The Sun. — London, England, 1841-06-25 00:00:00

n' , v - ''' °F LONDON ELECTION. - 4, n caedid n uni tes er ° o 4 meeting of the friends of the Liberal at th 13 .kr the Cityof London was held last evening ni e n'dge-house Hotel, London-bridge, to adoit --easure Messrs, 8 tin' securing the return of Sir M. Wood, Crawford andPattison, and Lord J. RusselL fir ' Chair was taken shortly after seven o'clock, amid c,,,, acclamations, by B. Hawes, Esq., who was sup ted by Mr. Mattison, Alderman Humphery, Mr. -, -`Leod, Mr. W. Hawes, Mr. Vousley, Mr. Crawfurd, 2 4i% Wood, Mr. Dillon, and a number of the most in electors. electors. , The CHAIRMAN said that in commencing the proceed lugs of the evening, having by the consent of the meet tug be en b_. , honoured with the presidency on that occasion, t : spould take the liberty, in the first place, to ask them - h e re a perfectly fair and impartial hearing to every them Y who might think it his right or duty to address , of.free"-(Cheers.) They were there for the r•;,rpose 1 ~.., and fair discussion, and they feared not the :tut of that discussion.—(Hear, hear, - wed loud , eer s-) They were anxious that thee- 4 great popular li-letings held on these important ocnasions should bear ' els: character of deliberation and reason, and nothing , i , - -(The Hon Gentleman wr,s here interrupted by " a rival f lir• Crawford - A B. Wood, and other 1 gentlemen,owhu IN . -ere loudly ' cheered red by the meeting.) nothing... could be more acceptable to him (Mr. H.), or i !Ying . to them, than that the only interruption 'which should take &ace should be that which was oc 71Zueld.11,:er the cheers which naerked the reception of righ t „ ' 0 . , had 'ome forward. in support of popular pro u d Sr rapular princk,les.—(Cheers.) It was a not ad;ausfaction to him (Mr. H.) to think that hewas to til es dea tin a mere party question, but . one interesting 11.13u 'ld b whole community, and which, if they carried, ce inta i e cooiucive to tlae benefit of all classes of tile 144 3 un ' tY.-- (L°nd cheering.) But if this were a mere th e ~- qu,est:ton he skould not be indisposed to contrast th at s' ° ,.ftur.ct of the Liberal party of the present day with days of l ite Tory party in days gone by. When in former ay s t} It t h, '' Tories did propose measures calculated to bene ree ,' People and improve the trade of the country, they th. 'e r red the strongest support from the popular party in 4.4 0 -tiou se, ____ hn and from the people out of doors. Mr, Ali- Supp o ll ,Z"L, , 110, better supporters than theqe, and they Eciii --- ' °Jul because his measures were Ineasures bene --(Lot2lbe whole community, and far beyond his party. all h."- cheers.) He was successfully carried through b ut 1.11 difficulties by Liberal Members of Parliament ; pe o ,,„ -Ow, when the Whig Government came . forward to ei,l,e measures founded on the same principles—prin. kor re . w hlch they dare not oppose, and which they could .cipiesJect—they now saw them refuse to support the prin. bren,,tb, the once themselves supported, because they were Pla ce °, ' l _ forward by opponents who possessed the had,l,,,tue Were anxious to obtain.—(Loud cheers.) It dugden his ( H.'s) fate to be attacked, because d thought proper to step forward and discharge his the electors but he was perfectly regardless of a buse and obloquy." —(Cheers.) Great efforts had raade b - I'l a La. 3 the, same parties to prevent the election flay i ue ral Sheriff, but a Liberal teneriff had been that l e eleet ed•—(Loud cheers.) Great efforts had been 41 1 for the sanie . purpose to .prejudice him (Mr. H.) their !Yes of his friends and ceaistituents, and to secure fai4 ° o °Ject his opponents had. resorted to the grossest but h °cis . They first said. that he had asked for place; , (R e e had never asked, for place from any ma .. laj a p n ar ' b ear-) Then they said that he had attempted to qu i . ' °he of the most respectable and industrious classes Ile I , e , e " l raunity—th e is aterroen of London. He denied it. a ti dOuld refer to the. Bill. which his Hon. Colleague The l ' al self had introduced, in support of his assertion. 'whet. 7th c l ause ei thPt Bill was as follows:—" And Vh e e as the freemen of the Company of IVatermen, eXcla rr Y g men, and Lighte en have heretofore almost hoat s -iv e l 3' been eriplo ed in navigating such steam beyenedr lessels as are Y navigated within, and do not go 'lea 11a t ite limi'‘a of this Act; and whereas such free- Plemaeve Leer.. found fit and serviceable in such em- - t ilent, at, ttrd it is expedient to afford them encourag tll e_ eieln ~1° as - to insure to the public the services of e ulfier„4s°lls," &c.—(Cheers.) He trusted that was a 'lot eo , ' answer to the calumny.—(Cheers.) He WP., thing .t4B(-ious that, by word or act, he had done Daly duet, c.:„injure any one in the course of his public con drew. tie r emembered that a parallel had been lately tit i' 'V the House of Commons between the cemduct of "%INV .-41 1)01e and Lord John Russell ! but . k e thought it ) vli o d aye been more to the purpose if f ire Noble Lord Part e 1. ,.. w the parallel had compared + ...ne conduct of the %j ell 9 , which he was now- a roe,mber, with a party try aiaP,f.urraer times equeAly or 2 posed a Liberal Minis- C oiat olu Liberal measures, Re?, of whom it was said by a the ra rY Historian„ tt a t e their clergy exerted their .., e %le-- against the :' #.inister and still more against v.,,,aaattdatt,be epnrihnecriselelfs-4 1- -ArJud and long -continued cheers ) ok i pr -e oe a t l arge ial ** die Administration. They also ex . their sermons to the people on the ex of t he Cl e l e a di , IP 7 'n Cromwell's time and the misfortunes ti e most hi g h' 'and he who invei hed most bitterly was " 441 la ' ti . V applauded of his g p . arty.'_'— . party."—(Cheers) He b ette g t tle . • his r p ur - Noble Lord might refer to his ory for some eta f ~;.Pose than that of party, and to cast obloquy on 11, 114(1 rin' ld s•—(Cheers.) But what were the measures c h eY lle iPles they were met there to support ? -Pro . re measures which must benefit all classes, Cele,,,le trad e • Id e a) ~...e , be-ghten taxes, and increase industry.— ,r e . i 1 e vre these measures which could be con- r k , 'rsa hlostile to the people ?—(Hear, hear.) In every f l , 4 4 l \ ul ie meeting when the doors were fairly open— 'ek p a - 11 1- 701d free.discussion invited, and honest truth a , lll- vui , •;,I 1 the discussion, then and there they found ette e . e. ;°l the people raised in support of these great : e , d ' because they knew they were founded in ti.ts ,q't4A,4eould only be - withheld from_ them by injustice , bted 4 ,_Ye--(Loud cheers.) Was there any one who ~ „I"aas, the blessing of having cheap timber, cheap .% 4.7a1 cheap corn ? There was not a child Ile NI a l lti., f t i q-, not see through the sophistry of their oppo es,aeca ‘heers.) He had looked in vain over the 'adie 1 of the gentlemen who were the Conservative ei• as lt?Pril' .'S for London to find some of those principles ~ t 1 , 14 4, cal ec onomy —something which should prove ..get . ,,,.. People that dear corn was a blessing—for t ii ii rt i qui. t , 4,ead long since determined that cheap corn was " ( [4 l ' which E•agll.shmen were never fated to enjoy. 14 beers ) e l )c ktid .- ‘'ne of these gentlemen (Mr. Attwood) li that (It 3 '‘ it _ a' - fixed duty could never be maintained. l ii e 2 r, h ea .:Ya4 not maintained by thepresent lawl— tha' th an I `.) Why, then, should they ask more from ,ea• said ae got from them? Hear hear. But then tr i ,. _ w _ s . li k k T , a e should be dependent upon foreign . coun •P. pi sli my. Could a great commercial country 1, -- joe ' s li ?'` a nu be; anything but - dependent . on: foreign ~ 'v wa,',7"(Hear.) Then they said cheap corn and h 'as t 7 B Went together. If that were true, when corn " e 'efi a taa' arai ne prices the la'aourer ought to be much in--h ; but he should like to know what benefit e bee -e d erived if core were 100 s. the quarter ? la I 's.) I-I - ~ ae A e would sv r port them I ; k ' olv lvi - ti t til l ' e f Parlianr.mi to ensure that wages should i rl a s k th Price of corn.—(Loud cheers.) He would 1; th e eln whattliat liselves to .it was the Tories offered in present- T he . his frien - the people . ? What single thing more ( t h e y al , -Is on his right and left ?—(Cheers.) .1 ' W his ° fiered a steady Government; and . they ries e'.) offered a steady Government too, if the ti, ,'tie t h v ev uid b e honest.—(Cheers If , when out of s n - would support honestly t h ose measures which oeld norted when in office—if, in such case, they 4148 thereo low the honest course pursued by their oPP9 - th e 0., would be no fear of a steady Government in G --...,,ry.._(cheers2 ) It was when great men de- aoitertitsttteow_struggle for mere place and patronage that tt • II,) '' became unsteady. - They appeared to him 'e, 4 J Iriura, • , Otte '" in the situation of a celebrated man who_ "ho, after candidate for Westminster, Mr. Home Tooke, ea the . 1 ;; two other candidates had been proposed “Ust n y olii qu aliti€ l,, and highly eulogised for their many ev er 4 ave hail 4_ y virtu . came forward and said—" Gentlemen, 4 two candidates proposed to you, possessing ',a,r on e ,. ,• 6 under Heaven ; have the kindne now to 1,11411, tix,,,eitt_oem. akes no pretensions to an y."—(Laughter.) i lee e y tr eic ro to him to be the case of their opponents. ha er find titwhere they could hole- him meetings ;,, v e ~,_ ei n.—(Cheers.) He should have liked to .' doZr at t !lent, there that night.—(A voice, " They ( c 'o e , a, for airs ' ') He should like to see them up stairs once ih' e a ee h rs.), he he, w w h •ould give them a lift in the world.-- of had this unspeakable advantage, a t' th e ad justic e on their side; their cause was the cause 4 4d if ?te°Ple, and it would stand or fall by the people, the_ enivesPorisibility who should attempt to -deprive `'ne lle° ' -e of th a t • - • which -belonged to them.- 8h„„, er) If . ~, justice C oi .,, a ase th e I ,,t'leY had not a steady _Governitent, it was h v ,.. - .-e-1a 1 ,,,, i ...Ries, from the time they introduced the tb"mig on f i t , u• 1 815, to the resent moment, has - ge h. '''e. I ndustry, and on the rights of nl . ,t-cpi e‘ ~ trampling .. th isa aps, rit was they who were' rec.ponsible for all its:, e xtent 1 t -e Pra'ied their power rAight never rise an t d o here'l i n til, ' elleaale them to ir tf ure any thin; great ti sef feri is :country, for ne knew, when the people 1 % .:'2 th e i r feriggi Under a sense of long perpetuated in n i_ it s e - ' 4 iraposai. P in gs rose beyond their self-control, d .14 8 0 e Of ,P le to foresee the ektremities to which a that tl l 4 ° l lnd ' . 117 6urY might lead them.