The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-05 00:00:00

EVENING- EDITION IRELAND, REPEAL ASSOCIATION. unts, MAY' 1 A letter from Mr. O'Connell was read at the weekly meet ing of th 3 Repeal Association, held at the Corn Exchange this day. W e su bj o i n some extracts from it : " TO THE LOYAL NATIONAL REPEAL ASSOCIA TION OF IRELAND. onclon, Ist MR,y, 18 , 1 1: " tieteditary bondsmen! know " ye L not, Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ? "Is there no bairn in Gilead ? Is there no hope for Ire land? Out of her own limits, none. Beyond her own people, trt?ne. None, I say, save from the intellect, energy, arid pa rietism of Ireland herself. Th " First, Ireland has no 'sing are the facts. _les-7-she has every,ning of good to expect from the To of evil to expect from them. The in flaming of - varty zeal, and the excitement of religious rancour 7 - the swelling the magistracy with every interested or yin tent oppressor —the filling the Bench in the Superior carts with dexterous but malignant, plausible but persever alg partisans, who will mingle political preferences with all the infatuated kcal of religious animosity. The nomination Qf party Sheriffs the packing of party Juries—the selecting jurymen merely because they are sure to convict, Whether the innocent or the guilty—the insecurity of life and r'nße'ty, the d es t ruct i on of the franchise. But why should I '1 ' tin what is known to everybody ? The entire may be in cluded in one sentence. If the Tories come into power, there nOt unc single oppression that can gratify the avarice or ma 'grntY of a re l ent l ess party, or that can grind the faces of the People to the earth, that will not be the familiar practice of every -day life in Ireland. " S econdly. The elements of Toryism in England are to be found in the aristocratic contempt of popular rights, and the *elfish desire of the peculation that attends misgovernment. Thirdly. To these are to be added, in the case of Slreland, the vicious but l active stimulants of anti-Irish preju udice, and violent religious bigotry. , " Fourthly. The great majority of the English people be mug to the 'retry party, and where they are not sufficiently strong for purposes of mischief, their deficiency of force is made tip by the accession of the torch and dagger Chartists. " Fifthly. There is in England no party favourable to Ireland. Even among those Who call themselves Liberals and Radicals there are to be found many and many who prefer their own wretched conceits and cr,,tchets to the interests of Ireland. "Sixthly. The Queen—God bless her—is anxious to have aqual justice done to Ireland. She has not power eno , lgh to be able to obtain it. " Seventhly. The Queen's Ministers are anxious to obtain sense justice to Ireland, but they have not power to obtain it. Eighthly. There is no fact more certain and undisguised than that the majority of the House of Lords will not suffer any lae.v.ure useful t o I re l an d to b e carried into operation. " What, then are the people of Inland waiting for? A man Would be wiser who should seat himself near the rapids of Killaloe, waiting until the e nti re wa t ers o f t h e Shannon had passed by. " What, then, are the people of Ireland waiting for ? Is it Ile see whether Stanley's Bill will lass? He is a very unwise roan in his rancorous hostility to Ireland, else he would cease to press that Bill for this simple reason—that it is totally un necessary. The franchises in our counties are expiring of themselves ; they are going out with a rapidity almost incalcu lable. They do not require Stanley's extinguisher. I have examined the Parliamentary papers carefully, and I am tho roughly convinced that, in all the counties in Ireland taken together, there could ant be brought to the poll so many as 25,000 voters. Not 25,000 voters for a population of 8,500,000. " Alas ! alas ! if the repeal agitation had been hitherto as etensive an d as energet i c as it ought to have been, Ireland ould not be in the prostrate oondition in which she is at pre sent placed. Those who have hitherto discountenanced the Only available agitation, may be (and many of them are), ex ceedingly well-intended persons, but hell itself is paved with good intentions, and Ireland is writhing under the Tory lash by reason of the misconduct of persons of good intentions. " There are some in England, as well as in Ireland, who as sert that there is another remedy besides the repeal, and that it is to be found in a combination of the Reformers of the three countries. This opinion is maintained by Mr. Sharman Craw ford end Mr. Ross, of Rosstrevor, amongst others in Ireland and by Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Marshall, amongst others, in England. But un f or t unate l y t h e " others " in Ireland are not very numerous, and in England are very few indeed. " The plan proposed by the gentlemen whom I have re spectfully named, is a combination' of the reformers of Eng land, Ireland, and Scotland, and the plan is said to be plausible and practical. I admit that it is plausible, but unhappily I am compelled to deny that it is practical. " It is with unfeigned anguish I say that the number of real Reformers in England and Scotland is too small to render any Such combination practically useful, even if it could be (which I believe it could not ,be) actually formed. The Tories, of course, are not Reformers. The Chartists are not real Re formers: some of the most active and influential among them have joined the Tories. The Whigs are scarcely Reformers : and the Radicals —Heaven help them !—are too busy, abusing all but themselves, and are too full of crotchets and fantasies, to be practical reformers. " There is not the last hope in any effort for reform in Eng land, or for redress in Ireland, but in the Repeal agitation—. AftIiLLAH, THEN, FOR THE REPEAL ! " I have the honour to be your faithful servant, "DANIEL O'CONNELL." - - - PETE DAY OF THE KING OF THE FRENCH, AND CHRISTENING OF THE COMTE DE PARIS. (From Galignani's Messenger.) On Saturday, on oceasion of his Majesty's fete day, the King received the officers of his household and of those of the other members of the Royal Family, the Ministers and Marshals of Trance ; the grand deputation of the Peers and Deputies; the members of the courts of law, the Institute, and various other public bodies and functionaries. At four o'clock his Majesty received the corps diplomatique. Congratulatory addresses Were as usual delivered to his Majesty on this occasion, and the King made to each suitable replies. CHRISTENING OF THE COMTE DE PARIS. By eight o'clock on Sunday morning many persons who had received tickets for the interior of Notre Dame had taken their places within the cathedral, and by half-past nine all the galle ries were fully occupied. By ten the members of the Chambers and public bodi es h a d ta k en the i r seats. In the centre, in front of the choir, was placed a Roman altar, arranged for the cere teeny. On the right, a little in front, was fixed a dais of crim son velvet and gold, in the form of a dome, and surmounted by a Royal crown. The aspect of the interior was on the whole very striking. Each pillar was covered with a velvet drapery, bearing heraldic emblazonments, on one side a gilt shield, marked with the initial of the Comte de Paris, and on the other another shield, wiih two angels sustaining a coronet. The great Gobelins' carpet was used on this occasion, and had a magnificent effect. Detachments of troops and national guards, with a strong force of sergens de ville, kept the place, in front of the cathedral, and at various points along the quays of the lle de la Cite. At 11 o'clock discharges of artillery announced the departure of the Royal cortege from the Tuileries, which took the line of the quays and the Pont Neuf to the cathedral. In the fist carriage were their Majesties, the Duke and Duchess of Orleans, and the Comte de Paris ; the other members of the Royal family and the Court followed in 13 carriages ; and the whole was escorted by detachments of mounted national and municipal guards, cuirassiers, and chasseurs. Their Majesties were ereetee with loyal acclamations all along their passage. Soon after eleven the Royal carriage reached the entrance of Notre Dame, and the Archbishop at the head of his clergy, with all ' the rectors of Paris, received their M jesties as they alighted. Bis Majesty declined using the canopy which had been prepared for him, and the clergy advanced in procession to the altar, followed by the Royal cortege to the sound of the drums, and a brilliant march executed by the organ. The King and the Royal Family