The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-29 00:00:00

,VENINci 1.1 DIT lON insp - va ,:tdr-stions, which seemed conclusive against hi a:gument, and thess stfuestio:ns'Were, that if thi: were true if a Government were capable o' administering the affairs of the country with out demanding the legislative confidence o; the Parliament, whether they would not ar rive at these two conclusions first, that it war next to impossible to turn out any Government at all, and that it was next to impossible to pro ceed with the Governm-trt of the country ? If he was not wrong, the principal of those precedents which refer- to the present case were those of Mr. Pitt, during his warfare Administration, and that of his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Tamworth, during the six woeks in which he was defeated in that House. But there was this difference between those and the present case; those questions were solely questions of party, and were carried by pr.rty spirit ; the questions then were, not 'whether suet.' and such questions should be carried, but - whether the Government should be confided to certain men He was so'..ry that he did not see the Noble Lord the 1 ITt3mber for Lincolnshire in his place, for he wish tell him how inconsistent it was in him to voiP, "• no con Adence" in the Ministers on one night, and vote ...confidence in them a few nights after. That - was sot the way in which the question would .be looked at by the constituencies of England. They were now in a dead fix— (Loud laughter) — they were in a dead lock, and was that a fit state of things for a great country like this ? It appeared to him that something should be done at the present important juncture. It was said that in their Administrative functions there was .no di 'Ludt to be foun.l with the present Government, and that was only t& their legislative measures that objec t .on could be taken. He would remind the House. owever, of the conduct of the Government with re- - - - g ird to th e measure of the Noble Lord the Member f F North Lancashire, for the amendment of the system of registration in Ireland. They did not come forward to . Co-opera:4e in the good work—they did not take objec tio a to ig,s details, but they threw the whole weight of thi it jr.thtence into the scale to throw out the Bill, al- tb ,t'fr,A they must have been aware that there was no pos ity of their new measure being carried. They ere at present in a terrible crisis ; but that crisis had been thl work of Ministers themselves. It was at the very time when they might expect a sufficient supply of sugar from our own colonies that the Government came down and put the whole question of negro emancipation in peril. It was in like manner, atter sthe country was subsiding into . habits of peaceful industry, that the nation was to be agitated by a discussion of the Corn-laws. At a public meeting the other day he had heard it stated by a gentleman who had attended that meetin, that he rejoiced at the difficulties in which her Majesty's Ministers were placed, because the deficiency m the revenue, and the difficulties with which they were sur rounded, were the means of causing them to bring for ward the great question of the Corn-laws. He did not doubt that if her Majesty's Ministers had gone on as they had dime there would still be found men who would he glad of the difficulties in which the Ministry was placed. He thought that by a more cautious line of policy she deficiency in the revenue which had taken place - .night have been avoided. The Ministry being ti'is difficulty - they had thrown down tho question -of '-he Corn-laws, and if ever there was a question tisat demanded the calm consideration of the House and the country, it was that question, and upon the agitatioa of it, the Ministry depended to retain their seats. Ha would venture to say that the Noble Lord on this ques tion was meeting the country under false pretences. The Ministry was raising the cry of the alteration of the Corn-laws, which alteration they never intended to carry into effect It was said that the side of the House on which he Viet were afraid of the dissolution. They were afraid of it for the sake of the people, not for the sake of themselves. He would not say that this question would not be carried, but if it were carried, it would be by 'agitation and agitation alone. If lie could he persuaded that an alteration ot •the Cora-laws would set matters right, and would re, solve the great question of the famine or the sustenance of the people, - he, as a landlord, would be too glad to sacrifice some of the income he deceived, -in or .ler to effect so great a good. If his Right Hon. friend, the Member for Tamworth, when he crossed over to the benches on the other side of the House, which he soon would do—(Laughter)--could not carry forwdrd :a . e tsurz!s which he conceived to be for the good of the people, he would not remain there, but would send the present Ministers back again. —(Hear, hear.) The great .constitutional question must be • decided, whether the 11hiistry were to be defeated, or whether they were to . remain in power, the contempt and ridicule of the world. He would not say what a Conservative Government would do, but he would state what it would not do ; it would net lay the train of agitation.—(Great cheering.) In conclusion, he begged to say that he cordially sup ported the motion of his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Tarnworth. Mr. SAN'FORD opposed the motion. The Right Hon. nftronei; the Member for Tamworth - had screwed his eourtgs to the sticking point, and brought them at last to a real stand-up fight. The present question was not whether there was a want of confidence in her Ma jesty's Ministers, but whether that confidence should be transferred to the Right Hon. Baronet. For his own part, he must say, looking at the course of policy the Might Hon. Gentleman had pursued, that he could lace a'lo confideneein him. Should they do so because ot his conduct in 1829, when he so suddenly changed his prin espies upua the Catholic ,question. ? The Right Hon. I 7.lrironet, asking, e.:.; he did, for so high an honour as the Pretnlcrship, ought to speak out plainly, and tell the country what were his principles, and how he would govern tile country. When the measures of the Government were looked at without any tinge of party spirit, it would be found that more real legislation had been done during the last ten . years than in any previous period of the same length. lie would not vote for the motion, because he would think it not a veto of no confidence in the Government, but a vote of confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet. I. DARBY Would not follow the Hon. Member -who had just spoken, but would confine himself to prov ince the fallacy of some of the arguments of the Right Gentleman the Secretary at War. He stated that • the resolution of the Right lion. Baronet was*dan gerot:3 because the Opposition could not form a strong Government. But why not ? Look at the way in which the people had withdrawn their confidence from the Government. In 1333 the majority was 400 ; next year it was 300 ;—in 1836 it had fallen to 50 ; in 1837 au:l 1833 it was 30 ; in 1839 it had fallen to 10 ; while in 1340, out of eleven divisions, which they called great party divisions, they were beat in eight of - them.—(Loud cheers.) Ail this proved to him that the Right Hon.l3a - ronet the Member tor Tamworth was justified in bringing forward the motion, and that he had a good prospect of forming a strong Government. His opinion was that if the Gove.rament went to the country upon their Budget, with all their agitation, they would find not Peel martyrs _but :Russell martyrs.--(Cheers.) The policy of the Go vern ent war, the author of all the Chartism which they had ; they had sown the wind, did they expect they we-,:e not to reap the whirlwind ? They for party pur poses had excited the people, they had promoted those who misled them, and having been obliged to punish thorn for their disturbances, the people calling them selves Chartists were disgusted with .their peddling policy, and gave their unsolicited support to the Con servatives. Were they to blame for that ? No, the' Government had themselves to blame ; they ha sire- first excited the people. They had pre pv,;,ed fearful weapons of agitation, and they must not • hi surprised if other parties took to the same means ; but the clone would be responsible to their Sovereign and the , country if tumults arose, if such should be the re -1..t of their misleading the people. Suppose the Noble ii..a'd were to succeed, was he prepared to quell the tu- I siah - , and make it recede to any point he pleased ? But if he failed, as fail he must, the Right Hon. Secretary a ts ',Val- acknowledged they had been humiliated during t last two wars ; but, if they now failed, that hums -1 sit'on woula be immensely increased, for they would I Lave to resign their offices in the face of an insulted peo -ple whom tlieyhad grossly misled. If the Noble Lord die ;Dived,. as he supposed he intended, he (Mr. Darby) weiild look with fearful apprehension at the difficulties in which the country would be placed. For his own . part "he had always denounced agitation, and he would _continue to -do so, for he thought it sves -unstatestnan-like to resort to such a trick. The Go vernment could not go on—the business of the House and of the . country was stopped. They were without finances. In 1784 Mr. Erskine deprecated a dissolution under such circumstances, but the same party to which he belonged were now about to take that step, when the - country was in much more difficulty than it was then. In his opinion they were wholly unfit to carry on the Government of the country ; he would therefore give his unhesitating t to the motion of the Right Hon. suppor_ Baronet. Mr. HUTTON said i t sat down, had greatly m shteak Hon.e h i e i r e es m u b l e t r o w f la th o e h p a i c - l e j se u n st t pronouncebrough brought i for wardts agitation. It would be for the opinion upon the*counhtrYd been t, for the relief of the distress at 'measures which a by the Government, great an extent. He did not prezent prevailing to so think that distress had een overstated, but he rose Government principally for the purpose of expressing his gratitude for the benefits conferred 'by the present upon the people of Ireland, which i had produced an un heard of tranquillity and repose n th a t country. The Right. Hon. Baronet had studiously refrained from alludiaq to the state of I lan re , d and he feared that he would in u l th a t coun t r y one of the greatest obstacles in the-way of his carrying on the business of the coun try. It had been stated by the Chancellor of the Exche quer, that a great d e fi c i ency h a d b een caused in the, re venue by the recent efforts' that had been made in Ireland . toshake off a most oppre ss i ve v ice. He was gratified that so flattering a picture had been drawn of that coun try, but he would remind the House that the deficiency I.vrtich had been caused by the reduction in the quantity of spirits consumed in Ireland could be amply supplied by the increased consumption of sugar, tea, and coffee, if 114 n. Members on the other side of the house would only allow them to have those commodities at a mode rate price. The Bill which had been introduced by the .. Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, for the amendment of the Registration of Voters in Ireland, and the . provisions of that Bill, would give the people of that country a foretaste of what they had to expect from the Noble Lord. when he became a member of the Go vernment. . From all he had seen of the policy of the Noble Lord, and of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, he was satisfied that they would never give satisfaction to the people of Ireland; and on these grounds he should ive his decided opposition to the motion of the Right Eke:Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) 1.4, ;at NORREYS said the present Government had vio lated every principle on which it had set out. They called themselves the friends of peace, retrenchment, and reform. With regard to the question of peace, had they not involved the country in war, during the last year, in more than one quarter? And as regarded retrenchment, had they not seen th e Eichuv or waling Right Hon. the Chancellor of the down to the Lime, on more than one . . , occasion, to demand increased votes of the public motley? —(Hear, hear.) As regarded reform, also, were they not every day bringing . forward propositions for new changes and alterations in the Constitution of the coun try? Had they not embarrassed and interfered with the trade and commerce 'of the country, by bringing for ward measures calculated to unsettle them, but which they could not hope to carry into effect? Why had not the Government imitated the manly and independent policy of Lord Grey, who, when he found a small majority against him, had by next day resigned office.—(Hear, hear.) He need not remind the House of the policy which the present Government had pursued with regard to Ireland. Had they not seen the laws set at defiance in that country, and trial by jury rendered a complete mockery.—(Hear, hear.) He should like to know what the present Government meant to do when they were defeated, as they most assuredly would be, on the question of the Corn-laws ? Would they re sign office, or would they continue to struggle on, con tent to wield the patronage, without the powers of office? —(Hear, hear.) It appeared to him that the present Government had completely lost the confidence of that House and the country,—that they had violated their pledges and their professions ; and on these grounds he should vote for the resolution of his Right Hon. Friend Mr. H. GRATTAN complained of the silence of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth on the subject of Ireland and the distresses of the people. These were the points on which he felt the greatest deli cacy in touching, because they were those on which he was most vulnerable. He had heard a great deal of " a weak Government" and " a contemptible Government," but he could assure them that they were terms which the people of England would bear in mind.—(Hear, hear.) What was the cause of the difficulties in which the country was at present placed ? Why, that other countries had heads and hands as well as themselves — that they were able to compete with them in manufac tures, and that they would not take the commodities of England unless the people of England would take their produce in return. To secure that most essential point, the Government had brought forward its present propo sitions, and he had no doubt, whatever might be their fate in the present House of Commons, they would re ceive the sanction and approval of the country generally. He would now allude to his own country. The Right Hon. Baronet had said Ministers had not the support of the people, but when he said so the Right Hon. Baronet did not take into consideration the eight millions of the Irish people who supported the Government. The Right Hon. Baronet in his speech used these words— , " I propose nothing. I reserve my opinion." Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he used those words with respect to matters of finance. Mr. GRATTAN went on to say that the Right Hon. Baronet had not taken into account, when talking of the people of this empire, the population of Ireland, by whose means he was turned out of office when his foot was at the threshold of the bed-chamber. He (3!_r, Grattan) thought that Right Hon. Gentlemen totally and absolutely unfit to direct the affairs of this great empire. He (Sir Robert Peal) was not present*Vhen the Hon. Member for Pontefract (Mr. Milnes) -said that'if the Right Hon. Baronet got into power, they would have a strong Government, a phrase which fell upon his (Mr. Grattan's) ear with peculiar horror. They had stroll.. Ministries before in Ireland, but those strong Ministries cost them an insurrection in that country, and a union ; when, then, they spoke of a strong Ministry, it created horror in the minds of Irish men, because they dreaded as well as detested it. The Right Hon. Baronet and his adherents provided nothing for the comfort or benefit of the poor manufacturer or consumer, who could neither breakfast, dine, nor sup. without having before him the proofs of the indifference or the contempt for his wants which that party entertained. They called the Irish people an ignorant rabble, emancipated cowards—such were the terms they applied to a people towards w'hom they now observed a most ominous silence—a silence which was the more unbecoming the Right Hon. Baronet, as he was looked upon by that people with peculiar suspicion. A clause had been in troduced into a particular Bill for the purpose of excluding the Right Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets (Dr. Lushington) from that House, and in another Bill a clause was inserted for the sole purpose of en abling the Hon. Gentleman the Recorder of Dublin to have a seat in this House • and yet both Hon. Gentlemen were subject to the same Objection, that of filling a judi cial office. How different a course was pursued to conci liate the affections of the people of Ireland by the Mem bers of the present Government? The Marquis or Nor manby acted in a manner which not only secured the good will of the Irish people but produced the greatest content throughout the country. If the Right Hon. Ba ronet got into power what would he do with the Hon. and Gallant Member for Sligo (Col. Perceval) ? what would he do with the sly and insidious Member for the University of Dublin (Mr. Shaw)? what would he do with the active and energetic Member for Bandon (Mr. Sergeant Jack son) ? or with the ferocious phraseologist the Hon. Mem ber for Coleraine (Mr. Litton) ? The Right Hon. Ba ronet was so checkmated by • these Honourable and Learned Gentlemen that he really knew not what to do.—(Hear.) As an honest man he (Mr. Grattan) could but lift up his voice against the shameful practices which took place at the late elections for Ludlow, and Cambridge, and Sandwich, where 5/. was commonly given for a vote, or at Nottingham, where 151. was given for votes, and where if, any individual had come forward, and given more than 15/. for a vote, he would have ob tained the assistance of the Chartists, and would have been elected, instead of the present Hon. Member. In Liverpool they built up a wall with a hole in it, into which the five fingers yiere thrust, when it was meant to give five • guineas for a vote, and the ten fingers, when ten guineas were meant. He wished to ask the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Sandon) if he was not aware of such being the fact ? Lord SANDON—No, no. Mr. GRATTAN—Did the Noble Lord mean to say the fact was not so, or that he was not aware of its existence? In Ireland, the land they so stigmatized, he (Mr. Grattan) never in the course of his experience knew of bribery having occurred ; but the Hon. Baronet obtained his majorities in that House ; by such elections in England as he (\lr. Grattan) just alluded to. The correspon dence, too, which had lately been published relative to the Ipswich election, where Sir J. Cochrane, on refusing to give as much as was necessary to keep a Whig or Radical out of the field-2,0001. was the sum named—was given to understand that he could not receive the sup port of the Conservatives ; that correspondence showed how the majorities on the other side were obtained. When Hon. Gentlemen opposite held the reins of office, they were defeated on all diplomatic occasions. They beat France in the field, but France beat them in the Cabinet. It was reserved to the Noble Lord (Lord Pal merston) only to defeat them in the Cabinet.—(Cheers.) They should rise and do homage to the superior genius of the Noble Lord. They were fond of talking of a strong Government for Ireland, but, from the bottom of his heart, he warned them to avoid what they called a strong Government. He would not take the character of the Government from those on the opposite benches ; he would appeal for it to his countrymen. They (the Opposition) were silent as to their future policy to wards his country. They said indeed they should be mad to repeal the Emancipation Act, but a Noble Lord once said he should be mad to become a Minister, and yet became a Minister. The people of England were crying for cheap bread and cheap sugar, but the people of Ireland asked for what was dearer to them than cheap bread and cheap sugar—the liberties and rights which it was 'threatened to take from them. He said the people of Ireland would not trust to them, and in proof of it he would read their address to the Queen. — t (The Hon. Gentleman read the address.) Were those statements true or were they not ? Let Ministers put themselves on God and their country, and see whether the issue would not decide in favour of those in whom the people had found the best security for the throne and their own liberties.—(Cheers.) The domination of a tyrant, whether on these benches or those, might be more dangerous than that of a tyrant who sat upon a throne only to dis grace it. He repeated, he would not take the character of the Government from Hon. Gentlemen opposite. He would appeal to France for it. What did M. Berryer say of the Noble Lord (Palmerston) ? That he had not been a friend to France, but that he had extended the renown of Engle d from east to west, and from north to south, and had i; e her name respected throughout all the countries of the world ? There they sat, they had done honour to their country and to their Queen, and they had secured the liberties of the people ; they wanted to increase their comforts also, and he said when ever they fell they would fall like honest men. Lord TEIGNMOUTH could not consider the tone of the speeches of the Hon. Gentlemen as actuated by any thing but that party spirit which they generally as sumed in their addresses to that House. It showed that they felt that they had a sinking cause, which was not to be supported by argument. The Noble Lord op posite (Lord John Russell), was deserving of immortal honour for certain measures which lie had adopted in sohufapdpothretmoafdpetooheria.lEastr Sessionias Church in the alteration in for th O the nobl p e rin s . ta lege nd a h o o f that House, but this did not indicate that he enjoyed the confidence of the H ouse; it in licated nothing more than that he was not met b y a factious opposition.'The Right Hon. Gentlemen h a d sa i d they were not states men, but could anything be more nnstatesmanlike than not to judge of the conduct of the Government by their par ticular measures? But had the measures of the Noble Lord been met by the confidence of the House ? Had they forgotten the appropriation clause ? The merit of the Government in Ireland was to be attributed to the opposition in that House. Then on the late debate, how had the House exhibited its confidence ? The effect of the Noble Lord's speech on that occasion was to prevent all fair consideration of the question. The Noble Lord was then brought to this question, and then he intended to bring forward the question of the Corn-laws. Suppose he did and it succeeded, he asked if that would meet the deficiencies of the country? The only other points he would advert to were two questions affecting the prero gative of the Crown, first, that