The Sun. — London, England, 1867-02-06 00:00:00

hasty proposition for the consideration of the house. How that proposition was treated is matter of history; it was not defeated wholly by the opponents of the noble earl ; but partially by those whom the noble earl had reckoned among his supporters ; so ill-considered, so incomplete, so unsa tisfactory, and at the same time so dangerous, that although the House of Commons had unanimously admitted the ex pediency of reducing the franchise, yet when its members came to discuss the changes proposed in the measure before them, some of the noble earl's supporters, as well as those opposed to him, pronounced the bill to be not good. (Hear.) I ask pardon for having been been led to take so much notice of this topic introduced by the noble earl, and I think it far better that I should not add another word upon the subject, but leave it for the consideration of the other house, which is principally, though not exclusively, interested in its settlement. (Hear, hear.) Having addressed himself to the question of It Arm, the noble earl thought it necessary to refer to only two topics. In the first place, he hoped that in making any proposition to the United States Government for the settlement of those unfortunate differences arising out of the late civil war, the present Go vernment would be careful not to stultify the country or imperil its honour. He did not complain that the present Government had taken a different course from that which he had thought fit to pursue, but ho hoped we should make no concessions calculated to sacrifice the honour of the country. The correspondence upon this subject has not arrived at a point which will permit me, consistently with duty, to lay it before the house ; but I will say that, as early as the public service will permit, it will be laid before Parliament, and the noble earl will then find that while we have been disposed to come to an amicable solution of the existing differences, we have not departed from what is consistent with the honour of the country, or forfeited those rights which belong to an independent country. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl appears to think that some proposition has been made to the United States Govern ment. The fact is that shortly after the accession of the present Government to office, the United States Govern ment addressed a despatch to the Foreign-office, recapitu lating the grounds of complaint which they stated they had before offered for the consideration of the office. In answer to that, my noble relative thought it necessary to enter, not acrimoniously, but particularly, into a discussion of the various points raised. And I would state distinctly that there was one question pressed upon us, as it was pressed upon the noble earl opposite, to which we thought we could come to a compromise or settlement. That was as to the right of this country to decide at what time and under what circumstances we should recognise the belli gerent rights of the Confederates. In the first place, the questions of recognising belligerent rights is inherent in an independent Power; in the next place, a recognition of belligerent rights should not precede but follow a de claration of blockade by the United States; to blockade is essentially the exercise of a belligerent right, and when a blockade was declared between the two parties there were two courses open to her Majesty's Government—to refuse to recognise the validity of the blockade on the ground that there was no belligerent, or, on the other hand, to recognise the belligerent rights of the two parties. And 1 think the noble earl very truly said that between the two alternatives he selected that which was most friendly to the United States when he recognised that which was a most imperfect blockade, although, by taking this course, he found himself under the necessity of recognising correlative obligations. (Hear, hear.) But I cannot think this is a point on which the United States Government lay much stress, because we saw very lately that upon the introduction of the new Minister from Franco at Washington a declaration was officially made that after the evacuation of Mexico by the French there would no longer remain between the two countries a single question to lead to a ground for differ ence or complaint. Now, the Government of the Emperor of the French and the late Government of her Majesty pur sued a precisely identical course with reference to bellige rent rights and the recent blockade ; and surely, if there is no ground of complaint between the United States and France with reference to the latter's conduct in connexion with the blockade of• the Southern ports, there can be no ground of complaint against her Majesty's Government in reference to the same matter. But, my lords, I will say this - if the United States admit the principle of arbitration, if they can point out the precise questions which they de sire to have submitted to the arbiter, and the grounds upon which they seek for redress and compensation, we shall be quite ready to meet them in a friendly spirit, to discuss the points upon which arbitration is sought, and, if we can find an impartial arbiter, to refer to his decision the questions at issue. Such are the points which we have submitted to the United States Government. It remains to be seen if they can be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. I trust they may, for there are no countries between which friendly re lations are more entirely for the interests of both than this country and the great Republic at the other side of the At lantic. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more suicidal than a war between the two countries ; nothing more destruc tive of their best interests ; and, at the same time, there are no two countries which have it in their power to be more useful to one another. (Hear, hear.) I think there is only one other topic in the Royal Speech to which the noble earl adverted, and that is the measure to be proposed with re gard to the settlement of the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland. Ido not at all wish to detract from the merits which he so properly ascribed to the adminis tration of the noble lord the late Lord-Lieutenant, and I agree with him that one of the questions most necessary to be solved in the case of Ireland, and at the same time most difficult of solution, is the land question. I will not anti cipate the discussion of the particular measure we propose to bring forward. It is ready to be laid upon the table of the other house, and 1 will only say that while on the one hand her Majesty's Government anxiously desire to give every facility to the tenant for benefiting by his improve ments, they also desire to maintain the just rights of pro perty, which cannot be interfered with without destroying the whole social condition of the country. (Hear, hear.) As the noble earl has not thought proper to comment on any other portion of the Speech, and as after waiting for a little time I found that no other noble lord wished to put a question, I will saynothing more, but will content myself with expressing my thankfulness to your lordships for the manner in which you have received the Speech and the Address, and I hope that it may be an indication of the corresponding candour and courtesy with which the mea sures will be received which will be submiited to the con sideration of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The motion was agreed to, and The house adjourned at 20 minutes past 7. HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at one o'clock; after which hour the members began to arrive in quick succession. At two o'clock, when Sir Augustus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the door of the house, and, advancing to the table, informed the Speaker that the attendance of the honourable house was required in the House of Peers, The SPEAKER immediately left the chair, and the Chief Clerk read out from the list the order in which it had been arranged the members should accom pany the Speaker. Commencing with the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, the names of the members of the Government were called, and then afterwards those of various members on either side the house, but after ten or a dozen particular names bad been pronounced nearly the whole of the hon. members within the house rose from their seats, made a quiet rush to the door, and followed in the train of the Speaker in the most admirable confusion. The SPEAKER having returned, the sitting was suspended until a quarter before four. The SPEAKER resumed the chair at a quarter before four. NEW MEMBERS. The following new members took the oaths and their seats :—Mr. Gwyn, for Brecknock ; Mr. Garth, for Guildford; Mr. Smith, for Falmouth; Capt. White, for Tipperary; Mr. Lanyon, for Belfast ; Mr. Vance, for Armagh ; Mr. Rolt, for West Gloucestershire ; Mr. Cust, for North Salop ; Mr. Pennant, for Carnarvon ; and Mr. Bowen, for Pembroke. Mr. Bright and Mr. Gladstone were both warmly cheered on entering the house, the latter gentleman coming in for the. lion's share. NEW WRIT. A new writ was ordered to issue for North Northamptonshire, in the room of Lord Burleigh, now Marquis of Exeter. A new writ was also ordered to issue for East Sussex, in the room of Sir E. Kerrison, who had ac cepted the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. NOTICES OF MOTION.