advanced, saluting the different bodies of the State, towards the reserved place fronting the altar, which had been prepared for the ceremony near the railing of the choir. On the right of his Majesty were the King of the Belgians, the Duke of Orleans, the Prince de Joinville, Duke de Monpensier, and the Duke Alexander of Wurtem burg ; and on his left were the Queen, the Queen of the Belgians, the Duchess of Orleans, Duchess of Ne wiours, Princess Clementine, Madame Adelaide, and the Grand Duchess of Illecklenburg. The King wore the uniform of the national guard. The King of the Bel pans and the Royal Dukes were in full military costume. The Queen and the Princesses, as well as all the Ladies of the Court, were in full dress, with feathers and diamonds. On either side of the Royal party were placed the Ministers, the Peers, th e C ouncil of State, the members of the corps diplo ?statique, the marshals and admirals, members of the Chamber of Deputies, the Prefect of the Seine at the head of the mu nicipal body, and the prefect of police. Round the altar stood the three Cardinals, the archbishops of Rouen and Lyons, and the bishop of - Arras, with all the suffragans of the See of Paris and the bishop elect of Evreux. The Patriarch of Antioch was also among the crowd o f di gn i tar i es, clad in a purple Le vantine costume of great splendour. Their Majesties the King and Queen stood as sponsors for the Count de Paris, who, when asked his name by the archbishop, replied distinctly to the question. His Royal Highness was observed frequently to kiss his governante. The act of christening was then signed by the King and other members of the Royal family, after which the archbishop, cardinals, the suffragan bishops, and all the clergy in procession, conducted their Majesties to the grand `entrance. PRESENTATION OF THE SWORD. At half-past one o'clock the Municipal Council of Paris, with the Mayors of the twelve arrondissements, and their Deputies, headed by the Prefect of the Seine, entered the Throne-room of the Tuileries, where they were received by the King, Queen, the Duke and Duchess of Orleans, with the Comte de Paris, the King and Queen of the Belgians, and the rest lof the Royal Family, Marshal Soult, and the other Ministers. The Comte de Rambuteau, the Prefect, demanded permission of his Majesty to present to the Comte de Paris the sword which had been voted to the Prince by the city. His Majesty then took the Comte de Paris by the hand, and, presenting him to the Municipality, said—" Give your band to the Prefect, in token of your giving it to the whole city of Paris.". This was done and greeted by acclama tions of ".Vivo le Roi !" from the whole of the members of the Municipal Council. The Queen, the Duke and th e Duches s o f O r l eans having thanked the Municipal Coun cil, the Royal party retired. The persons who remained pressed round the rich and splendid present, every one admiring the taste and beauty of its ornaments, and the skill with which they were wrought. The hilt is surmounted by a royal crown, supported by four genii; the base rests on two small figures seated in a shell, and between them is a lion couchant. On each side of the hilt are two upright figures, one representing Force, and the other, Wisdom. Around the guard is entwined a serpent. In the middle, the three national colours are re presented by a diamond, a ruby, and a sapphire ; above these is prmsdly perched the Gallic cock on a tricoloured ring. The rest of the guard is formed by the figure of a Chimera uniting with the crown at the pommel. On the shell, between the hilt and the blade, the Count de Paris is represented reposing in his cradle, which is made in the form of the galley, the ar morial bearing of the city, protected by two figures, one repre senting the city, the other, Fortune, with the inscription, " Dieu le conduira.":On the right side of the blade is written, " Au Comte de Paris sa nine notae, 24 Aunt, 1638." THE ROYAL BANQUET. This took place at five o'clock. An immense table-ran the whole length of the Gallerie Louis Philippe., His Majesty had the Queen of the Belgians on his right hand, and the Duchess of Orleans on his left. The Queen was seated between the King of the Belgians on her right, and the Cardinal Bishop of Arras on her left. Another table, in the horse-shoe form, was laid in the Salle des Marechaux, at which the Duke of Orleans presided, having the Minister of Foreign Affairs on his right, and the Prefect of the Seine on his left. The Duke de , Montpensier and Duke Alexander of Wurtemberg had seats at this table. The Prince de Joinville presided over a third table in the Salon de la Paix, supported by Admiral Du h erre and Marslial Vallee. The total numbe r of guests at the three table s was 350, composed of the Presidents, Vice-Presi dents, and Secretaries of the two Chambers, the Ministers anti Marshals, the Staffs of the National Guard and the garrison, Prefect Deputies, and Municipal Councillor s of P g. sris the Prefect of the Seine, and the Police, the Staff f the 11.1unici pal Guard, and other o ffi cial and distinguished personages. The bangeet lasted till seven o'clock. RONT/ERS OF ITALY, APRIL 20.--. We earn from Torin that the King, accompanied by the Duke of Saxony, left that city on the 13th to go to Genoa, and thenc e a the-aad of Sardi n i a, to see with his own eyes "hat may be 43.0110- to.prmuote the prosperity of that island. Ths num aer o soldiers sent to their homes has been much increased of 441 WI the whole the reductions meant to 18,000 men. COURT OF ALDERMEN. Vey rday a Court was hold for the despatch of business. Mr. EDWARD WoournotteE, the son of the Town Clerk of the Corporation of London, was unanimously elected to the office of Surveyor of the Eastern Division of the City. There were five candidates, all of whom were highly re commended, ALL ED EFF ECTS OF THE SILENT AND SOLITARY SYSTEM IN THE PENITENTIARY. After the Sheriffs had presented the customary prison returns to the Court, Sir PETER LAURIE rose to call the attention of the members to a subject which he considered to be one of the very greatest importance. They were much indebted to Alderman Copeland fur having obtained from the House of Commons the returns connected with the Penitentiary prison in Milbank. These returns were calculated to frighten any humane mind, showing, as they did, the dread ful effects of the silent and solitary system acted upon in that place of confinement. From them it appeared that four persons in the year 1838, three in 1839, and five in 1840 had been sent from the Penitentiary to the Bethlem Hospital in consequence of insanity, occasioned by that sort of infliction. Alderman THOMAS WOOD asked whether the insanity of the prisoners enumerated was reported to have arisen from their confinement? Sir P. LAURIE read the heading of the returns., which stated as follows—" Returns of the number of prisoners sent to the Penitentiary in each of the last five years; of prisoners removed on the groand of insanity during the same period ; to what asylum removed, and the time of imprisonment in the Penitentiary previous to such removal, &c. &c." He was glad that the question had been asked. He had found in the reports of Bethlein Hospital, of which he was President, that no insane persons ha , l been received there from any other prison. Although the annual average of prisoners confined in the Penitentiary was 361, while the annual average of pi iioners confined in Coldtath-fields prison was from 1.300 to 1,500, it was, be thought, fair to rrason upon such premises that the system to which he alluded, and which was adopted in no other prison, pro duced the dreadful malady amongst their miserable fellow creatures.—( Hear, hear.) Alderman HUMPHERT complained that Sir Peter Laurie so positively attributed the insanity to causes which the returns moved for by Alderman Copeland did not so much as allude to. S r PETER LAURIE declared that the contrast between the Penitentiary arra all the other prisons on the subject of insanity, left no room for doubt as to the cause. The case he brought before the Court was strengthened by the re. turns which were mad 2 to him last night of the number of persons received in Betblem Hospital from the Peniten tiary from the month of March to the month of May in the present year, from which returns it apFea,ed that five un fortunate creatures had been added to the list.