The Sun. — London, England, 1841-08-26 00:00:00

EVENING SUN SALE OF VAUXHALL GARDENS. This venerated place of old enchantments is now an nounced for sale on the 9th of September next, so that unless a purchaser is then found, its fairy-like groves, arbours, and palaces will fall to the lot of some invete rate speculator, and the site of so many olden pleasures, fetes, and feastings, be covered, with bran new brick houses, for it is, we believe, understood " to be let as building ground." It is to be devoutly hoped that such will not be the case—that some charm,collected from an cient remembrances, will put to flight the Vandalism that would level it—that the mention of such names as Addison and Sir Roger de Coverley will throw some thing of consecration about the spot—that old Jonathan Tyers, and the pavilion paintings by Hogarth and Hay man, and the rare sparkling lamps, and the dear dusky walks in which love and beauty have so often knit their rosy fingers, and in which the evening and the morning have often listened to the little soul-breathing extacies of lovers, will not be swept away from the earth—that this ." aviary of nightingales," where in early days Beard and Lowe, and in later Dignum, Mrs. Billington, Incledon, Madame Storace, Mrs. Bland, and Charles Taylor, 'warbled till the green groves shook—will not be allowed to pass utterly away, but still remain through the dull London summer to be a seat of pleasure and delight. Our sympathies enlist so strongly with this old fa vourite place of resort, that with the love of a zealous antiquary we have traced out the pretty history of the place, and our researches on the subject will perhaps be pleasing to many at the present moment. These cele brated gardens are situated near the Thames, in the ,parish of Lambeth, about a mile and a half from West-.• aminster-bridge. They derive their name from the manor of Vauxhall or Faukeshall ; but the tradition that this proper ty was the property of Guy Fawkes is erroneous. The pre nusos were, in 1615, the property of Jane Vaux, and the _mansion was then called Stockdens. Originally Sir Samuel Moreland, a private gentleman, appears to have laid out the gardens for his own pleasure, and planted them with irees, the same Sir Samuel having displayed many whimsical proofs of his skill in mechanics, and, :above all, • had added: a public room, " the inside of which was all looking-glass, and fountains, very pleasant , behold, and much visited by strangers. Up to this period Vauxhall was invested with but little publlcity, nor is it precisely certain as to when the place first threw open its enchantments. Nevertheless, its celebrity is upwards of a century and a half old. In the reign of Queen Anne it appears to have drawn greatly as a place of resort ; for, in a paper of the Spectator, ',dated May 20, 1712, Addison has introduced Sir Roger Coverley, going with him from the stairs at the Temple to Vauxhall, which was then termed Spring ga. -dens. Addison's motto to his paper seems to throw rattier a doubtful sort of morality over this haunt of faein ations, for he has topped it with this Juvenalian : Criminibus debent portos. beauteous garden, but by vice maintained. Addise. - t's poetic fancy seems, however, to have been charmed by , the delights and meretricious allurements of the place. _Ye dwells upon the garden (then called Fox-hall), as • ' excellently pleasant at this time of the year. When I L 'onsidered the fragrancy of the walks and bowers, with tAte choirs of birds that sung upon the trees, and the loose . tribe of people that walked under their shades, I could not but look upon that place as a sort of Mahometan ParadiSe." The same graceful tongue also speaks of " d inask" tapping Sir Roger on the shoulder, and inviting him with her pretty impudent ruby lips, to drink a bottle of mead with slice her. They finished a splendid little evening with a of hung beef and a glass of Burton. Vauxhall, however, till 1730;. was barely more than a good tea-garden of our days, Mr. Jonathan Tyers took a lease of it, and with suitable entertainments opened it every summer-evening. Hayman, who, when young, was a scene-painter at Drury-lane, joined with that prince of painters Hogarth, in embellishing the gardens .for Tyers, but the productions of both were then perhaps rather crude. Tyers, however, went to work with a bold hand in renewing the gardens. He threw out brk gad sweeps of pavilions and saloons ; an orchestra was erected by him ; a statue of Handel, bYßoubiliac, sat up in their centre, and en g aged a goodly music-handl. Tyers afterwards purchased the whole estate, which is copyhold of inheritance, and held of the Prince of Wales as Lord of Kenington Manor, in right of his Duchy of 'Cornwall. At this period, and up to 1792, Vauxhall Gardens were open daily (Sundays e xcepted), and the admission was is. ; it was then raised to 25., including tea and cairee ; in 1809 several improvements were made, lamps • &c., and the price was therefore raised to 3s. Gd., and were open only three nights in the week ; in 1821 the price was 4s. 2't.r. Bryant Barrrett. upon. the death of Tyers, suc ceeded to the property, having warried the grand-daughter of the original proprietor. Mr. V s srrett's son became the Wert possessor. In 1818, the entire property was adver tised for sale, but no purchaser was obtained. In 1821 the .sr.ondon Wine Company became the purchasers, and again restored it to something of its ofal celebrity. It shoula not be omitted that the spacious p,ivilion which now L-onts the orchestra in the gardens wsss built for -Pre, , lerick Prince of Wales, who was a liberal . patron of these Gardens. The present orchestra, too, which is not the old-fashioned one of Tyers, was built b' o. car penter ; and the ornaments are of a composition soMe rt g lkk:e plaster of Paris, but known only to the ingeui *is archit 9ct. Before the Gardens close there will be given, a Lai ,nasque, which is to partake of all the charms ef Ithe long-Fast Ridotto al fresco, the first kind of enter -tain.-nent with which old Jonathan Tyers opened the • Gard ev.s, and whose novelty attracted such immense zumbt rs as soon inade his coffers fill with gold. A GLASGOW HANGMAN Mr. Thomas Young, the late respectable hangman of Glasgow,. was once officially requested to perform a legal operation,. sec andem artern, on the tender threat of an un fortunate wretched criminal in Dumfries. But Tho mas was an. indulgent father as well as a dutiful hangman; and, under the gentle influence of paternal sym pathy, he took his amiable interesting daughter, :in her teens, along with him in the carriage (for hang men officially travel, like gentlemen, in chariots), to have ithe benefit of the pure fresh air of Dumfriesshire, and ihehold the delightful scenery on the banks of the beauti- Nith, immortalized by the lyric genius of Burns. The Ivorthy pair, father and daughter, proceeded together to Dumfries, and took up their abode in the gao;. On the •evening before the execution, a venerable minister of the `Gospel visited the unhappy panel to offer him reli gious consolation. In passing from the prisoner's cell to the gaoler's apartments, he came in contact with an elderly gentleman in black clothes,, and, deeming him to be a reverend parson like himself, come. on the same philanthropic errand, to soothe the criminal's agi tated mind, he requested the honour of an introduct;.9n. The gaoler complied, and politely introduced him td . Mr. Thomas Young, the veneraMe Glasgow hangman, and his daughter. A shudder of horror ran through the • lergyman's soul. He bowed to Mr. Young, and he lc , oked with pity on the filial girl beside him. By and lb) they began to chat, and Mr. Thomas diligently sel ated a few of his " legal murders" to enter tah i his reverend friend. "Do you never feel an, - natural compunction," said the divine, " when .ycon are performing your official duty ' ?" " I recollect," said _Mr. Thomas, "of having once felt it ; and so • )ng, was the feeling , that it almost unman'tl' me for a n iornent ; but it was only for a moment, and then I (Ili my business as nicely as if nothing had distr ?bed _me. It happened thus. I was called a few, years; ago to Inverness, to execute a woman for a capital crime Whe.l I was introduced to her, on the morn-' lug of her execution, to pinion her arms, at the first ;glance. I knew her. She was the wife of icy eldest• 'comrad when I was in the army, anti they both • ha'd done me many acts of kindness ; but shy was so . terribly agitated that I do not *think sb e either knew or recognized me. I felt a horrible • ;sensati 01 in my mind, for I was about to hang the wife of . any old. fliend„ and one who had often been my soother and nu use, at a time when nobody else regarded me. -almost fainte2 ; and, had the intense horror con tinued, I must lia - ve desisted. Thit it soon passed off ; un d when I again: . met her on the gallows I per fc rmed my duty, anal hanged her as deliberately as if nothing had hh - Ppened to disturb me. This it as the only time that . I ever felt any natural compunc ti on for the panel, and I ,have no wish to be troubled with it again." The' minister ',looked at the old legal mur si rer with pity,,indignatioi.', and horror, and, taking up his hat, walked op, withMA I leigning to reply. The un ▪ stdral monster who could Clus hang the friendly wife f his oldest comrade, for a little money, would have 14 anged his own mother iu similar circumstances. Such . 1 gal and moral monstrosities sli,, luld not be permitted to ontinue to disgrace civilised soei, 'ty with the barbarous ri acurrence of these disgusting exec utive operations ; and e hope the time is not far distan, when the pay and 'I !Bee of hangmen and their satellites will be for ever an • ihilated.