--GOVERNMEN T INAEASUFIES. Colonel TAYLOR gave notice that on the 7th of February Sir S. Northcote would move for leave to bring in a bill affecting railway compani es un able to meet their engagements. On the Bth Mr. Hardy would move for leave to introduc,3 a 13:11 to improve the poor relief in the metropolis. On the 'same day Mr. Walpole would move for leave to bring in a bill respecting trades' unions. On the 11th Mr. Hunt would move for leave to introduce A bill for the purpose of effecting uniformity of assessment in England and Wales. On the 14th Lord Naas would move for leave to introduce a bill to improve the position of landlord and tenant in Ireland, and on the 15th Mr. Walpole would move for leave to introduce a bill for an improvement in the Factory Act, and to regulate the hours of em ployment of women and children. CRETE. Mr. GREGORY gave notice of his intention to move for certain papers relative to the insurrection in Crete. Mr. SLELI gave notice of his intention of moving certain resolutions with respect to powers of the Admiralty and Dockyard management, CHURCH RATES. Mr. HARDCASTLE gave notice of his intention on an early day to move for leave to introduce a bill for the abolition of Church Rates. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER having read her Majesty's Speech, Mr. T. DE GREY rose to move the Address on the house in answer to the Royal Speech ; he said he felt it quite necessary for him to ask the indul gence of the house, while he addressed the house, especially as at the close of last session a struggle took place which resulted in a change of Govern ment. The different parties had not got settled down, and if in the observations he should address to the house he should say anything distasteful to - - - any section of those great parties he hoped they would attribute it to his inexperience. The house he felt certain was most anxious to adopt good measures, and therefore he thought it would be judged of but little importance from which side of the house those measures emanated. There was one paragraph in the Speech which, he had no doubt, would give great satisfaction viz., that her Majesty was on the most friendly terms with the Continental Powers. This circumstance showed that peace would still prevail in England. There were other matters in her Ma- jesty's Speech which would give great satisfaction, . _ and none so more than that setting forth measures which would result in the improved comfort of the soldier. With respect to the war which happily had terminated in Germany, it was hoped that as soon as the disturbances that that struggle hal produced had passed away a better and more prosperous state of things would prevail. With respect to the state of matters between this country and the United States, he also felt that the in formation that all chance of becoming involved in a quarrel with that great country had passed away, and he doubted not that the result of the deliberations would be that a recur rence of matters like those which had transpired would not again arise, and that a better and more friendly feeling would exist between the two countries. The subject of Canada was also re ferred to in the Royal Speech, and after the noble manner the country had come forward to support her Majesty's rule, he thought it would but be just that the Parliament of this country should take steps to consolidate and satisfy the scheme of Confederation which had been passed by the several legislatures in that country. It was with deep regret that he read the account of the outbreak of famine in India, but the steps the Go vernment had taken during the autumn, he trusted, would mitigate the effects of the calamity ; and since the outbreak an abundant harvest had been granted to that country, he trusted that, under Divine Providence, the effects of the famine would be fully mitigated. It is to be regretted that Fenians still disturbed the peace and quiet of the sister country, but the steps of the Government, he thought, would end in the restoration of general tranquillity. The cattle plague, it was to be re gretted, was still lingering about, but he trusted that the most active steps would be taken to stop the progress of such a great calamity. He now came to the vexed question of reform. (Hear, hear.) If the country wanted Reform, it did not require resolutions—(hear, hear)—but of this he was quite certain, that without all parties were ready to unite, practically speaking, no measure of Reform was likely to be carried in that house. If the question was to be approached in a friendly spirit, he thought it would be scarcely prudent for her Majesty's present Government to undertake the task of revising the Constitution in the face of such an opposition as it was likely to encounter. ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) The hon. gentleman having touched upon the other matters referred to in the Royal Speech, thanked the house for their atten tion, and concluded by reading the Address, which, as usual, was a mere echo of the Speech. Mr. GRAVES said that in undertaking the hon our of seconding the Address, no one felt more than he the inadequacy of his abi lity to perform the task. The Speech which they had had the pleasure of hearing that day was, in his opinion, a good one—one which he fully anticipated would be satisfactory to the house, and that it would be, acceptable to the country. He felt that it was of the highest im- portance that neutrality should be the policy of England in all differences abroad, and he thought that if those laws were found to be lax or overweighted, and this country was called upon to make compensation, it would lead to the making of those laws more intelligible for the future guidance of all maritime Powers. The great question, however, which was agitating all parties was the question of Reform. (Hear, hear.) The necessity of an extension of the franchise was admitted by all parties, but the real question with all was, how was a just and wise solution of the difficulty to be ar rived at. Whether the measure which her Majes ty's Government intended to bring forward would include a redistribution of seats—(hear hear) — or whether it would boldly grapple with that great mass of corruption which had been recently brought to light, and which he regarded as a blot in the honour of the country, he did not know. But this much he felt certain, that the measure of the Government would be conceived and framed in no narrow spirit, but that a broad and good measure would be submitted in an earnest and honest desire that it might he found acceptable to the house and the country. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentlemen then proceeded to comment on the other paragraphs in her Majesty's Speech—one of the mast important of which was the announcement of the relaxation of the navigation laws, for which they were indebted to the enlightened wisdom of the Emperor of the French, and it was in the highest degree satisfactory that her Majesty had announced to his Majesty her desire for their extinction on equitable terms. His Majesty, it was highly satisfactory to learn, had shown that he was anxious that an arrangement should take place, and to show that he was earnest in the matter he had already admitted British ships to the advantages of the proposed new law. The panic which had existed last year had exercised a very depressing influence upon manufactures and commerce ; but he trusted that no such ele ment would again disturb or destroy the prospects of the country. He rejoiced that it was intended to introduce a measure for the improvement of the position of landlord and tenant in Ireland, because he knew from his own experience that that confi dence and security which it was most essential should prevail did not exist. Until the railways of Ireland were put upon a better footing the resources of that country would never become known. To do this State control might be required, but he thought that should such be called for the result would prove highly advantageous. He thought if a precedent were required that he could point to India, but he thought that before long they would be able to point to one nearer home, because the post-office would soon have to take over the whole of the telegraph system. The SPEAKER having read the Address, Mr. GL ADS TONE, amid much cheering from:the opposi tion benches, rose and said—l rise, Mr. Speaker, for the pur pose of supporting the Address which has been moved and seconded from the opposite benches. I heartily approve of the well-established rule which on all occasions dis-, courages the needless importation of subjects of difference into the debate upon the Address to the Crown in reply to the Royal Speech, and I confess that on this occasion, in dependently of much other matter which the Address con tains, and which we should wish to see brought under dis cussion with the most favourable auspices, there are three announcements I think quite sufficient to make any candid or well-judging man reluctant to see dissension introduced into this debate —I mean the announcement of the measure for the union of the North American provinces ; secondly, the announcement of the measure on that most important subject, namely, the state of the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland—(hear)—and I must add in a form to which Ido not think the most fastidious amongst us will find anything to object to—(hear) —and thirdly, the announcement not less, but even still more, gratifying, namely, that in the judgment of her Majesty's Government the time has arrived when the existence of exceptional, and in one sense arbitrary, power in Ireland may reach its termination. (Cheers.) Sir, lam not only indisposed to make any amendment on the present occasion, but if there be any gentleman who entert a i ns a different opinion, and to whom I could offer a recommendation, I would earnestly beseech him to forbear from executing such an intention. (Hear.) Passing, however, from the numerous and im portant subjects introduced iflto her Majesty's Speech, I ~pe~~~, am anxious to offer some remarks upon a few of the paragraphs which that Speech contains. And first, I will touch for a moment on that momentous subject —the correspondence that has taken place between the government of the United Kingdom and the government of the United States of America in reference to questions pending between the two countries, and which questions have arisen out of the late civil war. I wish to convey to the noble lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairsonthe part of those with whom I have had the opportunity of com municating, that what he has done or proposes to do on that subject, will be judged by us, not in the narrow spirit of endeavouring to exact from him a precise conformity to the steps we ourselves may have taken, but so long as his measures and policy are consistent with the honour con ducive to the interests of the country, everything which proceeds from the noble lord and his colleagues shall receive from us a most favourable consideration. (Hear.) I will now go on to the paragraph relating to the insurrection which has distracted, and I know not how much or to what extent it still distracts, the important island of Candia. I miss in the Royal Speech an intimation which it is so com mon to convey upon certain subjects, especially foreign subjects that have reached some degree of maturity,viz., that it is the intention of her Majesty's government to present papers to the house. I observe that an hon. friend of mine has already given notice of his desire to obtain information in that shape, and I venture to express the hope that her Majesty's Government will be prepared to lay before us such information on this subject as they possess, for this question is one which, although of foreign concern, nevertheless can not be regarded as very remote from our interests, but still more, it cannot bo regarded as a question in which we are altogether without rights. (Hear.) Wa do not know from any authentic sources the causes of this insurrection. We certainly know the deplorable calamities that have attended it and the desperate resolution, against enormous odds, with which the battle was fought. What lam desirous of knowing, and what I hope the papers will prove is, that the Government of the Sultan is not responsible for the insurrection—(hear, hear)—but that he had before the ou• break given faithful and full execution to that important instrument, the hatti-scheriff, which he had issued at the close of the Crimean war, to secure to the Christian sub jects of the Sultan that civil equality to which they are justly entitled, which had been for too long a time withheld. (Hear, hear.) This is a question, not only of the utmost gravity in itself, it is one rather in the general interests of humanity than of especial British interest, viewing it in a narrow sense, but it is likewise a qusstion of tho utmost importance in reference to the future. (Hear.) I congra tulate her Majesty's Government warmly upon the fact that the time has a rived when they are able to promise or to form a judgment on the circumstances of the moment that they will not, under those circumstances, apply for the extension of the exceptional powers of the Government in Ireland. (Cheers from the Irish members.) And I join witli them in rejoicing that the spirit displayed by the community itself iu aid of that Government has proved to be so potent an ally in averting the evils which at one time we had been led to apprehend a phenomenon new in the history of Ire land, but one which, I trust, will lead to much reflection as to its cause, and that that reflection will prove a powerful encouragement to us to prosecute that policy of liberality anti justice to Ireland of which in part we now witness the happy result. (Hews.) Her Majesty's Government refers to a subject of great interest relative to the condition of the army and reserve. If I caught correctly the words of the Address, it is proposed to state to her Majesty, in reply to the Royal Speech, that we will cheerfully consider any pro posal or demand she may make for our assent to a mode rate expenditure. I must confess that if I were a captious critic I should entertain a little doubt whether a cheerful consideration is exactly that form of consideration which the representatives of the people should give to a demand for an increase of expenditure. That the house will carefully and readily consider the proposal I have no doubt, and I trust the subject will obtain a fair and liberal consideration. Most certainly I will express m) confidence that while we shall expect the Government to show that the expense proposed is necessary in the one direction, it is, neverthe less, one which may be compensated for in another. Her Majesty's Government, however, will receive, I have no doubt, the cordial support of this house in their efforts to enact a well-concerted and effective measure for the ac- complishment of that important object—the foundation o: a good army and a system of reserve. (Hear, hear.) Tho Speech also touches upon a subject as delicate as it is im portant in the reference which it makes to an inquiry that is about to be instituted into the circumstances of the dis agreement between the employers of labour and their workmen, and to the means by which that inquiry is to be prosecuted. I think there have been exaggerated state ments on this subject, which to a certain extent may have acted on the public mind. Such statements tend to pro pagate the idea that the differences between employers and workmen aro now either of a more aggravated character than in former times, or that the effect of those differences is to menace the commercial and trailing interests of the country. If there be those who really entertain that ap prehension, let them pay attention to a single sentence in the speech of the seconder of the Address, which acquainted us that the joint increase of our exports and imports for the nine mouths of the last year, as compared with the cor responding nine months of the preceding year, amounted to no less than X 65,000,000. hear_) But that is no reason why the attention of Parliament should not be given to a subject of the utmost importance and to a mat ter undoubtedly presenting great and serious evils to be remedied. But what I hope for is that the interposition of the Government will be of an amicable