The Sun. — London, England, 1841-04-27 00:00:00

EV ENING EDITION lc. __ Le i d Still more, by imposing the necessity of a !ease. Noble Friend was driven to the necessity e' geire le2ta to a much lower grade in society than would other j;7: b e necessary for extending the right of voting to a Ve body of the peop!e. But that was not all. Woul 4 ei Nobl e F r i end by these means atta i n hi s o bj ect o f suffi ttlientlY extending that right ? He (Lard H.) doubted that th.woele. Such might be the effect of the measure at e s u ~ ad ta • °merit, but it would not be so in future. It was p otA i tted by his Noble Friend—it was a matter:of notoriety, hvii uceied on either side of the HOUEC-that there was a th / N . indisposition to grant icing. In the Rspert of 4 4 °or-law I nqu i r y C o m m i ss i o n, it was expressly stated a ws kete , that when leases expired they were not re x', artein that way whole districts were unrepresen thi Ile (Lord PA.) believed that the great motiv for orthsadloNs'condieet in refusing leases was the improvement en lands. He thought that in the present state of sharesge shii 14 Ireland., it was a very great advantage to that h t ry thrit the landlords should keep the land in their ti,,Power..—(Hear.) His Noble Friend ( Lord Mor kti', had great interest in a large property in Ireland -144e of his colleagues in the Cabinet, were large proprie tien°f lane( in that country, and were they not, or most of acting on that policy of allowing leases to fall in as let, expired?—( Hear, hear.) But the effect of his 51 ""e Fri en d' s Bill wou ld b e to exten d th e f ranc hise only a te illentaanaged estates on which that policy was not "la es tcouraging landlords to cut up their property ,Ittall hcidings, and giving the franchise to the class of 11 5 er , a s wilt. were the most dependent on their landlords. h n 'uoug ht it would be far more expedient to take a larg ir ei e -i ' n t of value, and dispense with the lease. Whilst he l i l i'led. on these grounds to the proposition of his Noble le e : ld ; he thought there were reasons no less pressing if granting a new franchise.—( Hear, hear.) It was great importance to the tranquillity of Ireland that there tel e. be a n ample representation of that country, not of tilt, sa not of that class only which almost exe:us vely A 'listed of the owners of the soil, but an ample rcpresenta le of the great bulk of the people. His Noble Friend, the s'tsher for North Lancashire, admitted that, and said se th . a e constituency ought not to be reduced to too small ,Striount. But his Noble Friend also said " wait till the k i 'l arrives, before you attempt a remedy by altering the (h t lehise." He (Lord H.) thought the evil had arisen.— j;'_ear, hear.) . Returns this day laid on the table showed i ,'demonstration tint the evil was in progress. It was l ti l that the actual diminution of the county franchise, the the year 1835 to the present year, was only 7,563 ; but %elute return clearly showed that it was progressive, e s4l !iat, in conseque nce of th e non -r e n ewa l of leases, it Ist lely in the course of time to affect the whole of the the 1 , 4 : 4 201. leaseholders, who constituted two - thirds of ...(ii"ele county constituency, tieing 41,711 out of 57,103. the bear.) If, therefore, it was not intended to l', -t th e electors to dwindle away, and to restrict the l r e . , ll it ch i!e to the owners of the soil, the House should not Wyli e to take without delay a c!ecisive step t a put an end tli tli ,, i; o e u vi T l i h by altering - the franchise. —( He .r, hear.) On he proposed an occupation franchise simi ?tier to that which was possessed in England. H's . Noble totlend (Lord Stanley) proposed to wait until the_ evil was ti t ' but was it safe thus to deal with the discontent h i ' Whole p eop l e , an d t o wait until it arose to the et at which it was no longer tolerable ?—( Hear, hear.) th ought th a t t h e f u t ur e effects of their delaying a re st/ had been too much and too recently felt, in the case catholi c emanc ip a ti o n, for any gentleman now to ade ti' k this Parliament to return to the principle.—( Hear, ti l :;') Besides, his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) must t feel the importance of reforming the registration of °d with the consent Of the Irish people themselves. a IWorking of either that measure or Lord Morpeth's t Parti cu l ar l y d epen d on t h e s pi r it i n w hi c h it might • NI S, eived by the people.—( Hear, hear.) In putting an of to fraud, w hi c h was not d en i e d on that (the Liberal) tt e t , of the House, their measure for its suppression should lit t . ,` e °Mpanied by the admission to the franchise of those h i were unjustly excluded from it.—( Hear, hear.) It 11 4 , Possible f or the Noble Lord to force his measure 1: u gh the House without such an accompaniment ; but 4 5 'Hance of doing so was not more encouraging than ie t tospect of its being afterwards attended with ill ''.( Hear, bear.) In addressing such remarks to itt a Noble Friend, he would also urge upon that (the Li tt, side) of the House the necessity of not asking for 4, 4 ftrge concessions. He hoped that gentlemen on both IN' of the House would ace the importance of coming to ti 4, agreement on this subject. Gentlemen opposite Ih tp ° find it impossible to carry a measure for reforming le ''Presentation unless they coupled with it a measure 1 1 5 ,I,arging the franchise, and gentlemen on his ( Lord te;'' c 'es) side of the House would find it difficult to th e ' r ge the franchise, without at the same time reforming le :latent of registration.—( Hear, hear.) Even if the tr ili 'nise could be enlarged without reforming the regis 'lll°p, it could only be done at a loss in public opinion. kir frauds which existed were such that, even though they of to obtain an extension of the franchise, the people lr ov n gland would not join in an attempt to resist an im tOutent in the registration. An agreement which e:ld secure both objects would confer inestimable benefit ; I ; 11 Ireland. Let him remind Honourable Gentlemen ia. „ tb ,,st side of the I-louse of the necessity which l i : l 4 `eu for such an agreement.—( Hear, bear.) They tith now no chance of enlarging the franchise except 11 0 t. the concurrence of their political opponents. They rt Carry it through that House, but in the other House 17 neasure which was resisted by so large and powerful i t'ty must inevitably fail. They were not in the posi 15,:ehich they occupied at the time of passing the Re ai` Act ; and a measure for greatly altering the fi an ill,?would not have that support out of doors t i which the ( le ? Act greatly owed its success. These were rea le4which should weigh powerfully with all parties, and lle,, 4 ‘ to endeavour if possible to effect a settlement of whi questioo. The mode of settling the Irish franchise leit he (Lord Howick) proposed, would be found k i t itie t and fair to all parties ; and even if the House should till Cr from him as to the propriety of creating an occupa -1: franchise, that was a question which arose upon a Clequent clause; the who:e scope and purport of the i i!' amendment which he now proposed was that of re -s,"ing, subject to a better definition, that franchise which w, existed by virtue of a beneficial ir.terest. e L ord MOR P ET H said it was qui'e needless for his agle Friend to repudiate the notion that in bringing for 54tfithe amendment of which he had given notice, he was a o wed by a desire to cmbarras and impede the move outsjj. of h er M a j es ty' s G overnment w i t h regar d to t h e ti, s i which they had introduced on the subject of the fran tee'''. His Noble Friend had stated that he d e sp a i re d o f 0, t og that measure brought to an am i ca bl e se t t l ement , ati ° any settlement at all, if e;ther of the parties into Itt eh that House was chiefly divided should stand upon tl t : e lte opinions. They had certainly done their best to e' e nstrate that they were not disposed to stand u p on ex - Q ° lo opinions.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter from the 14Pesition benches.) Ever since the expiration of the 11 01 'Iss though they were convinced that the original pro tsb!". was amply borne out by all the information on this jqeet, they had net hesitated, within th e l im it s o f f a i r 14 ke to the Irish people, to conciliate their opponents ti L l'aising the amount of qualification f or th e f ranc hi se . 1 . ; Noble Friend had told them that they could not look B en ny great support out of doors. He begged to assure his a t ule Friend that they sought no such aid or re i n f orce - It t l l t in what they proposed ; they were content to rest ,'l' Proposition upon its abstract justice. He perfectly t . t'ed with his Noble Friend in wishing to see the frau- Ne in. Ireland placed upon a simple test of rateage; It he trusted that whatever alteration might be proposed Committee ti t he on this Bill, a test would be fixed upon, Pees easy of access, and easy of proof. His Noble 14 1 1 d had also expressed a wish that the constitueety of i t ; Sod might not be indirectly diminished by any mea (Le whi c h might be adopted by this Ilause. Whilst he I, i. ?rd elorpeth) entirely s y m p at hi se d w i t h hi m i n t h a t t ,, he found that the mum - tee:dent, taken by itself, was htiNatedmost str:iting, and startling manner to h ia Lteract that ree tt 'e, The amendments proposed by t ab Noble Froend were three in number two teyi` a n," red one chiefly verbal. The Noble Lord then N u m '''' 'arst amendment. It appeared to him that his se e . Friend, equally with the Government, proposed a (` F atal change in the definition of beneficial in; crest.— sr, hear.) The Noble Lord then read the second s 4 e rlment. By those words, though it was not openly (C t ed, a change was in reality made.