—Scotch paper. The France has an article on thn question of an At teration of the import duties on fore ign cattle for the sa l ply of the French markets. This journal opposes t h e • reduction of the duties on two gr( ands : first, be eaa•se it is unfair upon the French breed( Ts and feeders • cattle ; secondly, because the supplY butchers' me at is f u lly equal to the demand, and the higi t price is owing the wealt h y •sol ely to the trickery and combination (• every fat ox ;hut..lhers. The France informs us that tarot tglit to market in France, the owner I tat L'lreadY a i d p. tom. 120 f. to 1441. in taxes, and this am] : •y satting that the animal will have consul red aft Pr' cluce , f six hectares of land (nearly 15 English ao-es), t explains ,the tax • tpon which to the Gove rn ment amounts t 0, the sun.' h ere • ientioned. Whereas in Switzerland, ad ds the Franc e, a s the'tax is upon consumption, and not up on the sool, an • •x may be fatted at from 120 f. to 144 f. l e as th a n in taw country, and therefore it would be um Fair upon ihe • French agriculturist to give to the Sw'ss,. or any other a griculturist similarly situate d as to ecot•ottly of feeding, gthe import d u ty. :a still greater advantage by reducin g )1t the second point of discussion, the Fri Race makes to a assertion which at the moment NI re can neither o )ntradict nor confirm in detail, but we confess that . e should have been better satisfied it our Contempo • ry had favoured us with the data upon which the of sertion is hazarded. We are told that for the hut 25 Y 1 ars the increase in the number of oxen has been i e .rom Si; :to ten millions, whereas the populati on of France 114 s scarcely increased one-tenth. If the .France is not lo( re correct in its bovine statistics than it is as to the duo pulation, the arguments which it fourils upon them 'are not entitled to much notice. The population of aPra ace, although less rapid in its increase than that of • other large state in Europe, does not go on so slowly as ovr Contemporary states. Twenty-five 3rears ago the lag ,naltion ofFrance did - not much exceed 26 millions; it he w exceeds 34 millions, which is far beycoad the tenth sC Itecity our Contemporary. The Queen has been pleased to appoint, by tters patent under the Great Seal of 'reit:rid, the Right on. Francis William Earl of Charl(mont to be Custos )telot um of the county of Tyrone, in the, room of the 4 IYI of Delmore, deceased. NEW ZEALAND. • - The Constitutionnel has the following on the French colony at New Zealand : • " The firmness of the chief of the French colony, and, it must alsb'be added, the conciliatory spirit of the English Magistrate, have contributed to maintain the independence demanded for it by Capt. Lavaud, without the slightest interruption of harmony between the French and English colonists. In the colonies of Australia and New Zealand it is the opinion of all parties, no matter to which nation they belong, that France ought to retain the privilege of this independence, at least for the large extent. of land which forms Banks's Peninsula, now in her possession, and which contains ports at all times accessible to ships of war and whalers." Letters from Akaroa, the southern island of this peninsula, dated the Ist and 26th March last, bring us the following details. The rapid progress of the English colony at Nicholson (the northern island) surpasses all idea. Although founded only on the 22d January, 1840, it had already 3,000 inhabitants, and 600 to 700 houses. There were in the port, in February! last, 23 vessels, of which 5 were of three masts. Capi talists, commercial agents of the principal houses of Sydney and London, and persons who in England would occupy a distinguished rank, the son of Sir John Sinclair, a son of Lord Petre, 4 - c., were actively engaged in commercial pursuits. One of the French colonists, who arrived in the. Comte de Paris, has fixed himself at a league from Akaroa, and, with his wife, cultivates a hectare . (two acres and a half) of ground. In five months he has gained 1,500 f. by the sale of vegetables. The reports which were current as to the probability of the rupture of . the peace of Europe had not in the slightest degree affected the friendly relations between the French colony at Akaroa and the English colony at Nicholson. At a dinner given at Nicholson, to celebrate the arrival of the first colonists, a young- naturalist, M. de Beligny, civil administrator and mayor of •the French colony, who had been earnestly invited to be present, met with a mos: cor dial reception, and had the pleasure of hearing a toast of prosperity - to the French colony, and the preservation of the friendlyrelations between the two nations , which vv.,t,s. proposed by Colonel Wakefield, received with .acclama tion. The whole colony of Akaroa concurs in•doing justice to the great wisdom and prudence of M. Lavaud, whose protection is constant, and to whose firmness, in the first instance, is owing the maintainance of the na tionality of the colony. The presence of the Bishop, M. de Pampallier, who has visited his fellow-country men, has been equally efficacious. His name is in every mouth, and he is blessed by the natives, whom by evan gelical patience he has brought to understand the first precepts of religion and morality. The question of the sovereignty of these islands has not yet been decided. The statu quo has been established by agreement be tween Capt. Lavaud and the English Commandant, until the two Governments shall .have come to an under-, standing on the subject. Negotiations are at present proceeding in London, wh ch have been retarded by the embarrassments of .the English Cabinet. With out doubt the constitution of the new Ministry and the arrival of our Ambassador will permit the settlement of the question. The most just solution, in our opinion, and that which would be of a nature to conciliate all in terests, would be to proclaim the ports and territories of the two islands free, recognising the right of alt nations to trade freely, as they have hitherto done. England could not refuse to accede to such a proposition without belying the principles of liberality in commercial matters which she has been incessantly calling upon us to apply in the negotiations which she has had with us of late years. It appears that the. French Company, in conse quence of the numerous applications which have been made to it by persons wishing to go out, is preparing a second expedition." • SUICIDE THROUGH LOVE.—A sergeant in the 60th Rifles, named Cullen, committed suicide on Monday in Beggar's Bush barracks, Dublin, by shooting him self through the head with his rifle. The cause of this act is stated to be that a young lady, residing in one of our squares near the barracks, fell in love with Cullen, and he returned her passion. She proposed to elope with him, but he being under the apprehension of the punishment usually attached to desertion, applied to his officers for permission to wed the fair one. These gentlemen having ascertained the particulars of the attach ment which existed between the parties, refused their consent to his request, which had such an effect upon the unfortunate man that he fell into a state of deep de spondency, during which lie committed the rash act. Public rumour in the neighbourhood of this awful oc currence has it, that the lady is in a state of distraction. HOUSE-TAX, FRANCE.—" A general census of doors and windows, in 1822, fixed the value of house rental, exclusively of buildings used as m anufactories, &c., at 303,832,724 f. ; of which 169,810,754 f. for the towns, and 134,021,980 f. for the rural communes ; the number of inhabitants, in 1821, was 30,304,360 ; the number of houses was 5,886,727; and the average amount of rental, per head of the population, was 10f. 2c., and 49f. 52c. per house. The result of this census showed that forty-one departments were surcharged in taxes to the amount of three millions, which ought to have been divided amongst other departments. In 1826 a new cen sus relieved forty-eight departments to the extent of 3,500,0001 ; the population had then increased to 31,657,429, and the number of houses to 6,396,008. The rental was estimated at 384,008,125 f, of which 211,806,483 f. for towns, and 172,201,642 c for the country. NEW IMPULSIVE POWER.—(From a Cor. respondent.)—Tbe proprietor of the Gazette of the Baton-Rouge, in Louisiana, has succeeded in propelling vessels without the agency of fire. A Company which has obtained a knowledge of the method employed, is constructing a ship upon the principles discovered, as it is .said, by Monsieur Langluine, but which proceed rather on the experimehts of Tillorier and of Faraday, since the article used is carbonic acid gas, liquefied without a mac hi ne o f c d:npression. All the invention consists in two large gas-pro:lucers, the same as Tillorier's, which are supplied with bicarNnate of soda and sulphuric acid. Some drops of carbonic produced and liquefied by this mixture, fall alternately beters and behind the pis tons, and as this gas has a pressure of at least 93 atmos pheres, it undergoes a considerable expansion, which gives impulsion to the machine. Instead of a cumbersome load of coals, a scorching fire, and ponderous machinery, a few tons of carbonate of soda and of acid will suffice to traverse the ocean and 'circumnavigate the globe in less than three months. ---Evening Paper. HORRIBLE SITUATION. —A young man, em ployed at a collier) , about ten or eleven miles south of Edinburgh, happened, on a particular morning some time ago, to oversleep himself, and on his arrival at the pit mouth found that, his fellow workmen bad already de scended ; and as the gin-rope which conveyed them to the bottom was again at the top, he put his foot into the iron swivel attached to it, and directed a countryman waiting for a cart-load of coals to lower him. He had segycely commenced his descent, however, when the idea suddcply occurred to him that there was something wrong with the tackle, and clutching with his hands to the wooden platform which half-way covers and over hangs the pit, he was instantly disengaged from the rope, and hung suspended by the hands' over the dark and horrid abyss which yawned beneath him. It hap pened on the dark of a winter morning, and the carter to whom he had intrusted the task of lowering him, saw distinctly, by the light of a fire burning within a few feet of the pit, the fearful situation of the lad, heard his terri fied shriek for help, and ran forward to relieve him. On reaching the margin, however, ,he was suddenly over comewith fear, and stood for several seconds paralyzed and terror-stricken, without the power even to call far assistance. Providentially, the master of the coal-pit was about a hundred yards off when he heard the shriek of agony from the lad, and, flying to his assistance, arrived in time to hear him say, in a l o w and faint voice, " Catch me, my hands are slipping:" when, seizing him by the wrists,,he drew him with difficulty to the platform, where he instantly fainted ; the poor frightened carter all the while looking on in an agony of speechless terror, and without the power to move. Who can calculate the mental suffering of the poor lad while he clung to the platform, feeling his fingers gradually losing their grasp, till he sunk in a fainting fit after being placed in safety ? —Edinburgh Courant. One evening, Sheridan, not knowing where to go for a dinner, :.at down by Michael Angelo Taylor in the HOuse of Commons, and said :—" There is a law ques tion likely to arise presently, on which, from your legal knowledge, you will be wanted to reply to Pitt, so I hope'you Will no think of leaving the house." Michael sat down with no little pleasure, while Sheridan slipped out, Walked over to Michael's house, and ordered up din ner, saying to the servants, " Your master is not coming home this evening." He made an excellent dinner, came back to the . ilouse, and, seeing Michael look expectant, went to release him, saying, " I am sorry to have kept you, 'for; after all, I believe this matter will not come off tonight. " - Michael instantly walked home, and heard to his no little consternation, when he rang fur dinner, " Mr. Sheridan had it, Sir, about two hours ago." —Life of Wilberforce. SOLDIERS' UNIFORM.