of the annuity of Pri nce Albert, and the other the recent motion for the discharge of political offenders, and on both those ques tions how had the House manifested its confidence ? The Ministry could not properly be said to have the con fidence of the Hou se, even thou g h the division in the present instance were not unfavourable to them ; for their majority was formed points of Members of policy..emberswh T who differed was dfrom them on many important a critical moment fo r En g land ; one p for the mainten ance and the other ofh) was ar f ty iti the t o h l e ,er l t t r u o s w e of the Constitutio n. But he (Lord Teignmout to the ultimate ded that there coul d be no doubt a.s persuaded was h e a s c o o u n n e t r o y would take up the questio n f o the g triumph of sound and constitutional tion i3 al u tae d th tl et es. ,no T t Ministers. He confidence which` which could be reposed i n ite the Member corn, timber, or sugar, but as a question involving e lieved that the lion. Gentleman oppos , for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley), classes, He had himself w ho took so great an int erest in all matters which related to the industrious often mistook their wishes and interests. e. that they hers of that deputation had all told .him lately received a deputation of Ch artists, and the mem- Mferred 4 Tory to a Whig Administration, inasmuch as the Conservative party would not, at all events, de .ude the country with false promises. He had before given his vote against the Ministry on a motion similar to the present ; and as that was the last time he might have an opportunity of addressing the House, he had nc hesitation in saying that he felt himself bound to give a similar vote now on the motion of the Right Hon. Ba ronet the Member for Tamworth. He would retire from the House with a deep - conviction, and a sanguine hope that the dynasty of the Noble Lord opposite was near about to draw to a conclusion.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. INGHAM said that however much he might have, agreed in the general policy of the Right Hon. Ba ronet the Member for Tamworth, he felt himself unable to vote with him on that occasion.----(Hear, from the Mini sterial Benches.) He understood the cheers of Hon. Gen tlemen opposite, but he feared he would not equally meet their approbation on all the grounds which influenced his vote upon the subject. A Member like him, not belong- ing exclusively to any party, must look to the merits of any proposition on which he may be called to ex press an opinion. —(Hear, hear.) If he thought that the Government, after their recent defeats were determined on continuing in office without appealing to the country, he should certainly vote without hesitation for the pro position of the Right Hon. Baronet. But the members of the Government had expressed, if not in works, at least by implication, that it was their intention, after they had submitted the entire of their policy to the con sideration of Parliament, to appeal from the House to the people. Now, he could not say that a Minister en joying the confidence of the Crown, and finding himself opposed, even on important measures, to the sense of Parliament, should not have the right of appealing to the country.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.; He could not call it unconstitutional of a Government to state their sentiments to the House, and afterwards ap- peal to the elective body. He thought that the case of Mr. Pitt, to which the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, had referred so ingeniously, did not bear him out in his resolution; and for his (Mr. Ingham's) part, he looked on the conduct of Mr. Pitt as an in stance of a heroic determination to stand by the Crown, and afterwards ask for the approval of the j country. He could not say the course about to be pursued by the Government was unconstitutional, although he felt that if they were to dissolve Parliament, and to find public opinion arrayed against them, they would have a heavy responsibility to answer for.— (Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) No Govern ment, could now expect a preponderating ma jority in that House ; and, therefore, he did not think that a casual vote or two should compel them to resign office. His own opinion at the same time was that the Ministry would be disappointed in the expectations they entertained from an appeal to the country.—(Hear, hear.) He thought, too, that it would be wrong to dazzle the country with promises which it was not expected could be realized. These, however, were considerations for the Government in their future policy ; and he did not think that in the present instance they were pursuing a course which could be considered unconstitutional. He did wised to please the cracked-skull county of York. — ;Laughter.) For his own part, whenever he should be cane( spon to appear before that constituency he should not feat o meet them, or dread their displeasure, on account o: ',he part he had taken on the subject of slavery.— (Hear, hear.) While, however, he gave what he con sidered a just meed of praise to the Right lion. Bare let's speech, yet he could not carry further his comraen 'laden with respect to the resolution with which he con eluded; not that he (Lord M.) thought that the resolu tion could be charged with any thing approaching . to intemperance or passion, but he thought that its prin- Apal defects were a want of logical soundness, and that it would be wholly inefficacious for the objects it had in view. In fact, it seemed to him (Lord 111`.) to be thrown out as a sort of squib to amuse the great crowd of fol lowers of the Right Hon Baronet from more mis chievous and dangerous pastimes.—(Great laughter.) It seemed to be conceived very much in the spirit of compromise between two opposite currents of opinions and purposes, and it might have been devised by the art of which the Right Hon. Baronet was so great a master, rather more as an emollient than a sedative, in order f o let down the blood from fever heat. The question seemed to have been taken up in two points of view, first, that in which it had been presented by the Right Hon. Baronet—that which related to the spirit of the Constitution ; and next, in that which was its real and practical point of view. The Right Hon. Baronet said that the conduct of the Government, in retaining office, after so many Parliamentary defeats, was against the spirit of the Constitution. Now he (Lord M.) thought that on that point the Right Hon. Baronet had but qualified success.—(Hear, hear.) lie denied that the conduct of the Government was against the spirit of the Constitution.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He put out of view the defeats they had sustained previous to the late defeat on the Sugar Duties—(Hear, hear) — they might have been right or wrong in considering them not sufficient notices to quit, or a conclusive indi cation that they had lost the confidence of the House— (Laughter)—but what was the fact ? Why, in the last Session by a majority of 21, the House had declared that the present Ministry possessed the confidence of Par liament, after a long debate. They might have been wrong in retaining their seats after the number of de feats they had sustained ; but, on the other hand, was the Right Hon. Baronet right in going on with the Go vernment after he had sustained an equal number of de feats ? There was this difference, ho - .vever, in the de feats of the Government and the Right Hon. Baronet, that the latter had been unbroken by a single success, and it was to be remembered, too, that those defeats were concentrated within a period of three months.—(Hear.) His object in alluding to these bygone matters was neither to attack the Right Hon. Baronet, nor defend themselves.—(Laughter.) They had been reminded that upon a former occasion they had said they did not command the confidence of the House when they had a majority of five. Undoubtedly they had set that prece dent,—but Hon. Gentlemen opposite must at the same time remember that their own most distinguished , leader said he saw no reason for the resignation of Ministers, — so that, although they had set the precedent, they had not by so doing incurred the censure of the mostdistinguished leader of the Conservative party. He admitted that the late division on the sugar duties did so far alter the state of things as to make itself felt by every one that matters could not be allowed to continue as they were, — that, in the language of the resolution, the Government did not possess sufficient of the confidence of the House to enable them to pass their measures into laws.— (Cheers.) On that point, he was glad to say, they were quite agreed.—(Laughter.) No controversy could arise on that point. ' The question might then arise— " Why do you not resign?"—(Cheers.) The resolution seemed to censure them for keeping office, for even one hour after that division. But it had been shown that the case was not without a precedent—enough had been said about the case of Mr. Pitt, in 1784—he would only say that if the cases were not altogether analogous, they were so in this, that they (the Government) were op posed by a coalition between those who, during their whole previous life, had been most opposed to each other.—(Loud cheers.) It was said that they would act at variance to the spirit of the Constitution in dissolving a Parliament which had been summoned by themselves. But that was not the view of the Constitution which he took. The Parliament, although summoned by the Crown upon the advice of the Ministry, still, consti tutionally, the Parliament must be taken to be chosen by the people themselves.—(Hear. hear.) In a consti tutional point of view, it ought not to be fatal to the confidence placed in a Ministry that they remained in office after a hostile vote—or if it was to be so under one set of circumstances it must be so under another. He would for a moment allude to the dissolution of the Parliament by the Right Hon. Baronet in 1834 that was certainly a Parliament called into existence by his predecessors in office, but he (Lord M.) did not see that the Right Hon. Baronet had any grounds for resorting to that extreme expedient, unless they con tended that it was more important to test whether the country would have the Right Hon. Baronet for Prime Minister, or have a free commerce, with cheaper corn, cheaper sugar and timber in lieu of higher duties. — (Cheers.) After the Sugar Duties division it was made manifest thatit was impossible that the Government could goon with the present Parliament, that with it they could not complete any important measure; but he'could not for a moment allow that it was at all at variance with the spirit of the Constitution, it was not, in his opinion, at variance with the true meaning of the principle of the Constitution, that the Government should ascertain what the sense of the people was with regard to the measures which they deemed of importance enough to take that step upon. It would not be contended by any one op posite, that under any conceivable condition of affairs, the Ministers of the Crown, though defeated in Parlia ment, were not entitled, in the spirit of the Constitution to go on with the business of the Government so as to enable the Crown to appeal from the Parliament to the people. —(Cheers.) He did not think it could be said that any Ministry which had brought forward such important measures, thinking as they did that they would receive the warm support of the people, ought to be debarred from taking the sense of the country upon them. It was his lot to represent the largest constituent body in Cie empire, and within the last few days he had laid upon the table petitions signed by thousands, tens of thousands, and he believed he might carry it to hun dreds of thousands, from every branch of employment and every pursuit of industry, but chiefly connected with the woollen trade, which was the oldest staple trade of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He was far from wishing to impart exaggerated views of the existing distress—he did not wish to paint it in overelowing colours, or to seek to create agitation on the subject. The Right Hon. Baronet had given the same grave admonition upon the subject of agitation, and when they were thus admonished he turned from the lecture to the lecturer.