—(Hear, hear.) He n ; °rd Morp e th) p r ef e rred the words in the Government if.' as being the simplest and the most straightforward. L2 l Noble Friend proposed that a person, in order to *',nualified to vote, should be rated at a net annual value i t 4 h eh should exceed the rent and charges to which he was Cbl e in respect thereof, by the suns of Si, per annum. If , 1 5 Noble Friend had brought this forward as an ~ t k l :l l ition to what be (Lord Morpeth) proposed, nem:ly, Rat a person should be put upon the register q 4 was rated at the net annual value of ' the (Lord Morpeth) would not perhaps have ob ss„l to the proposal ; he would then have considered it 1,,,,""iy an enlargement end relaxation of the franchise ; fe e i _ensidered as a substitution fur that, and as the staple Prr t he elective franchise in Ireland, he thought that the 1, °Position of his Noble Friend, when careful) y examined, th ° „ ul , 4 turn out to be a mere delusion. Ile proposition t ed l . l,l be very carefully scrutinized before it was adop bouY the House. His Noble Friend had concluded his ';eels by saying that the proposition upon which he then be l eol upon the House to ronounce judgment was that tl e a dopting a franchise to be tested by the rent after the 4h einetion of all rates and charges. He had not yet fixed . t ru the amount of rating. It was a proposition which 1 1 1 1 °Very account demanded great consideration before the u ° ,, ll se consented to its adoptinn. They bad been con -I'o'4l by his Noble Friend for introducing an entirely new ht:ut and condition for the elective franchise in Irel and, r °tlncing a change which was inconsistent with the Re -8:41 Bill. He begged to remind bine that in the Reform t 'Hs for E ng l an d, I r eland, and Scotland, as or i g i na lly in sttklueed, the authors of those Bills actually sought to tilofer the elective franchise upon a voter paying a certain PrOuat of rent, whether there was or was not a profit. i ' ei kti t h the p rint iples of the original Reform Bill as bad been Prepositio it; te d by the Noble Lord. Neither was the Ottsistent with that Bill as it actually stood, for it con-ft r ted the franchise upon tenants who paid a rent of 501. h . was upon t hi s groun d th a t he ( Lord Morpeth) rest e d of Preposition—that it would include as voters that class A.,Persees upon whom it was the intention of the Reform th ill to bestow the franchise ; and he contended therefore 5 't they were acting in thorough conformity with the 411'4 and the principles of that Bill. His Noble I' riend 4 assumed that his proposition of a Si. rating above the es x t ,'" and charges could be liable to no objection ; in the f ott ' sentence he proceeded to tell them that it would be si t ,_,nd to operate with great practical severity, and ex hi:" Many who now enjoyed the franchise, and who under itcti_ rigorous test. He thought his Noble Friend had op h t uis respect taken a leaf from the Noble Lord Dielsite • and that to this extent he could have N n t) k ''e,( l himself a useful pioneer.—(llear, hear.) The la..'" Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, (Posed the solvent tenant test; but his Noble Friend ae h ° , 4l Howick) would give them not only the solvent te c, test, but would add to it all the stringency which b il 'id follow from an assessment under the real value of e Ptt tY• They learned from the returns on the table, in th t Plainest terms, that the valuators were of opinion that /411tIation was in most cases 10 per cent. below the rent paid, as both landlord and tenant were desirous of 1 lowering the v?luatioo. In Bandon there was a va'uation for municipal purpo,e7=, which wa3 considvia'Ay ahcoe that under the Poor-law rating. In Castledermott the valua- ticn was, in sixty instances, below the rent paid, and in ten only above it. In Clonmel the es:iatate was lower than the re Jt, with ver‘ few instances to the contrary. In Cashel the valunt ,r was of opipi ni that his valuation was from 3 to 5 per cent. below the rent required, even by the 'most indulgent landlords. In Cork it was from 4 to 5 per cent. under the rent. In Roserea it was from 10 to 15 per cent. blow the ret at which an occupier would still 11, ve an interest in the land ; and it was cn the average of cases 15 per cwt. below the rents usually pid. In Slip it was about 15 per cent. benealt the tent, which a suivent tenant, making a prudent a-rangement would give, and 25 per cent. bencat`► the actual rent I.i Tippet , ry the valuation was 2A ye: cent. below the rent. ln Fermoy r r r the number of 101. electors on the registry, whose rent was ascertained, was 174, and out of that number 118 would be disfranchised if they were required to have an interest of a farthing above the rent ; by requiring an in terest of 31. 132 would be disfranehiied ; by requiting 51. 140 would --- b; disfranchised, and by requiring an ex cess of 10/. above the rent, the c mstitucney woull be re duced to fifteen persons only.—( Hear, hear.) Of tl.e:e parties, however, two paid upwards of 200/. rent, fiurteen paid between 100/. and 200/., thirty-seven paid OctlTen 50/. and 100/. and ten paid between 301. and 50/. These facts he thought would show that these parties were not men possesiag li tle or no means to qualify them for the right of voting. In Ca,hel the number of 101. electors ascertained was 142 ; but of these 11 2 would be chisei by requiring of them an interest «boy., the rear, 116 by requiring an interest of 2/. 120 by requ i ring an interest of 3/. 121 by requiring an interest of 41. 1 - 23 by requiring an interest of Si. and 133 would be disfranchised by requiring an interest of 10/. above the Poor-liw va'ua tion. In Listowe!, out cf 265 electors 125 would be disfran. chi,hed by requiring any interest ahoy,: the rating ; 127 by requiring an interest of 1/ , 172 by requir:ng an inte rest of 21., 188 by requiring an interest cf 31., 202 by re - quiring an interest of 41., 220 by requiring an interest of .51., and 250 by reeiuiring an interest of 101. In Tippc rary out of 100 la occupiers 82 would be disfranchised by requiring any excess above the rear, .96 by requiring 11., 88 by requiring 21., 91 by requiring 3/., 92 by requiring -IL, and 97 by requiring 10/. In Arrni)gli—Prote . ,tant Armagh—out of 96 electors 22 would be or_iranchisel by any in:crest above the rati ig, 27 by an intcre‘t of 11., 36 by an interest of 21., 45 by an interest of 31., 53 by an inte rest of 4/., 66 by an interest of 51., and 81 by an interest of 10/. In Catehill, out of 255 ascertained electors, 86 would b 3 disfranchised by requiring of them any excess above the rent, 151 by requiring Si. , and 213 by requir ing 10/. He thought that those would show that the amendment of his Noble Friend (Lord Howick) was un tenable and inapplicable ; and that it would nut carry out the principle of popular representation in Irelar.d.— ( Hear, heir.) Those were the grounds on which he certainly felt himself bound, With whatever re luctance, to offer his strenuous opposition to the first proposal which his Noble Friend Vad made. With regard to the arguments which might be urged in favour of establishing a franchise without a lraie, and with re gard to the amount of value which should be required, he woul I he prepared to state his opinions when the questions came immediately under the consideration of the House. All he wished for'the present to show was that the first proposition of his Noble Friend could not be carri Al if they were determined on maintaining any constituency-- he did not merely say a sufficient constituency, but any constituency whatever worthy of the nsme.—( Hear, hear.) He would be prepared at the proper time to contend that the proposition they (the Government) had brought for ward of ascertaining the franchise by the amount of rating, was the safest, the simplest, and the plainest they could devise, and, at least, until he had heard some counter proposition brought forward, which he could think more feasible and expedi?nt than any which had as yet been submitted to them—by that measure he should be content to abide.—(Cheers.) Mr. C. WOOD said that the proposition of his No ble Friend had not been brought forward as a substitute for the Government measure, but as an amendment on it. He did not mean to say that he approved of the franchise which his Noble Friend the Secretary fur Ireland bad pro posed, but whether the franchise were to be leasehold, as proposed by the Noble Lord, or a franchise to be de.er mined by occupation, as suggested by his Noble Friend, the amendment would clearly be an addition to the franchise, whatever it might he. The object of his Noble Friend was to enlarge the franchise which might hereafter be e:tablisbed. The proposition of his Noble Friend viewed as an addition, not as a substitute, would be a clear extension of the fran chise to one of the most independent classes in Ireland, and as it was so he trusted after that explanation his Noble Friend, the Secretary for Ireland, would withdraw that opposition which he had threatened to the amendment of his Noble Friend. The Bill introduced by his Noble Friend (Lord Morpeth) proposed to rest the franchise in Ireland upon occupation alone; in his opinion that would be most objectionable, because it would destroy the oldest and most independent qualification which had ever existed in that or any other country—the qualification founded upon property. It would be a great matter gained, if that qualification were preserved. If, as he sincerely trusted it would, the present prosperity of Ireland continued, there would be a vast accumulation of small proprietors who, by the Bill of the Government, would be excluded from the franchise, but th :t class would be admitted if the amend ment of his Noble Friend were successful ; as the object of both was to preserve the constituencies of Ireland, he sincerely hoped that the threatened opposition would be withdrawn. It was necessary to have different franchises for the state of property, and holdings were entirely differ ent in the South to what they were in the Nortb. The leasehold franchise alone could never maintain the present numbers of the Irish constituencies, and that was one very great objection to the measure. He was most anxious to maintain the numbers of the independent electors in Ire land, and he was well assured that that was also the aim and anxious desire of the Government ; then he fully trusted that they would withdraw a!1 opposition to the amendment of his Noble Friend, which would have the effect they desired. He would take the state of the con stituencies in Ireland in 1835, and that he considered as a year in which every thing was fair, it was before the sys tem of double entries was resorted to ; as for the imputed perjury and fraud, he cared nothing—( Hear, hear)—he considered it was very much exaggerated. Was it to be wondered at, that when the Judges themselves could not agree upon the question of value, two peasants should upon the same question swear entirely contrary to each other, and yet both swear perfectly acccrding to their consciences and without the least tinge of fraud ? Suppose that Judges Perrin and Crampton were to be brought into the Registra tion Courts, they upon the question of value would swear directly against each other, yet who for one moment could imputeperjury or fraud to either of the Learned Judges?— why, then, not extend their charity to the people also?— ( Hear, hear.) Well, then, in 1835 the constituency un der the Reform Act amounted to 45,000—it was now 38,000 in round numbers—the decrease amounting to 7,500 during that period. Now on looking at the evi dence hid before the House, it was evident that much of this decrease was owing to the non-renewal of leases by the landlords in Ireland—that evidence proved that even where political considerations did not enter into the ques tion, there eats a great reluctance to renew leases. Those reports showed that the renewal of leases was g sing out in Ireland, and it followed that if the franchise were based on the leasehold, it was based on a foundation which shortly would not exist—they were building upon sand, which was gradually falling away, and whatever numbers of voters might be now obtained, even if they went down to a 51. rating, there was nothing more certain than that in five years hence they would not have that number or anything like it. Disfranchisement was going on at a rate of 1,000 a yea-. In a few years a necessity would arise to revise the whole question. He tyrtiei pated in the strongest degree in the objections which his Noble Friend stated against 51. rating. He (Mr. C. Wood) did not believe that the object which his Noble Friend ( Lord Morpeth) had in view—namely, of securing the independence of the voter—would be obtained by a lease when the amount was so low as Si. or even 81. With respect to what was asserted relative to landlord and tenant in this country he believed that great misre present itions were made. He did not believe that it ex isted as a general rule that the tenant was driven against his will to vote contrary to his opinion. He did not be lieve that coercion was exercised generally by the land lord. If such a general rule existed he did not think the tenantry, as a class, would be coerced by it.