—(Loud cheers.) e,,, ° a1c.1 e .it had occupied too much of their time, and he a n ' a r k avl a :* %Imply introduce to their notice the gentle rtl would ,•te eandida move and second the various resolutions, I , a eeeteci out tes who were present. If the wished to be tr tl eutly a a doors they would hear every body eth nd temperatel and he was confident that the v lt and Justice of • Y ' 'mate tr - ,Alde 'tun Pil•—(Cheers ) -t he -rivan iItIMPRERV • moved the first resolution. of fL w r ere m A et for the purpose of promoting the return e iect or g o ou , and honest men and as there were many i , b , ey ~.'o llO l f a London resident in' the Borough, he trusted "oon. i t ' Pay attention to the wording of the reso ha4pr - ex i , rer w „a,s rumoured that he (Alderman Humphei:y) ~ u rle,.'___;;,,eu his intention to vote for the four City tke a, Meh;.a4"drer laughter.) That statement had been , .t throughout the borough, and amongst his 11.. tii to refuitrieetnlidast' le rti eular and it was erhas unnecessary . for -,i;_e i th ex , Iv, ._, ,calumny in Coto.—(Great . cheering.) "he e n) ; nin uutu see his vote recorded against them on o n l d take l t, of the election.—(Hear, and cheers.) He had say ~eutnent wh' av l e a few words with regard to . a uPpo ti , n , lc 1 ad been generally circulated by their INl ts a et a and which had hitherto escaped notice. •It 1821ereent of the amount of the national debt in all ' ' w hich was then 800 millions, and which the Tories e.,, 1 ~,,,,tal, the interes't i ~,, they had reduced in 1831 to 755 mill' 1821 was 30,149,92 y., ar ' • -ons li kl °III Y 27 674 2 ' "') 4l -• makine• a reduce - m leAk it i n c3 : l l s and some hundred th s' dti . ~, _..,,n of two mil tli` 81 1, after 111.) Whigs ou ' lln '-. Iney then state hat an itt the interest of te h la been in office ten ea debt was 28,738,7201., ,making ll':tillst.Qruenasfaei;gstaa:4nillione. Now, he denounced that as a ttt!.lttg o p the twte,ruent, because the Tories had said t iTtl er the sla ve l , Tit Y millions paid for the emancipa- Pre s ,,l' would bring ,`,, v hich, according to their own ealeu he,l ~L, t titne..._faV"e sum up to what it was at the the th,.rielar, hear.) That twenty millions th, " Vt'est India ' ,-:,,.(25, and pild off th cnurtrraes o f o ,,llaii ter , z Proprietors, but not satisfied with that VO y i ll . „_!"!" Proprietors now sought to have a law- L 4 "'l* of su ttr, mid to wake the people of ,4L‘, England pay threepence a pound more than they other wise would.—(Cheers.) One word now with respect to corn—a neighbour of his, R. Ellis, told him that day that he knew as much of the corn question as any other per= son, and he said it was quite clear that when corn vas at 725., they could get es touch foreign corn as they required at Is. ditty, But he (Mr. Humphery) asked him what were the people to do, while corn was getting up to 725., far when it was at 68s. and 705., it was well known that the people could not get it at all.- - - - -(Reaf and cheers.) If corn was three-, foil, fife .Ssekkis lying in a warehouse ) it Was het VC) fit ill:W. NM et if it was consumed in a fresh stalm skitd that Was the result of the landlords' policy, which wits to get corn up to a pro tecting price, and, %bang in a pertion of bad corn at a low price, they managed to keep the averages at 68s. or 705., AAA corn fit to eat was actually 100 s. per quar ter, before they were able to get foreign corn in at a low duty.—(Much cheering.) In fact, there never was a greater fallacy than the present system of Corn-laws. — (Renewed cheering.) Another fallacy was, that this country could grow enough of corn to support its popu lation, but they seemed to forget that the population had doubled itself within the last five-and-twenty years. In 1829 they had admitted 1,363,b00 quarters, and in 1830, they brought in 1,700,000 quarters, and for the last four years the amount had increased to 2,700,000 quar ters, and had it not been for the high protecting duty, they might have imported and consumed five millions of quarters, and that at the average rate of 40s. would be 10,000,000/.—(Loud cheers.) The question was, how that was to be paid ? Not with gold, certainly ; hut it might be paid for with their national industry.—(Loud cheering,) He believed the Almighty never intended that that industry should be cramped or thwarted. — (Cheers.) He believed the Almighty intended that every man should have enough to eat---(Renewed cheering) — and he understood that at Odessa, when the landlord was paid, the corn was actually thrown away, there being no one to consume it, and the people of England refusing to' admit it,--(Loud cheers.) They were called on to support. your Liberal candidates.—(A voice in the crowd, " 1 ./here's Lord John ?") He would tell them where Lord John Russell would be the following day. He would be with Prince Albert laying the foundation-stone of almshouses at Norwood for the Fellowship Porters. — (Tremendous cheering.) They must be aware that he could not attend at every meeting, but this he would un dertake that his Lordship would not shirk the nomina tion on Monday next at the Guildhall.—(Vehement cheering.) And he would undertake this also, that he would be at the head of the poll.—(Loud and long con tinued cheering, and waving of hats for several minutes.) He only wished Lord John Russell was present to wit ness the enthusiasm of their greeting, fbr he did not believe that any description could convey an adequate idea of it.—(Renewed cheering.) It was said—and they had said everything they could invent against him—that his Lordship could not attend to the interests of a large constituency, but he believed he was so thorough a man of business, that he would be able to do it as well, and a hundred per cent. better than any other man.— (Loud and long-continued cheering.) All he would ask them was to go the poll with a friend as early as they could on Tuesday evening. Let them not wait in order to have their votes thought of impor tance, let them go all at the first momeht.—(Loud cheer ing, and cries of "We will.") There were many good and honest electors of London in that borough who, he was confident, would do so.—(Great cheers.) He would say one word to the Fellowship Porters, many of whom, he understood, were present.—(Cris of " Yes.") If they had a free trade in corn, it would do that class an im mense deal of good.—(Hear, hear.) If they had the privilege of unloading and measuring the - cargoes, could just as easily unload five millions of o". carters __steers as two millions, and have double their Present wages. All he would now do was to move t which was to the following effect: — " ": resolution, I:hat this meeting feels the permanent importane: e of a free and unrestricted trade in corn and other e.,0113• Mollifies as essentially necessary to promote the 'sommercial, agricultural, and shipping inte rests of snis country, and to afford full employment to the P P :er and industrious classes of the country." If the rest of the tlYtultry did what he was sure the metropolis I would do, return men who would support the resolution, the result would be that the labouring classes of the coun try would be better paid and better fed.—(Great cheers.) Mr. TEITLON seconded the resolution, which he consi dered one of immense importance, not only to the City of London, but also -to the kingdom at large, because it went to show that the measures her Majesty's Ministers proposed were not for the benefit of the few but for the whole country.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put to the meeting by the Chairman, and declared by him to be carried unanimously. Mr. B. WOOD then rose to propose the next resolu tion, which was to the following effect :—" That this meeting highly approves of the measures lately intro duced to Parliament by her Majesty's Ministers as a progressive means of fiscal reform, and feels assured they will lighten the burden of taxation, increase the revenue, and add to the prosperity of the coun try.—(Cries of, " Where's Lord John Russell ?") His Hon. Colleague had already told them where Lord John Russell would be to-morrow, and his only hope was, that all present would meet him at Norwood, and assist his Lordship's endeavours in the charitable cause in which he was engaged on that day.—(Cheers.) The great measures they were called together that day to support were so essential to the well-being of the country that he did not think there was a single person present who did not fully and fairly understand them. — (Cheers.) He believed those who opposed the Minis ters on the great questions they had brought forward were angry and vexed and tormented, because they were not the parties to bring them forward.—(Great cheering.) Those very parties knew that if they came into power, they would be driven to propose the very measures they were now decrying.—(Cheers.) But then it was said that the present Ministers had brought these measures forward at an improper time ; all admitted that some measures were necessary, and why, he would ask, was the time improper ?--(Cheers.) Was it ever too late to do good ?—(Cheers.) Why, therefore, should those who opposed the present Minis ters object to the time ?—(Cheers.) All they wanted was to foil Ministers, that they might some six or twelve months hence bring . forward measures of a similar na ture.—(Great cheering.) What, he would ask, could be said or thought of men who endeavoured to turn out the present Ministers upon certain questions, and then, when they got into power, to adopt those very measures ?—(Cheers.) Sir Robert Peel had done this twice.—(Cheers.) He acted in this way on the ques tion of Catholic Emancipation—(Great cheering)—for it was not until he saw that there was a probability of a rebellion rising up in Ireland that he consented to grant it. Why did he do so, he would ask ? For the purpose of retaining office.—(Cheers.) With respect to the Corn-laws, every one knew his opinion, and he felt convinced that no person could be ignorant of what were the effects of those laws. As to the statement that had been put forth relative to this country being able, from its own produce, to supply its inhabitants with corn, he considered them complete fallacies.—(Loud cheers.) These were plain, simple, straightforward facts, and it needed no sophistry to understand them ; and he hoped they would never remain satisfied until all their objects should be accomplished.—(Cheers.) Their candidates had spoken plainly and simply, and had plainly told them what were their objects and opinions with regard to the three great measures. There were many of his own former constituents in the room, and he trusted that they would excuse him if he confined himself solely to the consideration of those objects. With regard to other points he would only appeal to his conduct in Par liament since he had been their representative, and he trusted that they were satisfied with it.—(Loud cheers.) The four candidates for the City, Russell, Wood, Patti son, and Crawford—(Loud cheers) —had spoken plainly with regard to all those great measures, and what had their opponents said ? Why, they had said nothing.