—With a change of Ministry there. will be a new Master-General of the . Ordnance. The present we have always sincerely re-' spected as a high-minded soldier. It is, however, to be hoped that the successor to his Lordship will make some few alterations in the dress and appointments of the Royal Artillery. In the first place, the yellow lace should forthwith be taken off the gunner's coattee ; it is a dirty, thing, and is without meaning ; a good plain red collar, with red epaulettes, would make them quite perfect. The yellow trash of lace requires constant colouring to look decent ; and surely the loss of this kind of thins" will be the better for a soldier who has enough to di) in other ways without being punished by clean ing yellow cotton. Take all the lace off the collars, 80., of the Serjeants, leaving only their chevrons. The same with the Staff Serjeants. In fact, (sive the whole regim ent a p lain red collar and cuff, b e fficers and all, they will all look the better, and pro the officers the b est -look of the whole yinr a shabby en:broidery is not the ing thing the world. Ae•a% the musket should be abolished throughout the carbine substituted. Do away with the belts and substitute a black waist-belt, but sooething different to that worn by the Field Bat preipgelicrllytc—rotbsse- teries ; that is decidedly the worst thing . every in troouced and the men are ashamed of appearing with it in public'; not only bad in appearance, but bad for ser vice--Arawil and Military Gazette. The j ou ynal du Havr e after referrililto two decrees of the 6lovernmen t of New Granada, augiorising ; Granada-French Company to form a communication by canal o railroad between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, across the Isthmus of Panama, and also to a statement in some American paper, that the period fixed for the commencement of the works had elapsed without anything being done, publishes a letter from M. Salomon, one of the grantees of the privilege, denying this alter assertion, and stating that the unlertaking is in full execution. It adds, that the Company had established an easy conveyance for travellers between the port of Chogres and the Bay of Chorera, which in a short time will be capable of tran :porting machinery, materials, &c. The road in no part passes over any uneven grou n d of importance, and is ex petted to be soon fit for the conveyance of boxy merchandise. SECOND. EDITION SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. GLOBE.—The reports of the morning are anything but favourable to Sir R. Peel's prospects of success, in his efforts to preserve the heterogeneous elements which con stitute what is called his party in a state of apparent cohe sion : as to positive union, the thing is too unnatural to be regarded as possible. The Duke of Buckingham, "the Farmers' Friend," it is now pretty well understood, is to be cast aside as impracticable. His Grace has re fused his assent to . any change in theCorn-laWs ; and protests against the deception practised upon the agri cultural interest, now a change in those laws is intimated to be essential to preserve the commercial interests from embarrassment, and to satisfy the country—even by those who were among the foremost to condemn the existing; Government for proposing a similar change ih the sys tem. • The " last of the Plantagenets," and his double, Sir Richard Vivian, may again seek their rural retreats. and sigh over their abandoned Corn-laws, and the irreclaimable perfidy of Sir Robert Peel: We hear that tha wrath of the Duke is .terrible,, and his threaten ing denunciations fierce. The Duke -of Beaufort is also reported refractory, and talks of ven geance. Promises of the first vacant garters have been made to each ; but these objects of desire have not charms sufficient to calm the indignation of the dis • appointed and deceived chiefs. The secret is out. The influence of the impracticables was useful to aid the moderatesin scaling the walls of office ; but their intro duction to office would embarrass and eventually destroy the party. They are to be thrown overboard. A few empty honours are to be . promised, in the hope of stopping their clamorous complaints ; if they succeed, well ; if not, any consequences must be hazarded, rather than-the certainty of the whole concern being blown up by the. Ultra policy they insist shall' be adopted as the condition of their support. ' STANDARD.—We understand, that - there is little - or no doubt that the division on the amendment in the House of Commens will take place to-night..., 'The debate'woidd have terminated last night, bat that it wa4Aliscovered that a number of the general supporters of the Melbourne Administration had not qualified, and the Gewernment naturally desired to make as strong a muster as'possible on their last appearance in an official capacity, We have not learned whether the omission of this indispensable Parliamentary form was accidental or intentional, but there is a very prevalent rumour that there are serious defections from the Ministerial phalanx, more particularly as regards their usual Irish adherents. Among the Members who up to last night had not qualified, the names of Mr. O'Connell and, of the Irish Attorney-General were mentioned ; the total number was estimated at about twenty. There is no doubt, however, that this omission will be remedied before the division takes place, which in all probability will be to-night. It behoves every Conservative to be at his post. It is un derstood to be the wish of her Majesty that the Addresses from the two Houses of Parliament, in answer to the Speech from the Throne, should be presented on the same day. An intimation to that effect has, we have heard, been conveyed to the Conservative majority in the House of Lords, and there is no doubt that their Lordships will make such an arragement as to time as will enable the other branch of the Legislature to lay their answer to the Royal com munication at the foot of the throne on the same day that their Lordships may select for that purpose. COURIER.—The task of vindicating the conduct of the Whig Cabinet throughout its devious career was certainly a formidable one, and therefore, per haps, it is not much to be wondered at that expe rienced hands, as well as novice politicians, shauld have preferred a discussion on free-trade crotchets, to a defence of the Whig Cabinet. .But. although the novelty of Mr. Cobden's position may be some apology for his laborious but resultless wanderings, for the extra vagance of his pointless declamation, and the abundant display of his pu-poseless facts—the scrapings of offi cial tables—neither the Noble Lord the President of the Council, nor the Right Honourable the President of the Board of Trade can avail themselves of such an apologetic plea for refusing to grapple with the question raised in -the amendment, or to accept the challenge it so distinctly and unequivocally offered. From such small fry as the Wards, the Cobdens, the Crawfords, and the Bow rings, men of one idea, and that neither profound nor brilliant, a rambling incoherent discussion on the Corn-laws, and free trade projects in general, was to have been expected. A miserable collection of isolated facts, gathered from unsold pamphlets or unpublished speeches, and carefully curtailed of their fair proportions, constitute the stock in trade of these pretenders to political science. With facts and figures, shaped after the true Procrustean fashion, and tortured into a thread of forced agreement with their preconceived notions and pet projects, they came prepared to prove anything and everything ; to trace the connexion of cause and effect between the Corn-laws and every imaginable calamity ; to demonstrate the pre valence .of universal distress, and at least satisfy them selves that the country is on the brink of confusion and ruin. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at a Quarter before Four o'Clock. Several Members took the oaths and their seats. Among them we observed Mr. O'Connell, Mr. D. Cal laghan, Sir D. Roche, Mr. Cornelius O'Brien, Mr. W. S. O'Brien, Mr. Hodgson, Mr. Brocklehurst, Mr. Pigott, Mr. Dillon Browne, Mr. Mark Blake, and Mr. H. Villiers. The SPEAKER said he had received from the Clerk of the Hanaper in Ireland the names of certain persons who had notified, under their hands and seals, their as sent to act as Commissioners for the purpose of taking evidence in that country, under the Act relating to con troverted elections. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented 13 petitions from Northampton, complaining of the constitution of the pre sent House of Commons, and praying her Majesty to dis solve the Parliament and command another to be elected by Universal Suffrage. Also a petition from Smed way, complaining of distress, and praying the House to address her Majesty, begging of her to call men of Radical principles to her Councils. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from two working men at Nor wich, complaining of certain proceedings at the last elec tion for that city, and praying the House to institute an inquiry into the mal-practices of which the petitioners complained, and to give them such redress as it should think proper. Mr. W. MILES presented a number of petitions from the County of Somerset against a low fixed duty upon corn. Also a petition from the parish of Abbotsleigh, and one from a parish in the City of Bristol, praying for Church Extension. _ _ _ Colonel CONOLLY presented a petition from the Sheriff, Grand Ju . ry, and Magistrates of the County of Donegal, praying for a revival of the October Quarter Sessions in that county. The Honourable and Gal lant Member then gave notice that it was his intention, in the course of the next session of Parliament, to bring forward a motion on the subject. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Sir GEORGE GREY moved to nominate a Committee on private business :—Sir George Grey, Mr. Labouchere, Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, Mr. Loch, Lord Gran ville Somerset, Mr. Aglionby, Mr. Greene, Sir John Yarde Buller, Sir James Graham, Mr. Ellice, Mr. Est court, Sir Edward Knatchbull, Sir Thomas Fremantle, Mr. Ewart, Mr. Pendarves, Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. William Miles, Sir. William lleatheote, Sir George Clerk, and Sir Robert Ferguson. Agreed to. POST OFFICE. Mr. WALLACE moved for certain returns relative to the Post-office; and also gave notice of a motion relative to the appointment of a successor to the present Post • master-General, Mr. AINSWORTH moved for certain returns of the number of stamps used fir newspapers. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY; AUGUST 26, 1841. CASE OF MR. DaiLEOD. Mr. ROEBUCK rose and said, that.seeing the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs in his place, lie would with the permission of the House proceed to ask the Noble Lord certain questions, of which he had given notice on the first night of the •Sesion respecting the present relations between this country and America with respect to the detention of Mr. M‘Leod. He had stated, when he had given the notice, that it would be necessary for him to make a few remarks . that the House might understand the questions, which he was about to put. His object in putting these questions was as far as:possible to promote peace, and to obtain that end he would suggest that before they came to any conclusion Hon. Members should understand the ques tion of our relations with the United States. The question, or rather questions he was abont to put were five in number and related entirely to the detention of Mr. M'Leod. That detention arose out of transactions connected with the. steam-boat Caroline, an attack upon which on the United States territory had . given great umbrage not only to the State of New York'but the United States generally. Therefore on ap plication was made to the Government of this country, to which no answer was returned. It so happend that, in the meantime, Mr. M'Leod, one of those persons who was suspected of taking part in the attack, from his own boastful, b u t as h e (Mr. Roebuck) believed, erroneous statement respecting it, happened to be in the State of New York, and was arrested in con sequence of the belief so created. When he was arrested, a feeling in this countr3tarose respecting it, and orders were sent out to Mr. Fox, our Ambassador, to make application to the Government of the United States de manding the liberation of Mr. M'Leod, and, there upon, an answer was made by Mr. Forsyth, the American. Secretary for Foreign Affiiirs. To that answer lie requested the attention of the House. It should always be recollected that the demand was made by Mr. Fox before an answer was made by the Noble Lord respecting the Caroline. Mr. Forsyth's answer was that they had no jurisdiction whatever in the matter then stioken of—that it N;as a matter wholly within the jurisdiction of the State cf New York, and therefore the President of the United States could give no answer nor interfere in the matter, though relating to the safety of a British sub ject. He went even farther, and said that the President the power. . Mr. Forsyth shortly after ' -A no feeling in the matter that would induce him to king Mr. Webster. . then came in a new Government, interfere ::__ 6 " 4 . went out of office, an the new Secretary of Foreign .L. 4 2.' i rs b. Now, what he wanted to know of the INC!..'IO Lord was, first, whether there had been any change us the lan guage of the United States Government since the ac cession of a new Government to power 4 It should always be recollected, and this should haye ben the an swer given to Mr. Fox, that on the establishment of Government in the United States they had declared they considered themselves amenable to OAP int.4ll4tional law established among civilized nations in, Europe The sole medium of communication with other nations was through the Federal Government by means of the President and the people of the • United States had no more notion of New York as an independent state than the people of England had of the county of Rutland being so. Such, he conceived, ought to have been the answer made to Mr. Forsyth when he claimed for New York authority ever a British subject. However, he (Mr. floebuck) wanted now to ascertain those facts. He had written them down, and he would put them into the Noble Lerd's hands in a written, form, that he might not mis take the nature of the questions. First, he wished to know whether her Majesty's Government by any formal declaration had assumed' all the responsibility of the attack on the Caroline, and then he wanted to know whether the Government of the United States hail ad mitted that responsibility, and demanded repdration for the outrage and injury thus done to the United States, becauss it should be always recollected that if they demanded reparation for the injury done to the United States by. that attack ; it did not lie with them to . turn round and say, that New York was the only pOwer that had jurisdiction in that matter. Next, he wished to ask whether her . Ma jesty's Government had stated to the Government of the United States in the case of M'Leod that. he had acted under the commands of superior officers with • the express sanction of her . Majesty ? Fourthly, he wanted to ask whether her Majesty's Go vernment had demanded of the Government of the United States whether after such declaration it was able, and at the same time willing, to guarantee the safety and liberation of Mr. M'Leod, notwithstanding any determination of the State of New York to go on with the proceed.. ings now pending in the Courts of that State against. that, gentleinan ; and, lastly, he should ask if the Government .of the United States admitted, the validity of such authority as a protection over M'Leod, and if - having so admitted it, if the Noble Lord the, Secretary for Foreign Affairs could state any circumstance which justified the continued detention of Mr. M‘Leod by the - authority of the State of New York. He thought it would turn out that things hail been stated which would ease the minds of the people` of this country with respect t o thi s subject, and it was with that object in view that he proposed the above question. Lord PALMERSTON said that he would be the last man in that House in "any way to curtail whatever in formation he might' be able to :give on any subject. However, he felt him:All bound to remark, that the proceedings on the part of the Hon. Member who had just sat down, were some what irregular. He was sure the House would say, that if questions upon an emergency of great difficulty were preceded by a sort of narrative of transactions to which they related, and interspersed with interrogations, it became very difficult for the person who was to answer those interro gations, to refrain from going at length into the subject to which these questions referred, and thus under the form of asking a question a debate might be brought on involving topics of great national importance. He had no doubt that the statement which lie was about to make would tend to relieve the minds of many persons who, might think that the present state of the question, with regard to Mr. M'Leod was one likely to bring on any serious difference between the two countries. The narrative of the Hon. Member was he believed substantially correct. He had no paticelar re mark to make upon it. It was quite true, as he stated, that upon the first demand made by her Majesty's Government for the liberation of Mr. M'Leod, an answer was returned by the late Secretary of State in America, which was by no means satisfac tory, and he was quite ready to admit that as a doctrine of international law, no one country had a right to state in reply to a demand of redress of a wrong done to another - country, or to a subject of another country, that it had peculiar institutions. Nations being to each other as aggregate communities, one nation could know-nothing of the international laws or the internal constitution of another. If a wrong were done, redress must be given, and if the laws and consti tution of the country did not give that redress, they must either alter the laws and constitution, or sub mit to the alternative.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Now although the first reply was, as he thought, entirely wrong as a principle of international law, yet he had the satisfaction to inform the Honourable Mem ber and the House, that from the: present Govern ment of the United States a communication had been, received,- of a formal instruction given to the Attorney- General of the United States, which contained doctrines perfectly just and consistent with the law of nations, and perfectly in accordance with the principles upon which the British Government had demanded, the re lease of Mr. M'Leod, and the pasage which he should read from the instructions of the Attorney-General, an instruction given by Mr. Webster answered at once two, and perhaps more, of the questions of the honourable Member, because it showed that the British Go vernment had avowed their entire responsibility of the attack made upon the Caroline, and that the American Government considered that question as one to be dealt with between the two Governments, and to tally unconnected in any way whatever with the ques tion how Mr. M'Leod was to be dealt with. This in struction was dated the 15th March in the present year, from Mr. Webster ..to W. Crittenden, , the Attorney- General of the United States, who was proceeding to New York on business connected with the States. He recited in the first place that which had passed why Mr. M'Leod had been arrested and on what ground, and it then said—" I have now to inform you that Mr. Fox has addressed a letter to Mr. Barclay, dated the 12th inst., in which, under the imme diate instruction and direction of his Government, he demands Mr. M'Leod's immediate release,_ on the ground that the transaction on account of which he has been arrested, and is now to be put on his trial, was of a public character, planned and executed by persons duly empowered by her Majesty's colonial authorities. to take any steps, and to do any acts which might be 'neceisary for the protectiou of her Majesty's Canadas, and the defence of her Majesty's subjects ; and that, consequently, those subjects of her Majesty who had been engaged in that transaction, were perfbrming an act of public duty, for which they cannot be made, personally and individually, answerable to the laws and tribunals of any foreign country.