The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-28 00:00:00

g9IEVENING EDITION sent Parliament, but I believe a great number, upwards that country in which we ought never to have stood. of a hundred. But the vast majority, I would say, in With respect to our relations with America and France, many cases, the same pers on h as been returned, and in I still retain my opinion, and believe if there had been Isome cases persons entertaining similar views. But this earlier interference that what had taken place would state with confidence that in 20 elections in which the have been avoided. I feel most deeply our alienation former Member has been changed —in large towns—in from France, and deeply regret it ; and without entering agricultural constituencies—in every description of con- further into the different subjects, I still entertain my 'titueney—out of these 20 vacanc i es i n wh i ch a change op i n i ons upon t h em ; and notw i t h stand i ng t h e b r illi ant has taken place, there have been 16 returned adverse to exploits of our fleets and our Litnies, I think it would have you and fo ur on l y i n your favour.—(Cheers.) And in been better that we should have effected everything which , the vacancies in which there have been changes during British interests required by peaceable means. Instead of . the present session there have been a positive loss of proceeding towards France as we have done, we should - 1 1ot less ,than twelve. I say, therefore, whatever have endeavoured to reco ncile all parties, for by that may ybe you r expectation of future appeals to the people means we should have avoided those bitter feelings of this country, you have no right to assume that the re- which have caused such preparations for war in that suit or th e e l ections has hitherto proved that on your country, and we s h ou ld have re-established thoso reci tabsivetsrac. t merits as an administration, the opinions of the procal friendly c or di a l re l a tions between France and this Cons tituency differs from the opinion of their represents- country, which I s i ncere ly wish to be permanent, and - -(Cheer s .) I know it may be said that all m y which I belie ve t o be the essential foundation for the general do c t r i nes may be true ,• that it is right, under permanent peace and tranquillity of Europe. But on °rdinary circumstances, that the Ministry should have these consider a tio n s I will not further enter, because I the confiden ce o f t h e House of Commons, but it will b e wish to urge the constitutional grounds only on which my _ . S v Eti d e h th at here are special and pec u li ar c i rcums t ances mo ti on is founded. Sir, I dare say I will be met with exempt us from th e or di nar y ru l e , an d ent i t l e us th e taunt t h at I have b roug ht f orwar d on this occasion no ' 0 remain office. Sir, thi s i s th e rea dy excuse w hi c h sc h eme o f compre h ens i ve p o l ic y ; a nd I shall be told this is blaY be made by those in power at any time.— an aggressive motion, and that when I invite the House tic (Che ers.) Who can deny the important position to affirm a resolution which supposes a want o of this country—the complicated affairs to be admi- confidence, I might haw been tnstered ? prepared to make Pal My, must be at all times special and pecu- claration of my opinions on all public questions. y liar circumstances, and if at once you, being judges, you answer to that is, to ask where is the man that has more t he Executive Government, may discover special explicitly than I have done' his opinions on all great ttnd peculiar circumstances by which you are exempted questions of national policy.— -(Cheers.) When was it e thereln the ordinary principles of Executive Government, that upon any constitutional question—upon th (Cis no limiting the application of this principle.— question of the Ballot—upou the extension of heers-) Moreover the men to determine on that the suffrage, or upon the shortening of Parliaments— Prinelple are not impartial judges—(Cheers)—as t o th e when was it that I ever withheld my opinion ? The circumstances constituting th ese s p ec i a l case s.—(Ch eers .) Hon. G en tl eman the Member for Finsbury, says to us— Perhaps it may be said, however, that you contemplate " Make a bidding against the Government, propose t a :' , l anneal to the pe o pl e , t h at you are holding office for something more popular than the Government and whe Purpose of making that appeal. Sir. I know nothing then you will have the support of Gentlemen of extreme atever on this subject. As a Member of this House opinions like myself ? Sir, I will do no such thing.— al Commons I can have no evidence of the intention of (Loud cheers.) I make no bidding for popular applause. „1. 110 Government I see you p er p e t ua lly i n a m i nor ity— —(Renewed cheers.) I maintain my opinions upon all indications that y ou h ave not the conf i dence of t h e grea t const i tu ti ona l ques ti ons ; an d I w ill no t f or th e !louse of Commons. I know that you have the power purpose of filching some support from the Government 1 ' any time of dissolving, and that you can choose the on the present occasion, indicate opinions at variance m ost favourabl e time, unless some particular Bills are with those which in detailed discussion I have con before the House. I ' know this i s a delicate prerogative. stantly professed. But did not I when subjects like but the exist ence o f that prerogative, and any concealed these were formally under discussion—on the vote of mot ives ea. actuating y ou , cannot make it less my duty to con fid ence o f l ast year, f or i nstance —did not I exp li c i t l y u Upon th e H ouse to say whether it gives you its con- state my views with respect to all the ordinary subjects Lfidence or not.—(Cheers.) I shall have no additional of Legislation ? Have not I, when any question was c fidence in you after y ou have greatly excited the pub- brought under the consideration of Parliament, whether s . s mind on a su bj ect of no-less importance than the sub- Church Reform, or Church-rates, or any other measure ? te nee of th e people.—(Cheers.) I firmly believe thatyou Have not I uniformly adopted dui' same line of policy ? 4reunot advancing by that course the measure of which What is the public question of ordinary legislation in Cr :t ire the adv ocates. I don't underrate your power, respect of which any rational doubt can be .entertained must o I underrate the ev il s w hi c h your course has and as to my v i ews ? I d o d raw a di st i nct i on b e t ween a ll the produce—however Ido doubt your power to carry financial questions and questions of ordinary policy ; and rtmeasure which you have propounded, of a duty of is. it is absurd to call upon me for the expression of an opi bushel on corn.—(Cheers.) My belief is, that you nion with respect to our financial difficulties. I stated tth e ve ,„ less power to carry it than you had to carry before that I would not express any opinion on this sub -riss'ugar Duties—(Cheers)--and, although I have no ject, and I now repeat it, giving the full advantage, inde ir, to anticipate what may be the decision of the pendent of saying that if I was called to power to-mor „, "use upon the question of the Corn-laws, does row I would claim the right deliberately to review the • - t} ( l ) .t every man within the House concur with me in financial difficulties of the country, and I would not be h I nkin that you bring forward the measure without a forced into a precipitate measure' or the purpose of ex- Pe_ ° to carry it ?—(Lotid cheers.) You could not have tricating myself from the present inconvenience. —(Hear, even the most distant hope to carry it in the present hear.) These are the grounds on which I submit with '?use of Commons. You bring it forward, I will not confidence my resolution to the House of Commons. I s ay for the p urpose, b ut certainly the effect of •your pro- have never been the flatterer of the House—l never have Position w ill b e, to cause increased agitation among the encouraged the House in any attempt to carry a measure r°l 3l c, and an i ncreased indisposition to come to any 'which I thought would have the effect of unduly increas ...Nlement of th e quest i on. — (Cheers.) St i ll you con- i ng the privileges and the powers of the House of Corn 'Jonl your intention and say that a ft er a d e b a t e u p on th e mons at the expen se of the prerogatives of the Crown t o • ril-l aws, you reserve to yourselves the right to come On the very last occasion on which I gave a vote, I gave 4 0 tlecisi on as to your future policy. That, in my that vote in support of her Majesty's Ministers, , la l s on, is a reason for bringing forw a rd m y reso l u ti on , in the attempt to resi s t a mo ti on which would have the am fortified in that position by the course which effect, in their opinion, of widely encroaching . on the have taken with reference to a measure of scarcely prerogatives of the Crown.—(Hear, hear.) I did what o 's importance —I mean the consideration of the I could, and my example was not followed by many .h as 9r- laws•—(Loud cheers.) And see what that course members of her Majesty's Government.—(Loud cheers.) been. You propose, without sufficient authority I did what I could to resist an attempt of the House of Government--you propose to submit that measure, Commons to interfere with the rights of the Crown. ; u n Yet at th e same time you will not bring f orwar d th a t Sir, th a t a tt em pt was d e f ea t e d b y your single vote. You mea sure which yo u deem essential to the public w e lf are were a single obstacle to a motion which, if carried, e Poor-laws. On what ground do you withhold that would amount to an interference with the prerogatives sure from our consideration ?—(Loud cheers.) I have of the Crown. You had the manliness, though the organ Your own authority, the statement from your ow n of the House of Commons—(Cheers)—you had the man on ths, of th e groun d s why you withhold from discus- liness, whi c h I expected from the consistency of your in the House of Commons so important character—(Loud and continued cheers)—you had the measure as that of th e new Poor-laws.—(Cheers.) manliness to expose your single, but exalted, but effec . 1 - • Noble L or d sa id t h at i n the present state of affairs tual, authority against a measure which you deemed in 'e thought th e y had better not go into the considerati on jurious to the principles of the Constitution. I expected ' ) f the Poor-law Amendment Bill, and what was his that vote, and I expected the declaration of the principle mason ? because, in the first place, he thought it would on which it was based ; but when I saw how great had lead to protracted discussion without any final result.— been the risk, I could not but feel confirmed in my opi (Cheers.) That is the ound upon which it is urged nion that the prerogatives of the Crown were not safe in that the consideration of gr the New Poor-law Bill should the hands of a Government—(Loud c heers)—which, even . he withdrawn from the cognizance of the H ouse of Co-rn with the a id th a t I cou ld g i ve t h em , f e lt themselves com ,mons__that it will pro lead t o tracted discussion, without pelled to call in the aid of the Speaker to form 4 Producing final results.—(Hear.) Now, if you may a majority.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) anticipat e as to t h e Poor-law, may not I also anticipate But, Sir, although I have always resisted on as to the Corn-law.—(Loud cheers.) If I am deficient the part of the House of Commons, and always will re in forms, and non-observant of technicalities in antici- sist, any unconstitutional, proceedings on the part of the gating the result of the discussion on the Corn-laws, Ministers of the Crown, yet I have attempted to main are not you as non-observant of technicalities in antici- tain for the House of Commons the pogsession of every ating the result of the discussion of the Poor-laws ?If just prerogative and right. I supported the Noble Lord you anticipate a protracted discussion without final re- last year in the maintenance and defence of the privi sult, as the consequence of the discussion of the Poor- leges of the House of Commons. I might have been laws, may I not anticipate the same with regard to the seduced by the temptation of party advantages. I had Corn-laws ?