— (Cheers.) Would they support such men as these ? (Cries of " No.") Did they wish to see those three great measures carried ?—Cries of " Yes, yes," and cheers.) Then let them be at the poll early on Tuesday morn ing, and vote for Wood, Russell, Pattison, and Craw ford.—(Loud cheers.) He would advise them to club together among themselves, and go to the poll to' ocher not wait to be sent for. Let them r' .seellect that the poll commenced on Tuesday ms - • closed at four.—(Cries of "We -ening at eight and will be at the Guildhall at six in the morning.") they did so and took a lead in the beginning of t' --se day, they would keep it through out, and the v:_ story would be certain. Let them not think of - 6iving plumpers, but vote for all the four.— (Lou " 1 .. cheers.) They should recollect that City ;section would be the first contest decided, and it was their duty to set a good example to the country, and the moral effect of their victory would be incalculable. — (Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman then proposed the resolution amidst loud cheers. Mr. MAYHEW seconded the resolution. Ile had been a manufacturer for some years. It had been said in the House of Commons that the hatters wanted protection. Now he, as one, said they wanted no protection— what they wanted was open trade—(Loud cheers)—so as to give to the laborious workmen better wages and fewer hours of labour.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted they would be at the Guildhall door by six o'clock, and set the electors of the kingdom a good example.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried with one dissentient only, amidst loud cheers. Mr. APSLEI PELLATT then came forward and was re ceived with loud cheering, He said the questions they were called upon to consider were entirely of a practical nature. Did they want a cheap loaf ?—(Loud cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes.") In France they had a loaf at half the price it could be procured in England, and in Poland at one-third. The question was, would they have free trade or restricted trade ?—(Cries • of "Free trade.") They were now called upon to reap the first fruits of the Reform Bill. It was for them to show if they could work the grand machinery of that Bill, so as to attain great practical results.—(Cheers.) The Bill itself was but a means to an end. They were called upon to return to the House of Commons four representatives who would attain that end. Thal , had four candidates pledged to do Crawfor, so—wood, Pattison, and Russell.—(Loud Le t return m those four, and by so doing the-- •i ght rest assured they them - d were promoting the '— Loud cheers.) interests of the country. — ( • _ fi ....02n millions of taxatio n, while the Whigs had reduced Tories had boasted that they had reduced I orilr fiVe illilliotis Ibut It was easy work to turn the first I ikftv'Mi. ZRNWe Or machine while it required a skilful —(Loud and energetic workman to turn the last - cheers.) The four Liberai candidates were an p;47 (1 . to promote and support those principles of commercial reform on which the Queen and her Ministers had ap pealed to the country.—(Cheers.) It was for them to say whether they would support those principles.— (Loud cheers, and cries of "We will, we will.") On those great principles what had the Tory candidates 501 4 ? Nothing.—(Cries of " They will do nothing," and cheers,) Would they support such say-nothin g. nothing men ?—(pries of " Nr‘ "‘ _,- oumo forward, and be al' no. ) Let the m day . morni n ' - pollmr; . -vi-aer‘ early on Tues g, and vote for AV —(Loud and long ca.,. ..0i;11 ea cheer gthen He l °c'ci, Crawford, Pattison, aud Ituss v il • The " A RLIAMENT: ' - the N - - • _ . , atr 414 ltn ( " A . would not detain them longer, but would at once propose the following resolution :—" That this meeting pledges itself to support at the ensuing election for the City of London, the four advocates liar Commercial Reform. Wood, Crawford, Pattison, and Russell, being assured that in so doing they are serving the best interests of the country."—(Loud cheers.) Mt\ GfI.AVTIr seconded the resolution: He had often hid the honour of addressing thbiii i l ilitit room before, but he littrar klt it sbhigh an honour as on the present Uksiell. They had then amongst them gentlemen who had, early and late, while they (the electors) were en joying balmy sleep, been engaged in protecting and up holding their interests. Would they then have the To= ries ?—(No, no.) If they would have the Tories--(Loud cries of " No, no")—if they wanted a large standing army in Ireland—if they wanted taxation to its height — then they would have the Tories.—(Cheers.) They would then have Sir R. 11. Inglis asking for so many millions ; for what ? Why, for Church extension. — (Laughter.) And what was this Church extension for ? —(A voice in the crowd, " Why, for you to go to, to be sure."—Laughter.) Now if they were determined that these men should be kept in their proper position, which was, where they were at present—(A laugh)—let them rush to the poll, remembering that " he who would be free, himself must strike the blow."—(Loud cheers.) There was a paper which was called the " Great Big Thundering Press."—(Laughter.) It had been trying to prove that two and two made three instead of four.—(A laugh.) He held in his hand a tax-paper. — (Oh, oh, oh.) They were not to be frightened, it was his own. That paper was for the year 1830, when the Tories were in rule. When they were out of office they said "We have left the Treasury in such a nice state that you cannot take off a single shilling more of taxa tion. He would come to the present year.—(A voice in the crowd "Read the year 1830.") He begged pardon for the omission. The amount that he paid for taxes in 1830, and he would tell them as a plain man who lived in a plain residence—(Laughter)—the amount of the taxes he then paid was 10/. 15s. 71d. Now that was when the Tories had taken off everything. What did he pay now ? Why, he paid certainly 10 per cent. more than he did last year, but the full amount now was 5/. 15s. ld. Let the Tories look to that. He hoped to have the honour of seeing the whole of that gentle men around him at the Guildhall on Tuesday. He him self would be there at seven o'clock in the morning.— (Loud laughter.) He would tell all he knew to take their breakfasts over night—(Renewed laughter)—and he trusted that at four o'clock on the day of election they would all throw up their hats and shout " the victory is won."—(Louti cheers.) The resolution was then put and eaMtlat Mr. CRAWFORD then carat rorward, and was received with loud and long-eOntinued cheering. He would first offer to them his grateful thanks for the reception they had given him. Such kindness was the highest etlhatiltie he could receive in furtherance 9 f tkae, 04t10 ii their kindness had imposed ertl hilt. But when he had thanked them, he fait that there was little room for him to say much upon that occasion. The object of their meeting had been so able, so perspicuously brought eat t t o o h a i t s te m m t p o t d, to th f a o t ll t o h w at h ‘ it tho lau tu t il w r h ir o tt by their eloquent Chair man , th a t it w o uld be s tip e fillibil is for in how however, their opponent's first m e etin4 tot place on last Friday week. Messrs. He (Mr. C.) iVlasterman were then there. kneve not what they said further than what the Times tad inf ornaa i him.—(Groans.) In that paper he readjust wh_:;, he would have expected as Ml\ LyalPs speech, ( :: - ..,nsidering that he came from atx establisletnetit me -.e celebrated for its feelings of monopoly than any other that existed in the city of London. But that esta blishment had been reduced under a Liberal Government. Mr. Lyall, in language sufficiently intelligible to him (Mr. C.), had told them that they had nothing to expect from him in furtherance of the object for which the Queen had dissolved the late Parliament. He (Mr. C.) did not want language more plain to satisfy his mind as to the truth of that; and if, unfortunately, he (Mr. Lyall) should have a place in the House of Commons, he would be the supporters of all those monopolies of which they were then trying to get rid.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. Masterman was more cautious ; he prudently told them nothing.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He said that was not the time to discuss the corn question. That question would be brought on for discussion in the House of Commons. Now, if he meant anything, he must mean one of two things—either he has never con sidered the subject, or he is opposed to any alteration in the Corn-law. And then with regard to the Alder man's views, as expressed since he has been announced as a candidate for the City of London. Not many days before his name was found attached to a petition to the House of Commons, praying for the adoption of all those measures for which he (Mr.. Crawford) asked their sup. port in returning him to the House of Commons. Now, there was another gentleman, whose patriotic spirit in duced him to come forward for the City of London,— (A laugh.) That Hon. Gentleman had given his former constituents a kind of parting advice. He recommended them to put up two Tories, but he (Mr. Crawford) was very much mistaken if they had found one yet, and if they did find one, he would certainly meet the fate that awaited Mr. W. Attwood if he had ventured to have stood for Greenwich. He (Mr. C.) had said all that was necessary as to the language of his opponents ; and with the liberal views which the constituency of London had hitherto maintained, and which he believed they never would desert—he hoped—he believed, they had nothing to fear in the coming result, encouraged as they had been wherever he and his colleagues had met their constituents. He believed that the prin ciples of free trade had been assisted through the instrumentality of the Report of the Committee on the Import Duties in the House of Commons. He would assure them that if he were again returned it would be the fourth time—as the representative of the city of London, he would- work out those principles which he always professed. Those prin ciples were the result of experience and close observa tion, and, for the good of the country, required to be speedily carried into effect. He had feared that the time was more distant when the principles of free trade would be recognised, as it has been in the present day ; he really did not expect to see Ministers prepared to propound these great doctrines in the manner in which Lord Melbourne had so lately done. He feared that those great measures would have been deferred until some national calamity, like famine, or the total decay of our manufactures, or the demands of the people could no longer be deferred, without risking the safety of the na tional institutions.