—(Hear.) And that her Majesty's Government had further directed Mr: Fox to make known to the Government of the United States that her Majesty's Government entirely approved of the course pur sued by Mr. Fox. and the language adopted by him in his correspondence. Mr. Webster went on to deny ; there is, therefore, now an authentic declaration, on the part of the British Government, that the attack upon the - Caroline was an act of public force done by military men, acting under the orders of supe riors, and recogni se d us such by the Queen's Ministers. The importance of this declaration was not to be ques tioned, and the present President is of opinion that it calls upon him, in the performance of his high duty, to state that the individual acting under the authority of his Government, as part of a public free is not, he held, as a private trespaSser or malefactor, and that that is a principie sanctioned by the usages of all civilized nations, and which the Government of the United States has no inclination to dis pute.— (Hear, hear.) This has no connection whatever with the question of whether in this case the attack on the Caroline was, as the British Govern ment thinks it was, a justifiable employment of military force for the purpose of defending British territory from an unprovoked attack, or whether it was a most unjustifiable invasion of its territories in time of peace as this Government asserts Then two questions are essentially different, and while acknowledging that an individual may stand exempted from the consequences of his act, by showing that he acted under competent authority, this Government is not to be understood as changing its opinion with regard to the character of the transaction which resulted in the destruction of the Caroline. That subject it is not necessary, for the objects of this corre spondence, to discuss. All that is intended to be said at present is, that since the attack of the Caroline is viewed as a national act, which may justify reprisals or a general star, as the United States Government' may seem fit to decree, yet it raises a question ent:rely public and political—questions between independent na tions, and that the individual concerned in it cannot be arrested and tried before the ordinary tribunals as for a violation of municipal law. If the attack on the Caroline was unjustifiable, as this-Government has asserted, the law violated is the law Qf nations, and the redress to be sought is the redress authorised in such cases by that code. You are • well aware that the Presi dent has no power to resist the proceedings in the civil Courts of New York. If this was an indictment in one of the Courts of the United States, I am directed to say that the President, on the receipt of Mr. Fox's last com munication to Mr. Forsyth, would 'have directed a could be more honour a bl e t o t h e Govern mil: proseque to be entered.—(Cheers.) N o thi ng United States, or more sa ti s f ac t ory to t h e in m e l n ii t s e o t ei t n n i e on, British Government, than that public declaration. He thought that he had now answered all the questions of the Hon. and Learned Gentlemen except one, which was, whether the Government of the United States made their demands as for an injury done to the United States, or the State ,of New York above ? Un ques ti ona bl y the demand was from the first placed upon the ground of an injury done to the United States— (Hear) —and in the last Session of Parliament, when he (Lord Palmerston) had a few words to say upon this Subject, he stated that it was therefore impossible for the United States to turn round and deny redress on the ground that this was a question between Great Britain and the State of New York.—(Hear, hear.) It was true that the Constitution of the United States placed all matters between tde States and Foreign Pow ers in the hands of the Federal Government. The Constitution said that "No State shall enter into any treaty with Foreign Powers, nor make war, nor grant letters of marque," or do certain other things " without the consent of Congress. No State, without the consent of Congress, shall keep an army or ships of war in time of peace, or do any act of war, except in case of imminent danger.—(Hear, hear.) It was perfectly true that this question could no more be said to be between Great Britain and the State of New- York, than if America had felt herself aggrieved by Great .Britain, it could be said that the question was between America and the County of Rutland.—(Hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said that in the outset o: the affair the Government of Great Britain ought to have sent a special envoy to the state of New York. But that would be, in fact, a nullification or denial of the constitution of the United States—(Hear, hear) —and the latter would be entitled to resent it as an affront.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Palmerston) would not enter now into any statement or speculation as to what was to come. — (Hear, hear.) He would 4p ti -40,e what step the United States would t a k e t o carry not om 4 Qt intp99,pional lay w hi c h F e d era l d o y‘ o i iiineg is s; ! handsp*ely. reeoo4ed.r-(Cheers.) THE SYRIAN WAR. Sir CHARLES NAPIER took that opportunity of in quiring whether it was intended to give compensation to the peaceable inhabitants of. Syria, whose houses were de stroyed, their trees cut doWn, and their plantations ruined by the necessary operations of the British troops in the recent war ? and also, whether it was intended to give compensation to the inhabitants of St. Jean d'Acre for their losses under similar circumstances ? Lord PALMERSTON was happy in being able to state to his Gallant Friend that he had that very morning received a despatch from Lord Ponsonby, in closing a copy of a renewed order sent by the Board to the Governor of Acre, to make full remuneration.in both the cases to which his Hon. and Gallant Friend had re ferred.—(Hear.) THE LEVANT. Dr. BOWRING wished to know when the .sequenca of the correspondence on the affairs of the Levant would be laid before the House. Lord PALMERSTON said that he laid it on the table the first day of the Session. bISCUSSION ON PETITIONS. Mr. WALLACE postponed the folloWing motion till Tuesday, which he had given notice to bring for ward to-day :—That the usage which has prevailed of late years, of abstaining from discussing the petitions of the people at: the time of their pre sentation, shall not be sanctioned in tbe present Parlia ment, but that the practice which prevailed in the House prior to the period re f erre d tO, o f di scuss i n g Petitions at the time of their presentation, shall be restored:. - METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS.. On the motion of Sir M. - WC)OBthefolloVin,, ;-.Mem bers were appointed as a Select Committee to take into consideration any plans for the improvement of the me tropolis which they may demn worthy of their con sideration; and also the petitions ' which had been presented to this Ilouse in the last Parliament for the purchase of the interests of the proprietors of Wa terloo, Southwark, and Vatixhall Bridges, in order to their being immediately opened to the use of the pcblie. free from toll, and to ,report their 'Opinion as t&the expediency of adopting any of the said improvements ; antr'alsa, its to the best means of carrying s he same'into effect' :—Sir 'Matthew Wood, Sir Robert Peel,.- Sir Hobert Harry Ing,lis, Viscount Lowther„Mi. Pen darVei, Sir William Clay, Colonel Thomas -Wood, Mr. George Palmer, Mr. Tufnell, Mr. Barnard, Mr. Rigby Wason, -Mr. Wakley, Sir Benjamin Hall, Mr. Planta, Mr. Kemble, Mr. Alderman llumphery, and Mr. Hawes. Dr. BOWRING had reason to know.that the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had instituted extended inquiries on the subject of quarantine gene rally. The correspondence on the subject- would be of much use if made public, and therefore he hoped no opposition would be offered to the motion of which he had given notice. He then moved , for " Copies of any correspondence, from the year 1837, which may have taken place between the Foreign-office and the British authorities in the Levant, on the subject of the plague, and quarantine as a protec tion therefrom ; also, any correspondence with Foreign Governments with a view to regulating and improving the quarantine system."—Agreed to. The Honour able Gentleman then said he believed great errors existed in the public mind as to the amount of taxation levied on land in the different countries of Europe and as a perfect knowiedge of the facts, and greatly assist the debates which must ensue, he trusted the assistance of the Government would be given in obtaining it. He moved for a " Return of the amount of taxes levied on land in the different States of Europe; distinguish ing the taxes raised for the service of the State from those levied for local purposes ; the Re turn to show the amount in the moneys and measures of the different States, and to be rendered into British moneys and measures. Also, returns exhibiting the proportion borne by the land-tax (as approximatively as it can be estimated) to the value or rental of land in the different countries of Europe. LABOUCHERE wished to call the attention of the House to the nature of the return which had been moved for. It was a return not for any information connected with this country but with foreign countriea.