character, and in particular, that when my right hon. friend the Secre tary of State for the Home Department frames his bill for obtaining powers to make the inquiry effec tive, he will bear in mind, as I am sure he will, the full and absolute right of all individuals, whether they be employers or workmen, to bring to market the com modity they have to dispose of, whether it be labour, its produce or capital, on the best terms in their power, so long, and only so long, as they exercise their own rights without prejudice to the rights of others. (Heal.) There is but one other subject to which I wish to advert for a few moments. It is one, as has been rightly observed by the hon. member for Liverpool, which attaches to itself at this moment an all-absorbing interest—l mean the question of the representation of the people. (Hear.) I will, however, first offer comments on that which many of us anxiously expected to see alluded to, and, which, probably for some good and sufficient cause, dues not appear in her Majesty's Speech. I presume the cause to be probably this, that the recent inquiries into corrupt practices in certain boroughs are not at present so absolutely completed as to enable the Government to advise the Crown to refer to this subject in the Royal Speech. I am sure, however, that the subject deserves our best consideration, as being one of the utmost importance. The question of Reform is certainly a diffi cult one, but I am quite sure that there ought not to be any difficulty in dealing with some of its branches, such as the cases of proved corruption. (Hear.) That evil, which has g t ctb r ho r i a l o met r r N y v e: l avo e rem aspens: venture n t e e rr n ot, e os more at o ; yo b n scandalousuol y t f o i o t uf r h i d n a noo t s fan e grown neb o ti sosnt latei—ac national honour.i policyfi r Ii more years. h ao r etd on axahst pee the neen con trary o b end cs n y, o long as we were in something like exclusive possession of a representative system little notice was taken of these offences in foreign lands; but we have lived in a period in which almost every country is possessed in more or less perfect forms of representative institutions, and in which some countries enjoy them in the highest state of efficiency. Since that has been the case it appears to me that Europe has conceived what I may call a sentimental disgust at finding that evils, of which in that country they are scarcely conscious, have become so rife and so virulent amongst us. (Cheers.) I hope it will be understood, and I assume there is cause for the silence of the Speech upon this subject, and I close the few remarks I have made upon it by expressing a hope that when her Majesty's Government take into consideration any reports—l will not presume to say what they may be—butany reports in which it shall appear by judicial authority that the con stituencies are tainted, as they have been in some pr3vious well remembered instances, they will not ask us to inflict the almost nominal and wholly unsatisfactory punishments which have bounded their action in former years, but will give evidence to the world, by something in the nature of strictness and severity, that we are in earnest in these matters. (Loud cheers.) Now, as regards the paragraph in the Speech of her Majesty, it is obviously open to the re mark that its language is in some degree enigmatical. But I do not think it will be fair to make that circumstance a subject of complaint. On the contrary, I think that her Majesty's Government are perfectly justified in reserving that full explanation of their intentions to a future day, which, if it had been attempted to-day in a form necessarily imperfect, would probably have tended to prejudice a set tlement of the question. Of course, therefore, in assenting to the paragraph as it stands, I do so upon the double ground that there is nothing in its language which can give rise to ajust reflection, and that important as is every matter in connection with this great subject under present circum stances—every matter both as to substance and procedure— . I for myself, and others if they are so minded, will retain the most perfect liberty to canvas both the substance and the procedure of the measures and the steps to be taken by her Majesty's Government when at the proper time we shall become acquainted with thorn. (Hear.) I think there are three points in which our interest in the consideration and management of this bill will be looked at. There is the ques tion by whom a measure of Parliamentary Reform is to be sub mitted to Parliament; the question of what is to be the sub stance and effect of such a measure ; and lastly,there is the question of when it is to be brought under our notice. As regards the first inquiry, by whom such a measure is to be submitted, I humbly represent to the house that at this moment, in the interest of the country the speedy settlement of the question is all important—(hear, hear) —and if there be any of us who are less sanguine than gentlemen opposite at the possible proceedings of her Majesty's Government, that will be no reason for endeavouring to cast impediments in their course. It is our duty to accept, wherever we can get it, a measure that will adequately meet the just expec ' tations of the people ; and if we intend to be willing par ' ties to the introduction of such a measure by the Govern- L ment, we ought not, by anything we now say or do, to cast the smallest difficulty in the way of a settlement of the question. (Cheers.) Sir, as respects the substance of the measure, that is a matter which I not think the present a roper moment to discuss ; but as respects the time of the TBE SUN, LONLON, WEDNESOAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1867. measure, I must again say it appears to me that even the question of substance itself is hardly more important. (Hear, hear.) It is not necessary to trace the wearisome and irksome details of this protracted controversy, or to remind the house how many Queen's Speeches, Sessions, Governments, and how many Parliaments have been in volved. One thing only we can say—that it is impossible for our legislation to proceed in its ordinary and accus tomed course until this matter has been disposed of. Until this matter is disposed of it stops the way. It disturbs and impedes, and not only so, it embitters any attempt to deal with every other subject of difficulty ; and the vast and va ried interests of this empire, growing rapidly more vast and more varied every day in proportion as we reap the harvest of legislation with assiduity—causing new and thicker crops to spring up fresh from the ground in pro portion as these solicit us—make it our duty to take care that every step we take, and so far as we can to require from others, that the measures which they may adopt should be directed towards the attainment not only of an effectual but a speedy settlement of the question. (Hear.) I therefore ask myself how I am to construe the paragraph in which the subject has been brought under our notice— and I construe it thus :—I will not ask for any explana tions of the intentions, I will not make any remark which may have the tendency, if I may so say, to force the Government into an explanation which may lead to misapprehensions—what I under stand from this paragraph is that the Government, like ourselves and like the generality of members inthe house, including their own follosreferand like the country, with out distinction of party or opinion, are sensible of the ne cessity of dealing promptly with the matter ; and that upon the earliest day which the Government can choose for the purpose, they will be prepared to propose such measures on their responsibility, such measures as they may think most effective for the attainment of this object, and above all the speedy attainment of a just and satisfactory settle ment of this question. I hope that lam not unreasonable in this construction. (Hear.) If that interpretation be a just one, I think that we ought to rest perfectly satisfied, and we ought to cherish the hope that the time is not far distant when we may be able to remove out of our path this obstacle to our legislation, and to remove from our selves what I venture to believe, if we do not remove, it will become a standing discredit to the Parliament, and the institutions of the land, and which prevents our giving to all other questions that attention which they so impera tively solicit from our hands. (Loud cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose, and was received with loud ch4ers. He said—l heard with great satisfaction from the right hon. gentleman that