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. PATTISON said his first duty would be to give them some account of the stewardship with which his constituents had entrusted him. On all occasions hw had worked steadily for the people, and he trusted that he had shown by his votes in the House of Commons that their interests and their prosperity had been his first ob ject,. He had given his steadiest support to the Ballot , (Loud and long continued cheers)—to the Extension of the Suffrage—(Loud cheers)—and he had Voted for the abolition of Church-rates (Loud cheers)—and he trusted from the manner in which they received that brief enumeration of some of his votes in Parliament, they still - considered him entitled to ask them to return him again as their representative.—(Cheers,) Re did not flinch from those opinions now, bitt would still support them ; and, above all, he was determined to support those principles of free trade and the abolition of mono - - polies which had been brought forward by her Mt eet s y'e present Ministers—(Loud cheers)—and which, unless fully carried into effect, would cause our trade and ma nufactures to retrograde in a manner that was frightful to contemplate. One of England's best customers, America, gave comparatively few orders now to our manufacturers, for although England imported American cotton and American tobacco she refused to receive American corns —(Loud cries of "Hear, hear," and cheers.) On all occasions he would be found at the side of the nrenVie, and when he saw the highest and most exalt: - ,' in the empire—their gracious and in individual Queen—on their side—(Tremendous cheer:-, which lasted several minutes)—he little dour-The highest a" • -.ea of their ultimate success. - 1 hands of - most glorious cause was in the - the electors of London, and upon the -,uit of Tuesday's- poll depended in a great mea sure the fate of England. It was not his own MIN he pleaded, it was the cause of their fellow countrymen ; and trusting they would support that character for patriotism and liberality which tilvtitys characterized the city of London, he would con clude by thanking them for the attention and kindness with which they had heard him. Sir M. WOOD (who only arrived a short time previ ously) said he hoped that although he was late to the meeting, he should not be late at the Guildhall on Tues day next.—(Loud cheers.) He was detained at a dinner given by the Guild, to which he had the honour to be long, and the moment the toast of the Royal Family was drunk, he then turned his thoughts to the people. As his Hon. Colleagues had previously addressed them, but little remained for him to say, however, he should briefly observe, that with respect to free trade he had always been its warmest advocate, and he considered the measures proposed by the present Mi nistry as the greatest boon that could be offered to the English nation. When the Corn-laws were first enacted he witnessed violent tumults as the consequence in his native town, and then he was convinced they should be repealed ; and repealed they would be, if the electors fearlessly and manfully did their duty. The Hon. Ba- . ronet concluded by moving a vote of thanks to the Chairman for his conduct in the chair, and his invariable and consistent efforts in promoting the good of the people, Mr. PELLA= seconded the motion. He observed that upon the result of next Tuesday's election depended the welfare of England, and he might indeed say of the world at large. Ile hoped the electors would act, not as men engaged in a personal conflict, but'as men supporting the cause of universal humanity. As a member of the Ge neral Committee he had an opportunity of observing the base and scandalous means resorted to by their oppo nents. They had been guilty of forgery ; and, as in the case of Mr. Alderman Humphery, of the most disgrace ful falsehoods. They were in favour of what they called a sliding scale in the importation of corn, but he also be lieved they were in favour of a sliding scale in politics. The necessity of an early attendance at the Guildhall on Tuesday next could not be too frequently impressed their breakfast the night before, that • upon the mind s of the electors. Let them, as it had been before observe d, eat t shall soon have no breakfast crowd, We must, or we for their la vote for their wives, that they might be earl y at the poll.—(A voice in the to eat.") Let t hem and ni g ewers.) tx~iart having returned t han k s, the meet i ng !--; ng three cheers for the Queen and milies—let the m vote for their Queen for posterity. broke up, after free trade. THE NEW HOUSES OF 1 the erection The workmen employed 1 4 Hottoes of Parliament; has jnet enlnmenoc.Ad laying 14 ,, a bed of concrete , i ntended to reeeitte tlie foundations of the above buildings. From the length of tithe *hick with tn,.. this, process will 00,,,upy, with other preparations, it is not gontleman expected that the foundation -stone can be laid for at least Member for Tam three months to come. Gentleman had since roceoretA r , DEVONPORT ELECTION. '-wn ' , , -• • !1 - 4114: Y been told not to commit himself, at least not to commit himself against the sliding scale. He now attempts to per suade you that the sliding scale will give you cheaper bread than the fixed duty proposed by the Government. Now I say at once with regard to the fixed duty, that I am not a finality man, on this or any other subject.— (Loud cheers.) You are aware that I am not a man given to sudden and frequent changes, and some of you, I believe, have had reason to complain that I have not gone fast enough for you ; but I assure you that I can see no reason why a measure passed in one year, should be held final against the expe rience of all its future workings, and though when this measure now proposed, is arranged, I should not wish to see it disturbed at an early period, yet it would be en tremely absurd to say that corn shall never be intro duced into this country except at a rate of duty fixed now under circumstances which may not exist when we meet again.—(Loud cheers.) It appears from the Re port I have read of my Hon. Opponent's speech, that he has endeavoured to persuade you that you will really get cheaper bread under the sliding scale than under a fixed duty. Then if this is the case wherefore is all this outcry on the part of the agriculturists ? In the House of Commons it was not stated that the apprehensions of the agriculturists, which I think are very much exagge rated, or the evils they apprehended arose from this cause; their cry is not that the fixed duty will raise the price of bread so as to ruin the poor of this country, but that it will cause corn to be sold so cheap as to ruin the agricultural interest who will not find a market for their produce. Then in what way (I speak only from the re port of the speech of the Hon. Gentleman) does he make out his proposition? He says that the average duty on corn has been ,ss. 3d. though this is too low, and I believe it has been ss. 9d., and that the amount of the fixed duty proposed by the Govern ment is Bs. But did the Honourable Gentleman tell you what was the price of corn when the duty was ls., did he tell you the quantity of foreign corn in bond and not entered for sale at all, but which would have been brought into the market had there been a fixed duty. Did he tell you that the price of corn will not be increased but diminished under a fixed duty ? Did he • tell you that foreign countries, knowing that there would be a certain market, would grow a greater quantity of corn for importation to this country, and so prevent the price rising to a famine price, and keep it steady and even, preventing those fluctuations which you know have taken place in the price of corn, while you also know that no such fluctuation has taken place in the rates of your wages?—Cheers.) You are told by others—l do not know whether the Hon. Gentleman has said ao or not—that we ought to be independent of foreign coun tries, Was there ever such an absurdity ? What is there itt which we are independent of other countries, or in which they are independent of us ?—(Cheers.) To be so would cut at the very roots of all our com merce ; our ports would be blocked up, our ships sold, and ~ our manufactures destroyed.—(Hear, hear.) If we Erre independent of others for the necessaries of life, *liy should not other countries be independent of us If 'w did not take their corn, how can we expect that they will take the manufactures we pro duce?—(Continued cheering.) I really do not know that npon this subject of the Corn-laws I need address you !mother word ; all I can say in addition is that as I pittie4 to seine of you the other night, from the first moment tdaly entering the House of Commons by their support, and icy no other support have I ever entered it than that of this popular constituency, I have known that your sentiments and my own are in accordance on this point, and ever since I have sat in the House of Ccjmitions, I have voted for an alteration of the existing system.—(Cheers,) There are other measures of a si milar kind, on which it is not necessary for me to enter, as they are of minor importance, though they are all based on the same principle, namely, that of the gradual but certain abolition of monopolies unduly restrictive of our commerce principle which you yourselves have affirmed in a petition signed by nine thousand of the in habitants of this borough, and which I had lately the honour of presenting to the House of Commons.— E rom those principles I know tha t y ou will (Cheer., nor do I believe that you will suffer not directly Swot . ' •. !- your characteristic to be cajoled. the good sense whien Onponent, when he My Honourable •-le you that affifed flefe; tidisititstired to - 1 that the hattiO till Well' dttlg Alfehl, won, those who akiodate the pilkiplti of fiefisior TOW Iniantnably iirere . Oki* fill I *ill fib it 11:11181i slit• afid,. endrrierafr; the lung stilt* of piuts frdiii i liiefi tir ate OM the face of the constituencies ; am lid Pidthiet; I indulge in any sanguine expectations or predietithi4 excepting as to the contest in which we are personally Ptigaqed: iind of which ,you have forbidden me to enter tain the Snelltait clOilihs---Yatottst cheers,) But, Gentle- Men, this point; I amrid "de&lS'e fort 1 I ridt y©u to elect nie if Ydili ides detkiA titv 4a 4 COUthitiatio'n the cbiriz Adentud office, which, 133; 04 114614 as your representative I have been piaC6d *le leaVe of the struggle, the present and immediate issue, may 08 one way or the other ; it is not a contest of the kind iritie . d. by the Hon, Geutlppan, but of those princi pies Which at ari early pe lod 1 thlivdatt*, and which I naafi still tt3 advticitte; dhd efeii those 0%410 sligpkt nieet Cheek; if it gibnld be troiied that eltga illtdefis hi& iteeii tad gifirtiiii triffbe , occasion, yet those principles once filiflY li6fbfe the people, once fairly discussed at such meetings WO this, after they have been debated at the. hustings in a manner that will triumphantly refute the calumny that it ie it dthlgtrcrttS,thittP , to appeal to the people on an ex ti o §tthi6Cf;iti a fitaiiii6f that earry conviction to I theddis S 8f tile ettilidigiq; iktici 3 Aldo. pitteirlps , are approved by the people, then at a limited hild OW* 14 period those principles will prevail. There is one sun; ject, on which though it is thrown comparatively into shade by the great principles now in question, and which form the itninedinto subject of the appeal to you, I feel That I ought to address yon, in consequence of an altered vote Which I hat.e.glyeti on the subject since I last ad -41'6,11 =it' i t i# due w offer you some explanation. I nail etO the Bdlldt.