—(Hear, hear.) He could not forget the great questions of Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform ; and when he looked at the result of these two great national movements, he could not help thinking that those who, to a certain extent, sympathised in the present propositions of the Government, should put themselves at the head of the popular agitation on the subject, and guide and master it, rather than permit it to exceed the limits of fair discussion.—(Cheers.) But to return to the petitions and to the representations he had received from quarters in which he could place the utmost reliance, these statements all went to shoW that business was hardly ever known to be in a state of such depression. Many employers were stationary —mills and manufactories were closed up, and a great portion of them were working half time, while vast numbers of hands were thrown out of work; and bad as that state of things were, there was no satisfactory glimpse of improvement for the future.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, Ministers brought forward proposi tions which, whether expedient or not, were calculated in their view greatly to remedy the existing evils. Par liament rejected, or showed unequivocal and unmistak able signs of rejecting these propositions. Now, he would ask was there anything at variance with the spirit of the Constitution, if Ministers, who thought they had right on their sides, whoknew they were called on by a large portion of the people to stand by these measures—(Cheers)--and there was reason to believe that to a great extent, they , would support these measures—was there anything at variance with the spirit of the Constitution, that Ministers being defeated in Par liament, should put their propositions upon an issue to the people, in a regular and authorised way.—( Hear, hear.) It was true that the Right Hon. Baronet after his defeat in 1835, resigned office, being in perfect possession of the confidence of the Crown, without resorting to a dissolution ; but he had one so a short time before, and that dissolution had been taken upon the precise issue of whether the House would entrust the government of the country to the Right Hon. Baronet and his friends—( Hear, hear)—and when Parliament had assembled and decided against his retention of office, his Noble Friend admitted that he had acted in the spirit of the Constitution, when he ascer- , tained that he was in a minority. And thus, after having ap pealed to the people upon the measures they now brought for ward, and finding themselves in a minority in the new Par liament, called together expressly in reference to those mea sures, they should then be subject to the reproach. and in that e case only would they b e li a bl e t o it, if, on finding themselves in a minority, they hesitated for a m o ment to resign the Government.—(Loud c h eers .) The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool said that they had shown no signs of intending to dissolve that after sustaining a decisi ve d e f eat t h e y appeared in their places, and made an annou ncement, as if t h e y wer e prepared to go on with the Parliamentary business already brought forward. But it must be notorious to every one that the state of the supplies did not warrant au instantaneous dissolution, and if they had come down and stated that they were about to punish Parliament for its vote by an immediate dissolution, be could imagine the outcry that would be raised against them, and it might be said with some show of justice, that they acted at variance witk' the spirit of the Constitution.—( Cheers.) He thought that to any fair and candid mind the announcement of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer that he meant to move the ordinary sugar duties, and theannouncement of his Noble Friend thathe meant to postpone the Peer-laws and other public measures, sufficiently indicated the course they meant to pursue.— ( Hear, hear.) Great stress had been laid upon the intimation they had given, that they mea nt to take a discu ssion u p on the Corn-laws. Upon that - subject, he would o nl y remark, that after the great weight, and the vast preponderance of interests which on both sides of the House, and in all arts of the coun try, was att ac h e d to the su bj ec t —when he knew that it was looked upon as forming the main and essential ingredient in the scheme they had brought forward, he did not think it was un reasonable to expect that before Parliament closed, and before they returned to their constituencies, at least an op portunity would be given to them of e nterin g into a regular discussion on the subject, and for making manifest their opi nion upon a matter of the most momentous importance to the to resort to'it, namely interests of the country, and of the raost immediate bearing upon the state of parties and the prospect of the empire. While on the subject of the dissolution, he must ,say that even independently of other considerations, his lion. Friend the Member for Shields had given astrong inducement to them of the men returned wOuld not be influenced by party heat and violence.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped he was right in this anti cipation, and he did not think the present House could be Freedom from party changed for the worse. —(Cheers.) the great probability that the majority heats was not the encomium which could be most justly pro nounced upon them. He would now address himself for_ a moment to the practical effect of the resolut i on of the Right Hon. Baronet. Whatever vote the House init come to pass upon su c h a reso l ut i on, su b m itting himself with deference to its high decision, he should wait with anxiety, but not, therefore, find himself at liberty to vote for the pro position of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. HUTT said that it was with great satisfaction he had heard the speech of his Hon. Friend.—(Hear, hear, and laughter on the Opposition benches.) He had often differed from his Hon. Friend ; but he was happy to know that he coincided in opinion with him on this most important motion of the Session. With respect to the resolution of the Right Honourable Baronet, he thought a sufficient answer - to it might be found in the notorious fact that Government, after having brought forward the measures which they deemed essen tial to the public service, were determined on appealing to the country. After being beaten fourteen times Mr. Pitt's appeal to the country was considered a sufficient justification of his course. If the present Government had in any degree lost the confidence of the public, it was because they had not brought forward those great measures of commercial reform which were opposed on the other side of the House. They were told that the monopolies under discussion were essential to the pro sperity of the country. It appeared, however, that there was a difference of opinion, even on the other side, in reference to these monopolies. From the latter part of the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet he was led to the opinion that the Right Hon. Baronet intended at some future period to propose a modification of commercial duties. He admired the talents of the Right Hon. Ba ronet ; but he could not help saying that he had been prevented by party connections from proposing . measures which, in reality, he thought would be beneficial to the country. He (Mr. Hutt) believed that the measures proposed by the Government were far more important to the social welfare of the country than any that had been proposed for centuries. Unrestricted commerce was the ancient policy of this country, and it might be expected to flourish in proportion as it returned to that policy._ . - _ _ -_ - . - Lord SANDON said that, however satisfied the Hon Gentleman might be, the House had shown that they dic not concur in the sentiments expressed by the preceding speaker.—(Hear, hear.) his Hon. Friend (Mr. Ingham, had shown throughout his address much of that subtlet3 of reasoning which he had displayed on former occasions admitting most fully that the Government were unable to carry measures which they considered essential to tlu welfare of the country, but justifying their retention o office by the uncertain result of a dissolution. He (Lon Sandon) had no hesitation as to the course which hi should pursue. He had a thorough want of con fidence in her Majesty's Ministers on almost every particular, but especially that at a time when commerce was confessedly labouring under great difficulties, they had brought forward measures which they never expected to.carry.—(Hear, hear.) This re mark applied both to sugar and to timber ; and with regard to corn, they had the confession of her Ma jesty's Ministers themselves, that when they proposed the measure they never expected to succeed.—(Hear, hear.) Was it common sense, or common honesty, to to embarrass the monetary and commercial affairs of the country, by throwing down this bone of contention among different classes, in the face of their own declara tion that such questions ought never to be mooted unless there was a prospect of success? If her Majesty's Mi nisters were not responsible for the debates which took place in that House, they were responsible for the de el J., • n of the Prime Minister ; and though that Prime kl tv. er had endeavoured to explain away his declara tion of last year, that it would be madness to touch the Corn-laws, there was another expression which could not be mistaken, that measures like these should not be proposed without a moral certainty of their being carried by the Government. That certainly did not exist with regard to the measures before the House ; and the Go vernment proposing them, under such circumstances, was, in his opinion, totally unfit to be entrusted with the management of the country. Even with regard to sugar, what reason • had they to suppose that the argument which was applied last year would fail to apply in the present year ? He had been taunted on the other side with respect to his conduct on this subject, and not having had an opportunity before he felt himself bound to take notice of those taunts. The Hon. Member for Edinburgh had, last night, taunted him with hypocrisy. Why was it hypocrisy in him to use this argument, and not hypocrisy in the other side last year ?