—( Opposition cheers.) He must say that one of his Chief reasons for being of that opinion was, that, taking the occupying tenantry generally, their opinions did not materi tlly differ front those of the landlords. That was apparent, if they con sidered those questions which generally occurred at a county election—such as the Corn-laws. The question to be decided now was not whether leaseholders were a class of independent voters, but whether leases would make them so. His position was that a lease was net ne cessary to make the occupying tenant independent, espe cially at a low rating, because, so far as occupation at a high amount was a test of property, and property was a test of intellgence and education, the occupying tenant had a bettor test as a qualification for a voter than the leaseholder at a small amount. There could be no doubt that the power of creating fictitious votes, as stated in the extracts which he read front the Report, and as men tioned in the case of the Castlereagh Union, would be extended to a very great extent in the case of leaseholders at a small amount of rating. Indeed at such an amount of rating as 5/., it was of no consequence to the landlord whether the tenant had a lease or not. The question, he thought, was not so much whether they should have an independent constituency, but whether they should have a. constituency at all. What he had hitherto urged referred to the state of things likely to re sult from the rating of Si., which was first proposed, being established. It seemed now, however, that the Government had raised the rating from 51. to 81. Now, even by that rating of 8/. he found on referring to the fourteen Unions mentioned in the report from which he had just re ad ex • tracts, that out of the existing number of 20/. voters one-sixth would be disfranchised. That seemed to him a most extraordinary mode of keeping up the constitu ency of Ireland —to commence by lessening it. Those Unions were taken in di s criminat e l y , and might be taken as pretty fairly representing all the Unions its the coun try, and if so, if the object of the Noble Lord's Bill was to keep up the constituency, it was certaiuly extraordinary that the first thing which it effected was to disfranchise 6,000 of the ex i st ing voters. In the last six years the number of voters diminished to the amount of 6,000, and if upward s of 6,000 more would be disfranchised, those who would remain would be left to the operation of the same cause as that which had already eff.cted so great a dimi nution in their numbers ; and where then the constituency would ultimately come from, he confessed he did not know. The cause of the diminution, namely, the non renewal of leeses, would remain in forcib le o p eration, and would effect a continued reduction.—( Hear, hear, from the Opposition beaches.) That there might be no ques tion about what ho stated he would read the names of the Unions. The Hon. Gentleman here proceeded to read the names of the fourteen Unions referred to, and then proceeded to say that the Noble Lord's ( Lord Morpeth's) Bill would undoubtedly have the effect of die franchisilig one-ixth of the ttn-pound vo•ers of Ireland. The object of his Noble Friend',; clause was to prcrervc undimini , h.:ll that pro-ion of tic Irish constituency chick might be sail to repre , ent the Irish people. He ( Mr. C. Wood) begged his Noble Friend (Lord Alorpeth), and the Attorney-General for Ireland, to roncrnLer that he ,tested against their comilering the proposal of his Noble Friend near him as one which was to be taken as the whole of the proposal which he mode. He proposed to retain the property qualification in Ireland, as the b,st that could exist; he meant as nearly as the; could retain it, by relaxing the intention of tie Legislature, some ycirs rgo, and by prcwnting that state cf things which tie Noble Lord, the Member for North Lanca shire-, said he would deal with when it shnul , l happen— namely, the diminution of the constitty.'ncy of Ireland— if that diminution siould be such as to throw power zg into the hande of those from whom the Reform Bill re- leased it. He (Mr. C. Wood) quite agre'd th, t the effect of any surplus interest above the rent would be to produce that state ef things, and he called upon all who thought that at least the form of representation in Ireland ought. to he preserve], to assist them in pine-sin„ either by the way his Noble Friend proposed, or by an occupation fran chise of his he: amount. He coiled upon them to make up the number that might be required in a idition to those who might remain, in such a manner as might be con sidered to form a fAir constituency for Ireland. His Noble Fii.?nd's proposal had this object, but it did not fully put before the House what his Noble Friend intnnded to do. It might be considered al , omission that his Noble Friend ha I not given notice of the amount at which he pro posed the tenant to he rated. It was impossible to do that be- I re t'ey had the returns in their hands, and those were only delis eed this morning. But the cecupatien franchise his Noble Friend might consider as a substitute for the one which he proposed, and the question for the House. to consider was whether they would add:the franchise, re taining as much as they could of the present freeholds in Ireland, and making up the rest in some way or ether thereafter to be determined. He hot el his Noble Friend's proposal would be considered only In conjunction with some other to be thereafter delivered to the House. He was sure his Noble Friend the Secretary for Ireland would acquit his Noble Friend ( Lord Howick) of coming betel.e bins with this proposition. They had thought the present interest with the test of rating ought to be pre served, and the deficiency made up by additional fran chises, and for that reason only these words came before the amendment of his Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.) Thcir object was the extension of the franchise, to the people of Ireland, which he hoped would be con sidered as one that entitled them to the support of that side of the House. Sir C. GREY wished to say a few words on this amendment. He hoped it would not be considered any impertinent intrusion if he rose fur the very natural pur pese, before the question was put, of understanding what tie amendment war, and what were the words it proposed to amcoi.—( Hear, heer.) Before the speech of Lis Noble Friend he was almost disposed to vote with him— (Laughter)—but as the amendment wasexplained he could not do so. He begged the Noble Lord (Lord Morpeth) not to consider this as a verbal amendment.—(Haar. ) Could his Hon. Friend have overlooked the importance of the words "in his actual occupation ?" On what ground, then, did he say that the 101. franchise was taken away by the first clause of this Bill ? The Hen. Member was in total error in supposing that this clause operated as a dis franchisement of the property qualification. The clause did not affect those who were in actual occupation. Hav ing said thus much, he would state as shortly as he could his reasons for voting against the amendment, notwith standieg the words " beneficial interest." He held the omission of these words as one of the main merits of the Noble Lord's Bill. The mode in which the Hon. Mem ber proposed to deal with the beneficial interest would of itself prevent him (Sir C. Grey) from voting with him; but the insuperable objection he had to it was this, that it would operate to disfranchise a class of voters to whom it was intended to give the franchise in 1832. The Hon. Member had omitted to mention those qualifications in which property and beneficial occupation are required to exist. The amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for Northumberland would operate most injuriously with respect to those. Although such an opinion had been fre quently repudiated, his ( Sir C. Grey's) opinion was, that by law a farmer occupying a farm for a term originally created, having an interest of 10/. a year above all rents and charges was entitled to vote. Lord STANLEY said that differing as he did alto gether from the principles of the measure introduced by the Government, it was of very little importance to him whether the original clause was carried, or an amendment, which was considered merely of a verbal nature. But it was bcc ruse he did not consider it merely of a verbal na ture—itwas because he considered it identified with the great principle to which he was attached, that when he was called upon to decide whether the amendment of his Noble Friend, or the clause of the Noble Lord, the Secre tary of Ireland should stand, that he resolved to give his vote in favour of the amendment of his Noble Friend, which appeared to him to affirm and uphold the prin ciples which he maintained, and which the measure cf the Government sought to destroy.--(Cheers.) The proposition which had been made at the very latest mo ment, two months after the introduction of the Bill, and upon informasion which was not obtained for the purpose of framing the Bill, but which was obtained for the pur pose of bolstering it up—( Loud cheers)—the last proposition of the Noble Lord and the Government, was the insertion of a franchise, one simple, sole franchise for Ireland, that franchise being the being rated to the re lief of the poor to the amount of 81., without reference to the amount of beneficial interest—without reference to the fact of whether the person claiming had any beneficial in terest as a solvent tenant, or possessed of any property whatever.—(Cheers.) That was tho principle tire Go vernment contended for in opposition to that of his Noble Friend the Member for Northumberland, who asked them to define the existing franchise, undoubtedly with some modifications, with some limitations, and some alterations ; but he proposed to take the rating as the test, and in addi tion to a certain amount of rating, not simply per se, but over and above the rent, and that that sheu!d ho deemed and taken to be not a new qualification, but the 1 gal and correct interpretation of that for which he was contending in common with the gentlemen on his ( Lord Stanley's) si le of the House, namely the beneficial interest being an excess of value over the burdens affecting the land, as was required by the Reform Act, but which the Government now sought to abolish.