there was no prospect of an amendment to the Address being proposed to night. It really is far from agreeable that on the first night we meet together wo should resume our squabbles ; and in the months that are before us many opportunities will arise to compensate hon. gentlemen for the self-restraint which they exercise now. (A laugh.) There are one or two points to which the right hon. gentleman has referred which I will notice before I touch on his last more interesting inquiry. With regard to the criticisms of the contents of the Queen's Speech, I think I may congratulate my colleagues upon its reception by the House generally, though we owe it in some degree to the able interpretation which has been put upon it by my hon. friends who moved and seconded the Address, the first with a pleasing propriety I am sure all must ac knowledge, the second with a weight of authority derived from his position and his acquaintance with commercial pursuits. In answer to the question which has been put, I may say that papers will certainly be presented on the sub ject of the insurrection in Crete. I believe my noble friend (Lord Stanley) had a reason which for a short time may influence him in not immediately presenting them to the house, but when that reason, which may only exist for one or two days, ceases to operate, my noble friend will take the earliest opportunity of laying them on the table of the house. The right hon. gentleman (lir. Gladstone) referred to the circumstance that no allusion was made in the Queen's Speech to the inquiries into proceedings in certain boroughs. The reason why wo made no reference to these inquiries was that the Reports of them have not been re ceived by the Government. (A voice from the Treasury Bench, "Not all.") Some have ; but the right hon. gen tleman will feel that it would be convenient and proper to have them all in our possession before we make any an nouncement on the subject. The right hon. gentleman then, in a tone of which I am sure I have no cause to complain, referred to the paragraph:in the Speech anuounc cing that the attention of Parliament will be called to the state of the representation of the people ; and the right hon. gentleman, remembering no doubt his experience in the position which I now occupy, felt how very inconve nient it would be if, on the first day of the Session, a num ber of inquiries were made, the answers to which might only lead to misapprehension, and which would really not be fair to those who are responsible for the consequences. (Hear, hear.) I will not trouble the right hon. gentleman and the house at any length. upon the subject, because, with the permission of the house, I mean to take, not only an early, but the earliest day at our command in order to bring the whole subject before the house. (Cheers and a voice, " What day ?") Monday next. (Cheers.) That is the first day at our disposal, and I then propose to state the course which the Government mean to take upon this sub ject, and generally to enter into the matter. I trust that under these circumstances we may not be pressed to make any statements to-night, but that we may be allowed to reserve our views and state them fully on that occasion. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman has done justice to the important subjects which have been brought under the notice of the house in the Speech from the Throne. I run aware, as all must feel, that it will require on the part of the house considerable devotion and efforts to do justice to the several themes which will be brought before them. But re-action is the law p life, and it is the characteristic of the House of Commons. There have been complaints of late of indolence and want of assiduity on the part of this house. It is said that wo have passed through sessions without doing even a portion of what our duty required. Now, in this session an admirable opportunity will be afforded to the house, and if they only follow the example which the Government are prepared to set by the devotion of their time and labour to the pursuit of these propositions, I think we need not be frightened by the quantity of business before us, but may rather look forward to the end of a session which will redound to the public advantage and to the character of this assembly. (Cheers.) The Address was then agreed to, and The House adjourned at ten minutes to seven o'clock. The Solicitor-General for Scotland on Reform. B sa pt otn l h r de . nE. annual g to the Gordon, llde nt on S ae osr toast i o c of i f t -HeGeernAe Edinburghiraajl e f s o t r y Scotland, s.rj ni r setresre ty of C seawollfda o ehrt deenvoartnesmonee told addressing liim a nd(f Conservative amhn v aa: e utebtsgo C hajohti stbd l s u tseye b fi. reaoe o lb n cf I F ntudhttda r gahes i eelt d ek:o a bi gtif y eghreisone n eeomrta i av g dytui h ottoe night, todenisueoga exercise xgedn becauseeeefn majorityyjctnt sefuaeelmrrrVos'iecoeefin: not i possessed of the electoral franchise. Yet I venture to say you feel your personal and political liberties as safe as if you had the franchise. Let me just observe that had it not been for an unfortunate po litical paity combination in 1858, and if Lord Derby's bill had passed, the gentleman who has proposed this toast, and many others whom I see, have ac quired their degree of M.A., would, in virtue of that degree, have acquired the franchise, and have become entitled to vote. But it was thought unsafe to trust such men as these with a political fran chise, and the result was that you were excluded from what is called " the pale of the constitution of this country." Party spirit has been looked upon as a most important element in the working of our constitution. But that is in ordinary times. There are crises which sometimes happen which should induce us to lay aside that, and in such crises as the present, when the question before the nation relates to the reforming of the constitution of the country, it is essential that men should apply their minds to the discussion and the decision of the question irrespective of party spirit, and having reference alone to the merits of the measure which is before them. (Cheers.) I am happy to say that in Parliament, in the dis cussion upon the Reform Bill, to some extent party spirit did not prevail, because a band of Liberal men, thoroughly Liberal, but moderate men, who had been elected to supported Lord Palmerston, who certainly was not regarded as an ardent re former, resisted the democratic measure which was i d n i t c r ta od ti u o c n ed of into ir. B ltle ri h g o h_ us t e in accordanc e with the Bright —a one-sided measure, which was partial, which was not complete, according to Mr. Bright's statement, for the pur pose of affording him a level-power in order to ob tain further concessions. If the question is to be settled it must be settled now, and in such a man ner as will make the settlement last our lives. Do not let us always be tinkering up the British con stitution by political measures at the dictation of a political agitator who may think his merits are not sufficiently recognised. (Cheers.) But while party spirit did not prevail over public and patriotic principle in the minds of many, I regret to say that the revelations of the recess have shown that party spirit did rule the conduct of many of the supporters of the Ministry. We have heard many of them admitting that they supported the Government bill, not because they thought it was a good bill, but because they thought it necessary to vote confidence in the then existing Administration. That, I say, is of all rules of conduct the most dangerous. Now that that ministry has been dissolved I suppose such a principle of action is no longer required at the hands of those gentlemen such as existed in 1859, for the purpose of voting. I trust no unprincipled combination will be formed against a measure which has since been repeatedly acknowledged in the face of the House of Commons by men who voted against it as a good measure, and one which would have afforded a satisfactory solution of the question, though they voted against it just because, they said, they had not confidence in the men who proposed the measure. (Cheers.) I hope there will be a courageous expression by the representatives of the country in Parliament of their true opinions—that they will not keep back what they express in private, but will openly and boldly declare what are their views with reference to parliamentary reform. And further, I trust that the constituencies of this coun try, if appealed to, will discharge their duty with courage, that they will not allow themselves to be