•-s• -- (olteers:) may remember that in the contest of 1834, a conticilbil *its ctiffied to my own mind that some protection for the voter tilt§ fee quired in many cases where he wished conscientiously ftt otereise the franchise given him by the Reform Act, and itaS Compelled to exercise it in a way that left him fet tered alid obliged to vote against his conscience. At he sonic pure I abstained from voting on the question , 13eeallia I wits fibt dbllfitited of the expediency of the Ballot, but anxious that every , other means should be tried for the protection of the voter, I stated on the last occasion that I was anxious to see other measures tried, yet no other had been pro pounded to Parliament that seemed likely to be effectual; that being the case, and in deference to your wishes, as that question was made an open question by the Go vernment, I, though still dubious of the efficiency of the Ballot, have given my vote in favour of the trial of the Ballot.—(Loud cheers.) There is one other question on which I know that I differ from a great many around me, but I shall not therefore be deterred—(Hear, hear) — notwithstanding the cordial unanimity—(Hear, hear) — that has prevailed on other subjects, from alluding to it, because I wish to shrink from nothing in which the people feel an interest, and because I know that a large body of this constituency feel a deep interest in it ; I mean the question of Church- rates. On that question I have riot voted, nor am I now prepared to vote for a total abolition of all compulsory payment towards the maintenance of the fabrics of the Church, which are an ornament to the country, but I am ready to abolish that criminal jurisdiction which is exercised in a most ob jectionable, manner by the Ecclesiastical Courts—(Loud cheers)—and to prevent any man from suffering in his person by imprisonment for the non-payment of Church-rates.—(Cheers.) Lord John Russell has com municated with me on the subject, and a measure was prepared which, but • for the termination of t he Session that has taken place, would have been sub mitted to Parliament : another has been proposed by Mr. Easthope, for which I was fully prepared to vote, but not for the complete abolition of all compulsory pay ment. I have stated these views on the subject, because I do not wish to be accused of any concealment of any information that may be desired by you of my past con duct, and which lam ready to answer. The ground I stand on is the great principle of freedom against mono poly,- the principles I am ready to maintain are those which tend to the advancement of the prosperity of this country, which I believe at a limited and no distant pe riod, if not immediately, will have a signal and distin guished triumph. I feel bound to tell you that in conse quence of being summoned to attend a Council of her Majesty on Wednesday next, I shall be obliged to return to London to-morrow, with the intention at the earliest possible moment to come back to you ; I mention it now, because though my interest is as nothing in tha balance, yet I am anxious the interest of our common cause should not suffer in my absence.—(Continued cheering.) I feel that I ought to be here among you unless some Ora mount and compelling duty requires my absence, and I mention it in the face of the constituency in order to put ,to silence every voice of misrepresentation. On Friday I shall appear among you again, and from that time till the victory is won, till the triumph is achieved, I shall be found fighting cordially, heartily, and I know success fully, by the side of my honourable colleague. Sir G. Grey was loudly cheered at the close of his speech, and the applause continued for some minutes after he resumed his seat. SPEECH OF SIR GEORGE GREY, BART., M.P., At a meeting of the Electors on Monday, June 21, 1841. • (From the Devonport Independent.) Sir GriORGE Gitte on coming forward to address the meeting; was received with loud and enthusiastic cheers from all parts of the assembly, Which etmtinned for some time. When silence had been restored, he said, " Gen tlemen, when I last had the pleasure of addressing you on Saturday evening, it was at so late an hour, an hour rendered late by the protraction of that splendid exhibi tion,with which you gretked the arrival of myself a n d illy Honourable Colleague into this borough, that I could do little more at that time than express the feelings of great gratification with which I had witnessed that splendid spectacle--- , -a gratification, gentlemen, increased to a high degree by the sense which I felt that not to do honour to us, individuals in ourselves, was that splendid demonstration prepared, but to do honour to the princi ples of which we are humble, though I trust sincere sup porters.--a(Lmed cheers) When I look around me, at the scene that is exhibited, I am foreibli:carried back to a period now nearly nine years ago, vithen I stood here for the first time surrounded by many persons whom I now see around me ; when I entered your town per ranAn4 unknown, and stated before you then, as I state acted, uet and ore you when you tiota, principlestlldratified ho those which I had previous l y approbation and by the voice of a resioirliuntcioirni€,e s by niatgrurgood me to become a candidate for your representation. — (Loud cheers.) Those were the days in which a Go vernment existed, that has lately been traduced among you as ClaVettitric, , nt that had .cursed this country for ten years ; a Government which I may any without taking greater credit to it than it deserves, had; by the help of the people, gentlemen, by whose help alone good measures can be carried out, called you as a borough into political eAloteneeffilimid eheqrs.) I stand here to state the political prittelpie6 ell Wiligh I have acted, and to render you an account of that stewardship; which halite tWd (lets have elapsed I shall have resigned into your hands ; I stand Ilea to ask you to renew your con fidence in me if you approte of the principles I have alvocated; an if ydu apprere; in the main Of th e poli ai edilfat .I-Ye iltifsiltld.-=(ollters:, At is Impossible for me, it would be vanity in the ottrethe in flee i t' think that I could please every-individual elector, by o f erY individual vote .I have given, but this I do ask you to do ; I ask you to iioiliptlfd toy eonduct; not only as an indi vidual but as a Member of a patty; for 1 tliti a member of that G.overnment Whiol has endeitonted to carry out 01.0 the 440 Oil Whieli 04 • Eattib tried ofileg•A ash you tz compare my conduct, in the main, With that tit' Most; who now ask you for your confidence against us—(Loild cheers)—and by your decision, by your verdict, I will be bound, and to that opinior; I will bow with the greatest datefeil4 it4cl SithiiiSsiote--(Clieefa;) . The Govern plan iii: iililol iliii ? iiViiiii bag, been, attaeked in very harsh language . ; it is true i..».04 hive appealed to the people, and that appeal has Well described to you as exciting and unconstitutional ! What, tell me thfit It is it Ist 1 14. l i t i ittional to appeal to the people oit iiiestiiiii iii,ii , ' ' b ' i e people are die party '_ moat 1 deq,l4 , iiiteigißo ,gll hie tjiat theykeisioat Of Pella. in fin e a n i t, an a d ie d e e it ei c s l v r e ri , ed wi of all political power, an opportunity of expressing their .I t ) h Y ou a t nigitniPt:heepeteliltd !Itttdeltilitt neefnee-41:oud cheers:) I Peal l opinion on a great euestioe, in which their that vitalthere, interests are ei at lAA, I h6ea.tidi defedd the,GOiefnment trim the charge broptht i*lil4 4, WO it iliW iliiiiii it for. the perpese of Oidieffient, and that they liaVe east a Afebfelid aliftatid into the country; it is a calumny on the whole of the people to make such a charge, and you, Gentlemen, you have refuted it —(lminntnit eheetiti) A proper degree of political excitement is an inherent principle of the Constitution, and those men read the Constitu tion but badly who say, heetttiSc the people feel strongly, and when they feel strongly, it is a reason why they ought tn . :, to be Ogled hit td V:prese their opinion. —(Cheers.)• I have said that they 041 great principles which are now called in question, and 1 asx you not to take this merely on my statement, or as my opinion, if you are not already convinced, I ask you to permit me to read an opinion,. not of one petson only, but from many of the first eminence, lit the first &Mil mercial city of the world--tateitiOll.—(Cheeta.) in all address, which has lately appeared itt the pollee lea gets, and which some of you have perhaps read s and addressed to the electors of Lend , " istgeect by the first merchalits of the City, they state that " * great crisis in our titian= cial and commercial affairs has arrived i of this tact lid reflecting man Can entertain it doubt. Our commerce requires the kiinst itoSteting care to maintain a progres sive prosperity commensurate with the continuous end fearful increase of our manufacturitit- iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii Flit reign nations ; profitit* t* thin tappoinniiities Or &Ade; are becomitt Wilt t'ivals in the markets of the world and, Jealous of our protections and restrictions; they are driven, in self-defence, to retallett4 illellailf4 l 4 of OW iiitin6 character. The atialailiV of tintmonetary system is endan gered by the alt den and violent convulsions of our foreign teade, engendered by a false system of artificial interfe rence and partial protection, whilst our manufactures are pining under an insufficient demand and Ming entices ftit~ their productions, and blif industrious population is sub jected tall the evils of irregular and insufficient wages, ag gravated by an artificially high price of thg,neeessariea of life." The address goal on tai a* a TIW issue ii now in the hate& Of I teleelers—the question before ou is plitlre simple, and distinct. You have to decide between monopoly on the one baud, and freedom on the other ; that monopoly which had been justly de scribed the parent of scarcity, of detifilesS; hiifl IA n t h: certainty, and that tree Nnainitittl ;A4401.146 4 , which alone t 4 getilifflty Or nations can be perma nently sustained?' I say distinctly, said Sir George, on concluding the quotation, that I do not ask you to take any of these conclusions from me only, as I may considered interested and biassed, but feat thos# who have an Interest and an important stake in that country, and they tell you that the the you bait to decide, is that of monopoly die,the Bile * handi, al freedom on the other , lattiVedi that itiotidPiili ; hie has been juatl,y deeqiiied aa Ito parcel' or scarcity, detuateta, ant uncertainty, and that free commercial Intercourse by which alone can the commercial prosperity of this great, nation be question sustained. (Cheerei) Tnat is the q uestion Yard now We lti decide, between monopoly on the one hand, and freedom on the other, and if, as a member of the Government, I stand here eelled dri td nitilt6 tin excuse for that everemetit liif illi4 eettaut on this question s It it "nail i< now submitting it to Parliament, latt fo'f having appealed to the good sense and reason of the people, but it is for their not having brought it for ward sooner, and that they had not sooner had recourse to the measure they nun , ' at vdeate.