—(Hear, bear, hear.) He did not place much confi,lence in the opinion expressed by Mr. Hewes, that the existence of the malady amongst these individuals was to be traced to hereditary sources; for if there were grounds for that belief, how did it happen that the disease never exhibited itself in any other prison in the metropolis? He felt it to be his duty to call upon the Sheriff to take care that whatever regula f ons might be adopted as to the government of Newgate no punishment should be resorted to which was calculated to destroy the mind. He called too upon the Magistracy of England to extend their humane guardianship to the unhappy criminals, and interfere to prevent the awful in fliction of madness as the penalty of offence.—(Hear, hear.) It was but the other day he heard that five women who bad been sent from the Penitentiary to the hulks be came insane by the extraordinary nature of the contrast between the former place and the open air of Heaven. Alderman LUCAS had as little respect as Sir Peter Laurie entertained for the opinion given as to the opera tion of hereditary causes is the instances of mental malady enumerated in the returns. All the medical men with whom he had conversed on the subject of solitary im prisonment declared, tha: if carried to excess it would lead to insanity.—(Hear, hear.) The officers in the Army, who were obliged frequently to have recourse to Courts-martial, acted invariably upon the belief of the pernicious effects of long solitary confinement, and in sen tencing delinquents appointed intervals to counteract its baneful operation. It had been ascertained, too, that a round cell was more likely to produce insanity in the tenant than a square cell. Humanity directed that these peculiarities should be attended to. Indeed, so strongly was he impressed with the idea that excessive solitary confinement was productive of the worst consequences, that when he was a abort time ago Visiting Magistrate at Newgate, upon finding that two women were undergoing their sentence of a month's solitary imprisonment, be ap pl ed to the Lord Mayor and obtained a remission of the " solitary" portion of their sentence, after they bad suf. fered it eleven days. That occurred, too, in a prison in which, from the close neighbourhood of the cells, it scarcely could be said that solitary imprisonment could be carried into effect. Alderman T. Woon said that be was perfectly aware of the importance of the subject, but it appeared to him that Sir Peter Laurie was premature in attributing the cases of insanity which bad been quoted to causes which were by no means to be traced in the returns presented to the Court.—( Hear, heat.) He certainly did believe that excessive solitary confinement had a pernicious influence upon the mind, and that if any regulations existed by virtue of which such a penalty was inflicted, means should be taken to procure a revision of them. It struck him that in appropriating punishments the constitution of the indi vidual condemned should, together with many other cir cumstances, be taken into account, for there were some to whom solitary imprisonment would he a boon, while o others it woad be a source of desperate exasperation.— ( Hear ' bear.) He was not qu i te conv i nce d t h at Sir Peter Laurie was right in attributing the insanity of the persons to whom allusion had been made to excessive solitary confinement in the Penitentiary. Although there might have been a great mai rity of prisoners confined in Cold Bath Fields or Clcrkenwell, the class of prisoners in the Penitentiary might be much worse. One thing., at any rate, appca ed evident, from tie consideration of the question, with regard to the latter prison. The Magis tracy, and not the Government, ought to exercise gaol control.—( Hear, hear.) He understood that, in the Pe nitentiary, a prisoner doomed to solitary confinement, was not permitted to utter a word,—that the very moving of the fees, so as to disturb the silence, was punished by some additional penalty,--that, in chapel, the prisoner's head ',las to be kept in a certain position,--and, worst of all, that the seat on which the unfortunate wretcb.was to rest himself was so constructed, that he became actually picketed. It was not, he considered, fair to a'- sume that the cases of insanity, to which Sir Peter Laurie referred, had been caused by the solitary confinement to which the prisoners in the Penitentiary were subjected. He wished to get at the true cause which mi g ht b e compoun d ed of a variety of matters harsh and intolerable in their combina tion.—( Hear, hear.) It was certainly time to institute an inquiry, but materials ought to be obtained before a flat as• sertion was made, which, after all, was very liable to be contradicted by those who had the best means of ascertain ing the fact. Solitary confinement might be judiciously applied in some cases, but it was to be regulated by the circumstances of each particular case.—( Hear.) Sir M. Woon said that the strong fact of the reception into Bethlem Hospital of insane persons from the Peniten. tiary applied to no other persons whatever, and therefore the inference drawn by Sir Peter Laurie was quite natu ral. It was horrible that out of so small a number so many instances of insanity occurred. To be sure a note appended to the returns stated that five out of the thirteen sentenced were insane before they en tered the Penitentiary. There were, however, no accounts of the transfer of persons from other gaols to Bethlem, and it appeared that even Newgate WkB a stranger to those afil cted by the malady. He was de. sirous cf having returns from all the prisons of the metro. polls, and then the Court could make a remonstrance on the subject to the Government, who would, he had no doubt, pay the necessary attention to a matter involving so many important consequences._—( Hear, hear.) Sir Matthew Wood ended by expressing a hope that the re turns procured by Alderman Copeland would be referred to the Gaol Committee. Sir P. LAURIE said that there was the more necessity for immediate exertion, as the Government was building a model prison on the plan of the Penitentiary. The great est enemy of mankind was man, and he hoped that the Members of Parliament present would allude to the ques tion in their places in the House of Commons. Sir C. S. HUNTRR suggested the propriety of sending the Sheriff to communicate with the Government on the subject. Alderman HUMPHERY thought that Sir Peter Laurie was influenced in no small degree by the spirit of exagge ration, fur in alluding to the cases of insanity contained In the returns, he had omitted the many years in which no case of insanity at all had been sent to Bethlem from the Penitentiary. It was an act of injustice to the Governor of the Prison to jump at once to the conclusion that by the mode of punishment adopted there the unfortunate inmates were liable to insanity.—( Hear, hear.) It was not very pro bable that a respectable man would set to work to con vert his prisoners into patients for 8ed1am,...( Hear, hear.) He (Alderman Humphery) Weil knew the meaning of Sir Peter Laurie's outcry at the present moment, The Worthy Knight's object was to make himself popular, and to show to the public, by calling solemnly on the Members of Parliament present, what minty things he would himself accomplish if he only ir.a a seat in the same place.-- ( Much laughter.) Hut the Members of Parliament and the other Members of the Court of Aldermen had every atom as much humanity and sympathy for the suf ferings of their fellow•creatures as Sir Peter Laurie had. It was perfectly ridiculous to suppose otherwise,— ( Laughter.) To show such an inference as Sir Peter had deduced from the returns was in his opinion most un fair arid unreasonable. It would be necessary before they came to any conclusion to have returns as to the treat ment to which the 13 individuals whose cases were re ferred to had been subjected. Sir PETER Lame repeated the contrast between the number confined in the Penitentiary and those confined in other prisons, and defied any man in his senses to draw any other conclusion than that the insanity was caused by the atrocious system of solitary and silent imprisonment. Alderman Lucas said that It was natural for mankind to combine against such a erinc'ple as that against which he was raising his voice—the Bastille owed its destruction to the abhorrence which the people of France entertained for solitary imprisonment.--( Hear, hear.) Alderman GMBS said that it was no part of the duty cf the Sheriffs to remonstrate with the Government on the subject of prisons over which they had no control— ( Hear, hear.) The Sheriffs had power in Newgate, cer tainly ; but what could they do in the Penitentiary ? He begged to say, with reference to the two women of whom Alderman Lucas had spoken, that they had been ordered into solitary confinement for having threatened to do in jury to an individual who had given information of a de sign to escape from prison, and that so far from being re strained by this salutary system, they talked so loudly and incessantly as to disturb all who wanted repose.