—(Loud cheers.) The next reason you to encounter the painful sacrifice of differing from give for postpo n i ng t h e cons i derat i on of the Poor- perhaps a majority of my former friends, but I thought laws is, the expectation that every Honourable that vital and important interests were at stake, and I Member will soon have to give an account of his con- was determined that I would not conciliate the favour duct at the hustings. The Noble Lord thought a great and affection of my now esteemed friends—that I would many motions and speech es wou ld b e ma d e, i ntended not put to h azard the legitimate privileges of this House, r ather for the hustings than for any useful purposes of le- and subject it to the control of a Court of Law.—(Cheers 4i slation —(Lould cheers.) Now, the reason you give is from both sides of the House.) It might perhaps be ~ 1 10 t the Unpopularity of the law, and not because you more wise not to refer to these things—it might !,n e Ppose that the discussion of the law might be incon- be more politic to conceal the differences I have 1 1 1 ) :nt to Members just prior to an election ; but the had with my Noble Friend, but I will not be `round nd for withdrawing the consideration of the Poor- guilty of any such unworthy concealment.—(Hear, hear.) `'`ti", a, from the cognizance of the House of Commons is I acted from a sincere belief that it was absolutely neces t vill lead to protracted discussion without pro- sary for the vindication of the privileges of the House dicing final results, and that Members will bring for- of Commons, and that the privilege of free publication h ti wa Ldmotions and ma k e speec h es addressed rather to the was essential to our interests. Why should I shrink th 2_"n gs than t o use f u l purposes of legislation. For from a reference to those opinions—is it not rather a reason s the Poor-law is withdrawn, vet the Corn- subject of pride to me that I can be permitted to take my s ',7 ,1s proceeded with. Now, is there more prospect of own course--(Much cheering)—to maintain the vital respecte'al l egitosltahtion with respect to the Corn-law than with privileges of the House of Commons, and yet that due e Poor-law ?—(Loud cheers.) 13 there less justice should be done to my motives, and that I should. expectation of long speeches addressed rather to the again rally and bind, in common connection and corn ehe'_l.l.les than to useful purposes of legislation ?—(Loud mon esteem, those who, in their honest views, differed c ere 'is,.) Is there a prospect that the discussion of the from me ?—(Hear, hear.) Acting in conformity with. Dresr laws can lead to any final result ? Is there any these great principles, which teach me to resist encroach ti,m-rei:t• but that the discussion of the Corn-law ques- ments from whatever quarter they come, I think the th e a. ,,, r s t at the present time lead to the aggravation of House of Commons has a right to expect that the Minis with 7hloc:ilturai and manufacturing distress ? And it is ter of the Crown should possess its confidence. This as to Pinions to which I have already adverted House has been conducted and modelled upon the views alth onss d iscussion of the Poor-laws that lam informed, of the Noble Lord the Member for Stroud. The Noble kinist64 I can hardly believe it, that her Majesty's Lord was the author of the Bill by which the Co rn _ ht : Pro Pose to bring forward the question of the House of Commons was constituted. It was the Noble r at tbs' and on the result of that discussion to ap- Lord who thought it expedient to abolish the system of rah to cheers from the Ministerial nomination. It was the Noble Lord who thought it ex !? far i n 1 01 'lr, if that appeal be made, and on such grounds, pedient to introduce more of a popular spirit into the state of tr i d ° P.inion from tending to remedy thedepressei constitution of this House, that he might make it more conti nued - elt will tend greatly to aggravate it by the in accordance with the progress of popular intelligence P ubli c Marltsigitation which it will introduce into the and freedom. The Noble Lord it was who thought we l n all r eta i l e ts by the interruption which it will occasion ought to make the House more an image of the public which the tra nsactions, and by the state of uncertainty in mind—more sympathising with the people—more origi- Tnay b e Public mind must be for months, as to what nating with the people, and more expressive of the pub /141bizersgw.uillltitnate decision of the House of Commons. lie feeling.—(Hear, hear.) This House of Commons was C°rn-law ' l eo r: ln t t h ry at the agitation of this question of the constituted according to the views of the Noble Lord. only tend to aggravate all those evils from This House of Commons was elected under his auspices. S e' far f ro already suffering.— (Cheers.) And Whateverbenefit there may be in having had its election to he: _ nt the expected discussion of the Corn-law ques- at the time when her gracious Majesty came to the to a uta•vt!'g a reason why I s h ou ld no t p ress my mot i on Th rone o f t h ese countr i es, that b enefit the No b le Lor d niiiv toirsion reas onss for doing.—(L ou d c h eers.) There are other duty which I have imposed upon myself, in conformity Illy pl ain r this motion, i n t o w hi c h I will not now enter. with the spirit in which I i n t en d e d t o execu t e it—with gesstine confidence simple proposition is that you do not pos- nothing of that asperity of party—(Hear, hear, hear) a re other onfidenee of the House of Commons, and there —into which I may be betrayed at times when withdraw besides those I have mentioned on rising at the end of a debate—when I speak whichenlft.oithdraw my confidence from on. I have no con- under that excitement and agitation which belongs to 1 h et i s e, e l your administration of the finances,—Cheers.) such an occasion. It is not consonant to my own feelings are o . w " in that the evils of your financial administration to do so, and I should be the more inexcusable in giving sister the to the same causes--to your attempt to admi- way to such asperity when I could not plead the excite s'. the t.. 1 ,0 Government without possessing the confidence ment of debate. It is not my intention to treat with dis that if use of Commons .—(Cheers.) Ido not believe respect those who hold the executive office, but it has Co mmon s t o y n ou had possessed the confidence of the House of been my intention to say to you it is your duty to show curs e d diture s you would, in the face of an increasing expen- to the House of Commons—if it has this additional claim ds and an increasing deficiency, although not with ato public confidence—it is peculiarly your duty not to de sereasie eh eaJ 090/. g revenue—l donot believe you would have in- prive it of any of the legitimate influence which it pos -I,2es,_ 1 0 risk which Post have incurred, by giving up sessed under other circumstances. If the House of Com of your office revenue.—(Loud Tory mons confirmed your suggestion you would have been the r ee js_.) I believe the same causes induced you to have first to acknowledge this decision, and when that House .... ss ,",r e se to that expedient which are actuatin,?; you now. of Commons took a different course, it was your bounden u t .k e o ers.) You had been for some time oscillating be- duty not to reject these decisions with scorn because they ces:n Conservatism and Liberalism. You found it no- are unfavourable to your views and opinions. prins ei YY to conduct your Government on Conserv a ti ve L or d WORSLEY ( w h o was yery i n di st i nct l y h eard) hlll ples and when you attempted to d o so y ou f or - sa id t h at h e truste d he should b e pardoned by the House, aa ted the' confidence of those Gentlemen opposite, who for stating the manner in which he proposed to vote, sh ee l l P to that period bee n y our supporters. —(L ou d and the reasons on which that vote was founded. The opi e s.) It was neces sar y t o regain t h e i r good Right Hon. Baronet had founded his motion upon two N se tun ; some means were necessary for that pur- points. First, the constitutional point; and he had stated rs, co ; ll You were pressed on the subject of the Post-office various reasons why he had no confidence in her Ma th° e, and you gave it up.—(Cheers.) And when was jesty's present Ministers. He (Lord Worsley) thought th °•st-oflice Revenue given up ? After your failure that many of the reasons on which the Right Hon. Ba the Jamaicae question.—(Cheers.) I cannot dive into ronet had roundedg his want of confidence were under /te ,.ec ves sses of your counsels—l do not say that these discussion in 1839, and since that time he believed a vote etr e '" et u , , stand in the relative situation of cause and of confidence had passed in that House in favour of her s h eu , ,nut it is remarkable that the Post-office Revenue Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) It was, there cehmlinalitiven up just after you were defeated on your fore, unnecessary for him (Lord Worsley) to discuss for g i vi ensure. I resisted and opposed that measure points that had been already discussed and decided in lees n sg up the Post-office Revenue at the time, not that House, Another point, to which the Right lion. ae erue " v -L o was insensible to the advantages which might Baronet had adverted was their financial policy, as ex th„e„,,. o m a diminished rate of postage, but because I emplified in the reduction of the postage; and he stated gi se ;" You h could not afford, with your deficiencies, to that her Majesty's Government had been urged to the a source of revenue; because I could not measure by the " pressure from without." But even since the tl at your resolution to supply the deficiency of that time, the Government had received a vote of con `e reveni t i ata, t , the by increased taxation could be trusted to fidence in that House, and upvtards of 100 Members, the s by was gone--(Cheers)—and I believe that who generally supported the Right Hon. Baronet, voted • sa me induced saLuse—your weakness as an Administration— in its favour. He (Lord Worsley) had, almost without () you to propose that measure, that has induced Administration— t„ his s you excetion supported the policy of the present Govern forward this measure relating to the Corn-laws. meat; and he not think this vote of confidence should ta,..or explained howC m han oc c h el h lo o r ofthe new ee rs.) The Exchequer has be narrowed to the three questions the other night pro his^ pon coin. ; but unless he raisecalculate s b to raise y this posed to the House, because he thought it was unwise in Pen upon corn his budget can 1.600,000/. by the House of Commons to pass a resolution respecting haveeel's.) As I understood tlt' is worth nothing.— any particular exhibition of the policy of the Govern -o%tit a doubt whether he said Right Hon. Gentleman, ment —(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Worsley) thought that 1 1 have to be raised, but it 600,0001. or 1,600,0001. such a resolution ought to be upon their general policy. 1 7,nis at the same amount I am to estimate the The Noble Lord then quoted a passage in a speech of ssue"seu,ooos must be raised sip asthey were last year, Sir It. Peel when in office, containing the same senti on r e nt year. With respect to th foreign corn during the meat, but in so low a tone, that we could only learn its (it u , v , seen an answer returned by e duty on timber, I purport. He quite agreed in the sentiments thus ex 44:nation, in which he stated a Lord Sydenham to a pressed by the Right Hon. Baronet. No one could se als_ on the subject of those duties t he had no informs- gret more than he (Lord Worsley) the course which he s tated that even if t h e Gove Lord Syd en h am had was compelled to take on a recent occasion ; but li on . w ard the timber duties it would be 11" mould bring for- Members opposite would remember that on that occa that a due ra • sere s ss , regard should be had Pe tave duty to sion he said that it was on account of the manner in have am that there should be ampl:ocall existing in- which their resolutions had been brought forward that w er ' e u the e vested interests to dispose of fOr parties he felt compelled to vote against them ?