—(Tremendous cheer ing.) Eitlill'ernen, you are all aware that the expendi ture Of the country having increased—though perhaps you are not all aware, there has heeti gfeat tnisrepreeetita tion been ont ttirei y hissulli tt ec t nimadi that &teen millions of taxes have Pcdueed-------inereaied by the reduction of the Post-trifle e l'eVellile by the Ministry that, it has been stated, tins been a curse to the country—it became ne- Cessary that from some other source* the revenue should be made up to ineet the necessary expenditure of the countil, an ekvelidittle neeessary to maintain the navy—anti who is there; I lisii. ih this the fittest sea port of the wt 4 111 1; iifi deity that t& navy ought to be main tailieduht!ers)—on a high footing? and to maintain the British flag and the efficiency of the British navy, they had never shrank from appealing to the people ; but for these reasons it became neeessary to see in what way a sufficient revenue could be raised in order to tiaintain the establishments of the country in that state of efficiency which every lover of his country would wish to Sod them maintained in ; and the ettfilment having last year failed in having re course to an increase in direct taxation, he meant the addition of ten per cent. to some of the existing taxes, and having carefully considered the evidence, which per haps most of them had read, given before the Committee on the Import Duties in the House of Commons ; they resolved to submit to Parliament measures based on the principle not of increasing taxation but of diminishing it, and of increasing the revenue, not by increasing the tax ation, but by increasing the consumption of fhe neces saries and luxuries of life on the part of the great body of the people, and by that means, as Lord J. Russell had emphatically observed, unchaining and developing the re sources of the country, and increasing the revenue of the nation, not by drawing on the enjoyment of the people, but by increasing it by a system, of which every indi vidual in the country, however humble, should sensibly feel the benefit.—(Cheers.) It is on this principle that the alteration in the sugar duties was proposed, and what ever may be the sophistry put forth in newspapers and placards, it is impossible to deny that the price of this commodity has been raised to such a degree, by the undue protection given to some favoured Class interests as to deny its use to a great part of the population of this country. On this question many have tried to get up the public indignation, which —the righteous fee lin g of p ublic which I know animated this place as much as any other place in the kingdom, against the former accursed system of slavery, and have endeavoured to enlist them in their favour and interest. They, now denounce slavery with uplifted eyes, as a deadly sin, though when you were all assisting to give the slave his freedom, they, with the same unlifted eyes, protested against the injury that would be done, not to themselves, to be sure, but to the emteyou o negr o, by emancipating .him from the 'parental and fostering cheers.) I care ne the ed , not, stGeresntl exerciseden, was over liimr.— time (Loud by d expatiating on the hollowness H of these pretexts, which have been exploded i n the House of Commons where they were broached , which had been exploded by the good sense and r eason of nearly all the Anti Sla very Societies through out the kingdom, and which have ma community : I need not, I s a y, been exploded by the good sense and reason of every thinking man in the waste your time by going over again the arguments by which those who p ut forward those pretexts were abashed and put t o silence—(Hear and eheere,— and convicted, in connection with the Anti-Slavery cry, and while raising it in the House of Commons, of sharing in the profits of slave labour themselves.—(Cheers.) Now with regard to the Corn-laws, let me ask, " Where is my Honourable Opponent ?" (Tremendous el:ening-) Up to last week I should have supposed that not only no opponent on this question could be found. as appears to be the case, within these walls, but that none breathed in Devonport, even in the person of my Right Hon. Op ponent.—(Cheers.) You may have heard that last year I had the honour of putting face to race with the Hon. Gentleman's distinguished relative in the House of Com mons, what he (Mr. Dawson) thought of the Corn-laws, and his cordial adoption of their own principles, which the Hon. Gentleman who now asks you to transfer your confidence from us to him, had stated with a degree of candour which made him almost suspect its sincerity, on the ground that he found it utterly useless to canvass the borough of Devonport except upon Anti-Corn-law p eples.—(Loud cheers.) But at that time those prim -ioles were opposed, and all knowledge of and connexion ' a opinions expressed on the subject by the Hon. -, disclaimed by the Hon. Baronet the - 4 1 ; and it seems as if the Hon. ' % little instruction, and has ~~~' '' U MEETING OF - J. - PARKER AND H. G. WARD, ESQRS., WITH THE ELECTORS OF SHEFFIELD. On Tuesday evening, Mr. Parker having arrived in the course of the day, an immense assemblage was col lected in the New Haymarket, where convenient hust ings had been erected, against the Canal warehouse. At six o'clock, Mr. Parker, Mr. Ward, and a number of gentlemen left the Tontine for the place of meeting, preceded by the town band, who had volunteered their services for the occasion. On the motion of John Sykes, Esq., seconded by Thomas Dunn, Esq., William Fisher, Esq., was called to the chair, there being only two hands held up against the motion. Mr. Fisher then said — Since your wish has been tolerably clearly expressed, on this occasion, that I should take the chair, I consider it my duty to comply. Mr. Parker will first address you, and I hope you will hear with attention and patience all who may wish to speak. Mr. PARKER—(Cheers)—on rising, said, I understand that this borough has been placarded with insinuations and inuendos that we, the advocates of Liberal principles in Sheffield, had absconded in dire alarm, having disco vered that we were entirely wrong in supposing that cheap sugar, cheap corn, cheap timber, or any other of the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government for the augmentation of the revenue, were principles to which we had devoted ourselves in Parliament, that you had no sympathetic feelings for the national interests these mea sures were intended to promote, and that we were not likely to abide your suffrages because gentlemen came from foreign parts, from different quarters of the globe, to tell us that our foreign policy had failed, and that the budget of the Ministers was an illusion and a humbug. Now, Gentlemen, I say, we have not seen a foreign po licy for the last 200 years, or at least since Chatham wielded the destinies of England, so triumphant and sur passingly successful as that which is impugned at this day. You have been asked to believe that the Minister who advocates and conducts this policy is a traitor to his country ?—(Cheers.) But if Lord Palmerston had re ceived the gold of Russia, can you suppose he would have bearded Russia in the East ?—(Hear, hear.) Would he have met her designs in India and in the Levant, and achieved the successes which have renewed the glory of our navy, without the presence of a Russian ship or a Russian steamer ? What he has done, has indeed been with the concurrence, the consent, and the good will of Russia. But so far is Lord Palmerston from being the instrument or the tool of Russia, that he carries out his high policy in a manner more creditable to this country and the empire at large than I have before known since I had anything to do with politics.—(Loud cheers.) The true reason why Lord Palmerston's policy is attacked is, that lie wields his power at home and abroad in support of liberal opinions. In Spain, he is for the people ; in Portugal, he is for the people ; and wherever he has oc casion to regulate our affairs, he is for the many, and not for the few.—(Cheers.) Therefore it is that Lord Palmer ston's policy is selected as the ground for particular at tack ; and therefore it is that, as in other cases so in this, the answer is the success which has followed it, and which makes all these attacks rebound upon his assailants. But it really seems as if poor Sheffield, in this election, is to be coquetted with by persons from every part of her Majesty's dominions. I have scarcely been in the town more than a couple of hours, and I have seen blue addresses without number. Lovers approach you in letters written in blue, from every end of the earth. Some try to gain you, by showing the perfidy,,,,of your foreign policy—others on the dreadful failures of our home policy—others seek to win you 'by adulation. I seek you with none of these. I feel that our great want is relief for the commerce of the country, the want of scope, and space enough ; to alter, or amend, or remove the Corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) Among an enlightened community, my specific is the more likely to find favour; for nothing can be clearer, that it is absolutely essential to the prosperity of the country, that we get out of the nar row track—the miserable, narrow, and antiquated prin ciples on which our foreign trade has been conducted. These are my principles, and I believe that they are cal culated to enrich individuals and aggrandize the nation. The people of England will not fail to perceive their own interests, and sooner or later the principles of the budget must prevail.—(Hear, hear.) We want to raise money, and we can have it if we reduce the duties, because that would produce increased consumption. We want to increase trade; and we can increase it if we our ports to the produce of other countries, and those eountries to receive ours. We can our revenue, and increase our trade. • - •inent were introduced in a •rent as much as any, -li to restore a adop- feiq entan.b tiitt§ t etiesa angrae... 