— (A laugh,) - After a few words from other members, the discussion was arljourned until the next Court day, when Alderman Copeland, who was unavoidably absent upon the present occasion, will attend to explain his views entheinbject.: IMPROVEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. SlR,—The inclosed letter—in answer to the strong as sertions made in the Northern Star, of the 17th and 24th of April, by the Rev. W. Hill, Editor, and Mr. Feargus O'Connor, Proprietor, against the persons who signed the Address of Messrs. Lovett, Collins, and others, for the formation of a " National Association for promoting the Political and Social Improvement of the People"—having been refused insertion for a week (though it reached Leeds on Wednesday evening last), that no antidate should be supplied to their unjust calumnies against the signers of the Address, if you can spare room fir it, or any p o rtion of it, you will, by inserting it in your popular and widely-circulated Journal, serve the cause of truth and justice, and greatly oblige a number of calumniated men. Your's obediently and respectfully, HENRY HETHERINGTON. Queen's Bench, May I. FEARGUS O'CONNOR v. THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL IMPROVEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. A REPLY TO THE CALUMNIES OF THE NORTHERN STAR. TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR. Queen's Bench, April 27, 1841. Sir,—ln the Northern Star of the 17th inst., and again last week, you have thought proper to animadvert upon the Address issued by Messrs. Lovett, Collin-, and others, for the formation of a National Associati rn for promoting the Political and Social Improvement of the People. You have, I regret to say, performed your duty with a flippancy unbecoming the occasion, and a disregsrd of truth unworthy of a professed advocate of the principles of the People's Charter. You commence first by falsely asserting " that this As sociation is of O'Connell, Hume, and Roebuck's concoc tion." With respect to your second assertion, I will not presume to question your prophetic capabilities, though you have, in this instance, published a false prediction. What will the people think, Sir, of a public writer in the cause of democracy who can commence with a wilful perversion of the truth—aye, a wilful perversion? Did not the Editor of the Northern Star, some months ago, receive a copy of " CHARTISM," written by Lovett and Collins in Warwick Gaol, in which a National Association is proposed, and the rules for governing such an Associa tion are submitted for public approbation ? Did not the Editor publicly promise to review that work ?—and did he not, when he found the work had elicited the approbation of all good Chartists, and even of the opponents of Chartism, meanly break his promise by never noticing it? The Editor of the .Northern Star knew full well, when lie made the assertion, that Lovett and Collins's " Chartism" not only contained a proposal to form a Na tional Association, but defined its objects and contained its rules; and now that it is intended to reduce the pro posal to practice, he meanly attempts to rob th• se worthy men of the honour they are justly entitled to from their labours in the people's cause, by basely asserting that it " is of O'Connell, Hume, and Roebuck's concccion." This may accord with the Northern Star " Chaitism,' . but it will suit no man with a spark of honour and honesty in his composition. The Editor of the Northern Star, through ignorance, is confounding that which emanates from Lovett and Col lins's " Cemerissi" with an Association projected, and then about to be formed, by Dr. Black, Mr. Place, and others, among the liberal and enlightened of the middle classes, to adopt and carry forward Mr. Hume's plan of House held and Lodger Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments, Voting by Ballot, No Property Qualification, Payment of Mern hers, and Equal Electoral Districts. The intention was to form an Association exclusively of the middle class, that would co-operate with the Chartists in all just and laudable measures for extending the rights and liberties of the unenfranchised millions, and in improving their intel lectual, social, and moral condition. Mr. Hume, and those who act with him, thought that the working classes might be inclined to adopt so large a measure of re form—little less, in fact, than the whole Charter— if it were fairly and honestly submitted to their , consideration, and wished to ascertain whether the Char tists would join an Association formed for the purpose of carrying Charter Suffrage, without adhering to the name of the Charter. He requested an interview with Messrs. Lovett, Cleave. Watson, Hetherington, Collins, and l i Vincent. The two latter not being in town, could not attend, but had a subsequent interview with Mr. Hume on the subject. Three of the former, Lovett, Cleave and Hetherington, attended. Lovett and Cleave would not yield the name of the Charter—they thought that Mr. Hume's Lodger Suffrage was a large advance towards the Charter, but would not consent to aid a new agi tation for anything less than the Charter, or for any thing not bearing the name. I differed with my friends, and thought Mr. Hume's proposition so good and so extensive, that, though I would never abandon the agi tation for the Charter, yet, if I saw any prospect of carrying Mr. Hume's plan immediately, I would give it my best exertions, as I considered it, in fact, the Charter with another name. Messrs. Lovett and Cleave both set their faces against the plan, as did also Collins and Vincent at a subsequent interview ; and Mr. Hume then said that nothing could be done, and both parties must, therefore, take their own course. Your conduct, Sir, in reference to this " New Move," refl cts little credit on you as a public writer. You are evidently destitute of that democratic spirit of freedom and equality which is essential in an advocate of the rights of the people. When the Working Men's Association put forth an Address to the people of Ireland, inviting their co-operation with the Chartists:, a copy of the Address was sent round to all the Associations that we knew of, inviting the signature of their Chairmen or Secretaries—if the Ad dress met their approbation, and their suggestions and cor rections if it did not. The Northern Star then highly approved of the course taken to ootain unity and sentiment, and to give it publicity. The same course now meets with determined hostility. It is called a " secret more" to for ward an Address that reflects the highest honour on the head and heart of him who penned it, incl,sed in a letter commencing thus:—" Dear Sir,—The follow.. ing Address is intended to be submitted TO ALL THE LEADING CHARTISTS THROUGHOUT THE KINGDOM, in order to obtain their signatures, WHEN IT WILL BE PRINTED AND PUBLISHED AS THEIR JOINT ADORES'." This you call a secret move ! You may, by sophistry and falsehood delude the unthinking, and treacherously betray their cause, but you will make no impression on the com mon sense of the working people; your falsehood and in justice only tend to destroy the influence you once had by opening the eyes of the people to the real motives and objects of the conductors of the Northern Star. What can you truly and justly urge against the objects of this Association—this " Now Move," as you call it ? Aro you averse to the first object—" To establish in one general body persons of all creeds, classes, and opinions, who are desirous to promote the political and social improvement of the people ? Do you tear that it will admit some few honest men from the ranks of the middle class ? What do you call Mr. Feargus O'Connor? Is he not a middle class man ? What right have you, then, tl assume that Mr. Feargus O'Conner embodies in his own person all the ho nesty and intelligence of his class ? There are thousands of good men among the middle class besides Mr. O'Con nor, who are desirous of promoting the political and social improvement of the people, but are deterred from co-ope rating for the attainment of that object by the unprincipled conduct of the conductors of the Northern Star. Our Asso ciation opens the door to them if they are disposed to enter. Is the Northern Star averse to the second object of the "New Move," " To create and extend an enlightened public Opinion IN FAVOUR OF THE PEorLa's