—(Hear.) But 1111°11 Lorca", and if it were an imperativ e 'Tin. If that , because he differed in one point from the policy of the t h e co.. Sydenham, would it be possible a ty imposed ' Government, was he, therefore, to abandon all the prin t° r e • •is nq u! eof the present year the amount re • alise ciples which he held in common with them ?—(Cheers.) 01en... my intention to enter at the present re ?It He would do no such thing.—(Cheers.) Let him ask, .Y2t e h v er matters connected with the Governunet vent into moreover, how he could withdraw his confidence from opie:es non ve mco y opinion on them. I will reserve my place confidence in some other Government ?—(Loud ileiue that we are placed inn • • gcannot but cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had told them position with regard to that he was against a . fixed duty on corn ; that he ON. ig; SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 28, 1841. would not pledge himself to a sliding scale ; yet he (Lord Worsiey) did not know but the Right Hon. Baronet himself might support a sliding scale.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the agricultural interest, who had had viewed with so much alarm the proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would continue in alarm, unless they were informed of the intentions of the Right Hon. Baronet.--(Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh.") He ought to make known to the agricultural interest what amount of protection he proposed to give them when lie came into office, for no man who heard his speech the other evening could doubt for a moment that it was his intention to alter the present sliding scale. That interest had a right to ask that question, because one of the Conservative Candidates for Manchester, one who had been high in office under the Right Ho nourable Baronet--he meant Sir George Murray— rested his claims for support upon his being an advocate for a low fixed duty on corn.—(Cheers.) He agreed in the general policy of the Government and could not see any reason why he should withdraw his confidence in them to transfer it to one of whose policy, even upon the point he differed from the Government, he knew nothing. —(Cheers.) The Government had a right to suppose that the country agreed with their general policy, and he could see no reason why they should withdraw from office.--(Cheers and laughter.) When the Right Hon.. Baronet retired in 1835 it was not so much upon consti tutional grounds, but because he found that it was impos sible for him to gain the confidence of the House upon any occasion. Ho did not consider that he was acting in consistently in supporting the Government—(Cheers from the Opposition) —because he felt himself obliged to vote against their proposition the other day—he was not acting inconsistently in voting against the motion, approving as he did of the general policy of the Government. Mr. CHRISTOPHER said it was his custom, as a Member of that House, to confine himself to questions which affected his own constituency, leaving matters ol general importance to Gentlemen on both sides of the House who were better able, from their experience and talents, to take part in their discussion. But he was induced to rise on that occasion in consequence of the ob servations which had been addressed to the House by his Noble Friend who had just sat down.—(Hear, hear.) He confessed th a t h e was very much surprised at the speech of his Noble Friend.—(Hear, hear.) He had had the honour to be present with his Noble Friend at one of the largest, most influential, and unanimous meetings of their constituents that had ever been held, convened by the High Sheriff of the county in tho Castle-yard at Lincoln, and he would venture to tell his Noble Friend that there was no person who attended that meeting who did not depart from it with the full conviction that he had withdrawn his confidence from the Government. —(Cheers from the Tory benches.) What illusion had come over his Friend's mind since he had returned from the county of Lincoln, he (Mr. Christopher) was unable to explain—whether the air of the city of London was more favourable to the doctrines of free trade and confi dence in her Majesty's Ministers than the air of the county of Lincoln he was also unable • to explain ; but he would remind his Noble Friend that at the meeting in question he said, in emphatic terms, and was loudly cheered by his assembled constituents when he said it, that as her Majesty's Government had overthrown the agricultural interest,", he would prepare to overthrow the Government.—(Hear. hear.) • That there might be no misunderstanding when he (Mr. Christopher) addressed his constituents he gave his Noble Friend credit for the difficulties which he had overcome in de serting his party after so long a connection. It was true that his Noble Friend qualified his declaration by saying that, with regard to certain measures he was placed in this embarrassment, ;that if his Right Hon. Friend below him assumed the reins of office he could not by any means give his confidence to him--(Hear, hear, from the Liberal benehes)—but there was no per son who attended that meeting, and he saw several gen tlemen afterwards who were in the habit of supporting his Noble Friend, who did not depart with a conviction that on a vote of want of confidence in her Majesty's Ministers his Noble Friend would give it his support.- (Cheers from the Tory benches.) As he had before stated, it was not his intention to take any lead ing part in the discussion of that evening ; but, as far as his own opinion w en t, h o ha no hesitation in saying that on constitutional grounds the motion of his Right Honourable Friend was justified. What had been the conduct of the Queen's Governni ent ? In the first place they had come forward with legislative measures which they were unable to carry in that House —measures which they declared were essential for the full development of those principles of Government which they professed. He was unable to explain why they had withdrawn the Poor-law, unless it was that anticipating a dissolution, they feared it would not be favourably viewed in the manufacturing districts. (Hear, hear.) With regard to measures of finance, the Government had failed, for on the question of the Sugar Duties the House of Commons had declared that they would not sanction that system of legislation. They had heard nothing from the Government about the Timber Duties, but they proposed to bring forward the question of the Corn-laws in the course of a week. Now he would appeal to his Noble Friend, and ask him whe ther it would not be an insult to his constituency to tell them that they were solely to oppose the Government on the question of the Conn-laws, but they were to support them on every other question. If they did so, they would in effect be giving a tacit support to the Govern ment, ansl would enable them, in case a dissolutions took place, to return to Parliament those parties that would enable them to carry the Corn-law question.—(Cheers.) Lord WORSLEY, in explanation, read a report of the speech he made at Lincoln, in part of which he stated that there were many questions on which he agreed with the Government, but when he found they were acting wrongly on the subject of the Corn-laws, he was deter mined to oppose them. In withdrawing his support from Ministers on the Corn-laws, it was not to be supposed that he would withdraw his support from them on every other question.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. HOBHOUSE was extremely glad that when he first rose he gave way to the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire. It was not to be supposed that any gentle man who had so long supported her Majesty's Govern ment, as the Noble Lord had done, because ho could not go along with them on one subject, that, therefore, he was to oppose them upon every question they brought forward.—(Hear, hear.) Ile h o p e d t h at t h e example of the Noble Lord would not be lost sight of, but whether it was, or was not, his high character, his honourable motives, and the situation he held in the House, and the country, would put him far above any suspicion. —(Hear, hear.) He stated this because he thought from the cheers which he had heard from the other side that it was supposed that some unworthy motive had induced him to adopt the course he had done. He agreed with the Noblelord that the Right Hon. Gentleman, in bringing the p resen t motion forward, had d one it with the greatest moderation, but at the same time he must say that he totally dissented from the chief position he had laid down. He totally dissented from the fact that the Government, on the whole, since it became a Government, had been unable to carry into effect the measures it had proposed to Parlia ment.—(A laugh.) The same Noble Lord that had laughed before had done him the honour of laughing again ; all he could say was, that if in the assertions he had made there was anything which the House and the country contradicted, there was ground for the laughter of the Noble Lord ; but if what he stated was the fact, then the laugh of the Noble Lord was entirely out of place. It was most true that the Government had had to con tend with great difficulties. When it first came into office in 1835, the Right Hon. Gentleman took care to remind the House and the country that the 'Ministers had not the confidence of the Crown. It was true that they entered into office without . having that ki n dly feeling on the part of the Crown which every Adminis tration ought to have.—(Cheers.) But in spite, how ever, of all their difficulties, in spite of opposition on the part of the House of Lords, they had carried many and most important measures, some of which he would recall to the recollection of the House. The present Govern ment came into office in April, 1835, and in their first Session they carried the great measure of English and Scotch Municipal Reform. In 1836 they carried the great measure of the Commutation of English Tithes, a measure which he would venture to say was sufficient work for a Session. They also carried through in the same Session a measure for the Registration of Births, Deaths, and Marriages. In 1837 the demise of the Crown pre vented any important measures being carried. In 1838 they carried the Irish Tithe Bill, notwithstanding the taunts that had been thrown against them for the omis sion of the appropriation clause. In 1839 they carried several important measures. They carried a general measure for the establishment of a rural police; and also a measure for the reduction of postage, which the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite seemed to think was a measure for which they ought to be con demned rather than praised.—(Hear, hear.) Who, he would ask, supported that measure ? why the propriety of it was urged upon the House of Lords by Lord Ash burton—(Hear, hear)—and in that House some of the most respectable supporters of the Right Honourable Gentleman, and among them the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool, had stated their opinions in favour of the measure. In 1840 the present Ministers passed the Irish Municipal Bill, the Ecclesiastical Reform Bill, and the Union of the Canadas Bill.--(Hear, hear.) During this time they had also to carry on affairs of a most com plicated nature with respect to foreign politics. He would not trouble the House by referring to any of those great measures which his Noble Friend had con ducted in a manner that had won for him the admira tion of all Europe, and the reluctant acquiescence of even some of the gentlemen opposite. He would venture to say, if the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite was asked that it had never entered into his head till very lately to make such a motion as he had done that night.