—( Hear, hear.) Therefore, how ever it might suit the views of Hon. Gentlemen opposite' to represent that as a verbal amendment—and it was upon those grounds that he should vote in favour of the amend ment proposed by his Noble Friend to the first clause—he did not conceive that that would be the pro per time for entering into the discussion of the details, either of his Noble Friend's amendment, or the proposition of the Government, for that would naturally and neces sarily arise in discussing the second clause ; but they were now called upon to choose, if compelled to adopt any change—if they were to make any alteration—if they were to legislate at all, they were called upon to say, would they legislate upon the principle of a beneficial interest, or of no interest at all ?—( Hear, hear.) He must say that it would require some ingenuity to persuade him, and it would require some ingenuity to persuade the country, that the division on the present question was a division on a merely verbal animsndmer.t. He was bound to say, without discussing the details of his Noble Friend's proposition, that he was disposed entirely and cordially to concur in it. He should regret to see the fran chise of Ireland, and he was sure he spoke the sentiments of that side of the House, unnaturally and unduly diminished. —( Hear, heir ; Cries of "Oh I ' and Laughter.) He should regret to see persons possessed of a proper qualifi cation, and of the same property and the same beneficial interest either by the state of the law, or from any kale qusey in the law, or from the conduct of the landlords of Ireland in refusing to grant leases—he should regret to see those persons depr.ved of their fran chises, and the constituency of Ireland dwindled to a very small amount ; and whets the ewe arose, he repeated again, that he would be prepared to consider, and with the most fsvourable attention, any proposition that might emanate from the Executive, with whom ques tions of that momentous nature must emanate in order to be brought to a successful issue. He would consider fa vourably any proposition to meet those evils when those had been proved to exist.—( Hear, hear.) It had been asked whether it was the intention of the framers of the Reform Act to restrict the county constituency in Ireland, and it had been urged that in point of fact the Reform Act, so far as the counter were concerned, was a delusion upon Parliament and the public, and it was assumed that the county constituencies of Ireland were at the present moment in a state of rapid decline and of progressive di. miaution, Now he apprehended that there was no proof whatever for the opinion. When he had the honour of introducing the Irish Reform Act, he was asked at what he calculated the then existing constituency of the country, and he replied 52,000—that was to say, he took the existing registry, and he found on it 52 000 He had been very properly met by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, who told him, " True, there are 52,000 on the registry—l am on it, and my sons are on it ; but my father is also on it, and my uncles and my grandfather are on it ; and from my knowledge of the country," said the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, " so far from 52,000 being on the registry, I will take upon my self to say that at the outside there are not 30,000. That year only 1,200 had been added to the constituency, and it requires no exorbitant stretch of the imagination to conceive that, under your Bill, the county constitu .cy can scarcely reach 30,000 " These were the ex pressions of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, arid of the Honourable Member for Kilkenny. He ( Lord Stanley) admitted to the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman with regard to the county constituencies the Re form Act introduce I a very great change. But he ldoked to the borough constituencies and the canstituencies of counties, of cities, and of towns, for the great increase of the constituencies. His Right Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Dublin and the Hon. and Learned Recorder for Dublin, both of them in opposing the Bill said that they did not calculate upon much increase in the county constituencies, but they did with regard to cities and boroughs. Those were the anticipations of both patties of those who supported and those who op posed the Reform Bill, and neither side anticipated any great increase in the county constituencies of Ire land. The result was that in 1833 under the excitement of the Reform Bill, when all parties w ere rushing to the booths to assert axle claims, and when their claims were admitted with very little considera tion and very little opposition, because there was little of a political struggle on one side, the number of the county constituency in Ireland was 57,000. From that period. up to the present time it was impossible it should have happened without any double registration—without any person being registered over again—without any voter being struck off over and over again—it was quite clear that the nominal constituency must go on increasing till the first octennial revision. It was 57,000 in 1833 ;it was 64 . ,000 in 1835; it was 73,000 in 1837 ; and it was 99,000 in 1839. But from what did this arise? From the constant succession of names put on during the course of these years, while not a single name could be struck off. Moreover, a great number of the 57,000 who were on the registry in 1833 reappeared in 1839, and swelled the constituency to an enormous amount, In ~fy the tho .14 e,t it. cdl .ast • isot ut ns h) 417' THE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 27, 1841. the course of last year, in consequence of the 1 Ipso of time, at one swoop 57,000 were struck off, and the constituency reduced to 42.000. At the present moment the consti tuency ewee led what it was the first year aler the pa,s ing of the R :form Act, and f II only 6 000 or 7,000 short of the number it was after two years working, namely, in 1535. Looking at the pl ices where a g.elt decrease in the number of voters had taken place he foand that on the faking is of the first Latch of voters parries did not rcne.v, inasmuch as th - .re was no contest and no political excite- ment to !e Id men to renew their vote,. fie found that in eleven counties where a decrease had taken place no contests had taken place of late _nam e awn, y LiTerick, Londo n d err y, Mayo, Roscum ], Antrim, Arm , gh , men, Waterford, and, Wexford ;—in those counties neither one party nor the other being in tho ascendant. In these counties there was a deficiency of 11,000 voters, and consequently in the remaining counties, as compered with 1835, only two Sessions after the passing of the Reform Bill, there was an actual increase of 4,000 or 5,000, comparing the numbers at prient on the registry with the numbers on it at that period. He did not rne.in t,) say that a diminution of the consti- tuency in Ireland was not ping on—what he said was, there mai no proof of it. He had reason to be- lieve that many landlords were withholding - leases, not on political grounds but for the purposes of improve ment. IF that cause were decreaiing the enstituencie3, then the amendment of his Noble Friend was the proper - • remedy; it was the legitimate and proper mode of meeting what he would consider a great evil. He concurred in . _ . most of the opinions enunciated by his Noble Friend, and when it was shown to himthat there was a-iv alarming decrease in the constituencies of Ireland from such a cause, he would seek a remedy, but most certainly not that of the Government, who seemed to say, that because one gentle man refused to grant lea=d, they would give the power to six other proprietors to give the franchise to persons with out any sort of property.—(Cheer:.) As at present ad vised he could not assent to the. necessity I f any augmen tation or alteration in the constituencies of Ireland. His Noble Friend had been very successful in cxposing the ab surdity, he might say, at all events, the want of consideration shown is the plan of the Government, and his Noble Friend the Sceretary for Ireland had had some success is exposing the proposition of his Noble Friend the Member for Northumberland.—(A laugh.) He would vote for neither the one or the other proposition, but if he were called upon to do so, he was prepared to give his voice for the amendment, in opposition to the undigested plan of the Government.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL had not intended to take any part in that discussion, becaus , 3 he thought it was merely a question of detail ; but he had been driven from his envied silence by some observations which had fallen from the Noble Lord. Although there were 52,000 vcters on the register in 1833, yet he had before stated th , tt only from 26,000 to 28,000 would be available as substantial voters, and he had stated that the Noble Lord's li,cfJrm Bill would not add mor3 than 2,000 to that number; but it was to be remembered that that wai in 1832, and before the 10/. chattel occupation was introduced—that clause accounted for the augmentation which had taken place. The Noble Lord had talked of the constituencies of Ire- land not perishing in Ireland. Why, the county constituencies were now 20,891 _ fewer ie 1835; • the city and town constituencies had increased, and by that means the loss on the aggregate was reduced to 7,500. The Hoe. Gentleman then entered into a comparison and contrast of the population and constituencies of counties in Ireland wi'li those of England, which has often appeared in our columns. Ile had shown that there was no equality whatever between the two countries, and he would ask why they did not restore the 40s. freehold franchise to Ireland, and so far put her on an equality with England ? They might go on insulting Ireland as they pleased, but he would tell them that Ireland perfectly understood the injustice done her, and fully felt the contempt with which she was treated by that House.