CHARTER, and by every JUST and PEACEFUL means SECURE ITS ENACTMENT, SO that the industrious classes may be placed in possession of the franchise—the most important step to all political and social reformation." Or, is it only averse to the adoption ofjust and peaceful means for attaining the object? You, Mr. Editor, call this second object a " sprat to catch a mackerel." It strikes me, and I have no doubt many others also, that the tone and spirit of the Editorial articles in the Star tend to defeat the abject you have in view— instead of weakening the " New Move" you strengthen it, and ensure its success. What pretext can you rake up against this second object ? " Oh," you will exclaim, " we havo nothing to say against the CPJECTS, but there is al ready a National Charter Association in existence." There is no such thing in existence. Mr. O'Connor, indeed, has an Association, which is always talking about the Charter, but doing very little towards ensuring its triumph. If, then, you can find no valid-ground of objection to the OBJECTS of the New Association, why all this outcry against it ? Because you fear that some good may be ac complished by the " New Move ;" and you know. that just in proportion to its success in working out its ohj.cts will the influence of the Northern Star decline ; which, I am sorry to say, is upheld by delusion and the humbuggery of the people. Ought not Mr. O'Connor to blush to put forth such balderdash as is contained in his letter to this week's paper ? Ought he not to be ashamed of calling men "assassins" and "traitors" and " conspirato-s," whom you have been compelled to speak of, in the Star of the 10th of April, in the following language We make no charge against the six gentlemen whose names are appended to the document. We know some of them to be INCAPABLE OF ANYTHING DISHONEST OR DIS HONOURABLE ; and we know nothing to the contrary ot any of them." Any man who will take the trouble to read his long letter through—a letter " full of sound and fury, signifying nothing "—will immediately perceive that the cause of Chartism is to be sacrificed to the private and personal malignity of two as great political humbugs as ever figured iu the political arena. Unfortunately for the cause of Chartism, Feargus O'Connor is not satisfied with humbug. He makes the following assertion, in his letter in this week's paper : —" I have the evidence of a GENTLEMAN, of a gentleman of wealth, of honour, and of station, that this New Move' was concocted at Mr. Hume's, by Mr. Hume and Mr. Francis Place on their part, and by some of the signers of the New Prospectus upon YOUR PART." That is to say, on the part of the "fustian jackets, blistered hands, and un shorn chins of England, Scotland, and Wales, and the raged-backed, barefooted Irish." Mr. O'Connor has here asserted an untruth—he has said ' 5 the thing that is not;" and if be make the assertion on the evidence or authority " of a gentleman of wealth, of' honour, and of station," it is nevertheless a falsehood-- or, in the chaste language of the Northern Stnr—" A LIE !" Let Mr. O'Connor gave the gentleman's name —let him prove the truth of this assertion, or acknowledge that he has etist an imputation upon men not warranted by fact. The Northern Star. instead of promoting the success of the People's Charter, by endoavouring to heal animosi ' ties end - promote union among the people, is constantly Sneering at all those who have foe years been suffering for • the cause of liberty and equality —traducing the charac ters of men who have never, in an instance, done ohe act t to tarnish the cause of liberty i or flinched Under pefsetus tion and oppression when the honour of the people's cause I was to be sustained. The Northern Star begins now to feel the effects of its unprincipled conduct, in its declining influence; and hence its angry denunciation of the ‘ 4 New Move." Mr. i O'Connor and his Editor may sneer at political education, but a glance at the Star will show its absolute necessity before any good can be accomplished. Mr. O'Connor is welcome to the ten imbecile creatures who signed the ad , Jrtis.,and then withdrew their names. Do they 'not re 4:lutre instruction? When a , time of' trial or of perse cution arises, who would trust the ten poltroons who THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 5, 1841 I withdrew their names from th e a d m irable address of Lovett, Collins, and others, at the dictation of Feargus O'Connor ? Who would expect victory in any cause with an army of ten thousand such men ? Nay, if Mr. O'Connor's Association out-numbered the army of Xerxes, four or five hundred firm and honest men would defeat and rout the mighty host, if it were composed of such men as the ten seceders. In conclusion, let me tender the disinterested and patriotic proprietor of the Northern Star a word of advice. Cease to calumniate and traduce the characters of men quite equal to yourself in honour and honesty; don't expose yourself by calling up on th e p eop l e t o " throw the traitors overboard," or els e y our f ate ma y be a " watery grave." You are betraying th e p eo pl e no w by seeking to establish an odious despotism over t h e r i g hts and opinions of mea • but you mistake your powers if you imagine you will succeed. It I stand alone, I will resist your at tempt to coerce me into a submission to your will against my better judgment, while I have a mind and a will of my own. If I ern compelled to yield to despotism, it shall be intellectual and powerful despotism; not the ign.)rant, mean, pitiful, despotic efforts made to crush the free expression of opinion, and the honest and safe combi nation of good men in a just cause, by the despicable pol troons who manage the Northern Star. I, as one of the signers of Lovett's and Collins's Address, will exert myself to the utmost to carry it into successful operation ; I despise the fellows who would attempt to injure me for acting upon the honest dictates of my own judgment. I laugh at their impotent threats ; but, at any public meeting of my impar. tial and honest fellow-countrymen, I will defend the prin ciples and objects of the Address, and its superiority over the O'Connor plans, if fairly and extensively adopted by the working classes. Mr. O'Connor may promise his poor delud, d dupes, by a Resolution of his hired Convention, that they shall have the Charter in three months from the present time ; but I am satisfied it will take a much longer period to move a nation. If he could obtain the People's Clia,ter within the time specified, of what use would it be, if the people were not better prepared to appreciate it than the ten seceders who erased their names through fear of Mr. O'Connor and his hired tools? If the people had the Charter to-morrow, and were destitute of a knowledge of their political rights and duties, how long would they retain their liberties? Brief wool , ' be the tenure of possession However, those who really seek the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of the people, from a pure motive, are not easily crushed by unprincipled men like the managers of the .Northern Star. I have no doubt the honest and undaunted signers of Lovett's and Collins's Address will zealously pursue their object. Let us not Le diverted or intimidated. If we have but one cr two hundred firm intelligent mon, properly alive to the importance of the objects we seek to accomplish, great good will be effected ; but no good can be accomplished where men prostrate their minds beforea would-be Despot, who would use the public press for vile and selfish purposes and to crush men who have maintained the principles of the People's Charter, for many years before he was ever heard of, and who havo never done one act to dishonour the cause they espoused. I am, Sir, a hater of despotism, whether exercised by Tory, Whig, or Radical. _ H. IJETHERINGTON. THE BISHOPBRIDGE MURDER. For the purpose of comparing the facts elicited on the trial with the statement made by Doolan himself, of the circuinsrances attending the railway murder, it may not be utiiateresing to give the second and most important declaration emitted by that unhappy criminal. It will be remembered that it was distinctly brought out in evidence that Doolan secreted the poker about his dress on the morning of the murder—that Redding was provided with a piece of iron by Hickie, and that Doolan and Redding inflicted the " bating," while Hickie and others looked on. It was also distinctly proved that Doolan had spent more than three weeks in Greenock, in hiding, before proceed ing to Liverpool with " Smoker Byrnes," where he was appre'iended. Although