-- (Hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman had referred to conduct the Government, and the character it main tained in the country, and he had stated that as they could not carry the measures that they had brought for ward, they were not entitled to the confidence of the House. He (Sir J. Hobhouse) thought in theshort review he had taken of what the present Ministry had done, that he had proved that the Government had carried out the policy they had set out with. It was very true that they could not carry the Irish Registration Bill, but they had carried the principle of it. If they were to have motions condemnatory of them, because they could not carry their views with respect to Ireland into effect, he should hi t to ' - now, if the Right Hon. Gentleman came into office to morrow, what chance there would be have of his carrying the Noble Lord the MeMber for North d a on the a p pretext oar ei h tosuppose ind Lan cashire's Bill ?—(Hear; hear.) It was true th a t an ad verse vote had been come to on the amend ment moved by the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool. O n that occasion the Government had - of humanity, but a more gross failure to attempt proved o roved abortive.up set a Government never took place. The attempt to aie e T anti-slavery beendfe n ate tl cry ei nn p that it was usual for Minister's to resign when they were defeated u pon any great rraise l) ihuemßight cry, Honourable and financial measure. Now he (Sir, J. Hobhouse) asserted that such was not the case. The Right li on . Gentleman had alluded to the case of Sir Robert Walpole. That Right Hon. Gentleman proposed a great measure of finance, and he was beaten upon that, but he did not resign. He alluded to the question of Excise. Upon that occasion Sir Robert Walpole stated that he consi dered the carrying of that measure was necessary for the support of the country under its then circumstances. But nevertheless such was the opposition against it, that he was obliged to give it up, but he did not resign.—(Hear.) Lord Liverpool's Government was beat upon the Pro perty Tax, by a majority of 37, pretty much the same number as the majority of the other night, Tet he did not resign. But he would give a case in which the Right Hon. Baronet was himself concerned. He was in office, when the Test and Corporations Bill was repealed. That Bill was brought forward by his Noble Friend ; he beat the Government upon the question. It was certainly a great measure, yet, although beat, the Government, in obedience to the vote of the House, allowed the Bill to become law, and yet they never thought of resign •ing ; and no one that he remembered ever taunted them with it. With respect to the taunt which the Right Hon. Baronet had alluded to, it was an act of in discretion, of which lie had publicly repented in that House, and he had hoped that the generosity of the Right Hon. Baronet would have induced him to spare his (Sir J. H.'s) foclings on that occasion. He then came to the Ministry of the Right Honourable Gentle man, in 1834 and 1835. He admitted that he had at last yielded to the expressed wishes of the House. He had done so, but at what period ?—h e did not yield at the time when, in accordance with the principle he now laid down, ho ought to have yielded. He was beat upon the Speaker ship, which was a question which, in former times, was regarded as decisive of the fate of a Ministry. On the Address, an amendment, not one of mere form, but one strongly condemning the first act of the policy of the Right Hon. Baronet, the dissolving of the Parliament, in which those on his side of the House had a majority of about 240—that amendment was carried by a ma jority of 7. Yet the Right Hon. Baronet said, although the vote was one of censure upon him, ho would perse vere, because it was not a direct vote of no confi dence. He could not, of course, allude to the case of the appointment of Lord Londonderry, because the Right Hon. Gentleman said, had he been beaten on that subject he wonld have resigned. He acknowledged that a Government must either have the confidence of the House or they must re sign, or they must, of necessity, take the course which the Right Hon. Gentleman took. The Right Hon. Gentleman was beaten also on the Chatham election by a majority of 31 ; on the Leicester election by 46, and on the grant of a Charter to the London University by a majority of 110. Then came the successive defeats on the Irish Church. No man could for a moment suppose that he had the confidence of the House, but still he held the reins of Government. At the time, bethought the Right Hon. Baronet was acting against the spirit of the Constitution —he thought so still. He was of opinion with Mr. Fox, that without the confidence of the House of Commons a Government is no Government at all.—(Hear, hear.) He was still of that opinion, and nothing on earth would induce him to hold office for five minutes if it was proved to him that he did so against the wishes of the majority of the House. The Right Hon. Baronet had alluded to the occur rences of 1784. The real fact was that Mr. Pitt actually go verned against the majority of the House, and Mr. Fox was perfectly justified in what he had then said ; but that having been quoted, he might be allowed to state that Mr. Pitt was 11 times defeated. Votes of no confidence were carried against him—addresses to the Crown for his dismissal were carried—mo tions a g ainst any dissolution were carried ; i n f ac t ques ti ons were carried against him, which, if now carried, would upset any Mi nistry. But what did Mr. Pitt say ? He was the great example taken by those who followed in the school in which the Right lion. Baronet was so illustrious apupil. The Hon. Baronet then quoted several extracts from speeches of Mr. Pitt, delivered at that period, to the effect that a Minister being appointed by the prerogative of the Crown, was not constitutionally re movable by the House of Commons. Those opinions coming from so great a man, in an emergency somewhat resembling the present--(Laughter.) Certainly they had not been in eleven minorities, nor had an address to the Crown for their removal yet been carried, but these were the sentiments of Mr. Pitt ; and would the Hon. Gentleman opposite say that they were unconstitutional? What was to be the test? Catholic Emancipation had been made a Cabinet question by those who had all their lives opposed it, and, con sidering what they had seen of late, he would not be at all sur prised to find the Corn-laws made a Cabinet question.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) When they proposed measures that would give relief to the manufacturing industry of the country, was there any harm in having their whole scheme laid before the country? Surely the agitation which existed was no fault of theirs. It was a great question, and resolved itself into mono poly—a question whether they should by forming a scheme of Import duties, relieve the industry of the country without creating any additional taxation, or adding to the present heavy burdens of the people. Whil e th e people were suffering under the present system, while they were paying enormously for bread, sugar, and timber, he coald not wonder at the agitation which was g o i ng on ; and that was agi tation he was afraid that they must plead guilty ; at the same time he must say that he had never seen any or great back wardness of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, or those connected with them, in appealing to the passions of the people when it suited their purpose: The Right Hon. Baronet now stated that he would not give the country any statement of what his policy would be, but in 1834, upon his accession to office, he did not think it condescension on his part to issue the celebrated Tam - worth Address, nor did he think it anything derogatory in him to snake that address at the Mansion-house which induced many to say that they saw no difference between his principles and those of the Government he had displaced. On another oceasion the Right Hon. Baronet had observed, when hi; measures were opposed, that if his proposal was not approved of he should like to hear what they proposed on the other side. That something must be done, and what that was he had as yet not heard, and that confirmed him in the con viction that the measures he proposed were the only ones that could be adopted. Now her Majesty's Government were equally convinced that, under the present circumstances, the remedy they proposed was the only one that could be adopted. He did not think the Right Hon. Baronet had avoided with success the question that had been put to him as to what be proposed in the present circumstances of the country, and if the present Government was displaced had not the country a right to ask what course the new Ministry meant to pursue ? (Cheers.) Neither himself nor the House; nor the country, could find any certainty or steadiness of purpose in the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet and his friends. They were charged with division of opinion, but he begged to ask whether they could not find among Hon.. Gentlemen opposite a most extraordinary diversity of opinion, a divergence of opinion such as was held or seen among Honourable Gentlemen congregated under the same banner.—(Hear, hear.) lie saw there some of the authors of the Reform Bill and its most vi rulent opposers; he saw some of the framers of the Reform Bill, and close to them gentlemen who declared that such a measure was destructive of the principles of the British Con stitution. The supporters of the Poor-law, and those who de clared it to be anti-National and anti-Christian ; he saw the advocates of the Irish Church Temporalities Bill with those who considered it the first blow at the Irish Church • he saw also the auth ors o f t h e gold stan d ar d and thosei who declared it to be fraught with ruin and misery to the country ; lie saw the denouncers of Orange lodges and the ex-Masters and Grand Masters of Orange lodges; he saw the supporters of the privileges of Parliament and those who considered these privileges as so •much waste; he saw members of the High Church, and Low Church, and New Church party ; in short he saw men of every shade of opinion, from the advocates of those principles which would put down all popular control, down to the very gentleman who would ally himself with the Chartists in order to secure his seat.—(Loud cheers.) With such discordant elements the Right Hon. Gentleman had not the least chance of carrying on the Government upon any de fined and settled principles. The Right Hon. Gentleman the leader of the op,a,sa -arty, who had put the Government upon its trial, notwithstanding his great talents, had in his opinion very little prospect of success in his present attempt to conduct the affairs of the country. The career of that Right Hen. Gentleman had been one of ineffectual resistance and ultimate concession. He had striven against public opinion, and he had been beaten back—he had landed upon shoal after shoal, which had sunk under him, and been swept away, and he had hardly recollected onelingle opinion which the Right Hon.• Gentleman had taken up that he had not been obliged to abandon. It was, perhaps, the misfortune, and not the fault of the Right Hon. Baronet; but it appeared to him that he had generally come too late with his political discoveries. He had shown himself deficient in one great quality of a statesman, for he had not been able to read or foretell the signs of the times. He could tell the Right Hon. Gen tleman, that if he administered the affairs of the country, he would not be able to do so upon the principles which he had advocated in his early life. No, he could only administer them upon the principles which the present Government ad vocated, and he did not see any very distinguishable ground of difference between their policy and that which the Right Honourable Baronet would be compelled to:pursue.—( Cheers. ) He hoped that in saying that much he was only using the pri vilege of a public man. The Right Hon. Gentleman was the leader of a party, and wielded his power with certainly great effect against the present Government, but he saw nothing in his policy that could hold out the excuse for a change of Minis ters, or that would encourage the hope that whatever evils op pressed the country would be removed. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had said that the present Go vernment was tottering to its fall ; but if that %Vero so he, (Sir J. Hobhouse) would be content to fall with the Noble Lord near him. He would be better satisfied to do that than to rise to`any eminence surrounded by men lie had opposed in all the earlier stages of his life, and supporting principles at variance, in many respects, with those he had always opposed._( Hear. ) Whatever might be theresult of the present division, the Go vernment felt that they had done their duty in bringing for ward those measures. It appeared to them that the time was arrived when the changes they proposed were not only just, but inevitable._( Cheers.) They thought they would have betrayed their duty to the country, to the House of Commons, to their Sovereign, and to themselves, if they did not run the risk of these measures in the first instance receiving the sanction of Parliament, and he was certain that the more they were examined into, the more they would be approved.—( Cheers.) It was only part and parcel of the great principles which had been propounded by the most eminent statesmen in earlier days, which had been gradually developing themselves, and would be brought to bear on other subjects independently of commercial reform, and which he was certain would be ultimately carried.—( Cheers.) He was as certain as were satisfied that they had done their he n - as of his own existence, that whatever g occur these three measures would be eventually Carried and become the law of the land ; and whatever the fate of the present Go vernment• having been the authors of these measures, and in de termining in every constitutional; mode to persevere in carry ing them. —( Cheers. ) duty inmight said the Mr. B. D'ISRAELI Member for Tamworth had been one of the most successful be, they Ministers that had ever held the reins of Government. lie had never undertaken a measure that he had not carried to a successfu l i ssue . He had not carried to the opposite benches principles and propositions which he was not prepared to abide , by, and it was only when obstacles were throw n in the way of his management of the affairs of the count r y, th at he had felt it his duty to resign office. Th e Ri g h t Hon.. Gentleman had i drawn a somewhat infelicitous comparison between the conduct of the Right Hon. B aronet, as regarded the Catholic Relief Bill , and the proc ee di ngs of the present Ministry ; but he denied that there was any an a l ogy b etween sres ) he opinio considered or. Diae what a happy, b ut what was in his a uolitical question affecting the admission or non -admission of a certain religious party into Parliament, and a financial mea sure such as had bee n tfbrought e confidence displayedard by the by tpresenthe votes o t es sf Go vernment. It appeared to him that Sir Robert Walpole and Lord North were the only Ministers, within the last century, possessed Ali- f of influence in who were placed in the same predicament as the present nisters ; but the wan had just sat down, the the House of Commons compelled a them ultimately to resign. The House of Commonsin! „ ld t n h ot forget that the part, at present in power had exerecaits_weddhenatpower in violation of the that House with insult, and they now treated the who • opposite had com menced contempt. The Presi dent of the Board of Trade,had given them some consolation that they would have the prospect of a strong Government if House of Commons —they angled the tsrthileigrhiUttPolfi'felrtlnhli.eoGOUC:entlSttlteilt:lllstai°:lnt:'e of Commons w. en i c in ed ist b e y rs ase s ae i n a t n e g ai th t o e f office. The party House of Lords—they attacked the Church—they at tacked the rich and they attacked the poor, and now at the last moment, at one fell swoop, they attacked the colo nial, the commercial, and the agricultua al interest of the country. Under those circumstances they .need not despair that the prophetic assertions of the Right Hon. Gentleman might not be falsified. air. T. B. HOBHOUSE thought the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down ought to be the last toreproach Mi nisters with what he might conceive to 1)e inconsistent cons duct. The Honourable Gentleman had found it convenient to have a variety in his opinions which secured to him the support of Tories and Radicals. When the Hon. Gentleman went down to stand for Wycombe, he brought with him two letters from parties of political sentiments. far different from Those which he now embraced. Those letters were from the Hon. Member for Kilkenny, and the Hon.. and Learned Mem ber for Dublin. The Hon. Gentleman sl could look to himself, before he indulged in the reproafches which. he madeagainsallli lusters. The Hon. Gentleman had accused Ministers of un constitutional conduct. He (Mr. Ho'bhouse) denied that their conduct was unconstitutional, and; insisted that the unconstitutional proceedings rested with the party on the other s id e o f the House.—(Fear, hear. ) They were animated by the unconstitutional wish to rob the Crown of the exercise of its prerogative, and to deprive the people of the free exercise of their opinions. What right, he asked, had Gentlemen to stand up in that House, which ema nated from the people, and was the organ of their opinions, and say that the people were not entitled to empress their opiniens on subjects which so nearly concerned their interest. The Hon. Gentleman opposite and the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Robert l'eel) endeavoured to give a narrow scope to this dis cussion. The present motion must lead either to the removal of Ministers or to a dissolution. Whether it terminated in their removal or in a dissolution, he felt that he ought to take into consideration the whole of the conduct of Ministers. Ile was opposed to the motion because it detracted from the prerogative of the Crown, and the privileges of the people. The Right Hon. Baronet in the course of his speech had de ified that the case of 174, to which he alluded, was analogous to the present position of the Government; but he (Mr. Hume) conceived that there did exist an analogy between the position of Mr. Pitt in that day, that of the present Government. If the Opposition followed up the pre cedent of 1784, and presented an address to the Croon, the House of Commons would then be brought into, collision with the Crown not for the cause of liberty but for selfish interests—the House of Commons would then be stand ing up for monopoly and the Crown for liberty. He was also opposed to this motion, because it was brought forward to avoid discussion. The opposite party found it more difficult to force monopoly down the throats of the people of England than they had at first imagined. If they had arguments in defence of the line they adopted which would be of any avail they ought to wish for an opportunity of discussing the question.—(Hear, hear.) They complained that the Ministerial party excited the public mind about the Corn-laws, and then desired during that excitement to go to a general election. But if agitation prevailed in the country, it was Hon. Gentlemen opposite that were to be charged with it. The deficiency in the revenue, which Ministers were taunted with prsducing, arose from what was a great benefit to the country at large—the penny postage; and we were now in such a state, that we must either levy new taxes, or adopt measures similar to those propounded by Government. Those were the reasons that influenced him in giving his vote in support of her Majesty's Government, Whether the present motion went against or in favour of them he trusted that they would pursue their measure relative to the Corn-laws, from which the party opposite had shrunk like timid cowards. Mr. D'ISRAELI explained in a few words, which were al most inaudible in the Gallery. The Hon. Gentleman was un derstood to say that he resided in Wycombe, and had not gone down there with principles different from what he now pro fessed. Mr. LIDI)ELL was surprised that Hon. Gentlemen on the Ministerial side of the House should taunt that (the Conserva tive) side with attempting to encroach on the prerogative of the Crown, when, but a few nights ago they were not present to support that prerogative when an attempt to infringe on it was made by the Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. T. Duncombe). The Right Hon. Gentleman should have been in his place on that occasion to have supported the prerogative of the Crown. —( Hear, hear.) He had h ear d th e Ri g ht H on. P res i dent of the Board of Trade present the best defence that could be put forward on behalf of the Government, and he must say that the feebleness of that defence could only be rivalled by the fee bleness of the attack which he (Sir J. C. Hobhouse) had made in return on that side of the House. The Right Hon. Baronet admitted that if a Government did not possess the confidence of the House it was bound on constitutional grounds to resign office, and he further stated that himself and his colleagues were prepared to set the example if they felt they were acting against the opinions and feelings of the majority of the House. He hoped the result of this division would leave no doubt on that subject in the minds of the Hon. Baronet and his col leagues.—(Cheep.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had spoken with triumph of the Government's having carried, in the pre sent Session, the principle of the Irish Registration Bills. He thought the Right Hon. Gentleman could find but sorry satis faction in that._( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet might plume himself, if he pleased, on the second reading of that Bill having been carried by a majority of five.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But what was the result ? 'lid they abide by that which they stated was the vital prin ciple of their Bill ? On the contrary, with their usual aban donment of their principl es , did they n o t a b an d on it? W ere they not ab so l u t e ly defeated upon the Bil ? And had they not finally abandoned it, as they had done by many other mea sures they had brought. forward ?—( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet then went on to say that they had suffered no defeat at all, or at least, all the defeat he would admit was, that on the Sugar Duties. But had they not prepared them selves for future defeats in the present session on this mea sure? Were not all their future attempts at financial arrange ment rendered nugatory? The Noble Lord the Member fur Lincolnshire had thought fit to vindicate himself from the charge of inconsistency in the vote which ho meant to give on the present occasion. The Noble Lord thought they should not limit this question to such narrow grounds. Ile asked the Noble Lord whether the Government themselves consi dered those to be narrow grounds, which had arrayed all the important interests of the country, and on which they were determined to resort to the extreme measure of dissolving Par liament.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord (Worsley) said that the people would not desert the principles of Reform, on which they had supported the Government. He thought the Noble Lord would find that rather a stale argument, for whereas those who once clamoured for the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill, now professed themselves utterly dissatisfied with it as an ultimate remedy, and insisted upon the five points in the Charter. Unless, therefore, the Noble Lord was prepared to join the Chartists, he would gain little by his reform cry. So far as he (Mr. Liddell) was concerned, he had never given a vote with a clearer conviction of its necessity, than that which he should give on the present occasion. Did the present Ministers pos sess the confidence of the House? Had they forgotten their many defeats last Session, the number of w hi c h ' escaped his me mor y ?