—( Cries of " Divide.") Lord JOHN RUSSELL was anxious to say a very few wards before the House went to a division. He was ex tremely sorry, from the tone of the debate, to see that there was no prospect of the House coming to an arrangement for deciding the important question of the franchise in Ire land. Their position was this—lit the discussion respect ing the Irish registration there was a very general impres sion that noregistration would place the franchise in Ireland upon a satisfactory footing unless it was properly defined so as to settle the contradictory decitions, and the extremely irregu'ar practices which prevailed in consequence. The Bill of the Government proposed to define the franchise. His opinion was the same as th it of his Noble Friend who introduced the Bill—that a tenure of fourteen years, with a 5/. rating to the Poor-rate, was a franchise which would have given the right of voting to persons of pro perty in Ireland, and, at the same time, would have been so extensively diffused as to have given general satiefac tion. Ile did think, and he had stated to the House when he proposed to adjourn the Bill, that it was of such immense importance to obtain, if possible, an agreement on questions of this kind, and not to continue for another year the discontent which, he said at the time, naturally arose from the menace held out last year to disfranchise the people of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He then said that he thought it was worth while to be subject to the taunts which were made against Ministers, and in which even his Hon. Friend the Member for Halifax indulged— (Hear, hear)—and to depart from what they had origi nally proposed. They had thought it worth while to incur those taents, and to indulge the hopes— illusory as they now seemed to be—(Cheers) — that they might bring the contention to a close. —( Cheers.) Although the attempt had failed, he did not regret that he had made it.—(Hear, hear.) He had thought it his duty to subject himself to any sarcasms of the kind, with which he had been visited, in order, if possible, to retrieve what he conceived to be the unfortunate error committed by a great party in that House.—(Cbeers.) It had been his opinion, and still was so, that the people of Ireland had suffered much, that they had suffered things which he would not now attempt to describe, but which had been described is stronger terms, than perhaps he would use, by the lion. Member for Newark.—( He ir, hear.) He had thought that if ever it could be pos,ible that a time should arrive in which they should have no question before Pa-- liament which should put in conflict the passions of differ ent parties in Ireland, if it could arrive at an interval of tranquillity, to enable men, intent on the gains of industry, on the improvement of agriculture, and the ex tension of commerce, to give their attention to those pursuits, and to Le diverted, for some time from politcal contest, he thought he would obtain for that country a great benefit.—( Hear, hear.) But it now appeared to a great party in the House, that this was not the course which should be taken.—( Cheers.) It appeared to them better to raise ques ions which gave them party majorities—(Cheers)—and gave them triumphs in the course of the Session—(Cheers)—which majorities and triumphs, every one, excited more and more the anges, the indignation, and the feeling of wrong done in the minds of the people of Ireland.—( Cheers.) He had been in hopes, however, that by sacrificing something of his own opinions, that the House generally, or a great part of it, would concur in some law which would again allay the storm that had been raised. It appeared that in that hope he was entirely disappointed.-_( Hear, hear.) It appeared from the speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, that if he voted for the amendment it would be with a different view of its operation from that taken of it by his Noble Friend who moved it, and because it would promote the .principle to which he ( Lord Stanley) adhered, namely. that of an interest above the rent. Now, A was for that very reason, that he (Lord John Russell) would oppose the amendment, for he considered that if the House gave its sanction to that construction of the franchise, the constituency would be destroyed.—( Hear, hear.) What his Noble Friend in tended afterwards to ground upon this clause was, that the tenant who paid a certain rent should be rated Si. beyond that rent. Whaeever might be the intention of Parlia ment in the passing of the Reform Bill, be believed that the introduction of such a test at present would deprive a logo majority of the present electors of the right of voting. The Noble Lord adhered to the definition given by the Judges. Now he ( Lord J. Russell) found no fault with that definition. The Judges said it was not for them to look to what might have been the intention of Parliament, but what appeared to them to be the least interpretation of the words of the Act. It was their duty to give that interpretatiou ; but this he thought was manifest, if that sense was to bo adopted, as the Noble Lord opposite appeared to intend, it would go much further than the proposition of his Noble Friend the Member fir Northumberland to destroy the franchises of at least one-half the present voters. The Noble Lord had raid, look to the state of the registry, for the effect which the interpretation given by the Judges had had in reducing the constituency ; but it was to be recol lected that the decision of the Judges had not affected the registry in every case. Some of the Judges had decided in opposition to the majority, and the ikevisine Barristers had retained many votes which the majority of the Judges would have struck off if they had come before them. The question now was whether the House should adopt some clear and definitive franchise.—( Hear, hear.) They would not, in fact, be able to maintain the Judges' interpretation with out destroying the existing franchise. He could not agree that the introduction of these words by his Noble Friend the Me nber for Northumberland would be introductory of his plan ; on the contrary, they would only serve to intro duce the plan of the Noble Lord opposite.—(Cheers.) Nor could lie derive any consolation from the hope held oat that when the franchise was destroyed some Bill would be introduced to restore ir, when they had changed the' character of the representation, and found that the people nominally represented actually had no vice it it. In fact, it would be, according to the descrip tion of his Noble Friend, a representation of the owners of tile land from which the people were ex cluded.—( Cheers.) lie thought that if they wished the people of Ireland to have a real representation, the time to give it teem was now. If, on the contrary, it was their determination that the people of Ireland should not be re presented, he thought it would be better to take a clear and direct means of effecting that object, and to declare that they were not fit to be entrusted with the right of voting for representatives. If that were the intention of a great party in that House, let thetas take their stand upon that ground, and declare that they intend to adhere to that principle.- From all that he (Lord J. Russell) had heard that night, lie could only gather that it was intended to persist in that indirect and tortuous way at disfranchis ing Ireland—( Loud cheers from the Liberal benches) — which he saw attempted last year- 3 way which would not be the less effectual because it was indirect, which he certainly should never cease to denounce and op pose ([lsar, hear) and he certeinly did trust that the people of Ireland would believe, if these attempts should unhappily make any progress, that it was not -because the people of England wished to see them disfranchised , but that, on the contrary, the people of England wished to see them honestly and fairly represented—(Loud cheers from both sides of the House) —and not defrauded of their rights—( Hear, hear) —and by withdrawing from them those privileges which even when they took away the right of voting from the forty shilling freeholders they granted in a manner that s howed considerable generosity and a great sense of the value of fo the privilege of voting theMembeNrsooble Loral, fParli "that youent. " Do not, do not saidimagine," r can without remark, that you can without exciting great indignation, withdraw the privileges which in 1829 you granted to the people of Ireland. My belief is, that by I loss to ascertain it, and while I admit the principle I am acceding to the Bill of my Noble Friend and by the fran- not prepared to acce le to the details of the measure of chi! , he has proposed, you will act in the spirit of h s Noble Lord, or approve of the machinery by the Bill of 1829 and in the spirit of the Bill of Reform of which he proposes to emery his Bill into effect. In 1832 ; sod :hat if, on the contrary, you take an unwise point of feet he admits he is net prepared to specfy course it will not be long before you would wish that you ! the amount of rent which should be required. I appre had not interfered to excite a spirit in the people of Ire- bend we are abort to come to a vote which is de land which will justify thorn le-m( The remainder of the csive of the f.tr of the Bill ;at least to a vote which, if it se donee was lost amid loud and long continued cheers be catried against the Noble Lord, will render it neces from the Ministerial side of the House.) sary to proceed with a measure directly at variance with Sir R. PE EL rose and said—Sir, the Noble Lord has the present. I am glad an opportunity has arrived of on this occasion pursued the course which he almost uni- taking. the sense of the House on the point. lam glad lonely pursues wit he has some very defective measure the Noble Lord does not now consider this a mere verbla to de!end (Loud cheers)—that of trying to divert amendment. lam glad he considers that a great question the attention of the House from the subject properly under is now at i sue. lam glad that before we proceed fur its consideration, and by some general.declamation about ther with the details of the Brll the sense of the House popular rights i n som e charges against his polit ell oppe- shall be fairly taken as to whether a profit should be con nects, to raise a cheer in the behalf of those who sit behind sidered a distinct mark of the county franchise ; and Ido him, under the cover of which cheer he himself retires entreat lion. Gentlemen carefully to consider what will be from the discussion, and fancies thst he has been tria the effect on the constituencies of England, and on the fran umphantly successful.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord chinas of England, if they consent that mere occupancy charges my Noble Friend with an intention so to reduce in Ireland shall determine the county franchise. the constituency cf Ireland that the counties of Ireland One word as to an observation made by the Hon. arad may become nomination counties; and then the Noble Learned Member for Dublin. I did not state on a former Lord says th it my Noble Friend proposes an intention to occasion that there had be en any contract in 1829, be condescend to intr o duce a R e form Bill. Th e Noble Lord tween the advocates of the Roman Catholic; and those charges us with an intention to defeat the expectations w h o pro p ose d the Roman Catholic Relief Bill. I admit whieh were encouraged by the A c t f or th e Relief of the to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that there had been Roman Catholic', an d by the R e f orm Bon I utterly re- no such contract in existence. But this I stated, and this pudiate any such intention.—( Great the ering). Ido not I repeat, that the evidence given by the advocates of the think there would b e an y a d vantage to any interest, to Roman Catholic claims in 1825 did fully justify the die any party, in defeating suc h an i n t en ti on . My N o bl e f ranc hi sement o f t h e 40s. freeholders in ircland.