—(Hear, hear.) An appeal to the miseries of the country would, last year, have formed a sufficient excuse, but it did not when the price of sugar was re duced to a considerable extent. He had been reminded of the expression of disapprobation of his conduct on the part of the Anti-Slavery Society. The first impression of that Society, as stated to the House by the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets, was against the pro posed measure. In the course of a few days there was an agitation amongst the supporters of her Majesty's Government, and then, for - the first time, they declared that the only way to extinguish slavery was to expose free labour sugar to the utmost amount of competition. He had also been taunted with the expression of the Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool. Now, what were the facts ? That Society had fallen al most to pieces, it being considered that there was no longer any occasion for its existence. But when it ap peared that her Majesty's Ministers attached great im portance to this question of sugar, a little knot of gentle men collected the friends of the Anti-Slavery Society, and in the name of that Society published their opinions. —(Hear, hear.) If such were the manner in which these measures were supported, it only showed how little importance was to be attached to it. A Birmingham paper that he had seen that morning would show that the feeling of the anti-slavery party was not universally in favour of the vernment measure. (The Noble Lord then read a leer to the editoi of the Standard, in a Birmingham new paper, signed " Charles Sturge," stating that he hi self was opposed to the Government proposition, a d that he was con vinced that if his brother, Mr. Joseph Sturge, were in England, he too would be strongly opposed to it.) Now what was the position of the present Government ? They had been dwindling in their numbers for session after session, in every successive election, which showed that they had lost the confidence of the country ; their majorities had progressively diminished ; out of twenty elections sixteen had terminated in favour of their oppo nents.--(Hear, hear.) It was idle to say that this was to be attributed to bribery and corruption. Had not corruption been resorted to by the partisans of the Go vernment ?—(Hear hear.) Had they forgotten St. Al ban's ?—(Chers from the Opposition benches.) Had they forgotten Newark ?—(Continued cheering.) Had they forgotten Nottingham ? Time after time had it been shown that where money could be used successfully there were no scruples in using it. The allegations of corrup tion on the part of their opponents might be true in some tthmeematahjorhistity they were d false. The Hon. Mem beralke of 5L in one place and cases,ls fonrhauWnt , could . not do o the ro w N l v ii n ch w i i t th w ou as t o ine ther, but he spoke only from common rumour. encroachment on the prerogative of t T h h e e ir Pdreutsye,nast Ministry Y rs to do—namely, restrain a single having the assistance of that side of the House. He had b on ee t n aga for in ce s d t into these remarks ey question . r by wh a t had I n b eent hro conclusion, wn he would say that the Government had only kept their places by throwing away, one after another, ever y prin ciple which they had hitherto professed. the slavery Lord MORPETH then rose to address the House. He should be the first both to appreciate and acknow ledge the tone of moderaton and temper in which the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet who had submitted this resolution to the House was conceived.—(Cheers.) But whether the speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down was conceived in the same vein, and exhibited the same quality—the same absence of personal imputation and party differences, the same willingness to do justice to political opponents and to acknowledge their merits he would leave to the House to judge.--(Hear, hear.) That Noble Lord had not confined - his imputations to the members of her Majesty's Government, but he had included in them many men, and bodies of men , through out the country, who had spent the greater part of their lives in long, devoted, and persevering exertions to strike off the last remnants of the fetters of slavery, while the Noble Lord himself was acting with many of those who had done their utmost to rivet those fetters more tightly. He recollected that the late gr. Cobbett used to say that the abolition of slavery Cry had been THl4_ 9 . SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 29, 1941. he hoped with calmness, the confirmation it would receive at' the bar of public opinion.—(Loud cheers.) What was the immediate cause of the dispute that had lately arisen in the House ? The Noble Lord had reproached them with the time bringing forward these meanires; but what were the circum stances under which they had done so ? There was a consider able deficiency in the public revenue of the country. As the the deficiency did exist, it must be dealt with ; then the course which Ministers had taken was, instead of proposing tempo rary assistance by a loan—instead of, as they did in the first instance last year, endeavouring to impose fresh burdens on the struggling industry of the country, they proposed to recruit the public coffers by relaxing the restrictions on the suffering poor, and by increasing the necessaries and comforts of life for the people, whom he hoped the House would not consider as being animated with mere animal wants. To increase the command of tho people over the necessaries of life—that was their scheme—that was their defined and previously-avowed object. What, he would ask, was theirs (the opposition)? They (the Conservatives) had not thrown any further light, in the course of the present debate than in the last one, on what they thought it necessary to do. When the Right Hon. Baronet seemed to treat the House with thegreatest frankness, he only left them more in the dark than ever. Amongst the industrious classes the greatest distress prevailed, and such a state of things must be met by those who proposed to rule the destinies of the coun try. What was the sum and substance of what the opposite party stated ?—That they would not in the course of next year consent to the introduction of foreign sugar ; that they would not touch on the timber duties until they were become better acquainted with the despatches of the Governor-General of Canada—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition. ) that they would adhere to the sliding scale of of duties labitur et labetur in omne volubilis cevum.—(Loud cheex s.) The present was the first time when they heard of any great party attempting to seize the reins of power, not by the avowal of any fixed priniples. or any defined measures or ascertained purpose, but by resting on the persevering du plicity of their leaders.—( Cheers.) What was the actual source of dispute and conflict between the two parties and the courses of policy which were now making an appeal to the de cision of Parliament and the public. There was no part of the general policy of the present Government, as it appeared by the state of things in this country, of which, if a chal lenge had been thrown down, he (Lord Morpeth) would have shrunk from the fullest inquiry before the people of this country. With respect to the dependencies of the em pire he could triumphantly refer to the results of the manage ment of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies. He could point to the islands and continents of the southern seas, teeming full with the seeds of future civilisation and order. " I feel equally proud," continued the Noble Lord, " when I turn to the department of my Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to whom in the course of this debate well-merited testi- mony was borne, as one who had caused the flag of England to float triumphantly on coasts where it had not been planted before ( Hear, hear, and cheers) I would point to the peace of Europe, which, though menaced to the utmost, yet remains untouched. With respect to the internal government of Great Britain testimony has been lately borne to the cessation of all insurrectionary movements. With respect to Ireland, that is a topic on which I will not enlarge, because it is natural that I should feel a stronger temptation to do so than on any other subject. Com plete internal tranquillity—cessation from all tumult and dis. order, and all the blessings of temperance prevail in that country. Power may pass away from our (the Ministers) hands.--(Hear, hear.) If it did, I wish from my heart that it may prosper in yours (the Conservatives), and let the boast be ours (the Ministers), that we have led to more brilliant views, and more extended advan tages. With these feelings, I hope that those who have hitherto supported and sustained our efforts, will give to the censure contained in the resolution of the Right Hon. Ba ronet, their decided negative."—(Cheers.) Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Noble Lord who had just sat down said that power might pass from their hands. Their (the Conservatives) allegation was, that it had long since passed from their hands. The Noble Lord was kind enough to wish that power might prosper in their hands. Ho (Sir J. Graham) thought that if some of that self-gratulation with which the Noble Lord concluded his speech, did not prevent his being just and generous, it would lead him to believe that the country thought that power might be entrusted in their (the Conservatives) hands.—(Hear.) He knew not what was the meaning of the tone of triumph on the subject of the foreign policy of this country. What was that note of triu m ph, for instance, as regarded China.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) He had yet to learn that our successes in that quarter had been signal. It was unfortunate that they knew little in detail with regard to any portion of the foreign policy of the Government. With respect to China, they had still to learn the brilliant success which had crowned the efforts of this country. Did the Ministry pride themselves on the taking of Chusan amidst scenes memorable :or their connection with the opium trade? Or on the withdrawal of our naval forces? or on the subsequent negotiations, while the British Plenipot en tiary was for years left without instructions, and who at last, acting on his instructions, had been recalled and disavowed by the Government?—(Opposition cheers.) In a word until he saw the debt due by the Government to the East India Company for that expedition paid off—until he knew that the 2,000,000/. surrendered to the Chinese Government had been restored— , until he knew that the assurance held out by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs as to the objects of that expe dition had been realised—until indemnity for the past and security for the future had been gained by some new expedi tion, he would retain his former opinion, and he would venture to express his belief that the war with China was a great calamity. --( Hear.) He believed it was the opinion of Napoleon that a war with China would be one of the most detrimental events to the greatness of England, and to the security of her Indian empire ; and he ( Sir J. Graham) would, therefore, still maintain that the war with China was one in which success would be attended with no glory, and in which a failure would be the heaviest misfortune that had ever befallen this country. —(Opposition cheers.) He would now apply himself more immediately to the subject-matter under consideration. The Noble Lord (Lord Morpeth), at the commencement of his speech, said that he should put. out of view all the defeats of the Government before the introduction of the present budget. A very convenient course for the Noble Lord ! but one which, in justice to the motion of his (Sir J. Graham's) Right Hon. Friend, it was impossible for him to pursue.— (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre tary-at- War, in arguing the question last night, had justly observed that the motion embraced two propositions ; the first of which was the statement of a fact, and the second the inference to be drawn from that fact. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in arguing the question, found it convenient to invert the natural order of the argument, by dealing first with the latter proposition ; and he expressed his astonishment that his (Sir James Graham's) Right Honourable Friend should have advanced, in this in stance, a principle of general application. So far, however, was that from being the principle of the motion, that it was entirely drawn from a statement of a case special in itself, and which case was strictly defined and limited by the fact alleged in the major proposition. That fact was not a single isolated defeat, which rendered it the duty of the Government to resign, but the allegation was that her Majesty's present advisers did not sufficiently possess the confidence of - the House to enable them to carry, not one or two, but a succession of measures, which they deemed indispensable for the welfare of the State. —( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman in arguing the case from analogy took a single instance of defeat in a long train of administration by Mr. Pitt, and referred to the example of Lord Liverpool, who had been defeated on the property tax. But those were the defeats of Administrations which in general pos sessed the confidence of both Houses of Parliament, and which had succeeded in carrying the measures which they believed to be conducive to the public good. He entreated them to con'ras these cases with the state of affairs wi.h which they were th ;n dealing. What he alleged was, that her Majesty's present ad visers had, in their own Parliament. from the commencement up to the present hour, experienced a series of defeats or corn ' premises, arising out of conscious weakness, and adopted against their own judgment, or altered in defiance of their former opi nions, not in consequence of any ostensible reason, except the pressure of the party opposed to them in Parliament. Really if he looked back to the measures which the Govern ment had carried in the present Parliament, he could not mention a single ono which had been passed without . se concurrence of their political opponent s.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Control enumerated certain measures on which he plumed himself as proofs of the administrative powers of the Ministry. He would begin with the English Municipal Bill. But that measure had been introduced by Lord Grey's Government, and it was a measure to which:his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) and himself were parties, and be was not aware that it had re ceived any opposition from those Hon. Gentlemen with whom they now acted. Upon the second reading the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth supported its principle. The next measure was the English Tithe Commutation Act. But what was the origin of that Bill? During the time the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamworth was at the head of affairs, he had introduced an English Tithe Commutation Bill, and that Bill was the ground-work of the measure subsequently passed by the present Government.—(Hear, and criee of " No, no.") He contended that it was the stock upon which the measure of the Government was grafted ; although they were not identical in their details, as the Bill of his Right Hon. Friend did not sanction the compulsory process. The next measure which he would refer to was the Irish Tithe Bill ; but the real author of that Bill was his Noble Friend the Member for North Lancashire. The Bill was first introduced, he believed, by his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Launceston (Sir H. Hardinge) when Secretary for Ireland. A memorable dispute avose with respect to that measure. Her Majesty's present Ministers, then in op pcsition, passed in the Committee of that. Bill the celebrated appropriation clause. Now, really the Government could not take credit to itself for the Bill in its present shape, for that was not the Bill for which they contended. The present measure was not that of which Lord Melbourne declared that it should remain unchanged on account of the pledge to which as a man of honour be was bound, and to which his public faith was pledged.-(Cheers.) Subsequent considerations, of a patriotic nature, oubt, and of a public character, had induced the Noble Lord to relinquish that pledge. But it did happen that the Irish Tithe Bill, notwithstanding all the contentions of which it had been the subject, was passed in the same state in which it had been introduced by the Government of his Right Hon. Friend.--( Hear, hear.) The next measures for which credit was taken by the Ministry were the Rural Police and the County Constabulary Bills. Of these he would only say that they were but the consequence, and modelled upon the example, of the Metropolitan Police Bill introduced by his Right Honourable Friend.—(Hear, hear.) He next came to the Post-office Reform, which was all their own.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The Hon. Member for Bridport, cheered him ; and he was not surprised at that, as he believed the measure was a concession made by the Government in its weakness ; nay, more, he believed that the Postmaster-General, who knew the matter well, had warned the Ministry that they were taking a fatal step. He believed that the prudence of the Postmaster-General was greater than that of Ministers ; and that he had foreseen that the fate of the Government was involved in that concession ; and as it had led in some measure to the present financial embarrassments of the country, he felt that the prediction had been fulfilled, and he wished them joy of the measure. The next measure was the Irish Municip a l Bill. That was the only measure which her Majesty's Ministers had carried with out the full concurrence of their opponents, and even that was not passed without so large a concession, that it was stated to have been deprived of its chief benefit. He could not conceive a greater proof of the weakness, imbecility, and paralysed nature of a Government, than that by compulsion from their opponents they would introduce that which was contrary to their own judgment, and which they regarded as destroying its efficiency ; yet in this measure the political franchise was a fran chise dictated by opponents of the Government.—( Hear. ) There was the English Chancery Bill, upon that he rould not dwell further than to say, that itoriginated in a; Commission which was appointed on the motion of his Right Honourable Friend, while he was in power. He would now turn from the measures which her ,'Majesty's Government had passed, to those which they had brought forward and abandoned. There was no question which, when the Government of Lord Mel bourne was formed, excited a greater degree of attention than the question of Church-rates. In the year 1834, just before he (Sir James Graham) quitted the Government of Lord Grey, Lord Althorp, on the part of that Government, intro duced a measure upon that subject. He never exactly under stood why that measure was abandoned ; but., having been abandoned, with great pomp and circumstance Lord Mel bourne's Government brought forward a measure to settle this disputed question. It was introduced by Lord Monteagle with a great parade of figui es and important calculations. It was sent to a Committee up stairs ; the calculations were blown into air, the plan was abortive, and from that day to this no attempt hul been mule to settle the question of Church-rates. They then had the plan of a normal school, from which all religious instruction was to be excluded. They (the Oppo•i tion) fought that question ; they fought it. successfully, anc the scheme was abandoned.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He now came to Ireland. The Noble Lord hac rejoiced excessively in his administration of the affairs of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He (Sir James Graham) had heard the Noble Lord make a speech with more than hi , usual power, because it appeared to him to be made with more than ordinary sincerity, on the subject of Irish railroads. He appeared to think that a grant of public money for Irish rail roads would.be conducive in the highest degree to the prosperity of Ireland. . The Noble Lord took the sense of the House, and his proposikvas supported by a majority ; but there were indi cations of L'fposition from that side of the House, and such was the awe in which the Noble Lord stood of any opposition from that side of the House, that from that day to this they had heard no more of Irish raihvays.—( Cheers.) The Hon. Mem- ber for Bridport and himself agreed in the opinion that the great defect in the English registration was the want of an ap pellate tribunal. For three years her Majesty's Government had been trying to deal with the question ; Bills had been laid upon the table of the House, they went as far as the second reading, but .they never proceeded further, because they contained a principle to which they (the - Opposition) entertained an insuperable objection, namely, that the appointment of an appellant tribunal should be entrusted to the Speaker of the House for the time being.—( Hear. ) Such was the weakness of Government, such its imbe cility, such its want of power, that not even this question could they bring to a decision. There were several minor questions which were not unimportant. Some Bills were in troduced by Lord Advocate Murray, three years ago ; one upon the important subject of fictitious votes. In 1838 it was read a second time ; in 1839 and 1840 it was also read a second time.—( Hear.) But what had become of these Bills ? Why, they had all gone to the tomb of the Capulets—(Great laughter)—where the Noble Lord said all that imposture of the anti-slavery cry had gone too. He would only observe with respect to the Irish Registration Bill and its 5/. franchise, that this Government, possessing the con fidence of the country and of Parliament, had thought fit at the private suggestion of the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury to raise the franchise from Si. to 81. His Right Hon. Friend (Sir R. Peel) reminded him of another proof of their weakness. When he (Sir J. Graham) was in Lord Grey's Govern ment, he was authorised by that Government to prepare a Bill for the Regulation of the Ecclesiastical tribunal of this country, in conformity with the Report of the Ecclesiastical Commission. In 1834 that Commission had proceeded a considerable length towards maturity. In 1835 his Right Hon. Friend, then in office, having ascertained that he had been authorised to prepare such a Bill, communi cated with him upon the subject. He informed his Right Hon. Friend of what had passed, and he happened to know that in 1835 he had a measure ready to present, when he quitted office. Since then six years had elapsed, and her Ma jesty's Ministers had never attempted to deal with the subject, had not introduced any measure.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord J. Russell.) Did the Noble Lord mean to s say that it had been presented? He never saw it.—(" Yes," from Lord John Russell.) Oh, ft had been presented ? What had become of it? It had shared the fate of the Bills for Scot land, gone to the tomb of the Capulets.—( A laugh.) This was an additional proof that her Majesty's Government did not sufficiently possess the confidence of that House to carry the measures which they thought. necessary.—( Cheers. ) He would now comment on a measure which afforded a test of the legislative skill of her Majesty's Government.