—( H ear , hear.) What do th e y thi n k o f the abandonment of th e i r Bill for the amendment of the Poor.. laws, which the Noble Lord (Russell) hadstated were essential to the welfare of the country ? How did the Noble Lord propose to get rid of the inconvenience that would result from its aban donment? Did he mean the powers of the Commissioners should expire without renewal ? Did they forget the abandonment of their measure for the abolition of Church-rates, and the destination of that great property to other purposes? Were they not aware kof the result of the Church Leases' Bill? Again, was not that an important point to which the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had alluded for the reduction of the postage? Was not this effected by the demands and re • prestn tenors of the Radical section of the House? All th ese things resulted, from the weakness of the Government, and from these things the House was called upon to defend them selves and the country, and thus at the eleventh hour the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had become too painfully sensitive, and he therefore stepped forward for the interests of the people with a resolution which he ( Mr. Liddell) trusted would have the effect of driving Hon. Gen tlemen opposite from office.—( Cheers.) Was it not the true constitutional principle long acted upoi% in this country that when the Administration had lost the confidence of the House of Commons their course was either to resign office or make an appeal to the country by advising the Crown to dis solve the Parliament.—(Ministerial cheers.) But when ought that extreme measure to be adopted by;the Government ? Only when there was a distinct expression on the part of ,the country, and a distinct impression on the minds of Ministers that the opinions of the country and the House of Commons were at variance, and therefore that they ought to appeal to the opinion of the country.—(Cheers. ) He did not think that any one Administration, though he had not a very high opinion of the principles of the present Govern ment--( Hear, hear)—would justify a dissolution of Parlia ment for the purpose of agitation ; nor, unless they believed the view of the country was with them. What was the simple and natural course for Hon. Gentlemen opposite? They had abandoned two important Government measures ; the adminis tration of the Government in Ireland, and their attempt to change the representation of that country, and one great financial project introduced by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer. After these defeats, could they say that they pos sessed the confidence of the House? The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had been taunted on the subject of the Corn-laws; yet he put the question on most distinct and in telligihle grounds. The Government said that they advocated a fixed duty ; the Right Hon. Baronet said that he maintained the principle of a sliding scale. That was sufficient grounds for confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet. Would any man in the House venture to say that the present was the very best plan that could be adopted I—(Ministerial cheers.) Attached as he was to the present Corn-laws he did not so consider them, and he lamented that the Corn-law proposed by Mr. Canning had been altered. His Right Hon. Friend (Sir Robert Peel) was too wise to enter upon a speech of details—,(Ministerial cheers)—but he had spoken out on the principle. He (Mr. Liddle) was surprised that the Noble Lord (Palmerston), the colleague of Mr. Canning and Mr. Huskisson had not been convinced by their arguments, and did not maintain their policy. He feared that he had trespassed too long on the at tention of the House. He felt strongly the position in which the Government was placed, and he felt convinced that it would be for the best interests of the country that a change should take place in public affairs. He was convinced that the Right Hon. Baronet had not wrongly estimated the feelings of the nation, and the circumstances of the time, in bringing forward this motion, which, so far from being an invasion upon the prerogative of the Crown, he believed would bring the Crown and the people of this country more in harmony and unison than they had been since the accession of her present Majesty to the Crown, and that of the weakest and most imbecile Go vernment to office that had held it in the recent history of the country.—(Cheers. ) Sir H. FLEETWOOD said that his only apology for ad dressing the House on so important a debate as the present vies, that he had not trespassed, on any other occasion, on their attention, during the Session. He represented besides a large and suffering constituency, who felt the deepest interest in the questions now under the consideration of Parliament. The Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley ) had expressed his readiness to vote for the Opposition in that House, provided they brought forward measures which would have his approval, and he, too (Sir H. Fleetwood) would have been ready to sacrifice, as it had often before been his fate to do, the interests of party to the general interests of the people.—( Hear, hear.) He was decidedly and conscientiously opposed to the present Corn-laws ; as he did not w i s h to tax the great necessary of life, and as he thought the present system was prejudicial to all classes. He believed that the present was a crisis such as had never before been known since the British Constitution was in force. That was the only time when they had before them the questions of a free or a re • stricted trade. Gentlemen now for the first time advocated the welfare of the community at large in opposition to privi leged bodies. That was, however, the time when they were called upon to vote against the Administration I If the reso lution were to be carried, he believed it would lead to a change of men, and not to a change of measures; and he felt assured that many Hon. Gentlemen opposite would be dis posed to advocate principles similar to those introduced by her Majesty's Government on the present occasion, --(Hear.) The country was now labouring under the disadvantages of a deficiency of revenue, and they were called upon to provide a remedy for this evil. There were but two courses to be pur sued under the circumstances—either to increase the taxation, or to diminish taxation, and make up for th e d ef i c i ency by an increased consumption. The Government had wisely chosen the latter alternative, arid had endeavoured to meet the wants of the country without adding to the burdens of the people. 1 He wished this question should be fully discussed before they aga i n appeared before their constituents. If, however; they were to go before the country on such a vote as the pre- Fent, they would not have had an opportunity of declass. big their sentiments on the great subject now under public consideration. 'I he question was not whether one side or another should be in power; the real question at issue was whether a new system of financial policy should or should not be adopted. There were many gentlemen—and he had spoken to some of them within the last six hours—who approved of the commercial measures of the Government, but stated that they had no confidence in those who brought them iorn - ard.—( Hear, hear, on the Opposition benches.) Gentle. men opposite were angry because the Government had fore stalled them. They said, hitherto when the Government has been in difficulties, it has been in the habit of applying to us for assistance, but now it has taken a step in advance itself. It has proposed that which we had intended to propose when we should come into office. We had -not any idea that the Government possessed such spirit; we must inter fore at once, and crush them with a vote of want of confidence. Such was the conduct of Gentlemen opposite; they approved of the measures as measures, but they disap proved of them because they were brought forward by her Ma jesty's Government. He had been rejoiced to hear the word Constitution a l in the Right Hon. Baronet's speech, and had listened with attention to the Right Hon. Baronet's exposition of constitutional principles ; but the Right Hon. Baronet, in stead ofspeaking of the old Constitution of King, Lords, and Commons, had introduced a new constitutional law of Par liamentary usage. The Right Hon. Baronet might be right that there were two constitutional laws, one of Queen, Lords and Commons, and the other of Parliamentary usage ; but if the doctrine of the Right Hon, Baronet, as to Pas liamentary usage, were to, be carried out to its full extent, they might perhaps come back to those scenes of former times in which an ancestor of his (Sir H. Fleetwood) had acted a part when the mace was ordered to be taken off the table of the ! - louse.--(Loud cheers and laughter from the Opposition benches.) He would new allude to the distressed state of the town which he represented; however they might differ in their political opinions, when they Caine to consider the distress ex isting in the neighbourhood with which they were more imme diately connected they all felt like true hearted Englishmen.— (Cheers.) He had been the other day speaking with a gen tleman of Conservative politics and a warm supporter of the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, and he had told that gentleman that in presenting a petition to that house he (Sir H. Fleetwood) had stated that there were from 1,200 to 1,250 houses, which had been in the occupation of ma nufacturing labourers, untenanted in Preston, and that gentleman had told him that he had not at all exaggerated the number. The people were in the greatest distress, trade was cramped, and the whole population was the most miser able condition. The manufacturers were sinking, and could not contend with foreign countries. He had asked that gen tleman's opinion of the measures recently proposed by her Ma jesty's Government, and the reply was the measures are good in themselves, but I cannot support them because I have no confi dence in the Government.—( Opposition cheers.) He (Sir H. Fleetwood) always looked to the value of the measures themselves, and, therefore ' he should suppo r t th em , b ecause he was satisfied they wer e for the benefit of the country. He now came to the question of the Pour-law, which had attracted general :attention. It had been made the foundation of re peated attacks upon her Majesty's- Government ; fur his own part he had always voted against the New Poor-law, but he did not comprehend how it could be made the ground of a party attack on the Government, when the Right Hon. Baronet opposite had uniformly voted with the Noble Lord in its favour. Allusion had been made to the recent election of an Hon. Friend of his as tha representative of the town of Nottingham. —(Loud Opposition cheers.) Now it so happened that at a meeting on the subject of the Poor-laws which he had at tended in the winter, allusion had been made to the different way in which the law was administered at Bradford, and It Nottingham. At Bradford out-door relief was afforded, while at Nottingham it was re f use d, an d t h e law was admi nistered in all its strictness. When he asked the reason of this difference being made between towns apparently similarly situated, he was told that at Bradford the people had rioted, while at Not tingham they had remained quiet. He could only say that knowing those circumstances whatever gentleman had gone to Nottingham, as the opponent of the new . Poor-law, he would almost have ventured to have secured him his election. That contest was not a triumph over her Majesty's Govern ment; it was a triumph over the new Poor-law.— ( Hear.) He rejoiced that the Government had determined to give up the Poor-law, and to bring forward the Corn-law. He was convinced, and any Hon. Gentleman connected with Lancashire would bear him out in tv•e ass rtion, that at the en suing election the question both of the Corn-law and of the Poor-law would be strictly canvassed. —(Hear, hear.) There was no man of liberal politics who entertained the least fear for his scat except as regarded the question of the Poor-law. He thought the Noble Lord had committed a great error in di. riding the Bill into two parts.