— (Hear, hear.) He did not mean to say but that he considered it very desirable that such information should be laid before the House, as he considered it calculated to throw great light on many subjects on which they would be called on to legislate ; but they ought to be careful in what shape they asked for information of this decrip tion. It could only be obtained through the medium of our consuls, and he doubted if they could obtain accurate information. He took blame to himself for not having considered the nature of the returns, and spoken to his Honourable Friend on the sub ject, but he would suggest to him to move for them in a more general shape. If his Hon. Friend would postpone his motion until to-morrow he would in the meantime con sider the subject, and endeavour to put itinto such a shape as to obtain the intOrmation desired ; but he cer tainly must object to asking for information of a defi nite and precise nature from our Consuls abroad, when it could hardly be expected that the information which they could furnish would be accurate. He, there fore, thought it would be better to postpone the motion, and bring it forward again in a more general shape. 1)r. BOWRING acceded to the request of his Right Hon. Friend, and would bring forward the motion to morrow.—Motion withdrawn. NAVAL HALF-PAY. Mr. J. PARKER moved for leave to bring in a Bill to amend Acts as to Naval Half-pay. The object of the Bill was to enable mates and naval instructors to draw bills at three months for their half-pay on the Account ant-General, instead of six months, as at present. Leave was given, and the Bill was brought in and read a first time. ANTARCTIC DISCOVERIES. Lord ASHLEY moved for Copies of such Extracts from the Despatch of Captain James Ross, from Van Dieman's Land, as will show to the House the nature and extent of the brilliant discoveries which are said to have been made in a high southern latitae by .4er Ma jesty's ships Erebus and Terror.—Ordered. On the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, Mr. Patrick Stew art was added to the Printing Committee. ELECTION PETITIONS. Petitions were presented against the returns for the town of Belfast and the borough of Lewes. The peti tions were ordered to lie upon the table. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE. The Order of the Day having been read for resuming the Adjourned Debate. Lord SANDON rose and said, that he did not rise for the purpose of entering at least at any length into those questions of economical policy which forms so large and prominent a portion of the sdeech put into the mouth of her Majesty, and a still larger and more prominent portion of the speeches bf those who had preceded him in the debate. He did not think thet in following such a course he should be that which was the natural result of the course of events passing around them, or that he should be doing that which would the expectations of those constituents which had sent them to that House. However convenient it might be within the walls of that House, or elsewhere, to represent the struggle which had just been concluded as a struggle been monopoly and antimonopoly—to state that there was no other question at issue than whether or not the measures brought forward by her Majesty's Go vernment under the shape and disguise of the Budget were indeed approved of by the .people of this coun try. However convenient it might be to certain parties to put the question in that shape ; yet such was not the question which had in effect had been tried before the country, and such was not the questio on which they had been commanded to decide. He said boldly that it was not the question which the Government themselves had Intended to put, because the late dissolutio had not taken place upon the question of the sugar duties, on the corn duties, and the timber duties. With regard to the corn and timber duties neither the one nor the other had been brought under the consideration of the House of Commons, and they could never have given a justifica tion for the late dissolution. With regard to the ques tion of sugar, he could not conceive that upon the question of sugar, or the time or degree in which the pretection now afforded to the colonial in terests might be affected. Her Majesty's Govern ment were not at all entitled to call for the asSertipn of the feelings of the people by convening the Parliament. The real question which had compelled her Majesty's Go venire ent to appeal to the sense of the people was this—that the last House of Commons did clearly and distinctly vote their want of conffdence in the minority, and that was the real question upon which the country had to decide.—(Hear, from the Opposition bencheS.) That .was the admitted Cause which drove her Maejsty's Ministers to by the desperate chance of a dissolution. kthe ques t tion simply related to particular measures, the Govern-, ment had already had experience enough the year before, and during the earlier part of the Session, which would give them an excuse for trying a dissolution, if they thought it would serve their pur poses. But it" was not until they had devised new expe, dients for the purpose of diverting public attentien from the great question of their administrative policy, which had produced so deep an impression on . the public minn. It was not until that House had expressed by its vote its want of confidence in their mana . gement of affairs, that they had recourse to a dissolunon. He, there fore, 'thought was the question which the country had to answer ; and he could say for himself, that the question upon which he had appealed to his own constituents, was not simply whether the sugar of the Brazils should be admitted at one time or another subject to one form or another of competition He could assure them that he did not appeal to his con stituents as to the particular mode of proec dun which • should be afforded to domestic agri culture.—(Cheers.) He did not appeal to them as to the protection to be given to colonial timber on the mode of that protection. But the great question which he submitted to his constituents was whether or not the country had confidence in administration of affairs byher Majesty's Ministers, and whether, even if they agreed in certain points of the commercial policy, they were pre pared, in consequence of that agreement, to give their condonation for the past and fresh licence for the future. He hatl stated to them what he had stated to that Douse, that if they agreed, which they did not, on any one of those questions, they were not to be induced by agreement on these points, to sa•• crifice those greater interests which were involved in the questian whether they should have one Adminis tration or the other. Ile had told them, and he begged the House to remember that feelings had been excited within the country and the House by the con duct of Ministers ; on other points on questions of still 'higher importance he had appealed to them, whether the approved of their Irish Administration of their measures rospecting the Church, with regard to education, with regard to the distributiatt patronage, and of majesterial offices and honours, a nd on all these questions, affecting more deeply the interests of men than whet* 0.1 1 ?9(-17e Qf protection should be that a 1134" duty ox. a sliding scale, or whether Bri sugar and colonial timber should be admitted at one rate or another, Oa much greater questions than these did he appeal to his constituents, and he received not only a verdict but the highest expressions of ap probation.—(Cheers.) These were the grounds on which the great majority of the Conservative party had been returned to the House. The constituencies had despised the bait held out. The tub thrown to the whole, and would not permit the real issue to be withdrawn, and a feigned one sub stituted in its place. (Loud cheers) The real question at issue between the proposition her Majesty's Government and the Conservatives, was not the question of free trade one way or the other. Between the language of the Government and their proposition there was a wide difference. Their language was that of free trade, but they had heard little professions in any part of the em pire of adherence to the specific proposition of the Government. The question was, so far as it wus a commercial question, whether there should be protecion to commercial industry or not. The particular degree was not the question submitted to the constituencies of England.—(Hear.) The question had been distinctly put before them, " Have you such confidence in her Majesty's Ministers for the future, as to be willing to entrust them with the further administration of this country, and whether men agreed wilh the Government degree of protection, or whether they differed, he believed the constituences of England had been governed by this great consideration, and it was to this, their determination, the House was called upon to give effect, otherwise they would betray the principles they had professed and the interest; which had been confided to them.—(Hear, he a -.) With these views, he thought they were called on net to go into detail on any of those questions that was submitted to them in the Queen's Speech, but to carry • . into effect the verdict which the consti tuencies of England have returned.—(Hear, hear.) These were the short and simple grounds on which he gave his support to the amendment. It was not that he was indiflerent to the question which been introduced into the discussion ; not that he was indifferent to the sufferings of .th::'popu littok of this country, or blind to the diSwess under hwhich it was now labouring in the commercial and ma nufacturing districts ; btie it . was that he thought the management of questions like those - would• be more safely trusted to other hands 'thaw those ,of the . mean to say that in sending him to Parliament the con stituency which he had the honour to represent had declared• that they preferred • a sliding • scale to a fixed duty on corn ; but he believed that they had distinctly stated that they were in favour of protection. Mr. MILNER GIBSON rose, and was (I,,FT SPEAKING. ) TAT TERSALL'S.-T HIS EVENING. No betting worth notice ; 200 even, the Squire agst Middleham for the St. Leger. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Aug. 25. The SPEAKER took the Chair at a Quarter before Four o'Clock. &Several Members were sworn in. ADDRESS-ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. EWART (in continuation) proceeded to say — His Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester had re ferred on the previous night to the opinions which lied been expressed by a person deservedly of the highest commercial consideration when he sat in that House, the late Sir Robert Peel, and had quoted the observations of that experienced manufacturer and trader on the sub ject of the Corn-laws. He (Mr. Ewart) would go still further—he would- quote the opinions of another person on the importance of extending commerce and manufactures, namely, those of the present Sir R. Peel, and if the advice of the father were lost upon any Hon. Gentleman opposite, at all events they would listen to the more recent and equally valuable counsel of the son of that father. Sir R. Peel in the year 1836, gave the following sound. advice to the landed interest of this country. The Right Hon. Baronet could not, he said, help think ing that he saw in the great prosperity of our trade and manufactures a more encouraging prospect of the improved condition of agriculture than in any other definite cause. He (Mr. Ewart) trusted that now when Honourable Members were called on to ad vance that trade and those manufactures they would consider that, in the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet, they would, in effecting that object, advance the Agri_ cultural interest of the country. He trusted that they would at least have some' respect to the opinions of the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that he was perfectly satisfied that the hopes of the agriculturists should rest on their own exertions—that from them they would derive their best success. He thought it necessary to call the attention - of Honourable Gentlemen opposite to the opinions of one whose wise counsels they gene rally followed. He had ventured to refer to the Scottish farmers, to whom the Rightllon. Baronet referred, and with whom the principle-of. free competition succeeded. They had found that commerce was their best friend. It was well known to every Honourable Gentle man who was at all •aequainted with agricul tural matters, that the cultivators of the soil derived from commerce the most signal advantages. To commerce they were indebted for the introduction of such improvements in agriculture as bone-dust, and nitrate of soda. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, at a recent meeting of the Agricultural Association at Li verpool, alluded to another article which was likely to he of the greatest importance in the improvement at agri culture, namely, guava, which was imported from the shores of the South Pacific, and for the in troduction of which the agriculturists were in debted to the sagacity of an enterprising merchant. Nor was it to commerce alone, but also to manuf ac t ures that agriculture was iralebed. The steam-engine was now to be seen in the farm yard assisting in the operations of husbandry ; and he was convinced that the largest advantages would be derived from the more ex tensive application of the steam-engine in this branch of industry. An engine of six-horse power. could be put up in a farm-yard for 1501., or even for less, and the farmers would find that cheaper than the kind of power which they now employed. He hoped that the present race partook of the improvement of the times, and were more enlightened than their fathers, who rejected every im provement. Ile hoped that the landed proprietors did not still bear out the assertion of the most illustrious of Irish orators, the late Mr. Grattan, that in his day s th e y represented the inert c a pit a l and the inert talent of the.country." Agriculture, like all other trades, was best promoted by free competition, and a steadiness of demand. The President of the Board of Trade had entered into elaborate, but conclusive calculations, to show that the present system of averages encouraged gambling, andwas favorable only to the speculator in corn. The figurn laid before the House last night were amply confirmed by the facts which he knew from his connection with many persons in the corn trade in - Liverpool. The Hon. Member for Manchester went further than the President of the Board of Trade, and showed that not only trade, but the circulation, suffered in consequence of the uncer tainty attending the present system of averages. The best basis for a satisfactory currency, as in commerce, was in having the interchange as steady and permanent as possible, and this could only be done by a system of free interchange, or in other words, perfect freedom of .ade. He was convinced that the only system for a sound basis for the currency was a sound system .of free trade. He went further than either of' his friends expressed themselves, because it was his opinion that it would not be sufficient to introduce those commercial reforms, but they would eventually have to be based upon a change in the system of taxation ; in short, he believed they would have to adopt a property tax--(Cries of Hear, hear")—and take oft the tax from labour. He believed that the commercial changes that were taking place had a tendency to that end. Besides these reasons that existed at home, there were many other reasons which led him to that conclusion, and among them the state of their foreign trade. They had to encounter a most formidable foreign com petition since their machinery . and manufactories had been so generally adopted in foreign countries. Rapid advances had been made in Switzerland and Belgium in competing with the manufactur ing prosperity of this country. The sn ana ti o . turers in those countries were enabled t o en j oy the advantages of combining patents which could only be used singly in England, and that was a very material adVantage. His Honourable Friend the Member for Manchester had adverted to the increase of the production of cotton goods abro a d ; and his state ments were confirmed by the authority of the Hand loom Commissioners. Mr. 81 -ymonds stated upon that Commission, remarkable c ircumstances with re spect to the spinning of yarn ; and he (Mr. Ewart) felt most confident that at no distant period ell Eng lish yarns, at least all under 150, would soon find no market in Switzerland. H e m i g h t o b serve that Switzerland, though possessing a barren soi l, now possessed a popul a ti on better clothed and bette r fed than any other peopl e i n Europe ; and he was glad to be able to offer that evidence of . the value of free trade. The export of our o materially wn yarns had very de creased within the last year, which was the first time that this had h a p pened, and he thought it a very alarm ing circumstance. The foreigner had the great advantage over us of being enabled to adopt all our best machinery which: - it had taken us upwards of 50 years to bring to its present perfection. Again, they had the advantage of at once adopting . the system of r-ilways without the long and expensive experiments made by this country in bringing our turnpike roads to their present state, and they possessed the advantage of having greater perfection in the art of design. • But there were other and more momentous considerations than these. The Continent had found out the necessity of forming extensive confederations for the pro;ection and nourishment of their trade and manufactures, to which they had been driven by our prohibition system. That system of confederation was now extending itself still further—Holland had already adopted the system, and it was possible that a confederation of ,the same nature might take place between Belgium and France. Now what did all these confederations for commercial purposes prove ? They proved that the persons who had undertaken them were convinced of the advantages and benefits of free trade, for so far as the circle was extend ing, it was the adoption of the principle of free trade.— (Hear, hear.) He therefore accepted these confedera tions as a silent homage to the principles of free trade. They were political satellites, which, combined together as a whole, diffused a snore brilliant and more benefi cial light than they could do separately. Now how could these extensions of the system of free trade be met by this country ? The only way in which they could be met was by extending our trade all over the world by adopting a free trade policy. If we did not adopt that policy . we should suffer permanently and severely, but by adopting it we should disarm those Powers, and extend the commerce and g l or y o f t h e na ti on throughl every part of the world. Another reason why he approved of the ~ ~ r EVENING SU N ystem of free trade was, because he was convinced that the principles of commercial freedom were favourable to the peace of the world. He hailed the day when the mutual interchange of their productions should bind the nations of the earth still more to each other. , He ,denied the principle held by some of the Gentlenien opposite, that it was desirable that no country should be depend ent upon another ; on the contrary, he thought a system of mutual dependence on each other had been de signed by Providence to bind the nations of the world more firmly together. Why should we not take the corn of America, as well as the cotton of America ? We' took their cotton, and that commerce tended to bind the nations together in feelings of amity ; if we took their corn in addition, it would increase the feeling of union between the two countries, and raise in the new corn-growing States of America a feeling bene ficial to the interests of this country. He, therefore, trusted that so far from seeing the iron fetters of re striction more firmly riveted on the commerce a this. country, he should see them ere long struck off, and free, play given to the unfettered energies of this great com mercial country. There is yet another view in which he supported the commercial system of freedom developed in the Speech from the Throne. It was because he believed that if the principles of commercial freedom were gene rally adopted, this country would become the eutrepot for the different trading articles of the world, the great market of the world. Great Britain was the capitalist of the worid. and where capital was, if it had a fair field, there would be the market of the world. This was the great reason why he supported the principles developed ins the Speech of her Majesty, because he believed that,. if adopted, Great Britain would become the market for coffee, corn, sugar, and all other articles of commerce:. Such was the opinion of Mr. Huskisson, and such, he believed, would be the result. But it was not from any narrow or isolated view that these principles would be applied. Individual success was closely interwov±n with the advance of the nation, and he was firmly,aon vinced, and he believed it would be proved by expalenc'e, that there was ro other solid foundation for de splcat dour and duration of our commerce, an d f or the peace and prosperity of the world. Captain HAMILTON ..said it would t selief to the House, if he assintarthose Meir.'