affected by antiquated party views, but will really act in accordance with what they truly know and feel to be that which is necessary for the preserva tion of the liberties of this country. (Cheers.) I cannot expect from one gentleman that abstinence from party spirit—l refer to our friend Mr. Bright. The other day in his speech at Rochdale, and we must occasionally speak of Mr. Bright, because he is almost the only man that speaks upon that side —he said, in justifying his conduct in abstaining from voting in favour of the Factory Acts, that he did so because the country party, as he called it, or some other name he considers by no means compli mentary, had no right whatever to interfere as be tween the masters and the labouring classes. What ! are we to be dictated to in this way by a mob orator --(cheers)—and told that the gentlemen of Britain are not to interfere for the protection of the infant labouring classes—children who were obliged to work for 16 hours a day—against the grinding tyranny of those who thought it for their interest to exact such tasks ? (Cheers.) I say such a damaging de fence of his conduct is one of the strongest condem nations of him which could have been uttered. In this country there is freedom of public opinion, and whenever public opinion is firmly and clearly ex pressed in favour of the honesty and policy of any particular measure depend upon it that measure will be passed ; but the great thing to guard against is, lest we should not be carried away by a hurried impulse. My earnest hope is that, by the cordial co-operation of men of moderate opinions on all sides—l do not care what be their politics—l do not care what be the administration which carries the measure—we shall have this question of reform settled in such a way as that we shall not be ex posed to danger from an extreme democratic power, and shall have preserved to us the influence of public opinion, which I think is essential to the liberties of this country. (Loud cheers.) Several other speeches brought the proceedings to a close. The New Highway of the World. - -.0.- The Colorado, one of the finest of the Pacific Mail Steamers, left San Francisco on the Ist day of January, for Japan and China. She carried 45 cabin, and 700 steerage passengers; $582,300 in treasure, and 1,300 barrels of flour. She will steer direct for Japan, leaving the Sandwich Islands to the south, and, in all probability, will reach her destination in 19 days. From Japan she goes to Shaughae, and from Shaughae to Hong Kong. Her deparure from San Francisco was celebrated lay a public banquet, over which the Governor of the State presided. Amid the discharge of guns, and the cheers of the citizens, another great ocean steam-ship commenced a voyage which, humanly speaking, forms a main link of a highway destined to be the greatest yet opened over the world's surface. It will take a year before the line gets into full working order, and, in the mean time, the Union Pacific Railway will be vigorously constructed to complete the chain be tween the Pacific and Atlantic, through the centre of the Union. Two steamers for the service be tween China and San Francisco each 4,000 tone burthen, and built in the best style, are approaching completion in New York. 'The Costa Rica has been sent to China, round the Cape of Good Hope, for service on that coast, and it was intended that the Hermann should leave San Francisco yes- terday as the beuuad vessel of Hue. Sl,n will remain at Japan as a receiving ship to work in case of accident. The Government has con tracted with the Pacific Mailship Company to pay a yearly subsidy of half a million dollars, for which the Company undertakes to despatch a steamer from San Francisco for China once a month. A special line will ply between the Sandwihh Islands and San Francisco. It was originally intended that the China steamers should touch at these islands, but fuller informa tion has induced the projectors to modify this plan. To those bound from England to Shanghae and Japan, it may be worth while to consider whether their best is route not now by the Atlantic, either via New York, or by the West India steamers, direct to the Isthmus of-Panama. When the Union Pacific Railway approaches completion, the whole passenger trade as far as Hong Kong and Manilla, and probably to Singapore and Batavia, will find its way through New York or Philadelphia. No other route will be able for any period to compete. In the first instance, the road will be direct, therefore shorter and cheaper ; 2. The latitude will be main tained in the most equable and temperate parallel of the earth's surface ; 3. The journey will be broken and diversified by crossing a continent in well-constructed railway carriages. Though Europe gives little hecd, just now, to the steady progress made by America towards this object, the full effects and grand designs of the work, will, at no distant day, burst on these nations with surprise. The revolu tion will, in all probability, be immense. Japan will be hurried into the civilised world, and the walls of Pekin become a lounge for the adventurous tourist. What were by our old Eastern roads the furthest points will become the nearest by the Western journey. America, that barred the world on one side, and was but a short time ago the ultima thule of civilisation, will be made the highway between the oldest empires known to history. The opening of the line between San Francisco and China is an event of the highest importance, not for America only, but for the progress of the world. The change for the United States, however, will be something marvellous when the railway between San Francisco and New York is completed. It is not that it will open a new vein of material prosperity, in a mine already so rich, although its effect in this respect will be inealulable. It will bring the Central States more into connection with the world, and rub off much of the rawness of these new communities. It will tend to dissipate ignorance and prejudice, which the self-complacency of isola tion begets. New ideas will circulate more freely— new thoughts be more more readily received, and their bearing better understood. The great Re public will become more closely allied in its brother hood with mankind. But, if outside nations will benefit the Union as their citizens drift to and fro through the continent, what will be the influence of the union on these nations ? The mo ment the United States establish this road as the highway to the East, Americans will be, beyond all question, the leading people. The United States literally will grasp the Pacific in one hand and the Atlantic in the other. It is surprising how little attention the greatest work in the world is receiving from the world, although all the world is interested. Even in the United States but a flickering gleam of the truth flashes out now and then from the press. There are those, however, who know what they are doing, and what the results will be ; and though they work silently they work steadily and persistently. It is not improbable that when England begins to take this subject up, it may be with s mind filled with alarm She will awaken to find America standing on the threshold of her own pet preserves, and the Re public in possession of the key to the East. The influence of the Republic, in China, and the Southern Islands, will become dominant. But in all this we see cause only for congratulation. A more senseless and absurd feeling than hostility between England and the United States cannot possibly be entertained. Both nations will begin to appreciate more than ever the necessity of working together as , ...-.. kinsmen and allies, and one of the great benefits The President and the Times Correspon likely to spring from the general use of the new highway is, that it will tend, by increased inter course, to dissipate prejudice and to establish friendly relations on a wider basis of mutual benefit and goodwill.