'he *WOW§ of the Gore.— p'eriqf &eat clistre§s, which Nevi* IS'ettieVe that nothing will tend so mu.. healthy Nolte beriefieid Mien of affairs, as h.. , tion of the viesifd uthich Minister's . &we induced. Wei., then rise up the three great monopolies- -- eolonisti, Ca nadian, and landed, banding together, and each Sri* OAF .so. *era) reasons for themselves and the negroes. ilto I siitik , here, as I stated in the House, that the Le gislaidre to kook as well to our companions and c-ofintrymen abromi, so to our fellow subjects in other p - 1: 4 4 6 1 f Ate world, and that if I have any bias at all, it must be iii favour of my countrymen, rather than of those who live in aissant parts of the world. A dissolu tion has taken place on these questions, and you are the parties who will have to decide. A person named BUXTON inquired whether the peti tions from this town had been for a fixed duty or a total Eli/41401er the Government was offering a total Mr. PAtilititi fepliec trndotibtedly the petitions were for total repeal ; litif * fixed duty was proposed. PARKES, the Chartist chairman on NVhit-Monday, after a few remarks, expressive of his want of confidence in the gotd faith of the Ministers, inquired why they iitoci not been in their place in the House of Commons vi idt 16r, *holefield made his motion for a property tax ? Mr. PARKER replied nothing could be fairer than the question, or more courteous than the manner in which it was put. As far as he could remember, Mr. Labou chore, the President of the Board of Trade, was in the House, and spoke upon the motion. Mr. Labouchere stated, that on the eve of a dissolution, when the Mem bers were anticipating their appearance on the hustings, Neel*. a measure could not be proposed with advantage, and he declined entering largely into the subject. Mr. Parker thought SOITIO ether Members of the Government were also present. Mr. PARKES thought it would have been better had they all been there ; and he asked what was the reason that at the eleventh hour Ministers should come forward with measures which he, in common with many others, believed would be productive of benefit to the people ? (Hear. hear.) lie asked also for what reason, twelve months ago, Lord Melbourne had opposed these mea sures ; and three or four years ago, when a deputation from Glasgow waited upon him, said that the distress was a common temporary occurrence, and would soon disappear ? How was it that Ministers never thought of proposing these measures till they were threatened with a defeat on Lord Stanley's Bill ? Mr. PARKER—As to that portion which relates to Lord Melbourne, if the Noble Lord were here, I am sure he would be most ready to answer it, but I cannot.—(Laugh ter and cheers.) I may remind you that, individually, many of the members of the Government, especially those in the House of Commons, have always voted on the subject of the Corn-laws as they have done this year. I have voted on questions of trade in favour of these principles, and since I became a Member of the Government I have voted upon them just as I did before. As to Lord Mel bourne, if he were here, he would be delighted with the ability of the interrogator, who no doubt would get from him a very clever answer.—(Laughter and cheers.) . Mr. PARKES said, many persons in the country, of all shades of politics, and both rich and poor, had felt a great degree of sympathy with the situation of those un fortunate and misguided individuals, Frost, Williams, and Jones— (Hear, hear)—and in common with the Chartists, had been desirous that the case of those per sons, and others who were imprisoned for their political opinions, should receive a merciful consideration. What was the reason that he, as their representative, did not participate in those feelings ; and when a petition was presented to Parliament, praying that the House would advise her Majesty not to release them, but to reconsider their sentences, that he did not vote in its favour ? Mr. PARKER said the question related to the motion made by Mr. Duncombe, a few . weeks ago, to address the Queen, praying for the liberation of certain parties now under political imprisonment. He must first state that the individuals whose names had been mentioned were left out of the motion by Mr. Duncombe. The true state of the case was—(" How did you vote ?") Gentlemen, I am not going to shirk anything. the shortest way is to hear what I did, and the reason why. I did it. I voted against the motion, because, being in ) self a Member of the, Government, even supposing : l agreed that the parties were proper subjects for Royal- clemency, how could I say that the Secretary of State for whose duty it is to attend ttend to Department,pointih offact, not doingduty ? thes the e subjects, Home was, I believe, if there be any person in the country his more disposed to clemency than another, and who -has suf fered more for his clement and merciful dispositionto prisoners, it is the present Secretary of st a t e f Home Affairs, the Marquis of Normanby.—.(Hear, hear.) You know how he was assailed f or the liberation of prisoners in Ireland. — (Hear, hear.) The reason why I voted as I did was, because I considered that the cases of these men and of all other prisoners, were s a f e i n the hands of Lord Normanby, for lam sure h e would rather recommend the Queen to exercise a merciful in he felt that - he could do _soAvitlij te us rPe :ice sii t ie o n lhe 7l g e e li n e e l r .e a r l . ---- CHORAL FUND FESTIVAL —The jubilee to peace and tranquillity of the country, than pursue a more lir . ,A rigorous ßKhE course. s celebrate the half centenary of this Institution, took place on Wodnesday at the Crown and Sceptre, Greenwich, the Presi dent of the Choral Fund in the Chair, supported by upwards - expressed his hope that the demonstra of ninety well-known and justly appreciated professional vo wou_ would induce L o b r e d e been tion whichf to avou co r n o s f id t e h r e th p e r i i r so ca ne s r e s , calists. The organist of the Temple Church played several made ormanb in y pieces upon the t.F..olophon, and elicited great applause. Du ring the evening many . fine glees and cherasses were sung with and he believed that none would rejoice more in their admirable effect. It is the intention of this Choral Fund to restoration to their ,families les than Mr. Parker and Mr. have an annual dinner inf uture, and it is gratifying to learn Ward.—(Mr. Parker as ' sentea.) that the funds are on the increase, and much good has been W ard . effected during the period of its existence. Among the vi- . ARD—(Cheers)—Gentlemen I recollect that, four years ago, when I ' into sitors we noticed Messrs. Pheasant, E. D. Warrington, Pea- and fi • .this come a stranger cock, Notter, and several gentlemen of the Committee of first visited this spot, though things were not then Exeter Hall. The company parted at a late hour, highly gra- feetso good as they had been two years before, it was a per- Exeter with the arrangements made by the Proprietors of the hive of industry. I saw nothing about me but the above Tavern for their comfort. sins of busy men, well employed, for you had even then Wednesday forenoon a grand military inspection and, . a good dem. and by the sides of the canal were piles Scrubs, in took place on W o rmwood the presence of Field of timber and iron, that seemed to promise employment to 11 Marshal general Lord Hill, Commander of the Forces; Field Now I a 'our population for five years to come. _ ~ Marshal his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, K. C. 8.; ask, where are they ? I see now the signs of decaying Field Marshal his Grace the Duke of Wellington, Lords Corn- trade, of sinking industry. There is the same fine spirit bermere, Cardigan, Beresford, De Roos, &c., Sir C. Dal- which animatedyou then, —there are the same ands, bias, K. C.B. ; Sir Hussey Vivian, Master- General of the with the same intelligence and power of mind, to guide Ordnance, Colonel Clement Hill, and a large field of mili- and direct them in useful labours, —but all your efforts tary officers of various grades, and a numerous attendance of are neutralized by the unhappy laws of our country. the nobility and persoansof e ver y c l ass . Th e regiments in- N ow , I want to inculcate the necessity of sinking some spected were they oy I h Horse Gua r d s (Bl ue ) f rom Knights- ' minor differences of opinion on abstract po . ints, that pre bridge Barracks, dt e second R eg i ment o f. Lif e G uar d, , •1 We have in our town, in „our own posi from the Regent-park Barracks. -, vat among us. in his own house, at his own door, 1 tion every man has, THE LORD LIEUTENANT.—His Excellency about his own hearth —the outward and visible signs of took his departure this afternoon, for Ilfracombe in A i or...ertohe decaying, profit and trade. And even in that trade which present at his father's funeral, on Thursday next, the 24th in- is the last to fill otf—that trade which may subsist for a stant. His Excellency, who was accompanied by Mr. Ma tthew while when others are gone to decay—the trade of pro- Fortescue, jun., sailed on board the Sprightly "st e steamer. His viding absolutely necessary food, the first necessary of Excellency returns to Dublin on Saturday..- - -D i dg a i n E v ening life for the people—in that trade the property is dete post, Tueodil, ' riorated to such a degree, in consequence of the small 1 supply - Of food brought - to - market; - that-for several miles round Sheffield, the flour-mills are working short time. What does this mean but short commons for every poor man in Sheffield—short commons for every man's wife and children, as well as for himself ? What does this prove, but that our fatal commercial policy is at the present time working its natural and necessary results on distant markets, that, one by one, your foreign customers are dropping off—the mer chants around me, are seeing that orders dwindle away 0 their hands, till they are forced to dismiss deserving and ;2telligent workmen, with whom it has been their Unless we can put a period to thi s pride to mainta i n a connection, during a l ong lif e o f useful industry ? • and intelligent commu elerme state of things, ruin and de unhappy and unwt., had pleasure in finding here cay menace this most La.: servin g. they have ever done, nity.—(Cheers.) I hav e eir . opinions like men. our Chartist opponents, meet ul s, r own friends gallantly in in the field, and fought tt: ant : honestly, and r ,:ints we They are not the men to desert the: to those in cause they are falling, but manfully, stoutly stretch out the hand of fellowship distress. It matters not now on what minor may differ. There are certain great which we may honestly concur, and on which conga: - practical poin:s on rence is necessary to our safety.