false in some particulars, the murderer's own account of this horrid affair may be read with interest. The declaration has been slightly abridged. Declares that on the evening on which he was " sacked," or discharged, he went home to his lodgings, at Gray's, in Auchinearn, an usual, and slept there that night with Campbell. Declares that he went home to Gray's by him self, and found the other lodgers there before him, viz., Campbell, Cox, Hickie, Redding, and Kinnary. That one of them, and as declarant thinks, Redding, said that the new ganger would be the means of discharging the greater part of the workers at Crosshill, if he were allowed to continue. Declares that after this it was spoken of to give the ganger a good beating, but declarant cannot say who proposed this, but they all agreed to it. That the four then came out of the room and sat down by the fire in the kitchen. That Hickie then lifted the kitchen poker, and, weighing it in his hand, said that it would be a right weapon to beat the ganger with. That at this time nothing had been said by him er the other three, who had been in the room, about beat ing the ganger in Hickie's presence, but it had been spoken of among the men at work generally, both that day and the day before, that it would be a right thing to give the ganger a beating, and declarant bad himself heard the men at the work speaking to this effect, but no one in par. ticular named who was to give the beating. Declares that Cox got the poker from Hickie, and he, Cot, said that the poker would be "my darling" for beating the ganger. That Campbell then got the poker and said there was a flaw in it, and that it would break at the first blow, and he showed the flaw to them all. Declares that he and some of the others said it would do well enough, and it was agreed that it should be used next morning for the purpose of beating the ganger. Declares that it was also agreed the same night, that he and Redding were to give the ganger a good heating next morning; but de clarant adds, that, so far as ever he heard, there was not the least intention among any of them to kill the ganger ; and he himself had no such intention any more than the child unborn. Interrogated—Declares, to the best of his recollec tianov hen Hickie had the poker in his band be lifted one end of it to his head, and said that was the best place to strike a man, or words to that effect. Declares that he and Campbell called at Nowlanda', and Cox came in, and Now lands was told that the ganger was to be heat in the morn ing. Declares that all the declarant recollects of Now lands saying, is, " Take care you don't kill him ;" and de clarant, or one of the others, said there was no fear of that. That after this he returned to his lodgings, and went to bed as usual, aid was not up during trio night, but slept soundly. Declares that next morning he and his fellow lodgers rose about the usual hour, and had breakfast. That after breakfast they all went out together, but before going out Cox lifted the poker, which was at the kitchen fire, and put it up under his slop, which he wore over his trousers and shirt. Declares that be that morning worn an old linen slop, which was put in, like his shirt, under his trousers, and he wore a waistcoat over it, and it was but toned at the wrist, so that he could not have concealed the poker under his slop. Declares that it was agreed after breakfast, between Cox and him, that Cox was to bring the poker under his slop, and Cox offered to do this of his own accord, That declarant did not see Cox lift and conceal the poker, but after coming out, and when they had crossed one field, and were crossing the second one, where a pump is sunk, Cox took the poker from under his slop, and gave it to the declarant, and then told him he had brought it out, under his slop, as had been agreed on. That Cox also carried the shovel with which be wrought. Declares that after going on a little farther, Campbell offered to give declarant his Scotch bonnet as a disguise, and declarant agreed to take it, and gave Campbell his black hat, which declarant wore when he left his lodgings, and lie had made no exchange with Campbell before this. After some other statements the convict says after this the four went on the bridge. On the bridge be was still carrying the poker under his slop. Declares that de clarant leant over the rail of the bridge, considering what he should best do, and some other labourers came on the bridge. That he at this time heard Mr. Rooney's voice towards the smithy, and being afraid that Mr. Rooney would know him he came off the bridge by the end next Auchinearn, and stood four or five yards from it. Declares that when stand ing as stated, three or four yards from the bridge, he heard some one on the bridge say " here he is," and the other labourers who were upon the bridge immediately separated and left the bridge, towards the smithy, with the exception of Redding, Hickie, and Cox. That the deceased man, by which he means the ganger, then came along the bridge, and made some observations on the weather, upon which Hickie struck him with the. poker, at least he supposes it was the poker, on the right side of his head, and the ganger staggered towards the paling, and his hat fell off, and be shouted "murder, murder," three or four times. That Redding then struck him, and he fell. That at this time he heard Mr. Rooney cry " murder, murder," towards the smithy, and he retired sixteen or eighteen yards farther from the bridge. That he then looked round and saw one of them beat ing the ganger, and the other jumping upon him, but he was by this time too far off to be able to say whether it was Redding or Hickie who was on the ganger's body. Dr2clares that Hickie was the first who left the ganger, anti lie came off the bridge by the end next Auchinearn, and ran towards the left, and turned down into the gullet to his work. That immediately afterwards Redding left the ganger and came straight to where the declarant was standing, and told declarant that the man he had beat would not be able to gang over the men in a burry again, as he (Redding) had given him a good beating. Declares that Redding also said, " By God, I have taken his watch also ;" and he put his band down his breast and pulled out a watch, which he showed declarant, but the declarant Cannot say whether it was a silver watch or not. The de clarant, on seeing it, said, "this will lead to a bad conse quence, and it will all be laid down on me." Declarant after this, went also to the right and to the hedge which runs from the blacksmith's house to the railway. and he there met George Black, one of the labourers, whom he asked to tell Campbell to come and speak to him, and in t woof' three minutes Campbell came and gave declarant back his bat, and declarant returned the Scotch bonnet to Campbell, which declarant had worn up to this time from the time •he bad got it from Campbell. Declares that after Icavifig Campbell, and considering what was best to be done, declarant thought that if he went to Port Glasgow he would probably be apprehended there, as he lune* he *Wild be suspected of having beat the ganger, because he had been diseharged the night before, and he therefore determined to go into Edinburgh by the way of Kirkintilloth that he accordingly walked to Edinburgh that clay passing by Kirkintilloch, and did not stop any where on the way ; that he slept one night in Edinburgh, but as he never had been there before, he does not know the name of the street where he lodged, and he did not inquire the name of the people. That on the Friday morn ing be left Edinburgh for England. That he cannot tell where he slept on the Friday night. That the first town he Came to le England that he can name, is Newcastle, to N t ew whichbut he o and as he was in no particular hurry, be sp e nt near ly th re e cwaenenkost in mention going thefromnamE passed on the way, nor the name of an y person in whose that be o nly staid one night i n N ewcas tl e , house he slept ; name onfbuarogyh place through h le ; and then went on to Wakefie ld, and fr om Wakefield to Manchester, and from Manchester to Liverpool ; but he took togo from N ewcast l e to in Li ver p oo l, b ut h e cannot Liverpool. say w T ha h t at ti h m h be got e lodgings bad never teen ,the people w i 1,13 warm he lodged before, and he doer not know their. namc. That he was only a few days in the lodging when he wit?. apptehenfted. De- dares that he was not in Greenock from the time the ganger was beat till the time of his apprehension. De clares that he never heard or knew that any reward had been offered for his apprehension, till two days before it took place, and he was then told by a person ho met in the streets of Liverpool that a reward had been offered, but he did not believe it. And all this he declares to be truth. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. ROM THE MORNING PAPERS OP THIS DAY. CHRONICLE.—Lord Melbourne, as we yesterday ob served, has always carefully avoided committing himself to an opposition to a repeal of the Corn monopoly on principle. He uniformly told the House, when opposing any motion for in quiry, that a time might come, and circumstances might arise, which might render it absolutely necessary that the question, with all its difficulties and inconveniences, should be consi dered and disc usse d. Lik e a c lear-headed, practical States man, too, he declared that it would be inexpedient for the Government to 'enter on the consideration of the question, un less " adecided opinion was expressedonthe subject by a large majority of the people." That this view of the import of his Lord ship's speeches, on the question of the Corn-laws, isnot new, or taken up by us for the occasion, we could easily show by a re ference to our file. On the 3d July, 1533, for instance, in re viewing the discussion to which a petition gave rise which was presented by Earl Fitzwilliam from the city of Glasgow, pray ing for the total repeal of the Corn-laws, we remarked, " How ever indefensible the Corn-laws may be on every sound prin ciple, they can only be altered by the determination of the people not to submit to them. There was, therefore, sound practical sense in what fell from Viscount Melbourne, when he declared that he ought not to introduce a new system, unless he was satisfied that he was acting with a great majority of the people, and that he was decidedly and cer tainly acting right, and for the benefit and advantage of the country.' It may be true, as has been stated, that the land owners have a preponderance in the Legislature, and that it would be useless for the commercial and manufacturing part of the community to agitate questions to which the former are decidedly opposed. Be this as it may, the opponents of the Corn-laws know the terms en which alone they can be altered. Ministers can only be reached through the Legislature ; and if the people cannot move the House of Commons, they cannot move the Government Fairly interpreted, Lord Melbourne's observations mean, we think, merely this, that a Ministry can only hope to be able to effect great changes in matters of commercial policy and finance, when the opinion of the the country has been decidedly expressed in their favour When the people are de _. . termined on any change, the Ministry must, of course, give effect to the popular will." It remains with the people them selves to determine whether the Melbourne Cabinet have cor rectly read the 'signs of the times. Powerful interests are arrayed against the Ministry, and if the people themselves do not make the question their own, {lie Corn-law monopoly must continue to press them to the earth. We will not, how ever, believe that the people, who ten years ago had the sense and the spirit to unite as one man, whereby they were enabled to extort the Reform Bill, without the effusion of a drop of blood, from the most powerful oligarchy in the world, are now so stupid as not to perceive the importance of making a great effort, at :this time, to extort from the same oligarchy a Com mercial Reform Bill, or so spiritless as to shrink from the ex ertions which may be necessary to ensure so great a blessing. If the people are now wanting to themselves, when the oppor tunity which they so long desired has at length arrived, they may have to expiate their folly by long years of political de basement. For we are now arrived at a crisis when to persist in our present commercial policy is certain de struction to the best interests of the nation. " The cir cumstances," said Lord Melbourne, " had, in his opinion, now arisen—the time, in his mind, had xow come when, in order to meet the exigencies of the country, it was necessary to take wide, large, and extensive financial measures, affect ing almost all our other interests of a commercial nature at home and abroad ; and under such circumstances it was manifestly impossible to leave this great, this main, this mas ter interest unaffected and unapproached." What are these circumstances? exclaim the Tories. Need we refer to the ex piration of our treaty with Brazil, a country which has hitherto been an extensive market for our manufactures? The people of Brazil say, we have nothing to give you in exchange but our cotton and our sugars, and you refuse to take them. We at present send them to Germany, and with the proceeds buy bills, which we remit to you. But this is an inconvenient way of doing business. When our treaty with you is at an end, we shall buy from the Germans as well as sell to them. In like manner the United States of North America are about to en ter on the revision of their tariff. The United States are the chief purchasers of our manufactures; and they, too, are indig nant that we exclude their wheat and other agricultural produce from our markets, and will certainly impose a con siderable additional duty on our manufactures. With Germany we still carry on an extensive commerce, and the Germans are a people differing little from ourselves in the capability of la bour, and in the perseverance which forms so essential a cha racteristic in all the Teutonic races. The Germans are making rapid advances in every branch of industry. By re fusing to admit 'heir productions, except by fits and starts, and under a system of duties which defies all the calculations of prudence we not only diminish our commercial transactions with them (for all commerce resolves itself ultimately into barter), but we give a bounty to their manufacturers, and raise up rivals, who will meet us in every foreign market. Other countries protest against our exclusive commercial system, and the Government is pressed on all hands for such a revision of our code as shall put it on a more liberal footing, Now, a foreign market is essentially neces sary to us. We export manufactures to an amount exceeding fifty millions a year. To a large manufacturing population the markets of the world are indispensable. To narrow these markets by a refusal to take the commodities produced by the nations with which we deal, is to condemn our great manufacturing towns to ruin. Year after year our population is increasing at a rapid rate, our towns becoming cities, and our villages becoming large towns. What is to become of this enormous population of manufactures if we persist in an exclu sive system, by which we close the markets of the world against us? Our merchants and manufacturers com plain bitterly that their investments are becoming less and less profitable—that their returns are not what they used to be, and that if the present Corn-law be maintained the most melancholy results must soon await them. We put out of con sideration for the present the fact that our agricultural pros perity is dependent on our manufacturing prosperity, and we ask the advocates of Corn monopoly how they meats to dispose of the millions whom they are about to deprive of employment? These millions will cling to life as long as they can, and will not suffer themselves to perish without a fearful struggle. From foren trade they at present derive the means of supplying their wants by purchase from the landowners; but their wants must, in same way or other, be supplied, should the means of purchase be denied them. On the land they must come, as paupers or purchasers , and it is for the landowners to choose in which capacity. Rents will soon be swallowed up by poor-rates, and the landowners will be compelled to partition out the soil to an excessive population, from inability otherwise to dispose of it. We are not afraid of the people of England if justice be done to them. All that they want is to have elbow room. We have coals, and iron, and strong arms, and if the corn monopolist will only let them alone, if the land owner will only content himself with the immense advantages which landowners necessarily possess in a country which exports manufactures, and whence food must always be dearer than in a country which exports food, we can see no limits to the development of our industry, and to our com mercial prosperity. But if the monopolists should now suc ceed, through the supineness of the people, we see nothing but calamity in store for us. We have no faith in the moderation of the monopolists, but we place much reliance on their appre hensions. We know that, if the people exert themselves as they ought, the monopolists must give way. But again and again we repeat, the people must do their own business. TIMES.