—(Loud cries of " Questing, question !" in which the voice of Mr. Round was particularly audible.) He was not going away from the question. The Right Hon. Baronet, in the course of his speech, had particu larly alluded to the Poor-law in connexion with the Corn law, and he was convinced that at every election throughout the country questions would be put to the candidates as to their sentiments regarding the Poordaw and the Corn-law. —e• Question !") With regard to the fixed duty of Bs. pro posed to be levied on corn, he would at once concede that in times of scarcity such a duty could not be levied—( Cheers from the Opposition)—but it struck him that the rate of duty was a matter of minor consiceration. Our manufacturers sent their goods to foreign countries, and could not receive their corn in exchange, because, in consequence of the present mode of im posing the duty, it was impossible .to form an idea of what the price of corn might be when it arrived in this country. Now a fixed duty would enable them to calculate upon some degree of accuracy at what price he could sell the corn which he might barter for his manufactures so as to enable him to meet his bills. If he were speaking as an agriculturist to his brother agriculturists be would say rather seek to have these undue prohibitions under which you 'yourselves labour removed than seek undue protection for your corn. They were prohibited from growing tobacco ; if they had damaged wheat they were obliged to sell that unsound corn for the consumption of the people ; because they weie prohibited by law from malting it, therefore speaking to the agriculturists, he would say rather seek to free yourselves from the restrictions which affect you than to enforce restrictions on the public at large.—( Hear, hear.) Those had been his sentiments long before he had had the honour of a scat in that House, and he had always said to his farmers, that, if any alteration were to be made in the Corn-laws, not that, he would reduce his rents—(lronical cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition) —Gentlemen had better wait for the conclusion of the sentence—not that he would reduce his rents, but that he would take the lease of the farmer's hands, and take the whole of his stock at the value of it before any alteration in the Corn laws took place ; and he was perfectly ready to do so, and he wished it to go forth to the public and his tenantry that he was, in the event of any alteration in the Corn laws, perfectly willing at any time to do so. He be lieved that in that House they were too much accustomed to consider measures only with reference to party views and party tactics, but a time was coining when they would all have to meet their constituencies, and to account for their votes, not as they might affect party tactics, but as they had affected the ge neral interests of the country. That was au ordeal through which he was prepared to pass, and from which he hoped all the Members would not shrink. The Hon. Baronet opposite had referred to cases in which,' where there was a majority of 4, 10, and 37, in favour of the Government, they had resigned, on the supposition that they did not possess the confidence of the country. But though the present Ministry might Hot have a majority in the House of Commons, it did not follow that they did no t possess t h e con fi dence of the coun try.—( Hear, hear.) Ile did not desire to see a dissolution until the subject of the Corn-laws had been fully discussed. When Hen. Members had had an opportunity of expressing their sentiments on that subject, then would be the proper time for a dissolution. In nearly all the questions which had recently been discussed in that House ' the question of f oo d f or the suffering peopl e h a d b een introduced ; it was right, there fore, that should receive the fullest discussion. If the proposal of the Government were not founded upon right principles, it would meet with the fate which usually attended measures of that description. Let her Majesty's Ministers boldly state the principles by which they were guided, and the country would not fail to support them. Their motto at the next election should be " Anti-Monopoly." Air. WALTER said his reasons for supporting the resolution which had been proposed were different from any which had been stated to the House. He did not altogether disapprove of the financial schemes proposed by the Government, but he thought that no beneficial result could be expected from them because of the hasty and abrupt manner in which they were introduced. Th ose measures were not deeply rooted in the minds of those who brought them forward; they were, in fact, the promises of a political death-bed repentance.—(Cheering.) It was on account of the general conduct of Ministers that he would vote for the resolntion. Passing by their half-abortive infliction of the rural police, and their attempt to stretch uncon stitutionally the principles of that House, he rested his chief opposition to them on account of their Poor-law Bill. None of the promises made in reference to this Bill had been fulfilled. It was stated by the Whig Chancellor of the day that no one entertained the notion of separating husband from wife, and parent from child. That, like every other promise, had been violated. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had accused the Government of .setting numbers to war against property. That was the effect of the Bill to which he referred ; but it was property that fi rs t commence d th e attack ; and whatever Administratisn would come into power, if they supported that Bill u the present Government had done, they would expose themselves to the same condemnation. Mr. MACAULAY said he congratulated the Hon. Bozo net upon obtaining a new ally, who withdrew his confidence: from Government, en the grounds which had been stated. Both on the privilege question, and in relation to the Poor laws, the Hon. Baronet had given the Government his decided aßleaiyrgcehwodtrioiswHut resolution ou n nai support.—( Hear, hear.) He must say that he had viewed P cee thoughtosesapdi spirit :yell ofott i 1 r t dt e o h with some surprise the tt r mos e r s awo o twh l t resolution o wth n oaa sp y: at Constitu tion. genera l oanro. n It proposition o lightnas. like this • that their course was inconsistent with the spirit of the 'Conatitution. Great inconvenience might possibly result from it. Even if ,he fully agreoil with the Right Honourable Baronet in thinking the present Adminis tration unworthy o f the confidence of the House, he m iti i o s h ch s_ iev th ou e s on d e ogi thatproposition.at her Majesty's Government did not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House, to en able them to carry through measures which they considered highly important ; the other, that the continuance of a Mini stry so sit ua t e d , was contrary to the 'spirit f the Constitu tion. On the latter • point he would join issue with the Right Honourable Baronet, on the grounds of reason and of usage. First as to the reason of the case. It was, in his judgment, highly inexpedient to affirm a state of things to be contrary to the spirit of the Constitution which might be inevitable, and from which there might be no escape. Such . a state of things he believed to exist at the present time. Let him suppose that there were 320 strong and zealous Tories, and 320 equally strong and zealous partizans of a Liberal policy, and that be tween these two great parties there arose seventeen or eighteen gentlemen who were averse to strong opinions on either side, and inclined to oppose any measure which was strongly imprinted with the character of party. Under those circumstances, he would like to know how, consistently with the res o l u ti on , any G overnment could be carried on ?—( Hear. ) Was that an impossible, or was it an improbable case ? Had they not had it distinctly before them? Take the question of the Irish Registration. That was a question of great im portance to th e p u bli c welfare, and it would hardly be disputed f that it was a question on which depended the constitution ofo the House,—it was a question on which depended th i ci kd mode it was returning one-sixth of the Members of that House, were a question on which the great parties in that House di vided. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had brought (forward a measure which they on that side the House held to be most pernicious, and the Government h a d brought forward-a measure, which the Noble House Lord, no doubt , thought was equally se. T 1 e other side of the House considered that the measure introduced by Government approached almost to Radicalism, while the measure which h a d been introduced by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire was considered by those who sat on hi s s i de of the House as calculated to put an end to elections altogether. What was the history of things on this subject ? Only last year the Noble Lord, th e Member for North Lancashire, b roug h t in his measure. They on that side of House opposed it. T he Noble Lord had even got the Bill into Committee, and he w as beaten on a question which was the essence of the Bill . This year the Government had proposed their plan ; it was intro duced, and by a small majority it was carried i n t o C ommittee, and on the first division they were beaten. Now, he would EV.ENING tbile g hlu r oea e dau ; s t tee e thth r e:ob i etfmya firstp teohrwe Commonst a oasns n ae c m e e ? Minister I House s such uotchiheso______ —....... 5 . r ..., • ni s t ate m another Commons. It ask might not this occur with respect to other ti - easures o - , ni t l h itg i w n h L v -e en x do i et le eha d ,te , ford it oh w nim a: ap s ro u b c a h ble th o i n n e gs ; amodighitn taakviitse4,lll4.balanTeheed Right Hon. Baronet had called on the House dechire,that- - --- the course pursued by the Government was con Fts e t_sea;l sA'i N Constitution. He denied that the course li3, ; bW ' Rlti ''' -- -- IL ' pursued .. , t place.. Hon. Baronet was consistent with usage. The Right Hon. Baronet, in his speech, had confounded that want of confi denee which appeared in the resolution with that want uf ceri fidenee which, if a Minister had it not, he ought not to remain in office. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated that lie would' go back to the time when the house of Hanover first ascended the throne • and having done so, h e would ask whether it had been ever known that a Ministry had retained office after hav ing had such severe defeats as the present Ministry. H e s et t only refer to the times of Lord Stanhope and Lord Sunderland. Was there ever a mere important measure brought into Par liament than Lord Sunderland's Peerage Bill ? That Bill was recommended by George the First frum the throne, .and w as hrown out by a la r g e ma j or it y . B ut di d Lord Sunderland resign? Certainly not. And he (Mr. Macaulay) had no doubt that if that Noble Lord had been told that he must re sign, he would asked to whom he was to rosins. —(Hear, hear.) ,So with the present Ministers. To whom, he would ask, were they to resign ?—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Pitt in 1786 did not resign although he was beaten on the ques tion of the fortifications. The resolution of Mr. Pitt on that subject was to this effect, that the foitifying of certain dock yards was an object of essential importance to the sarety of this country. On that question Mr. Pitt was beaten, and imme diately upon that he stood up in the House and said, " I takethis as the decision of the House," but did lie tender his resignation ? certainly not, and it was clear those Members who opposed him never entertained the notion that he Was called upon to resign. Supposing such a resolution as the present to have been brought. forward, what would Mr. Pitt have said? He would have said, " I consider it an important measure, and absolutely essential to the welfare of the country ; but with regard ' the principles of my a d m i n i s t rat i on, I am satisfied I ha4V the confidence of the country, and therefore I shall not resign." During the administration of Lord Castlereagh, did Mr. Tierney, and the other great men who 'are associated with him, call upon the Government to resign when they were beaten on any important occasion ?