—( Hear, Friend distinctly stated, and 1 teee ited, "If you will hear.) I stated that the lion and Learned Gentleman, prove to us by conclusive evidence, that the conatituencY as well as the lion. and Learned Member for Tipperary, intended by the R e fo r m Bill has been materially diminished, and Mr. Blake, a Roman Catholic gentleman of great we will then consider a proposal for increasing it, if' eminence, had all given it as their opinion that it was brought forward by those only who can suggest it with essen ti a l to t h e i ntere sts of Ireland that an intelligent and advantage, namely, those who fill the executme offices of respectable yeomanry should be formed and invited to the Government, and have the means of information in exercise of the franchise, and that tho.,e results were their power." But the question arises, has the more likely to he obtained under a limited and indepec constituency been materially decreased beyond the measure dent constituency thin with such a constituency as that was contemplated by the A c t o f R e f orm ? Sir, the that of the forty shilling freeholders. I stated that lion. Gentleman, who was better qualified to judge of Mr. Dominic Browne, the ,Vlernber for Mayo, had declared what was the constituency immediately after the Reform that when there were 25,000 voters in the county, it was Bill, or the constituency that would be given by the Re- a nomination county, and that when the constituency was form Bill, than the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. Sir, reduced under th e R e form Bill to 9,000, the independence I have his own words—he is speaking on the 18th of June of the constituency h a d been secured, and no one could 1832, and the lion, and Learned Gentleman distinctly nominate for the county.. I stated that when the dee states, " The Member for Kilkenny has made a calcula- tors voted formerly against their landlords they were sub lion of the number of persons who polled at contested jest t i so much oppression, that in order to rescue them elections in 1818 ; that number amounted to 15,211. from their condition it was found desirable to modify the There then remained fourteen counties unpolled. But it franchise. That was what I stated ; but I never stated should be observed that the contests took place in those that there had been a compact between the advocates of the places where there was the greatest number of voters." Roman Catholics and the Members of the Government. Now, let any man calculate on this data, and I fearlessly The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had again referred ask him whether, in giving a constituency of 26,000 to Ire- to the nmount of population. I apprehend that her Ma land I have not placed the number infinitely too high. Make jcsty's Government will not concur with him in looking the number caused by the additional franchise to be on population as a test for the franchise.—( Hear, hear.) 26,000, and can the lion. Gentleman show that the con- The question is not, I apprehend, as to the amount of stituency, as it at present ex i s ts, is diminished beyoud the population, but as to the amount of intelligence and respect expectations excited in 1832? But what is the proposal ability, free from all external control, which we can conn ote the Noble Lord? I will assume, for the sake of the mend. That was avowed to 'have been the prin argument, that you )cave afforded us that proof ciple of the Reform Bill—that I apprehend is still and demonstration, that you have shown that from avowed to he the principle of her Majesty's Government. the operation either of laws, or of social causes beyond The question then does not now arise as to whether or not the control of laws, there is a considerable decrease in the franchise should be co-extensive with population ; the the constituency of Ireland, and a tendency to further de- question in dispute is this, whether her Majesty's Govern cteasc. I will assume that you have proved that. Then ment have made a proposal which entitles them to the con- I say, even if I grant that that has been proved, the No- fidence of Parliament, and whether they are capable of ble Lord has provided a most indefensible and inefficient dealing with this great question ; and I must say that the remedy. That is the question which we are considering course they have pursued on the subject of the Irish fran to-night, —(Cheers.) The Noble Lord says, in conse- chine appears to me to disentitle them to the confidence of quence of the refusal of landlords to grant leases the can- this House.—(Cheers.) stituency of Ireland is undergoing a considerable diminu- Mr. O'CONNELL said he wished briefly to notice tion. And what does the Noble Lord propose as a re- that speech of his to which the Right Hon. Baronet had needy ? He proposes a measure which makes a lease in- a lluded. The Right lion. Baronet had quoted it as if oisperrsably necessary.—( Hear, hear.) Thc Noble Lord, he (Mr. O'Connell) had made the calculation of what in providing for the increase of the constituency, what wo uld be the franchise after the Reform Bill, whereas course does he pursue? He subverts altogether the ex- the speech he read related to a calculation of the state of istrrg franchise in Ireland. In England, in Scotland, it before the Reform . Bill, namely, 26,000. On that and in Ireland, with the exception of the 501. clause, the point he (Mr. O'Connell) could not be mistaken, what. main element of the constituency is interest in the land ever he might have been before—(ob, oh)—because he and profit from it. It always has been so. Is it had published that statement in a letter, both in the news right in the case of Ireland, mainly dependent for her papers and in a pamphlet. The Hon. Baronet who had prosperity on the success of agriculture—is it right, in the taken an active part in the Emancipation Bill, had done case of Ireland, that profit from the land should he alto- t h e m the justice to say that they made no bargain, nor any gether excluded from the franchise?—(Hear, hear.) But compact, but that was but doing them half justice, because the Noble Lord proposed that the right of voting for 32 they had expressly called upon the House to reject the counties in Ireland shall be exactly coincident to the r i g ht E n a aas cipation Act rather than' disfranchise the 40s. free of voting in boroughs and towns—namely, that occupancy holders. Petitions were presented to the House o n this alone, as tested by the rating, should constitute the fran- subject by s i n sjothree gentlemen who came from Ireland chise. Has the Noble Lord given us any argument in fa- expressly for Char; purpose. They spurned the disfran your of such a substantial alteration? Has he considered chiscment which accem;aanied the Bill, and petitioned the the effect of that alteration upon the franchise in England? House rather to resift: both than to pass both. How long will the Noble Lord maintain profit from the So that they not cnly male no compact, but land as an element of the franchise in England, alter he they protested against this disfranchisement.—(Hear.) has subverted it in Ireland, and substituted merely occu- In 1825 there existed objections to the: 40s. freeholders. aney, as tested by rating in Ireland ?—( Hear, hear.) They were thee dependent on their landloa eds ! and obli g ed It is an important principle which the Noble Lord recom- to vote as they pleased. There were many ditNulties con mends us to adopt a principle of very extensive fleeted with them, but he (Mr. O'Connell) for ore, never application. He will find it exceedingly difficult to main- consented to the disfranchisement of the 403. freeho.dehs min one franchise in Ireland and another in England. If who were seized in fee. In 1825 they threw off their the one invariable franchise in Ireland is to be mere occu- shackles, and evinced their patriotism. They turned the panty as tested by rating, the effect, I believe, will be to Beresfcrds out of Waterford, the Fosters out of Louth, place the return of the Irish Members very much in the and Mr. Vescy Fitzgerald out of Clare. Having hands of the same class of constituency as now return the given these proofs of their patriotism in 1825, Members for the boroughs. Well, then, I object entirely when they were dependent, in 1829 they were to the principle upon which the Noble Lord proposes to disfranchised. This was the history of their disfranchise alter the franchise. And am I not at liberty to make that ment, and what did the Reform Bill? Did it give them objection without being immediately met by the declare- additional franchises, or restore to them that they had lost? tion of the Noble Lord telling us, " Your object is not Would it have been taken away in England? Would the merely to defeat my Bill but to reduce the counties of people of England have suffered it? Very properly they Ireland to the lowest point of representation?" The would not, yet it was taken from Ireland where it was Noble Lord charges us with reducing the franchise. Why, more needed than ever in Eogland. When the Right the Hon. Member for Halifax told him not merely lion. Baronet told him that population seas not tic basis that he was taking a l ea f ou t o f th e b oo k of my of the franchise, he admitted that it was not the sole Noble Friend, but that he was constructing his franchise b as i s , b u t the basis was population and property. upon a shifting sand; that h e went i n fi n it e ly further to- But how was it estimated in Ireland? Why, by wards reducing the franchise than any reduction which population and the forty shilling freeholders. The icy Noble Friend have made by the amendment of the re- Noble Lord taunted him, (Mr. O'Connell) and his party gistration. The Hon. Member for Halif a x showed the with driving Ireland to despair. He told the Noble Lord Noble Lord that the effect of the franchise which he pro- they were not driven to despair. They were too many, poses in fourteen unions in Ireland, would be to reduce too peaceable, too intelligent, and too united for that. the number of electors now entitled to vote by one-sixth. What had occurred among them recently ? He stated it That is the allegation which the Hon. Gentleman made with satisfaction and with pleasure, because it supplied against this well-considered plan of the Noble Lord. Why, t h em with a new remedy. He had stated it before, and what confidence can we place in you as legislators fit to he stated it again, that they did not know that country. deal with this subject ?