—Anglo American Times. The NPw Docks at Millwall. A curious illustration of the gigantic spread of London and its suburbs is exemplified in the now very modern history of the Isle of Dogs. The dreariest and most marshy of all the islands of the Thames has within the last few years sprung into a seat of industry, and become the focus of the ship building trade. As recently as half a century ago not a single inhabitant dwelt upon it; at the pre sent day it is covered with little villages, occupied by thousands of artisans, and the ships turned out from its building yards and wharves, &c., compete successsfully with those of the Tyne and the Clyde. So much has its importance increased that recent histories of London all seek for and all differ as to the origin of its name—the Isle of Ducks, from the, sea-fowl which used to make it their resort, and the Isle of Dogs, from the staghounds which were kept there when the early Kings made Greenwich their hunting scat, being equally claimed as authorities for the name. The Isle of Docks, however, is more likely than any to be its modern appellation, for on this waste marsh some of the finest docks in the world are now in eourse of construction, and by the end of autumn next will be finished and open to the shipping of the Thames. For the formation of docks this island offers peculiar advantages. Its frontage faces Greenwich, and its rear almost looks upon Deptford. To make docks here seemed easy enough, for the great difficulty has hitherto been to keep the water off the soil—not to bring it on. Yet these very apparent facilities have, in fact, been causes of serious delay in the works, for the soil was soft and peaty, with now and then layers of clay and piles of snail-shells, and beneath all, in spots, were found the patches of a subterranean forest, nearly all the gnarled and rotten trunks iu which were those of fir and oak, bedded in immense masses of decayed vege table matter. In such a soil it was a work of no or dinary difficulty at the same time to make enormous excavations and keep the water down and out while labour was going forward. This, however, by the continuous employment of 3,000 men, has been successfully accomplished, and the outline of the great docks, with all their facilities for wharfing and warehousing, can now be discerned, and it is not too much to say that in all modern improve ments, and in all the conveniences required for the enormous tonnages of modern ships, these works will be, of their kind, unequalled in London. On Saturday a long inspection of the whole plan was made by alarge party of gentlemen and shareholders. Every portion of the huge excavations was gone over, the sites for the warehouses examined, and the proposed route by which it is hereafter intended to connect the whole of this series of water basins with thel‘ est India Docks pointed out and explained to the visitors. What has already been done in this waste marsh may be briefly explained as follows : The freehold property purchased by the company comprises an area of 200 acres, having a circum _ _ ference of about two miles and a half. Thirty-five and a half acres have been excavated for the purposes of a floating dock, having two basins, one of 25 acres in extent, the remaining 10i being occupied by the other. The depth of water in each will be about 28ft. or 29ft., so that the largest ships afloat, such as the Northumberland and the Royal Sovere reign can be accommodated. The Great Eastern herself could be floated in the dock were it not that her immense width with her paddles would not per mit her to pass the entrance locks, which will be 89ft. wide. The land on which the works are being carried on is, as we have said, so situated that the docks will have two entrances, of which, however, it is contemplated at present to open only one—that on the Millwall side of the property. The circum stances under which the present undertaking is being carried are unusually favourable. The land, with charges, cost only about £l,OOO an acre —a very low price when it is taken into consideration that the river entrance to the pro posed docks is only 3} miles below London-bridge, and by land the distance is 41 miles from the Royal Exchange. All the materials excavated have been available for making embankments and a road- way which is being constructed to compensate the public for the loss of one of the ferry roads, which will in a short time form part of the Company's es tate. In many other cases where similar works have been promoted the contractors have been obliged to remove everything that has been dug out, but in this instance every foot of excavation has, in fact, added 2ft. to the depth of the projected dock, for the sand and mud dug out have been thrown up on the embankment, so that in some places the surface has been raised as much as 10ift. As a most valuable and important adjunct to the other works, a large graving clack i 3 being constructed on a plan which will add greatly to the facilities we now possess on the river for examining and repairing ships, and will also provide most carefully for the safety of the ves- sels lying in its basin. A number of recesses have been built for the reception of what are called " bilge carriages," which, with the " altars," nine in num ber, which rise above them at either side, will super sede to a great extent the old system of propping, which was at once inconvenient and comparatively insecure. The bilge carriages can be run out and so placed under the ship that the keel will be kept off the ground, and there is also the advantage that the vessel can be properly caulked, and at the same time prevented from straining. The graving dock is 420 ft. by 86ft., and will have an entrance 65ft. wide. All the work, both in this and the other basin, is solid and massive. The docks will have a frontage of 7,700 ft., which is to be occupied as wharves or sites for warehouses and manufactories, while the other parts of the land will be hereafter made available for dwelling houses. The portion that has been quayed has been formed to a level of 4ft. above high-water mark. All the gates, bridges,warping cap stans, and other machinery are intended to be worked by hydraulic power,so that vessels may enter and leave the docks with the smallest possible amount of delay. The Dock Company also intend to supply, on econo mical terms, hydraulic power to the users of late wharves, either for working cranes, hoists, or, in fact, warehouse machinery of any kind. The con tract, according to its terms, ought to be completed on Sept. 1 ; and considering the present progress of the construction and the favourable season which is now approaching there is little doubt that the docks will be finished in the specified time. ident President JOIINSON has again unbosomed him self to the Times' Correspondent. He speaks now in plaintive tones of the violent and unconstitutional course taken by Congress. He asserts that " the minority in the country was seeking to impose its views upon the majority. If all were represented, the scale would be turned, so the minority were inflexible in keeping their enemies out. The people were hoodwinked and deceived, and in the elec tions last autumn false issues were dexterously in troduced upon which the people 'pronounced judg ment, and not on the real questions at stake. Congr,oss was engaged in destroying the States to which it owed existence. If the States refused to be wiped out, which constitutinally they could do, what remained to Congress but force, in volving another revolution, to which all the pro ceedings of Congress tended. The Executive Go vernment was at least endeavouring to fulfil what was the supreme law of the land—the Constitution. Once, the Constitution was everything. Then, when a measure was introduced, the question asked was —ls it constitutional ? next, Is it expedient ? Now Congress only asks, Is it expedient ? The Consti tution was on the side of the Executive, and law, reason, and justice. The Executive stood in the way of Congress, and Congress was bent on destroy ing the Executive, and, if needs be, the Supreme Court also. But the PRESIDENT hoped the people would discern to what the acts of Congress tended, and stop this revolutionary tribunal on its ruinous course." President JOHNSON appears to be in a bad way when he, the head of a great nation, a ruler endowed with vast powers, finds himself in so pitiable a position. If Congress represents the minority only, if its acts be opposed to the Con stitution, to law, reason, and justice, and the people of the United States are unable to see a question so clear in its true light, then we may well be alarmed for the Executive power in the hands of Mr. JOHN SON. We believe, however, if a leader of the Re publican party in Congress could find a faithful correspondent of the Times, to whom he also he could unbosom himself, and through him take the English people, into his confidence, that matters would be represented in quite another light. It would be found that there are two sides to this story, and that the question was capable of assuming a different hue. In fact, the charges that Mr. JOHS' SON brought against Congress are exactly the charges which Congress bring against Mr. JOHNSON. Who is right and who wrong ? We do not pretend to judge. Indeed, we believe neither to be