic policy, I will to .c the question of the silk trade. 1n reference to it that branch of our manufacture, I thoe ,ght it desirable to, assimilate its rate:ll6°n to the condition of the other great branches a our trade. That was, the application of a ge , Ineral principl e t o a particular ca', e ; b u t tlat Bon. Gentle men (M e ss rs . . Williams arid Ellice) /ate M em b ers f or Lincoln and Cov e nt r y, b u t not now ia the Nouse, o pposed Ithe applicatio n o f a p r i nc i p l e ( f rom wh i ch, I believe, they were not averse i n th e ma i n ) i n t hi s part i cular i nstance. -- The Hon. Menabers, as I. have already said, did not oppose the general prirgii-Je, but its peculiar application as it re., garded the silk trade. They not only considered the prin_ ciple rxiand, but the measure in qt;estion judicious, it ap.. plied at a proper time. However, they contended that I that was not the time far its introduction and application, The application, of general principles, then, can l only rn tae , their ape cation at the proper time, 1n . .... , refe 'epee to the t‘ hen I s -that existing eircu.msttuices of the country. 40. . ay, are t the general, principles of our policyllost, altered, I may he allowed to refer to w Noble F r i end, at the hat We head of th e C a bi ne t, has said., . 'n another place. Other .1 - ments • I trust have quoted -;.- 4C . " , ust i also may he m e Noble Duke s a -- permitted to do so. be '--'---- „ it cawAo.:4 of pourse, forgotten, that / was a Aferi ber oft. Lord Liverpoor3 Cabinet, and that, in being so, I the g reater part of in . was a party tomeasures upon cr'nict, wet the h ! the it proposed to vim' . ' u_s::l,..-ss (lithe present Admini stration ; that I concarrf4 in those measures, and that, with others, -1 shar equally T . . e their full responsibilitN. How then, c ould -I, ethos the the least show of consistency—the .11 • g m e lt regard for cha racter, depart from the maintenance And P wseeutinu of measure-, to which I already stoat': pledged." , sir, in thes , ,. s,y o - $ .4. 4 I find a guarantee (if there were none eiseWl ' 4 Te) of the Noble Duk e ' s i n t ent i on to maintain the eutab3ised principles of our domestic and foreign po licy. T 11,3 Noble Duke supported the expedition to Po.- tu Pli and his signature is attached to the Protocol drays . r, up at St. Petershurgk, on the subject of Greece. That Protocol bears his name, and involves his assent to our po licy in relation to- the matter referred to, independently of the Noble Duke's verbal declaration to the sam e effect. Attempts have been made to insinuate the connection of the Noble Duke with the narrow and bigotted policy of . other Courts than our own, and to identify him with all that is reprehensible in the bad faith an d i ns i ncer ity of foreign politician,. In answer to these i m putations, 1 refer the Noble Duke's calumniators to his own declaration s and acts. These af ford the best tests of his real views and principles. Sir, it is impossible to attack the principles of the present Admi nistration, without at the :',sin e time aspersing this cha racter and measures of the late Administrations. I again refer to the conduct of the Noble Duke now at the head ot ::~~: :.. ' colt ~M