—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) You There were five millions there who never tasted the liquor had the whole of the recess; you had notice that this sub- of intoxication. They had calculated on their pas ject was undergoing consideration ; you hid the means sions and their vices, but they could be oppressed of gaining official information ; you bad every th r ough these no longer. How could the Noble element which could enable you to bring for- Lord say that lie did not intend to place the ward a measure which was likely to conciliate public people of Ireland in the hands'of the landlord? Why ei:S l opinion in its favour, and you brought forward a measure not the Noble Lord avow it ? Did not the Noble Lord destroying the existing franchise in Ireland and substitut- say that he intended to assimilate them to those in Eng. ing a 5/. occupancy. We remained under the impression land ? should he be told after that it was not intended to that we were to discuss the question of 51. occupancy, and disfranchise them? The House had done nothing but base two or three nights before we enter upon the considera- injustice to Leland. The Right lion. Gentleman had tion, without a reason assigned, the Noble Lord changes said that he ( Mr. O'Connell) gloated in looking back at his proposal from 51. to 81. And what does the Noble the crimes that England had perpetrated against Ireland. Lord say now? The Secretary for Ireland tells us now It must he admitted that no one country had ever perpc that he could support his 5/. franchise by a reference to tamed so many crimes as England had to Ireland. Why facts and evidence, which shows that it was a proposition did he mention it? Because that spirit existed still. They that ought to have been made. Why had it been aban- had not the same means—they bad not the same power; Boned?—( Hear.) From whence came the suggestion of ob- they could not do:it now, but they were as willing to do it as jcction ? Not from this side of the House. The Noble ever their ancestors were. The Noble Lord had exhibited Lord said—'• I have made this alteration in the hope of con. that spirit to-night. He told the House there was little ciliating your favour, and now you are so unreasonable chance of their getting the BM through that or the other a 3 to object to it." We nev e r o bj ec ted to the House. Let him proclaim that to eight millions of people. animals., we objected to the principle. (Hear.) It had been proclaimed, and it would be proclaimed again. Now, what can be more unfair than the course which the He ( Mr. O'C.) remonstrated against their continued in- Noble Lord took in throwing out these insieuations justice, in asserting that whatever might be the population, against us ? We said, "We object to a uniform franchise it was not to be tee basis of representation. lie did not for all Ireland." We sa'd, "It you make leasehold the know what was meant by this paltry distinction between only element of franchise there is a tendency on the part man and man, between Englishlnca and Irishmen, of landlords to withhold leases ; you make no settlement of but he knew that a 501. franchise was net a this question, because, if a disposition to withhold leases franchise, and he knew again that a 40s. franchise exists, you are not affording any sufficient remedy for was an ancient franchise, not depending upon property. the evil." And then the Noble Lord changes the qualiti- To talk about a 40s. franchise as a franchise by property, cation from 5/. to 81. He does nothing to remedy our was insulting common sense. He had shown them a po objection to the principle of his franchise; but he charges puiation of 366,000 with only 925 voters. 'I hey had dc us with being unwilling to effect a conciliatory settlement prived Ireland of her fair share of representation. On the because he has not gained our favour by making an altera- basis of property and population she ought to have 150 or tion in degree without the smallest alteration in principle. 170 Members in that House. Ireland felt the indignity These ere the grounds why we obj ec t t o 81. eq u ally that that was done to her. It was called a representation, but we object to 51.—namely, that the main objection, it was not. No ; let them go on. They would not dis in point of principle, remains entirely unchanged appointment him; on the contrary, they would but ani by the alteration in the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) mate his hopes. He trusted he should yet live to sec a But wo have another proposition to consider in addition Parliament that would do Ireland justice. to that of the Noble Lord, the amendment proposed by Lord HO WICK explained. He was greatly surprised the Noble Lord the Member for Northumberland. The t h a t, a ft e r his e x planation, the Noble Lord should yet Noble Lord, as I a pprehend, brings f orw ard a distinct and state that his proposition was one of disfranchisement. specific proposition in opposition to that of the Govern- Its object and tendency were most directly the contrary. ment. The Noble Lord's proposal I apprehend to be Sir R. PEEL sai Ihe was very sorry the Hon, and this—that the Noble Lord will retain the beneficial in- Learned Gentleman (Mr. O'Connell) should think that terest, that he will require as an essential condition for ore he had any intention to misrepresent anything that fell franchise, and that, perhaps, the main franchise, a profit from him on a former occasion. He (Sir It Peel) had derived from the land, that profit not to be ascertained by stated that i-n what the Host. and Learned Gentleman the oath of the party, but t o b e d e t erm i ne d by rating. said, in 1832, he had been making a prophecy The Noble Lord did not propose that as an exclusive of the future operation of the Reform Bili, franchise, but theNobleLord objects altogether—us I under- and he wished to show that be was unwarranted in attri stand him—to the proposal of the Government, and. Pr - buting those words to him, according to the report a his fesses to substitute far that proposal something of the na- speech in Parliament. In 1832 the lion. and Learned turn of that clause in England, which has been called the Gentleman said, " Now let us see what the present Bill Chandos clause, that is to say, he will require the Pay- will effect, and I will give the House a few specimens of the mcnt of a certain rent, but he will infer the rent front the numbers who will have a right to vote according to this amount of rating. Thc extent of the required rent he measure ;" and then the Right Hon. and:Learned Gentle ban not defined, because he says he has not acquired the man went into details, with which he ( Sir R. Peel) would information on which he can safely proceed. Now, from not trouble the House. He went on to say, " I therefore the principle of the Noble Lord Ido not dissent. I say the same principle runs through the whole Bill, think it is desirable to retain the beneficial interest ; I and that the whole Bill is as Conservative as the think it is desirable to maintain a profit from the land as bitterest Conservative could desire."— (Hear, hear an element of the county franchise.—(H ar, bear.) If it from Mr. O'Connell.) The Honourable and Learned should he shown to me that, in the proposed change in Gentleman certainly gave a hit to the Conservatives, but the Irish constituency a profit voted by rating is essen- he was no less severe upon the Whigs, for he went on to tial, I should not be indisposed to take into considerarien tar, " Ireland has ever suffered from the Whigs. The that other preposition of the Noble Lerd—namely, not to Whigs have given penal laws to Ireland, and much as require a lease, but to require the payment of a certain they respect public liberty, in Ireland they exercie their amount of rent by a tenant-at-will, acid thus to counteract power as if they sought only to exercise that vulgar pre that objection which is made at present from the unwilling- judice and rancour against Ireland which lam sorry to ness of the Irish landlords to grant lenses ; hut I say is not confined to the lower orders."—( Cries of " Hear, am not prepared to adopt the details of the Noble Lord's hear," and laughter from the Opposition Benches.) measure. I will, however, vote with his amendment, be- And the Hon. Gentleman went on to say—" After the cause it recognises the beneficial interest and an element statement I have made I may venture to say that the ut of the county franchise.—(Che.rs). I consider the Noble most number of voters in Ireland will not exceed :30,000 ; Lord's amendment to the first clause to be exactly tante- even that requires an exorbitant stretch of the imagination, mount to an abstract resolutiou of that kind. Suppose we and 3et this number is said to be an adequate constituency had met the Noble Lord's Bill on his motion for going into for eight millions of people.' - -( Hear, hear, and cheers Committee by a resolution to the effect that mere occu- from the Opposition.) parley could not entitle to the franchise, but that a profit Lord J. RUSSELL said that he only represented from the land was indispensable in the county franchise— what the effect, of the Noble Lard's resolution would be— suppose we had made suc h a motion, I consider it would that he did not impute to him tbe intention of disfranchis have been exactly tantamount to the amendment of the ing the people of Irela id. He would not say if Noble Lord. A great principle was thus at issue between the the Noble Lord's proposition were adopted how two Noble Lords. The Noble Lord, the Member for North- far it would go to form the basis of a good umberlandt wished to maintain an essentisl element in constituency in Ireland ; but the Noble Lord should re the county franchise, a profit from the land or co ll e ct that the part of the amendment which he ( Lord J. a beneficial interest, while the Noble Lrrd Russell) particularly objected to was the only part which the Secretary for Ireland proposed to subvert the existing would receive the support of Hon. Gentlemen on the other franchise, and to take occupation, as tested by rati ng , as t h e s id e of th e House —namely, the ',reposition for the tenua only element of the franchise.—(Hear, hear.) I give my cial interest. preferen ce t o th e p r i nc iple involved in the amendment of ®Lord HOWICK said th a t his 111 Noble Friend considered the Noble Lord, the Member for Northumberland. wh y , bin ( Lord Howick's) amendment without reference to then, do I not support his measure ? Because I d o not w hat followed. lie (Lord Howick) might as well consider think the Noble Lord is in a position which will enable the clause as it now stood withow, reference to the clauses him sufficiently to adjust this question. It appears tome that which followed. If he did so he should say that the Noble the simple substitution of the first franchise he proposes, Lord intended to disfranchise the whole of the electors of namely, to require a certain amount of rating above the Ireland. rent, would give a very extensive franchise. I think that The CoMmittee then divided, when there appeared — simply to require rating above the rent would confer a very For the Clause extensive franchise. It would be impossible, however, to Fiat the Amendment propose what the required amount should be. lamat a 1 Majority in favour of the Amendment _-21 EVENING. EDITION. The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheers. On our return to the gallery we found- Lord H 0 WICK saying that he merely wished to state, in consequence of what nal taken place, for tke purpose or making it abundantly clear that tine amenoment was in. tended to be an addition to another franchise, and not as a substitution, he would not move his other amendments for the definition of the beneficial interest until the question of occupancy, with lease or without lease, was settled. Colonel SII3THORP bad heard with extraordinary—. (Loud laughter, in the midst of which the Members sur rounding him pulled him down.) A motion was then made that the Chairman report pr 0 SIBTHO RP again rose. H e could not help s Colonel ruing under feelings such as he never felt before. Lie was astonished at the political cowardice exhibited by the Nobly Lord, who, holding a high office, attempted to pawn upon the people a measure which they did not want.