—(Hear. ) Certainly not, nor did they ever think of telling them that it was at variance with the spirit of the Constitution to hold office after they had been defeated. Now all these instances that he had adverted to took place at a time before the Re form Bill came into operation, a measure which he was sure all must admit, had effected a very great change. Then came the Reform Bill, which swept assay 300 or 400 gentlemen who represented only themselves, and they werereplaced by 200 ,or 300 gentlemen whoh ad large constituencies to account to, and therefore no Governuient could expect to be successful with any measure they recommended. Under the Reform Bill, when parties were so nearly balanced, if the resolution of the. Right Hon. Baronet was laid down as constitutional law it would be impossible for any Government .M carry on the admi nistration of affairs—(Cheers)—and if the Right Hon. Baronet came into power to-morrow there would be very few months in a session that he would not be reminded of it in a very unplea sant way. As lie understood the constitutional law it was this, that if the House either directly or indirectly declared its want of confidence in a Ministry they mast either retire or resort to a dissolution. But he was of opinion that there might be legislative measures which a Government might not be able to carry, and vet it would not become their duty to retire. On both sides of the House he hoped it would be assented to that many ways might be found to test the question then under discussion without putting ou record in the Journals of the House such an unwise, uncertain, and, as he believed, mis chievous_proposition as that moved by the Right Hon. Ila• ronet. Up to that time the Ministers were perfectly jus tified in the course they h a d ta k en, f or they fully believed that their general policy commanded the as sent of a majority of the House. Up to that period they had reason to believe that they could administer the Go vernment with satisfaction tai themselves and benefit to the country. It was bet little more than one year since the House refused to entertain such a motion, and during th a t time had the foreign p o li cy , h e wou ld ask, been that of a weak Government?__( Loud cheers.) He would ask whether, if the Ministry was possessed of a majority rich as Lord Grey's Go vernment commanded of about 250, could it be wished that, England could speak in bolder or nobler language than had been used by her Foreign Minister, ?—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) Let the present Government give the reins o power into whose hands they might, they would kayo the political influence of England abroad minupaired. her name respected, and her arms untarnished. ( Loud. cheers.) . Then, with respect to our domestic policy ; two yea, ago we had been threatened with one of the most serious out breaks of the many, which had threatened, since the French Revolution; but his Hon. Friend, who was then Secretary for the Home Department, had succeeded in crushing that out break without the right of meeting being invaded, without any violation:of the Common law, without the Habeas C or p us Act having been suspended, without one right of the people beines placed in abeyance. The old constitutional tribunals o f England alone were appealed to, and the Government, which was now accused of weakness-4 Government which, on many occasions, could scarcely command a majority of two in that House—freed the country from those evils without suspending or violating the principles of the Constitution.—( Loud laughter.) He would allude, but. briefly, to one other part of the policy of the Government, namely, the administration of Ireland.—(Cheers.) On that subject he was able to appeal to a distinct vote of the HOUS4'. Weak as the Ministry was in that House, if they were able to administer the foreign policy with honour—if they were able to put down discontent at home without invading any prin ciple of liberty—if they were able to govern Ireland in tranquillity, were they not justified in retaining office, although they were unable to carry every measure they proposed? It was his opinion a crisis had, arisen. They were under the necessity of providing for a large deficiency caused not by any act which s h ou ld d epr i ve them of the confiden ce o f the liouse. but caused by an increase of those establishments that was necessary for the honour, the dignity, and the security of the country—caused also by the remiesion of a tax which pressed upon the commerce of the conntry, which chilled the best affections—a tax the repeal , f which was called for and supported by all parties, and which was supported by many lion. Members opposite. Money was wanted in the Exchequer— or d ers were wante d b y our manu- r facturers ; and they were of opinion that both objects might be attained by a removal of the restrictions which pressed on trade. Would they supply those defects by relieving the people from some of their burdens, or by adding to them, and by providing .new markets for their industry ? With these views it was That the budget had been resolied upon. He had said in that House before, and he repeated it, that he never expected that the whole of these measures would be carried through the House, but he did say that lse anticipated that the sugar and timber monopolies w ou ld b e b ro k en u p, an d that' the Corn-laws would be placed upon a better footing. although lie did not anticipate a majority f or the proposition's. The plan had failed, and although be ob jected to the resolution of the Right Hon. Gentleman, his own deliberate opinion was (although they might not adhere to every part of the plan) that the principle was one by which. the Queen's Ministers should stand or fall.—(Loud cheers. ) At the same time when he considered the deep importance • the question ; when lie considered the support they expected to receive from those who were deeply interested in the ques tion, when he considered that the grounds on which they 4ta , 3 been opposed had sunk from under the feet of , Hon. Gentleman opposite—(Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh") —when he saw with what contempt the attempt to mix up the question of humanity with it had been received—( Loud cheers. ) The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool was dissatisfied with the manner in which he had referred to his resolution, but would he submit that resolution to the anti-slavery societies of England ?—( Hear, and cheers.) Had he not seen the pretence on which it was based hooted out of Exeter-hall ? (Renewed cheers.) lie believed it was un iversali y looked upon in one light by all parties in England, and that the people would no longer allow the sufferings of the; se greet to be used a pretext for grinding the people of Engiand —(Much cheering)—and having seen that cry put down by the influence of truth arid reason, his belief was that under all the circumstances they were bound not to shrink from taking every legitimate and constitutional means for obtaining the de cision of the people generally upon these important ques tions.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that they should not dissolve upon a question on which there was so much excitement.. On what question then should they dissolve?—( Hear, hear.) As regarded agitation, he believed there had been comparatively little on the present question. The Right Hon. Baronet surely would not prevent the people from agitating among themselves the merits of a question which came home to their pockets and interests—he would not surely prevent their reading, and writing, and conferring, and peti tioning on the question, and returning such Members as would carry out their views ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) He' was not deeply read in the papers of the day, but ho declares! he had not seen attributed to any peeson, throughout the whole course of what the Right Honourable Baronet was s ' ri g to pleased to call agitation, a single word referring could not any appeal to physical force. As to discussions they interdict and discourage that without interdictiog and _ discou raging every principle of freedom and discussion. Ifs people,t'if___ were prepared to defy corruption and aristocratic . 1 ' 'm' these (Oh, WO—lf they were prepared to resist and overtly." easy corrupt influences, in that case their task would be al.' ,_____ one ; but if th e result were different, the peop l e wou ld }rave no reason t o fi n d f au l t with tho G overn ment, who liftat and ' " other ambiti on t h an to maintain fairly, throug h ev il report' all, . good rep or t, t h ose principles which they had ever a d vance d l administered.—(Loud cheers.) On the mo ti on of Mr. SYDNEY HE RBERT, the debatsr was then adjourned till to-morrow. ST. ALBAN'S ELECTION. . Mr. WYNN w i s h e d to know w h et h er th e Hon. Gentle men who sat on th e St . Alb an ' s El ec ti on Committee t _o fit to submit t o th e H ouse measures for the prosecution ft gross perjury which took place on that occasion. , Mr. MILDMAY observed, in answer to the question of ti I' counsel gave up the cam' Hon. Gentlematiopposite, that the in and that impert, before it was completely gone through; f' the nature allude 6 ' 0. state of the proceedings, no measure o by the Hon. Gentleman could be fairly brought before the House. Mr. WYNN said, when positive a ttempts d were sworn t o by to institute ap rosecutinii two witnesses, it was sufficient gun for perjury, an d p u t the matter inracourse of investigati on; an d he if no other M em ber would do so, _ e would binwelf oring forsvp,r4 a motion for the prosecution the firstopportnnityb e cou ld seize on, without interfering in the question before the House. Mr. MILDMAY made some observations respecting th e ev i. dente before such Committee, which we did not catch in the letter his observations. We understood the H on . Gen tlemanpart to rt o s f say, that if the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Wynn) thought it necessary to proceed with the matte r und e r consideration, he (Mr. Mildmay) would render him all the assistance in his power to bring the guilt y ,persons to pu nishment Mr. C. BULLER rose amidst cries of " Order, order," a Chair, chair," and much confusion. The Hon. Gentleman w as proceeding to say that he never witnessed such a thing in that House—an Hon. Gentleman to get up on the other side and make a one-sided party speech.—(Cries of " Questions" Chair, chair," " Order, order," and much confusion.) In the midst of which, The SPEAKER said that the Right , Hon. 3Gentleman (Mr. Wynn) had pat a question to a Member of the St. Al ban's Election Committee. That question had been anestered, and the course now pursued by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Buller) was therefore irregular. Mr. C. BULLER rose, and was met by loud cries from the Opposition benches of " Order, order; chair, chair," which lasted for a considerable time. At length Sir R. INGLIS rose, and said, that since he was in that House he never knew any person but one to resist the decision of the Speaker; and he was sorry that a gentleman whore he called his friend should be the second. When the Speaker had distinctly stated that there was no question before the House, it was out of order that any Gentleman should persist in addressing the House. Mr: C. BULLER said, if the House would just allow him —( Cries of Order, order," from the Oppositiorib enc h es. The SPEA KE R sa id w h en l ie d ec id e d t h at point, and the ) House acquiesced in that decision, if the Hon. Gentleman pro ceeded in the course which was declared to be irregular, it was in the highest degree disorderly. Mr. C. BULLER again arose amid loud cries of "Chair and order," from the same quarte r . The confusion. was at length put an end to by . Lord JOHN RUSSELL moving the Order .9f the Day, when Mr. C. BULLED rose and said that the instant the Speaker