—(Cheers.) You scot what we have come to. I told you in my address, that I consider the Reform Bill to be on its trial, as much as the Ministry or the House of Commons. What ever we may come to, two years hence, we must try first whether we have the power to carry good and useful measures with the machinery now at our disposal. If we have not that power, you will have an additional right to call upon these gen tlemen who represent the middle class, and who hold in their hands the elective -power—you will have an addi tional right to call upon them to concur with you in demanding such a change in our institutions, as may give the power to carry good measures, whatever party may introduce them into the Legislature.—(Loud cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, Mr. Parkes said, very justly,—and I heard his observations with great plea sure,—what credit could be given for good faith to the measures of the Ministers, after the absurd decla ration which Lord Melbourne had made some time ago? My Honourable Friend says, if Lord Melbourne were here he would give an ingenious answer. I believe he would be puzzled give a good one.—(Laughter.) I apprehend he could - obi; tel you that he finds him self a wiser man this year lie was last, and that he is convinced 'it is necessary, -b...711%. our diminished markets and the increase of Ananciat- cumbrances; - to overcome his original repugnance to tho:e measures. , He has, however, given way entirely to the Zrmvi"F necessities of the country ; and that, I appreheij, IS L the only reasonable explanation . of Lord Melbournb:s . conduct. You have the conduct of the Government be- , ; fore you. It is that of men risking office and place, and all you are accustomed to consider valuable, by bringing forward a budget which has arrgfed against them all the protected interests of this country. It is, therefore, the , duty of those who may be called the unprotected interests, to rally round any party that brings forward such honest measures, and to give them support in their endeavours to ' carry them. lain as little interested as any man can be in the proponderance of any party in the House of Com mons. I have nothing—l say it distinctly—to ask or seek, or hOpe, or Wish, from any Government that may come in. But when I see good measures brought forward, I do not care what distrust of the Government I may have had before, I take the measures, if reason, and inquiry:. and common sense tell me those measures arc good honest measures, measures that may conduce to the 'Wel fare of the people. I take the measures, caring nothing for the men, if they do not stand honestly by them.-- (Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, as I went into that part of the subject lamely yesterday, I do not intend to trouble you to-night with statistics or figures of any kind. But I wish to introduce, on these hustings, to the largest assembly he will ever get in Sheffield to listen to him, a. new Conservative candidate. The name, I suppose, by a misprint, appears as " William Sheppard ;" but, as a gentleman said below, the right name must be " Jack Sheppard."—(Laughter.) -111 tell you why. This Jack Sheppard means to take your parse, if you put him into Parliameut.—(Cheers.) Ido not mean to say that he will do so by putting a pistol to your iind, but he means to do so by his votes in the House of Commons ; and, on my honour, if you can read English; he tells you so pretty plainly. In the first place, he says, "1 avpw myself a Conservative, in the spirit of true ,Conserva tism." You ought to know this William Sheppard belongs to that small Urquhart . Party ' that I told you, • yesterday, you might put illto a band-box. He is one of those Conservative gentletL'en who p; about the country with Mr. Urquhart, and, nt't being liked at other places, having tried Bewdley tit, : succeeded, he comes to Sheffield, because anything is dough for Sheffield, you know.—(Cheers snd I to o t o- I. Lr.• says, he " looks with intense anxiety at our &Newer:ill rel.:tions ; sense, by but he insults your common (el, IL: a previous paragraph, that he is " opposed to thel6Wket of the day—that he is twosed to an alteration in the CA_Tain- lots, unaccompanied hy any antidote for the destruetlem of vested rights." What vested right can there possibly be in the Corn-laws It dates only from 1829. When we talk of vested rights,. we mean something of long, ancient,. and venerable exist ence, whether ft have any basis of riz-ht or not. But in this 'low there is nothing ancient or venerable. It is but a mischieietas Act of Parliament, ten yeirrs of age, and it may be repeenad, and rill be repealed, the moment you command a tittsority in the House of Conunons. This anxious gentleman says, that "if iaced in the proud position of being elect 4. one of your' itii"iabers," —" it will be his constant aim U,4 enlarge the sphere of our commercial revenues, and to remove impedissent " whether from errors or abuses, that enol.‘a:n its polders. I hold the greatest legislative error in this country to be the act that - rruricts the food of the BriOsh people— - (Cheers) —and if lie wishes to extend the sphere of in dustry; that must be the first to fall. I tell you that the man who comes forward with these two paragrj* in one address, either does not kriosl;, his own mind—i'os no clear idea of what he puts forth,' or else he has the nicest: complete contempt for your intelligence, and mean.'. tie signedly and wilfully to mislead you. But I knovv the people of Sheffield too well to suppose they will be mislal by the trash in this paper.—(Loud cheering., What extending markets can you have, if you'x shut out the produce of three-fifths . of the ;world; r from your own market ? What can the Gofer). - ment do under such circumstances ? Go where you will. —to Germany, to the United States, to any part of the world, and talk of their relaxing duties—of exteadiag their intercourse with England, and their first. axxwex will be, " Look at home, Gentlemen. Practise • you preach. Look at your own Corn-laws. What ham we to give you for your goods, if you will not allow us; to send you the produce of our soil ?" And we. refuse to do that, at the time when our people are stintod for bread—when in Manchester and Bolton, as I saw stud in the papers to-day, the children of the operatives :re following the carts of grain from the brewhouses, to piec up the few scattered grains for their subsistence.— (" Shame !" "Look to the Government for that.") Look to the Government ! When have I ever voted for the Corn-laws ?Do not come to me with these abstract no tions again, to disturb the unanimous feeling of this meet- . ing.—(Cheers.) Look to practical things. If, with the present machinery, you cannot carry what is essential to the well-being of every industrious man, then look further. But I say now that I believe these changes can be made. We are engaged in a great struggle with all the protected interests. If the unprotected are disor ganised—if they do not choose to act well together—if they permit abstract opinions to separate them—if they are divided among themselves, the protected interests will put their feet on your necks for seven years, and keep you down till you are steeped in poverty, and they in volved with you in one common ruin. —(Cheers.) A person inquired Mr. Ward's opinion about permit ting the export of the raw material of manufactures, such as steel ? Mr. WARD replied—You cannot put on prohibitions yourselves, if you claim free trade with other countries- You cannot have prohibitions in your own favour, and claim exemption from those in favour of others. Give fair play ? ,.cake off every unfair pressure, and you can stand conipetitien with any other country in the world ; and I ShOnld b4`ieip thfich ashamed for my intelligent and industrious cutintrymen, if I did not know that to be the faa. ..1 " Will you vote for the separation of Church and State ?" Mr. WARD—NO. HENRY PRYOR asked if Mr. Ward would Tote for the Re?eal of the Union with Ireland ? Mr. WARD replied he would not, he should as solon think of voting for the separa tion of Scotland, or Wa. es, or Yorkshire. Mr. PARKER concurred in the answer. persons had questions to ask, he declared the meetin g dissolved. •;,, • no other The CHAIRMAN then said, as it a pp eared TutN, v ote n of d seconded by Mr. PARKER ; and after three cheers for Free Trade, and three cheers for Parker and o n t h a nks to the. Chairman was moved hy_Mr. Ward, the immense meeting quietly broke up. --The following b A o ael i d l ia r r n a h g m m o s o d,. EN :Henley-on-Thames. A. TRAGICAL OCCUR n i melancholy wo rs,ey ,s farm, about circumstance t w: o rors c a nom c n u di r ieve r rrsa e lesn d f, nsgoi Passing, sga l e l b e lu d y( n t t h e o s t e h d g a e Ya,.naeteit inmatesghl neighbourhood, s I man having the appearance of a ro navigator, had been observe ti hßetween six and seven he was seen during the afternoon, acting to b r eavke openry in a co n h d er e e n n t t e l r y. ab sent haymaking) by field, and and eight or nine boys and men went ,inbsytawnhtliych, and the parties in the found barricaded within. The man to the house, which theyd who was then in the house, filed a gun (he found on the pre mises), at them shot through thro ug t h h t e t h i window h . ear i t l: l a i h n b d era d t i e e l d y, of them ve others wounded m their flees; the door was then forced three lye the others, when he threw a bill-hook at the first person -'which, fortunately , missed • who entered, a powerful person s and armed with a pick-axe, he closed and • s sho secured him, and, with other help, finally conveyed him to the gaol at Wargrave. To-day he was to be examined by Major A'Court, and other Berkshire Magistrates, though of his in sanity there can he little question. Street was a very indus trious man, and has left a wife and five children, and it is re markable that he had been, on the previous Sunday, to Mouls ford, a village ten miles distant, to see his sister-in-law, and on his return home on Monday evening he told his wif,. he had. a most dreadful dream, and he was sure something would hap pen to him. His wife begged him not, t o trouble himself about. it, but he was so dejected, and the linpression so strong on his mind, that he was unable to cat and drink the next evening, when the fatal event took place. BERLIN, JUNE 13.—Our King,,,who, two Or three years ago, derived so much benefit .'tom the use of the waters of Marienbad, did not follow the advice of his physician to go there again last summer, because the pressure of business was so „rest at the commencement of his reign. This year he will rArain from visiting that place, though it was partly resolved that he should go. The King will go this week to Magdeburg, to be present at a ceremony which is to take place in the neighbour hood, in honour of the late Field-Marshal Gneisenau, who was a Roman Catholic. His Majesty seems not yet to have come to any resolution respecting his vi • . sit to the ti Rhenish provinces this year. . , ING ED IT iON HE S