—( Cheers. ) He alluded to the question of the Poor-laws. He (Sir J. G. ) was a party to the introduction of that measure, and he at tached great weight to it, because he thought it a measure of primary importance. It would be remembered that a very important part of the original enactment was the duration of the Commission. The term of its duration was five years. He (Sir J. Graham) thought it expired abont 1838, but the Noble Lord feeling the difficulty of the subject, asked for a renewal of the measure for a year. That was granted, and at the expira tion of that time a similar renewal was asked for, and granted also. At the commencement of the present session, after nearly three years of deliberation, the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies brought in the Bill which he held in his hand, as the fruit of his deliberation. Now, if ever there was a measure that required caution in its introduction, and care in its preparation, that was the measure ; and, in ordinary pru dence, the principle which should have guided the formation of such a measure should have been to have introduced the minimum of change in such regulations as could be allowed. Was that the course pursued by the present Government ? No. The converse of that was adopted. It seemed to him that the measure had been framed upon the principle of asking for more than Parliament would grant, in order to obtain as much as possible; and every mitigating regulation which the Commis sioners advised was omitted. Now, in order to show the skill of her Majesty's Government, he would just advert to what had taken place when this abortive measure was brought ueder the consideration of the House. The most important provision was with respect to the term of the duration of the Commission. The Noble Lord in his Bib proposed to prolong that period for ten years, and on the first discussion his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Tamworth, having merely intimated that ten years was too long, the Noble Lord gave way and it was reduced to five. Next came the clause for issuing general orders. This was resisted, and as soon as resisted was withdrawn. Then there was the clause giving the power of dissolving unions. This was objected to, and he ( Sir J. Graham) had forgotten whether that clause was post poned or withdrawn. Then with respect to the removal of infirm paupers, that clause underwent discussion, and as soon as it was seen that the feeling of the House was against it, her Majesty's Government, upon the first discussion relin quished it. Then as to the burial of the dead, his Right Hon. Friend objected to the clause, and it was withdrawn ; and the same course was pursued with respect to the medical clause. In short the Bill was so negligent and incautiously prepared that proposition after proposition was given up, and at last the Noble Lord had backed out of the measure altogether on the ground of the present state of affairs, and given it up altogether.—( Hear, hear.) He must now make a few observations with respect to the course pursued by the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire. Alinisters had said that the ground of want of confidence had been narrowed to the Budget, and that Noble Lord had voted against the sugar duties upon that principle. The Ministers re tain their offices merely, and for the purpose of ad vancing the question of the repeal of the Corn-laws-- they intended to dissolve in the hope of doing so. Where then was the sincerity of men who avowed themselves strict friends of the agricultural interest, yet would give a vote of confidence to the present Ministers. Would Lincolnshire understand such conduct?—(Cheers)—no, it was acting against common sense, and the heavy agriculturists of Lincolnshire would not adopt it. Why, suppose a madman was running about the street armed, and attacking all whom he saw, what would be thought of any one who did not rush in and disarm him—(Laughter)—at all events strip him of all power to do him harm? Why a policeman would be dis charged to-morrow who did not do his duty in that manner. 1 t remained to be seen whether an English constituency would not visit equally suspicious conduct with their condemnation.— ( Cheers.) Sonic good had already arisen from the discussion. —( Loud Ministerial cheers. ) They now understood much better the ground upon which matters stood. The Honourable Member for North Shields said the second proposition was a true one, supposing an immediate dissolution was intended. Now, until his Right Hon. Friend gave his notice, could any thing be more ambiguous than the conduct of the Government? They gave notices of motion for distant days, even after their dsfeat upon the sugar duties—nay, even last night, after hearing the speeches of the Cabinet Ministers, he left the House without being able to tell what steps the Government intended to take, for one signified re sigitation, and another intimated faintly, dissolution— ( Laughter)—and now the Noble Lerd the Secretary for Ire land said that she Government did not intend to go with the present Parlituent for any lengthened period. Was that enough to please the Hon. Member for Shields ?—the Govern ment did not mean to go on for any extended period. The , Chancellor of the Exchequer, by dealing with the money of the Savings' Banks, bad enough to meet the exigencies of the country—the Sugar Duties' Bill was far advanced—why, then, delay a dissolution?—(Cheers.) But he would ask what se curity had they that the Government would not go on until after the new registration? He would ask the Hon. Alember for Shields whether that would be satisfactory? Unless some thing more definite was laid before the House, he claimed the vote of the Honourable Gentleman.—(Cheers.) It was somewhat extraordinary, that whereas all Ministers yielded to the express sense of the House of Commons, the Ministers who offered the most protracted and obdurate resist ance were those who had constituted it, as he believed it to be, the real representative of the feelings of the country. He thought it a most unfair exercise of the prerogative of the Crown, after the signal defeats they had suffered on the Bud get, not to take one or other of the alternatives of immediate resignation or dissolution. There was nothing to prevent the Government bringing forward that measure at an earlier period. The deficiency was known to the Chancellor of the Exchequer when Parliament assembled, and he might have taken the sense of the House upon his propositions when there could be no impediment to a dissolution.—( Hear, hear.) He contended that they had exercised the power of the Crown in a most unconstitutional manner. They had asked for the Sugar Duties Bill and the remainder of the supplies, while they called upon the House to discuss the Corn-laws with the terror of a dissolution before them.—( Hear, hear.) He contended that any Minister who so conducted himself after a series of defeats, wounded the honour of the House, impaired its dignity, and defied its power. It was somewhat extraordinary to see the Noble Lord shelter himself under the rather inapplicable precedent of Mr. Pitt. Now he preferred the authority of Mr. Fox, who had stated that such a . proceeding as they now con templated was tantamount to declaring themselves independent of Parliament, and a violation of the privileges of the House. —( Cheers.) He should vote for the resolution, because he was enxious to put on record, in the Journals of Parliament, the heavy weight of responsibility her Majesty's advisers would incur, if they counselled dissolution under the present circum stances. The time till the meeting of the new Parliament was an interregnum, which should not be unnecessarily pro longed. The dissolution should be immediate.—( Cheers. ) He was no great admirer of the skill with which the Government played the game, although he admitted that skill with which they shuffled the cards. But although they could not play their own game, he did not see why they should be entitled to look into their neighbours' hands.—( Cheers and laughter.) Prorogation was the prerogative of the Crown, but he contended that a more dangerous, and, he was about to add, a more revolutionary proceeding than the advice of a dis solution could not be conceived by any rational being. The Government of Lord Grey, in the year 1831, brought forward the Reform Bill. They carried the second reading of that Bill by a majority of one. Shortly after, in a matter of very minor importance they were defeated on a motion of General Gascoyne. What did they do ? Did they preach dissolution ? The next morning, without an interval of more than twelve hours, they advised the Crown to exercise its prerogative, and instantly Parliament was dissolved. That was the precedent. —( Hear, hear.) So much for the precedent which the Noble Lord had given them. Now he was prompted to an other precedent. In the year 1807 Mr. Tierney, when it was doubtful whether resignation would be the result of the speech from the Throne, or dissolution, or that the Government would only be carried on for "some extended period of time"—these were the words of the Noble Lord (Morpeth)— " the Government does not intend to carry on their adminis tration for any extended period"—well, Mr. Tierney, in 1807, in no very ambiguous terms, announced to the House that a dissolution should immediately ensue. The Noble Lord had, he was sure, some respect for Mr. Tierney. What were the observations of Air. Tierney on that occasion ? He said, " As for a dissolution, I am convinced it cannot be in tended. particularly when I see a religious c l amour ra i se d be cause the malice of the devil has given rise to the cry of the Church in danger.' "—(Ministerial cheers.) Did they cheer that? Did they believe that the cry of " the Church in danger" was less exciting than the cry of " Cheap bread ?" It had been asked where were the signs of agitation. They were asked from the Treasury Benches what was the harm of it— what was the nature of it? Now he would tell them what was the nature of it. In the discussion on the Corn-laws last year in that House it was his (Sir James Graham's) pain to hear the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland declare, that, in his opinion, no man who was not prepared to alter the Corn-laws as they now ex isted could obey the Divine injunction and offer up his prayer for daily bread. In a passage very brilliant and very eloquent, and by no means hasty, or void of consideration, the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, in opening the question of the Sugar Duties, and announcing the scheme of Government, declared that in his opinion the present Corn. laws were at variance with the beneficence of Providence.— (Ministerial cheers.) He (Sir J. Graham) was aware that many gentlemen in that Houle entertained thole opinion s . He believed them to form a considerable minority, but Abel ihcr they found a majority or a minority he would a pp eau to their dispassionate judgment 'whether such 100 4 1' could fail to produce the utmost pos sible excitement ? That was the most dangerous excitement which a Government 'I hey m could possibly pursue on a ost dangerous subject. were told of a strong man in despair, who attached torches to the tails of 300 foxes, and sent them thus among thetocrTes.• Chat was a true picture of the present Ministry wilo attached to their tails.—(Laughter.) That was a na turs - 1 That representation of the course pursued by Government. Ss. duty after all, was he Was pursuaded, but an toldafter-thougt. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary at War, had them with much frankness, that the timber project might Yee carried ; that the sugar project might be carried, but that M. corn project was a hopeless project. He (Sir J. CO that the project of Is. duty on the bushel of i l a was never determined on till after the defeat on the Iris" e t ; gistration Bill. It was a desperate plunge made by den cr e a f men. They had made up their minds to leave it to a. W . ; the die, determined to stand the hazard of the throw. ntry could not say 0 passi graviora, for never Nvai a !Op' cursed by a more dangerous or reckless Administration.