„ : „es ,fr hat he was not going to follow th e H on . Member thr4rh all 'The topics of his speech. The Hon. Member - nacl carried - the House through our policy at home a id 3,13r0ad, 'through the corn-laws, the duties which rflatedto commerce, and 'to many other subjects ; but, 51thOugh he hid made a speech extremely advantageoUs to those who had heart him, he had not.alluded to the real question before • the, House, namely, the want of confidence in Ministers.. The Hori. little in allusion to the. Queen's Speech, Of that Speech, he (Capt. Hamilton) desired to speak with the greatest respect ; but -un doubtedly the conclusion of it had thrown down the gauntlet to the House, and the question to be decide? was, whether confidence was or was not reposed in. V il e Government by the majority of that House.—(ls ear . The Hon. Member who ju s t sa t d own alluded 'to the) speech recently made by the Right Hon. Rarrinet the Member for 'ramworth. He (Captain H.amit,ton) was not there as the defender of th e Right /kn. Baronet. He could not carry the House through_ tk.e vicis s it u d es of doctrines of which the Hon, M . :mber had pro pounded ; but he would tell the House the invariable answer which he gave to the inquiries made of him re specting what the Right. Hon. Baronet intended to do. His answer was, that he could not say what the Rito e t Hon. Baronet intended to do, but this he knew, &at . i ' whatever the Right lion. Baronet meant to do,. could not be worse than what was done by those or.. the other side. He (Captain Hamilt on ) f oun d that "all intelli gen t men were satisfied with that explanatio r„ (Hear. hear.) After he (Captain Hamilto n ) had ventured to addr ess the House on the occasion of th e ]sr ote o f Confidence in the late Parliament, the tt,en Hon. Member f or Kil-. kenny (Mr. Hume) taunted Hon. Gentlemen on the Opposition side of the House with what their const4nents would say to them at the hustings on the questions of sugar, corn, and timber. Surely that Gentleman (Mr.liume) must have made a miscalculation, else why was he not now es . Member of the H ouse ?—(L aughter.) Re- (Captain Hamilton) believ e d th a t the Hon- Member who just sa t, down was one of those GerAleaaen wlya spoke i n a simi lar tone as the late M em b er for K i '. ) .cenny. It was., "per haps, presumption i n hi m to "_)rude to the speech. o f t h e Noble Lord the Secretary-'for the Colonies at th e hust ings ; but the division would devel o p what e result wootd• apPr"-aehin oe. Hon. Members might sp ea k aga i nst likes' time —es4l '7; might go into any abstract q u e s ti on t h ey in order to draw away public attention from the real point at issue ; but every individual was aware that the long and the short of the present debate was, did the Ministers of the Crown possess the confi dence of , the country ? He should say, decidedly not. The allusion to the Corn-laws was introduced into the Queen's Speech to enable Hon. Memb2-s to make speeches upon that Speech, so that their views might go forth to the public ; these were his reasons for voting in favour of the amendment. Mr. WARD conceived it to be the duty of Members on this side of the House to endeavour to ascertain the opinions of those who were the present candidates for power.—(Hear, hear.) He found a justification for that opinion in the speech of the Hon. Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, who said that the . policy of the future Government forrited"no part of the debate. Yet that Hon. Gentleman at the same time affirmed that he was sent here as pare of the answer which the people gave to the appeal of her Majesty's .Ministers.—(Tory cheers.) He (Mr. Ward) was as much a part of that answer as the Hon. Gentleman, and he must say that.. if the Noble Lord, whom the Hon. Gentleman theta succeeded, had exercised his influence as others did, the West 'Riding of York would hare returned a very different answer,—(" Oh, oh," from the Tories, and: cheers.) The retern of the Honourable Gentleman: was one of the greatest mistakes ever made by the people of that riding.--:(Loud cheers and laughter.) They had returned the party which had two sets of lan-. House. —o .—( n c e he f e o rs r .) the T h h i c is N tin o g o s ie ad Lord eostehccernfdoerd the amendment, and had shown great cower and talent, was afraid to damage his character for tree trade by assailing those parts of the Address in which that principle was roctmumended, but on the hustings at the West Riding the new Representatives appeared as the farmers' friends,. and styled themselves the protectors of the agricultural class against the insidious attacks of that discreditable body the manufacturers.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh," from the Tories.) It was not on such grounds that the Hon. Mover of the amendment presented himself last night.—(Cheers.) He avoided all discussion of the Corn-laws and questions of commerce and revenue.-- (Hear, hear.) But he drew a bill of indictment against the Government of Lord Grey, and he descanted largely upon the appropriation clause, with which he did him (Mr. Ward) the honour to connect his name. He spoke of the tergiversation of Ministers in respect to that clause, and he (Mr. A.) wondered that the Hon. Gentleman could venture to speak of tergiver sation on Irish of airs, when he looked upon those who. filled the benches behind h , m.—(Cheers and laughter.) Did he not know that Ireland was the classic ground or tergiversation? The Hon. Gentleman himself had, and much to his honour, changed his mind upon the affairs of Ireland, for which he was not yet forgiven by those around him. The Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) near him (Mr. Ward) refused to join the Government of Mr. Can ning because Catholic emancipation was made ever an open question. Yet in no long time afterwards the Right Hon. Baronet was mainly instrumental in carry ing that measure as a Cabinet Minister. These things should be borne in mind by those who reproached Lord: John Russell for his abandonment of the Appropriation la changes Cuse. in h h l i i s e p m a r eli t he we ( r Mr. d s l a V d . v ) a n t h t e o g u e g e h e thought , t hat all such whenfound them se l ves compe ll ed to give way u p on meas t u h r ey m easures to which they were opposed. It would be better that they should leave the responsibility of carrying such measures. to their opponents.—(Hear, hear.) In the case of Sir R. Peel and the Duke of Wellington's Cabinet, that: course would have been better in the case of the Catholic emancipation, which caused dissension in their party, which had not yet been reconciled, and led the way for the breaking up of the Government. In reference tfo L th e e rd ap j p o r h o n pr ß la u to si, clauseell hadresi i g t ne w d o w ul h d en ha h N e - e b wa e s e d n ef be ea t t te ed r i on that clause. The country would have seen what measures the Bight lion. Baronet would propose for would legislate on the cor p orat i ons , Ireland—how a e n le d c —ow he elective n chisc, and that monster grievance the On nthe m opposite" en e G a T e t m C ht h e e d ei the Cheating.) coalition of poly of all hinds. The time would come w h en t h ey b lri en s c h he C s 11 wasu Church.—(Great ( would have opposed to them the coalition o f consumers. —(Cheers.) .A day like this out of doors would cause t h a t coalition rapialy to spread.—(Cheers.) This day was doing incalculable mischi e f a ll over t h e country. It was blighting the hopes of the husbandman, Ind spoiling the crops which were alrerdy scanty.—(Hear, hear.) It would do more to destroy the effect of the majority for the amendment than all the speeches that could be made in that- House. —(Hear.) The crop was already considerably below. the average, and was now materially damaged by the wea ther.— (lemultuoes ce:es . of " No, no," from the Tory benches.) They must not make the weather a party • question in that House.—(Great laughter and cheering from the Tory benches.) Why, Hon. Gentlemen made it so, and it was singular enough that all sides reported the weather a - cording to their wishes.—(Cheers and laughter on the Tory side for some minutes.) Why,. Hon. Members met him with a direct contradiction of a fact - or which he vouched from his own observations over that large tract of country with which he was con nected. The crop would there fall short of the average by 1-6th or 1-Bth. If he took the latter and smaller =bunt, there would be a deficiency of two millions of quarters, which would require five millions in gold to he . sent to the Continent, and we should be obliged to go, into the worst market at the worst time, when the people of the Continent were themselves suffering from a bad season and a deficient crop.—(Hear, hear.) These were serious considerations, because a drain on the Bank operated on every branch of the indastry of the country. They would have a repetition of what they said last year—they would have money going out that they could not spare—they would have the currency embarrassed during • the worst period, when the people were most in want of labour, food, and constant work. Of twenty millions duty that was paid on corn, six mil lions might as well have been thrown into the sea. It was necessary then to have recourse to some better and more reasonable course. Now, what was that course to be ? He did not care one pin about the men who go verned the country, but he did care much about the principles on which it was governed.—(Hear, hear.) What had they to decide on ? On one side they had a distinct and intelligible proposition, 'from a Govern ment which told them they were' willing to propose an es. duty on wheat, leaving the tratilefreefrom any other i m position,—on the other side they had a statement that gentlemen opposite were "willing to consider" of and e deeply sympathized" with the distresses of her Ma jesty's subjects, but they had also from the leader of that party a most distinct opposition pledge—the only cne that ne had been ever brought to give—that he meant to adhere to a sliding scale, which was adhering to a system