—( Hear, hear.) The Conervative. benches, which were undisguisedly filled, showed him that it would be idle to attempt to play nicks with them. Why did not the Noble Lord show more moral and political courage, and not shrink away like the galled jade.—( Laughter.) Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that on going into Committee again, he would move a clause for the restora tion uf the 40. freeholders.—( Oh, oh.) Sir R. PEEL did not wish to press the Noble Lord for any declaration at that moment, but he would ask when he proposed to go into Committee :gain—did he propose to go on to-rnorrow.—( Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—The introduction of the words would have a very important eff, , ct upon the Bill, to what extent he was not then fully aware. He proposed t.) ad journ the Committee till Monday next.—( Loud cries of ‘• Ne, no; to-morrow.") He would have no objection to proceed on Wednesday.—(Cries of " No.") Lord STANLEY—Under the circumstances in which they were placed, he would not feel justified in offering any opposition to the Government proceeding with their Bill on Wednesday. It was only fair that they should have to-morrow to consider of what had taken phiee. The Chairman then reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again on Wednesday. On the motion of Lord STANLEY the Order of the Day for the second reading of the Irish Registration Bill was red, ant! postponed to Wednesday next. The Administration of Justice Bill passed through Committee. ..... The other Orders of the Day were then diFposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past Eleven &Clock. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET FIRST SPRING MEETING. MONDAY. Sweepstakes of 10 sovs. each, for three-yrs old colts, .Bst 71b ; fillies ; bst. 41b. T. Y. C. The winner to be sold for 2001., &c. (6 subs.) C3pt. Rous' Langelee (Robinson) I Flywar Craven's lietvdetta _ . Mr. Stephenson's Blanche The following also started, but were not placed :—Mr. Gre ville's Myrtle, Mr. - Thornhill's Emotion, and Mr. S. Cooper's Cuirassier. Betting-3 to 1 agst Benedetti; 4to 1 agst Lang,olee ; 4 to 1 agit Blanche ; and 4 to 1 agst Cuirassier. Won by a length. Match.—Lord Exeter's Amurath, Bst 21b (Darling), beat Mr. Gregory's Fitzroy, Bst 91b; 100 ft. A. F. Betting 11 to 8 on Fitzroy, who was beaten by half a length: Handicap Sweepstakes of 20 sots. each ; h ft, if declared ; for three-yrs old, and upwards. I'. Y.C. (7 subs.) Mr. Goodman's Remnant, 4 yrs, Bst 31b (Butler) 1 Mr. Boyce's Scroggins, aged, 9st 41b Lord Orford's Bettina, 3 yrs, Gil 121 b 3 Duke of Bedford's e by Taurus, out. of Mona, 3 yrs, 7st 11b, (carried 7st 31b) Mr. Greville's Perseus, 4 yrs, Bst 51b 5 Lord Jersey's Mulcy Ishmael, 4 yrs, Bst 71b 6 Betting.-6 to 4 agst Mona c. '•4 to 1 agst Remnant (t) ; 4to 1 agst Muley Ishmael ; and 6 to 1 ant Scroggins. Won by two lengths. Sweepstakes of 50 sous. each for foals of 1838, out of maris that never bred a winner ; colts, Bst 71b , fillies, Bst 31b ; those by horses which got a winner allowed 31b. A.F. (7 Subs.) Duke of Bedford's c Oakley, by Taurus. (Robinson) 1 Mr. Batson's c Revel (allowed 31b) 4tol on Oakley. Won easily by a length. Match D.M. 100 h it. Duke of Bedford's King of the Peak, Bst 41b........... received Mr. Osbaldeston's The Mountain Sylph, Bst 71b ...... paid Fifty Pounds, for four yrs old, 7st Halb, five, Bst 91b, six and aged, Oat 61b. Last three miles of B.C. Duke of Rutland's Flambeau, 5 yrs (Robinson) 1 Lord Orford's Epirus, aged 13 to 6on Epirus. Won by two lengths. THE DERBY.—Marshal Soult has been backed at 12 to 1, and 20 to 1 offered agst the Knight of the Whistle. No other change of consequence. 2,000 GUINEAS STAKES.-5 to 2 agst Eringo, 3to 1 west Ralph (taken), 5 to l agst Metternich, 10 to 1 agst Mustapha, and 13 to 1 agst Joachim. NEWAIARKET, MONDAY NIGHT. BETTING. TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES (TO-moKnow). 5 to 2 agst Eringo 3 to 1 agst Ralph lo 1 agst Mettcrnich 10 to l agst .111ustapha 100 to 6 Asst Joachim 12 to 1 egst Lord Exeter's lot—taken DEBBY. 3 to 1 agst Scott's lot 9 to 1 ngst Coronation—taken 9 to I agst Van Amburgh—taken 11 to I agst Marshal Soult—taken 14 to 1 agst Prince Caradoc 14 to 1 agst iiwalie colt l to 1 agst Eringo—tak:n to - I agst Ralph 25 to 1 agst Knight of the Whistle—taken 27 to 1 agst .o . etternich 24 to 1 agst Cameleon and Simoon—taken 1000 to 15 agst Mustapha—taken onKs. 7 to 2 agst Lord Westminster's lot —taken 7 to 1 agst Lampoon 8 to 1 agst Ghuznce I() to 1 agst Potentia 11 to 1 at!st Florence—taken For the 2,000 Guineas Stakes all have paid except Eringo, Joichim, Metternich, CPsaroNiteli, Abydos. Thebes colt, Ralph, St. Cross. Alobarck, Arundel, and Mustapha. Entry for the Queen's Plate (for mares).—Barbakin, Cur rency, Maid of Ip:wich, Mountain Sylph, and Silistria, H E 111ARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest Ili , e of Are.t 1.. the M .troplis is 9%d for the 41b 1, 0 ,:„ Good Bread may be had at ”id. PR ES OF SEEDS 1 Per Quarter Per Cwt. Sew Fliglisls :tet. C10ver...56s 90s:St. Fein »•s 4.Els 508 Old Litt, Ditto ... -s s SllYe G ass -s 22s 403 New Foreign Ditto... ..-s 5Gs SOs'Pacey Grass 5 •-•3 -g Oil Ditto Di , lo . -5 --3 -siLinseed, for feedii.g -3 50* 51i Old Whit e Clover 35 , ~,..'s t . slOit o, for sowing -3 11th 8/4 Old Ditto Ditto -3 4.:, 4v. _..s for crushing ....-s 46s 481 New Tre oil .... ..... -s 3°s 4 s'ls '. so -s 4.s 48s Old Ditto - .•-..._ - s 19s 3cs Cana. "Y ...................... -a 90.,it,vs 'Pr folitun 'rd -•• ‘4s, Od to 151 Or: E.glish Conaway -s 50s sis White gas.' ....11sIld to 17s Od Foreign Ditt o -9 46s 52s Brown Ditto Gs Cd It les bd Coriander -s Lis IF , s Tares PRICE JF 011 Rape Oil, brown, per tots ............................. .....:C4. 9, Ditto, refined .... : .............. ...., ..................... 4 6 1.-.! '29 0 Linseed Oil Lois td Oil Cake at the Mill (per 1000) .............. Ita: ' e ake, per ton ....................................... 1) 121 7 0 PRIcE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. per 1. Fowls Tallow £2 lu 6 Melting Stull' ............... .C 1 15 Ycllow Russia White 4. 0 C Orates Soap Ditto OO 0 Good Drugs ..... . U 5 PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of tilbs Price of 'tallow (as stated by the Tallow Me lters) ..:s. 9)4d COAL MARKET. Ships arrived since last market day, £6. s. d. Ct.aeotte Slain ......... ..... 16 0 Carr's Hartley Chester .. Idolyweil Ma n l7 9 New 'I anfield Moor Tanfield Moor. William's Hartley l5 0 Wyfa i. ........... ........ , l6 0 Walls End Clenuell Walls End Hilda. Walls End Killingworth ... IS S Walls End Newmarch l7 0 Eden Main l9 Cl HAMBURG 1. d. W. E. Braddyll'sHetton ... 21 9 Walls End Haswell. ... 22 6 Walls End Hetton 22 0 Walls End Lambton u Walls End Carnnoc 2 , Walls En.i Cassop 2l 9 Walls End Hartlepool l9. 0 Walls End KeHoe Pennant's Hartlepool 2O n Walls End Adelaide ‘2O 9 Walls End Evenwood l6 6 Walls Er:d South Durham... 19 3 Wal s End Tees MARKETS. IN. _ . Wheat, Alarm... ......... no 3 to "42 Barley, Mecklenbargh 133 to 162 ----- Magdeburg.... t.O i to 3421 -- Magcleburgh , les to 171 ---- Aiilmlt, i%nite 30 i to 345 —-- Holstein ----- re:l ... 3C , 6 to 342 --- Summer ll4 to ISt ---- Bruns% ick 3OO to 3:2 Oats, Ei,; cl . -.-- Mecklenburg.. 'Ail to 34., mukki i burg --- Polish - Holstein ............ 132 to 144 -- liolstein !.).2 to SOW - ll,st Friesland.., 105 to 114 Rye, Mecklenburg -- Dantzie -- Eibing :Aid Ro- Buck Wheat l6B to 191 iiii,,,bitrg -- Upland t to , 570 144 100 to 210 Wit -- 11 . 1g4 COTTON. ~, ni Carolina and Tennessee 7%t0 9 % : " aril" --- 74 Maerw , 5 511, qcorgia, Ist sui t......... 7% ' s 't3 3% IA La r.,,._ 7 '7 14 c i!' i d . ;;;;LY . 4 . .. .. .. ...... 7 6,4 77 - 1)0 "..4 ° COFFEE. 44 t 0.4% , 41@cha ................. .. ..... 13 to 13% I Dovingo . 5 1 ,i 5:4 ,Ls Guayra 4% 15. 6 7 5t1iatmtaavtiraa......................................... —.— Porto Rico 4% :: % Rio ............................ 4% 5} liavannah 4% 5% Bahia SUGAR.—(Witt 1 tilvannah, White 3to 4% Brown Dit 2 % Rio, White Brown . Blanllla. Brow h 8,,, Dlseount.) Bahia, White ' 3 4 t 02% Brown N 2g P ern ambuco, White ...2}i, s Brown ...2S 25% I. to 234 WESTMINSTER BRIDGE.—The carrtager.waylr of th's bridge was clo sed y esterda y . A thor ouzii epa is to be made. we unders..and, and the decivity gre tly diminished, on the plan carried so successfully into effect at Blackfrirrs-bridge. WEerrloo-bridge in consequence is thronged with vehicles of every description. Both gates at each end arc thrown open, and the traffic is so great that the toll-men have no little difficulty in taking the money in time to prevent stoppages. Judging from ap pearances twice the number cif carriages pass now that passed when Blackfriars-bridge• was closed. We are glad to learn that the number of foot passengers gradually in creases, and trust that in a short time the proprietors not be losers by reducing the toll to a halfpenny. ME MARRIAGE MART.—Husband -hunting is a pursuit of engrossing interest in Eng land, but its fea tures ;re rendered muc h more attrnetive when the English beauty dares the dangers of a long sea vo y a g e to tr y her fortune in th e alluring soil of India. This country to our spinsters was long regarded as a matrimonial El Dorado. and to many of the fair adventurers so it proved. Nabobs, however, were not always to be secured, and not a few who sou- , ht the Indian shores as husband- hunters were disappointed in their speculations. In this pursuit their lives were often but a series of romantic incidents, afford. ing materials for the most extraordinary and entertaining narratives ever written ; and of these, an English officer, long resident in India, has made admirable use in a clever novel, which has just been published under the title of it The Marriage Mart, or Society in India," wherein the adventures of the heroine, a lovely consignment for the Indian market, arc so vividly pourtrayed that every indi vidual of her sex who reads the work must feel under considerable obligations to the author for presenting her with so agreeable a picture of a subject which to her must always be of unrivdled attrar tio i. S'neh a quantity of coal has of late arrived at S:lorehana that they have been retailing as low as 18g. 6 d. p er ton.