right and both to be wrong; and it may eked in the nation wearying of these wrangling parties—taking the law into its own hands, and sweeping the capital clear of the contending factions. The PRESIDENT destroyed his influence by his violent attacks on Congress on his celebrated tour. Con gress is destroying its influence by the violent measures of retaliation it is now enacting. But, whatever may be the judgment of the nation, we cannot regard the mode taken by the PRESIDENT of attacking Congress through the columns of the Times, as other than undignified and unbecoming one placed in his high position. We are amazed to See the PRESIDENT condescend to discuss such ques tions at all with the correspondent of a foreign, or all other newspaper. The people of the United States are not blind. If the position of the chief magistrate is unfair, and Congress makes an improper use of the powers delegated to it by the nation, this will soon be perceived, and the position reversed. But the limes will not help President JOHNSON ; and we regret to see that gentlemen derogate from the dignity of his office by making so unbecoming a n attack on the Leizislative power of his country. We maintain that the people hold the balance of power in their own hands. If the judgment of th e nation be wrong, it is still Mr. JOHNSON'S duty to bow to its decision and to retire from the position, in dignified silence. The nation made him, and the nation can unmake ; but of all courses, the m ost unlikely, we would. have considered it possible he could have selected, was to appeal from the judgm ent of the representatives of the people to the column s of a foreign newspaper. The position assumed by the Times during the civil war renders this nevi' s ; paper the last to which the people of the United States would tolerate such an appeal.--fl/191°- The United States Mail Lin^. The steamers of the United States Mail Line, instead of being discontinued, have been doubled, and, instead of running once a month, will now ply regularly every 14 days. To the Fulton and Arago will be added the Merrimac and Mississippi, as will be seen by a reference to our advertising columns. This is the reply to give to the strictures on the disappearance of the American flag from the carry ing trade. That a great and energetic people should have allowed their flag to have come so near its end in this trade will one day be regarded by them selves with astonishment. They have, however, rallied to the work at the last moment, and, al though late, they have recommenced with their usual energy. To this line will belong the honour not only of having carried through sunshine and storm the stars and stripes, of having borne the heat and bur den of the day, but also of being the first to re suscitate and lead under great disadvantages in the trying race of foreign competition. A com pany has been formed at Boston to commence an American line between that port and Liverpool, while a magnificent fleet has been constructed to ply between San Francisco and Bong Kong. Thus at the very moment the howl over the de cay of the American flag from ocean lines has been raised the flag itself has been run up to the mast head of a score of magnificent vessels, as if in defiance of the thought that a nation aspiring to be a leader in the world should fail in any of its great national undertakings. We hail this rapid change as a happy omen, for we feel assured that it is no mere flash that expires as rapidly as it blazes up, but a return to the old channels of enterprise, temporarily interrupted by the events of the great civil war,—Anglo-J merican 7imes. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. We had a good attendance at our market to-day, and wheat met a fair inquiry at 2d to 3d per cental since Fri" day. Flour dull, and prices must be quoted 6d to is Pe! sack lower. Indian corn dull, at 40s Gd for mixed .A.naerl can. Oats and oatmeal steady. Peas is and beans Gd to is per qr. lower. LYNN—MONDAY. At to-day's corn market there was a moderate show wheat ; condition of samples irregular. The inquiry Prq e s t heavy, and prices were is to 2s per qr. lower than 1, week. There was a limited supply of barley, which nie" g slow demand at barely late rates. The show of ()ate NO by no me-ns plontiful. Beans quiet at about late rates. New wheat, 548 to 58s ; new rod , 40e to 48s ; old vib i3 r , e ;. 67s to ils ; old red, 59s to 63s per 36 stone. Barley c malting, 46s to 52s ; secondary, 37s to 38s, Oats 24s to 28s per 21 stone. Beans, small, 42s to 445. 36s to 40s per 28 stone. SHEFFIELD W— .. EDNESDAY. aN t There was a tolerable supply of wheat, the denial e , which ruled slow at is to 2s less money. Barley s car- Oats steady. Beans quite as cheap. 0 1 Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....23a Od to 24 0 o i White do do ....25a ild 27„ o s New red do do ....21a Od 2 .'' od New white do do ....24a Od 266 ni Beans do do ....2 0 a Od 223 uto Peas, per qr .. I's 6d „Tod Grinding ba ley, per qr 35s Od " 0,1 Malting barley, , o 4 os Od 4 " '; d Oats, do 27 s Od 326 F10ur....1s 10d to 23 od per 14Ra MARKET HARBOROUGH.—TITESDAY. No t Not a large supply of wheat, best sorts 2s cheaper. A much doing in barley, at downward prices. Oats we' heav trade. Beans at easier rates, but slow. r 36 Old white wheat, 60s to 735; new red, 50s to 6 8 s 11 0 B t. stone. Barley, fine, 52s ; other kinds, 23s to 36s Pe r , o ld/ Oats, new, 22s to 235; old, 30s to 34s per qr. Beans, 50s to 555; new, 46s to 48s per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TUESDAY• de f. n o The demand for whe a t was no t b r i s k, and with rate supply prices decli ne d i s t o 2s per qr. Barley 1 ' 1 " dull sale. Oats and bes at late values. g ~ y White wheat, 66s Loan 74s red, 50s to 66s per 3.04 • g Barley for maltin g , 40 s t o 52s per qr ; d l4ot feed, 328 to 30 stone. Oats o ld, 30s to 35 8; new, 22s to 29s per Beans, old, 52s to 548; new, 468 to 50s per qr. LADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's A; , l Stomach.—Few persons, save those who have loogioro dured the hydra-headed disease called dyspepsia, oau o t,,iis any notion of the great expense chronic indigestion eogeo on muscle, nerve, mind, and temper. In the early 6 a nd of this protean malady, the purifying, regu latiogA the aperient pills, invented by Professor Holloway , eV) foe: most wholesome power, by accurately adjusting tue o r tions of the stomach, liver, bowels, and the minor rojea subserving the solution of man's daily food. In c an 115 17/6 debility of digestion Holloway's pills are likewise r% 0 0: remedies which may be confidently resorted to in goon machic, hepatic, renal, and alvine derangements, suffers the slightest doubt of their ability to release the $ from almost insupportable misery. Births. f 00 1°13e1 FERGUSON—On the 2d inst , at Cannes, the wife o• Monro Ferguson, of a son. ~, e 4 16 MASON—On the 3d inst., at Gliftonvillo, Brighton, tr,, r , of Major C. C. Mason, Madras Army, of a dalig l ; - ,;ree" QUEENSBERRY— On the 3d inst., at 3, ch esteraolu - ,;, Mayfair, the Marchioness of Queensb er ry, of a' : ° troa - STIRADBROSE7On . the 3d inst., the Countess 0' broke, of a daughter. Marriages. ' Chil i. o f LEWIS—WHISTLER—On the 2d inst ,at SL J osll el, - t Clapham, John Owen, the eldest ;on of Owa ll — l otaZ e te ° Clapliam-rise, Surrey, Esq., to Alice Amelia' the '- daughter of the late S. Oram, Esq. , and wido w el, Ralph Whistler, of Shanghai, Esq. they 1 C blir e o OI'PELL—PEAT —On the 29th ult., at the r r - g and afterwards at Trinity Church, Dresden, kr ve tte., von Oppell, Oberleutnant Royal Saxon Gar . QUA W to Elizabeth, eldest daughter of the lat e 3133° Peat, C.B. ' Deaths. bort A' Coos—On the 4th inst., at Harley House, Batli o , 1/ D3 ° Dridg el Cook, Esq., ISLA of "' • . 4. Collge , ' ' ' i- , ~ .A. rinhy aged 35. T r o voro HETLEY-On the 4th inst., at Norbury Lodge , '.' fa c • cif x wood, Surrey, the Lady Charlotte Halos', I ' l- To!' Hetley, M.D. i-x ;get M IDDLE WOOD-On the 3d inst., at Du erdon a , for lington-park, Joshua Middlewood, E s q . po d D utoni ROTE —On the 3d inst., at Farley H ill, 1 0 shire, Charles Rote, Esq., aged 71. ~1 , late ° SMITH-On the 3d inst., Colonel George $ 1111 " - ' ' hfO ler l Royal Horse Guards, aged 71. ' , Tort no V 1 ,13, op WALLACE-On the 3d inst., at DinderbY ton, General Sir James Maxwell Wallace, 11 ' ' - 17th Lancers, aged 82. ri v11;1 1 - v rik A /..lo t London : Printed and Published by I'llii,.-3,1,0100, - , 4 0 , of No. 112, Strand, Ptinter at Tots 50N l' he 0)0 0 " Strand, in the Precinet of the Savoy , 111 t " 1ai441003‘,-WCCIIIOSti4y, February 0,1861'