--, ra position cheers. ) '1 he had the assertion of the —Dabit Deus Ns quoque finenz, and he (Sir J. Graha. 4 thanked God that at last they had got rid of the prosPec t I, such an evil as the present Government.—( Opposition cheers./ was adjourned till Wednesday next. Ou the motion of Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD thebedliceb'tet c in tila The other Orders of the Day were then disposed o' , -- d Howe adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock. Iv.oble 1.0.0. Post Office Communication with Ireland,--Coromitteo2r; minated :—Lord Viscount Ingestre, Sir Henry Parnell,!' William Owen Stanle Mr. Lucas, Sir Robert Ferguson tsil: Denham Norreys, 11r. Ormsby Gore, Captain Win ning vn Mr. Winston Barron, Mr. Shaw, Mr. Corry, Mr. Blair , Robert G I osvem,r, Mr. Dunbar, and Mr. Philip tole Mile tv` power to send for persons, papers, and records ; five quorum. SPORTING INTELLIGENC E . EPSOM RACES. —FRIDAI• .. 71 we clues' The company yesterday was more select :than , for tbe day, but still numerous, the unusual extent of th s. h i e ts 'u oio py, Oaks having proved an unexpected . set-off ageil 3 h feW lovers a rative unimportance, held out inducements evloc t 11 the sport could withstand. To the lower orders , days charms, fra u( ' to charms, and the quiet and easy observers ere PY to one racing without the annoyance of a mob. In their one in. and from the owns, however, they were esp mewl fiction, to which we refeia second time, in th e hoPe";., rec titea be noticed in another shape. We allude to the fraul l ,r t , e etero on the Epsom and Ewell ti ust ; the Act of Pa rliatneu" t the Cr authorizes an increase in the toll of one half; to that e dle W as penses of a water-rate, assuming, of course,o, n o. - 50 would be properly watered, to enable them 'to obtaif the t aut ' t but 100 per cent. on the proper toll • the lei Tog s ° to fo ur ' mentioned had previously raised it from th reePe ue the {p ar pence ; and during the race-time put the ineri 'use on H id the pence, thus actually doubling the usual ci roads been well watered, no one would have but as nothing of the kind was attempted ex Sept a d for th . re use tie, heuse, where some half-dozen pails of water e r e a par comfort of the money-takers, we hope to hear ttat _ d ep lore' who have a little leisure time, will lay inform.stifeur " the penalty. the ra ce 'tvers the Many of the higher classes were present to tel d for 0 for the Oaks, immediately after which they rt a ' l ,7" w hich second heat of the " Want of Confidence Stak es, expected to be decided in the course of the eve' iing-_ , ant i ers The start for the Oaks was fixed kr half-pas t decided a few minutes before three, as follows:- •••• old 611 i "; The Oak Stakes of 50 sovs. each, ft, for 3 Yrs,, to re' Bst 7lbs each ; last mile and a half; the sew anti told 'loabrjg:c.tetrit the ttbeet 1001. out of th stakes, and the winner to pay 1 " the police. &c. (118 subs.) of I ' Bll ' I Lord Westminster's Ghuznee, by Pantaloon. out , s pa t° gui5h......... ..... h A Mr. Dixon's ch c Miss Stilton,by Saracen, out Dellg.„ Ohl 0 Lord Westminster's br Lampoon, sis to Touchst( me ( 11 ,1 11 : 0 0 Mr. Batson's ch Potentia, by Plenipotentiary (. 13.° 1 ;,, -- son Mr. Treen's Una, by Glaucus Mr. T. 0. Powlett's br by Muley Moloch, out of e' (Lye) 0 m s en) 0 Lord Verulam's fby Actaeon, out of Brocade •-•••••' io n) 0 Crauford's br Ermengardis, by Langar l u g — n ollY) Mr. Osbaldeston's ch by The Colonel, out of Galata 1.( - 1 2‘ u oc eor 0 Colonel Thompson's br. Flying Gib, by Silos t se i t ine) 0 C.,:. fie lloger s l 0 Mr. Sadler's ch. Protection, by Defence.. .- ••(' swards , 0 Duke of Beaufort's b. Snowdrop, by Dr. Syniax to n) Lord Albemarle's Minaret, by Ibrahim .......... ...( k C iii ° g t b o ns 0 Mr. Theobald's bl. The Black Duchess by R lo u &p aid) ectte i a 0 l Sir G. Heathcote's b. by Defence, out of r err erl) (A• e - is) 0 Sir G. Heathcote's b. by Emilius, out of Jane... (Cliffat) 0 Gen. Wyndham's b. Aspatria, by Buskin ..........•• 0 A Col. Wyndham's b. Nora Creina, by Nonsense ...... pal) 0 Duke of Grafton's ch. Florence, Langer ...... ( i ' e Mr. Cooker 'b. Seqiiidilla, by Sheet Anchor ...... lit's 0 Mr. Collins's ch. by Sir Hercules, out of Cuut JwP+e 0 dam (Dar 01 ril THE BETTING. —Lampoon was the favourite at 2 i _ ers to s to 6 shortly before the ring broke up on the Downs, syti 4 sod s Westminster declared to win with Ghuznee (then at ,, ( 1. g °a. to 1), not a little to the mortification of those who Pa lo t oo l with the current, and backed the favourite ; after : 109 t„ policy of backing " the lot" will be more generallY un ,„ than it has been hitLerto. The last betting was 7 , Ghuznee, 4 to 1 agst Lampoon, 8 to I agst the I%lYr_;. 4 t 9 to 1 agst Protection, 9 to 1 agst Potentia, 20 to 1 1 - ogsl G. Heatheote's two, 25 to 1 agst Concordia, 25 Snowdrop, 25 to t agst Una, and 30 to It agst Miss THE RACE. o dor, The horses got away at the first start in excellesit.apo% Lampoon taking the lead at a moderate pace , Meads' doe second, Snowdrop third ; and behind them Protection , Ht s' nee, Mystery, Potentia, and two or three others. Pi° tM tion occurred till they reached Tattenhaur. corner, r e letd pace mended, and the tailing commence. 1. Lamps th 4 lasted to the road, where she resigned , and fell le 04, rear with Aspatria. Ghuznee immediately I ;ook up the re lp er followed by Miss Stilton, the Mystery filly, Protection, Pr t ee gardis and Sequidilla, nothing else being in front ; at theit to tance Miss Stilton challenged and made a' 'bit' of a race Of v s the Stand, where Giniznee shook her off and Neon cleverly o ' f r length. The Mystery filly was third, Sequklilla fourth, ' t ee tec ion fifth, and Ermengardis sixth. Alot of eight or'd succeeded, and then Snowdrop, Minaret, one of Sir G. l i ftbe cote's fillies, and Flying Jib. The pace was gt 'od only fr°' turn. Value of the stakes, 3,2501. Q .L .90 1, The Members' Plate of 501. for 3 yrs, Gist 7lb , 4 yrs , ` — diell 4 5 yrs, Bst 131 b, 6 yrs, and aged, 9st 21b ; ma rcs and gl ie ste allowed 3 lbs ; the winner to be sold for 2th &C. two miles. 1 Mr. Goodman's gr h Colchicum, 5 yrs... (Crouch) 3 0 Mr. Booth's Isabella, 6 yrs ........................ .....•• ...... 9 Mr. Hornsby's Whalebone, aged . ............ ....... ••• 4, 4 Mr. White's Fogleman, 4 yrs.. ...... Lord Huntingtower's ch f by Langer, out of Sister m "bolted Portrait, 3 yrs ..................................... . .... e h "( The first heat was beautifully contested bets Teen Co t t i ll Isabella, and Whalebone, and was so near being a de' that Colchicum obtained the verdict by a head luev o ' (be Whalebone beat Isabella by the same. 'Colebieurs i second heat by half a length, and was claimed. old, 6P The Derby and Oaks Plate of 50 sovs for three "2"rs os e 71b ; four, Bst 61b ; five. Bst 121 b ; six and aged, 9sd O' and geldings allowed albs. Horses that have stir! all* at this meeting and been beaten, allowed 31bs, The winner to be sold for 120 i. Mile heats. 0 (Nat) Mr. Whright's ch f F o lly, 4 yrs " 0 0 Mr. Shelley's Hellespont, 4 yrs • 2 ,' Mr. Armstrong' s Ob e li s k, aged .... OJr ' Mr. Higgin' s M a id M ar i an , aged ....................•••- 0 Lord Huntingtower's Bristolian, 5 yrs " 0 clf• . Captain Pett e r s Caliph, aged ......... 0 oat Mr. Bacon's A s c a niu s , 6 yrs Lord Exete r ' s Sili s t r i a , 4 yrs ............... est Mr. Balchin's Clematis, 4 yrs .......... ..............• r o d b, The first heat was won cleverly ; the second wa s , a ,„ , s od ° between Folly and Hellespont, after a very long third was won by half a length agli ne# BERLIN, MAY 21.—His Royal J- 1 7, 4 4 1 1 the Prince of Prussia arrived here the day eeforo Peon 1,00. from St. PeterEburgh, though he was not exrct eu e y iP t day. His R o y a l Hi g h nes q p er f o r me d the long] ou r° very short time of four days and sixteen hours. MUSICAL BOXES of high quality. W e te tt nism beautifully finished, conveying the idea of the •:0 with surprising perfection and accuracy. SO A Catalogue of the various Airs, Overtures, the prices of the Boxes is now published, en° 111 ",,,' sst r gratis, or will be forwarded, post free, in a nswer te $ application. e°lll T. COX Y, AOO - 0 Goldsmith and Silversmith, 47, SAVO Cornßhill (Seven Gracechurch-street), London. --le REGISTER STOVES, 3 ft. wide, 0/ :, ; r eo: d Poles for Window Curtains, Is. 3d. per foot. Rer io — . 0 " o ott Bd. per inch ; elliptic stoves, 4d. per inch ; r e gf o - rnol l ' e te with bright fronts, bright and black bars, broore`Vdiati . 6 100 s. ; brass poles for window curtains, Ii inc; 3ki Is. 3d. per foot ; 2 inche s , I s . Bd. ; a 2 inch ra• - ' il ay,li t t. inches long, with ends, ring s , an d b rac k e t s , comp e tc ' OV # Catalogues gratis, containing the price of ever' et''' ironmongery. RIPPON and BURTON. Wells-street , -str BIRTHS. On the 28th inst., at Illottisforit Abbey, th e "Oh P° lf* J. B. Mill, Bart., of a son, still-boils. tesS ,4! On the 28th inst., at Hill-street, the Visco on „ of a son anti heir. , o f 11 On the 26th inst., e I hames Ditton, tl Lee/ , Edwards, Esq. , of a taughter. i t MARRIED. . rep On the 19th inst., at Bishopwearmouth Ch ur- 4 , 6 Smith Surtees, Esq., of Hamsterley Hall, Durhei?' beth Jane, y oun g es t d aug ht er o f Addi so n Fenwi c " Bishopwearmouth, in the same county. g - On the 27th inst., at Star Cross, John - SV'" .- 2,4 ' Of rtrnin r ster, Somerset, to E mma Ch ar l o tt e Burne` - .'04,, ; 1 a dfo d, Exeter, daughter of the late Thomas B un 77 ,• of Woolwich, Kent. On the 25th inst., at M e lt on , H en l ey G eo rge_ `"* . a . ISI,kOSO.I only son of George Greaves, Esq., of Elmsall ~ 1; beth Anne, second daughter of Ri c h ar d FonetaJ - Esq., of Melton. male* P O On the 24th inst. , at Rostherne Church, , --- c ,-, to oto . Cotton, E sq ., son of the late Henry C s lveley to Mary Anne Elizabeth, daughter of the late Rev, Grey Egerton, Bart., of Egerton and Oulten rex" i l ' DIED. On the 28th i ns t., Cecil Catherine, eldest dgug lite. nolr' Fowlis, Esq., o f G u ilf or d- s t reet, R uss ell-square. s o Oli s ' i On the 23d in s t., a t Wilb an R ectory, Herr' , j ii lAt the wife of the R ev . Willi am W . Pym.voila On the '27th inst., at Hubbard's Hall, Essex , Essen . ,pet widow of the late Colonel Johnson, of Walburg' a ry vi Ott the 26th inst., in College -street, beth, widow of the late William Fens k, Jamaica' l i ter ° On the 28th inst., Emily Harriet,lgthe only daeg o f R. Cocker, Esq., of Nassau-greet Soho, a ged 5- ,_,,, f 3q.' On the 28th inst in L • '' '•, \ on s-inn Pinny Islington, ~, f it, , ..! A b s alui.' 4r , of ' • the General Post-office, aged 60. ' ti ter d t 6• On the 28th inst., Elizabeth Ann, eld ll est d 0 . 5" ag e lia f Oxford-terrace, . 3 de-Par i `' t'A rl William Norsworthy, of daughter. 0 , On the 28th inst., Mary Sophia, eldest ber Greville, Esq., aged l'l ' Ca° On the 24th inst.' James - Knight, of AlbanY - r °4 ,: i ' ; rc e ' well, and Great Suffolk -street, Soutliwark, a!,*ed 7 c ,":t a 14 t. On the 24th inst., at Cla ham Gilbert IV I s tre e se fourth son of G. W. Mackm do p , Es q ' of New 1 3 '1 0 10 0 On the 24th inst. in Ne:l r y Bond-street, M r ' -13 5. )if berts (Llwynrhudol, aged . oa ,re, On the 25th inst., in Guilford-street, Russel l -4 ts..-`°' Harrison, widow of the late Benjamin Harrison, l' - '1: de On the 25th inst., at Upper Clayton, the Ba rone to o , too , formerly of Lisbon, aged 70. sorte rs ' On the 25th inst., at Great Clarendon-stree t, W. A. H a ll, Gent., aged 25. f 6 io ' - - y0 lil j, London: P r i n ted and Published by MURDO stray'No. 112, Strand, at Tire Sun Office, No. I lj ' a j. the county of Aliddlesex.—Satarday,llay , 2 9 ) " EVF,N IN • _, %.., :T 1 dill the l gal ef4 11/ Ole