—We never recollect a more profligate aban donment of principle on the part of a public man than that of which Lord Melbourne was guilty in the House of Lords on Monday night. If anything were wanting to stamp with in famy the course which the present Ministers have resolved upon pursuing, it was this extraordinary exhibition of the roue Premier. The declarations which this careless and very off hand person formerly made the sut ject of the Corn-laws are well known to our readers. And yet in May, 1841, Lord Mel bourne is not ashamed to come forward and assert, that " with respect to the measure itself, he always carefully reserved his opinion," because " he saw the time must come when it would be necessary for their Lordships to take this question into their serious consideration, for the purpose of placing the law upon another basis." He reminds the House of Lords, that his former arguments against change were " based upon particular and temporary grounds," and reasons of " expediency ; " and that on the occasion re ferred to by the Duke of Buckingham he expressly said, " This is a question of circumstances ; because circumstances connected with the state of the country, considerations of various kinds, of economy or policy, may arise, which would not only justify, but would render it necessary to pursue, a different course." And now, though "to the arguments which he on those former occasions introduced," he still, even "at the present moment," attributes " a great portion of force and strength," yet he affirms that " those circumstances have arisen, and that time, in his opinion, has come," when it is in fact necessary to take into consideration this question, " with all its difficulties, inconveniences, and disadvantages." Whence, my Lord Melbourne, is this new necessity, thiicri deal emergency in the present state of affairs ? What is that weighty and uncontrollable pressure of circumstances in 1841, which has reconciled you to the " great evil " of change ; which has convinced you that a change in the Corn laws " will be not only for the better, but so much for the better as to make it worth while ?" worth while to involve this country in " a most violent struggle, stirring society to its foundations, and leaving behind every sort of bitterness and animosity ?" What is the irresistible force which has compelled you, in spite of your reluctance, to add to the bitterness of "the deepest feelings of discord and enmity, by rashly adventuring to stir and agitate them?" Is it that the evil effects of the present Corn-law have become so gigantie, so intolerable, as to make any sacrifice worth while for the sake of getting rid of this "master grievance?" Is it that the people are perishing with famine, and that they dis turb your noon-day slumbers by clamouring for bread? Not so. By the blessing of Providence, the abundant harvest of last summer has removed for the present all fear of distress from a deficiency or an exorbitant price of corn. There would have been infinitely greater reason to make the change upon this account in either of the two former years than in 1841. Yet even in 1840 Lord John Rus sell declared that "the extent of the evil caused by the Corn-laws had been greatly exaggerated," and that, such as it was, " it would continue to exist after an alteration of those laws." But, perhaps, the time has arrived which was contemplated by Lard John Russell when he addressed the House of Commons (on the 26th of May, 1840) in the follow ing manner:—" I think that if, in a question of this kind, there should be a general wish for an alteration---if there were a settled opinion that some new measure of legislation should be adopted, but, at the same time, there was a diffe rence of opinion as to the precise measure which should be adopted—the Government might safely step in, and propose such a measure as they should deem most con ducive to the national interests. But when the majority of the Rouse, composed of Members o f both sides, are of opinion that at present there should not be any alteration in the Corn-laws—if, in that case, the Government should introduce any measure, they would only enhance the arguments, the in terests, and the prejudices o f Hon. Members on both sides, the itensity of party feelings, and the .animosities of party dis cussions, and thus they would not promote, but rather retard, the settlement of the question." A few weeks, perhaps a few nights, will show whether there exists in the House of Commons such a " general wish," such a "settled opi nion," or even such a bare majority in favour of any al teration in the Corn-laws, as, upon this view (in which we entirely concur), would justify a Ministry in bring ing the question forward. If not, we must conclude that Lord John Russell, by throwing down from the Treasury benches the apple of Corn-law dis cor d, i n t en d s , w ith hi s habi tual insincerity, " not to promote, but rather to retard, the settlement of this question ;" and we shall still have to search for the nature of the exigency which has forced Lord Melbourne upon his present course. And, in truth, we shall not have far to search for it. The account which Lord Melbourne professes himself to give of the matter is equally puerile and profligate; being, in substance, that because the country has, under the misgovernment of himself and his colleagues, become i n volved in financial difficulties, which require a revision of the financial system, it is impossible to leave the Corn-laws untouch- O r while" other commercial (motions are readjusted: • This is puerile, because it is manifestly and absurdly false. Whether it was desir•ubie to leave the Corn-law untouched while the timber duties and stigat duties are altered, is a different ques tion; most indisputably it was possible. And to allege (as Lord Melbourne in substance does) that financial embarrass. ments, arising from his o•rn ruinous nzisniandgement of the public resources, have made it necessary to bring off "a most violent struggle, stirring society to its foundations, and leafing behind every sort of bitterness and animosity," is profligate be yond expression ; it is equivalent to a denunciation of himself and his colleagues as worthy of impeachment. When then, after all, is the peculiar and pressing emergency of the present moment? Plainly, that Lord Melbourne and his colleagues have just now lost the confidence of Parliament andthe country, and must resign, unless, by stirring society to its foundations, arraying the commercial and agricultural interests in dewily bitterness and animosity against each other, and taking their side with the former, they can contrive, upon a dissolution, to gain such a majority as may enable them to fester on a few years longer in the infamy of salaried contempt. HERALD.—Our readers saw, in our Parliamentary report of Monday, that Lord Stanley, in answer to a question put to him by Mr. Smith O'Brien, said it was not his intention to proceed with his Lush Registration Bill on Wednesday next (this day)—he intended to postpone it for a fortnight. We know not for what reason the Noble Lord has interposed a fortnight's delay to the prosecution of so important and salutary a measure—a measure intended to purify from one of the foulest systems of fraud and perjury that ever existed the Par liamentary registration of Ireland. We cannot believe, with the Globe, that this is only a step to the abandonment of the Bill altogether; we do not think that Lord Stanley is the man to labour in the vain toil of a Sisyphus, by rolling the stone up the hill only that it may roll down again. The Globe, indeed, boldly asserts that we shall hear no more of Lord Stanley's Bill during the present Session, nor in the next, except some new source of dissatisfaction arise between Sir Robert Peel and his party, and Lord Stanley be again prompted to try his " 'prentice hand" on Irish legislat►on, in order to gratify his own restless ambition, and to show that he is pre pared to step into Peel's place so soon as an opportune occasion presents itself. It is quite new to us, as we believe it is to most people, that Lord Stanley's Bill was originally introduced because of differences existing between that Noble Lord and the acknowledged leader of the Conservative opposition. Our friend of the Globe is not unaccustomed to exercise a poetic faculty on historical subjects, and to draw from his imagination the evidence of his facts; in the present instance he has car ried that propensity to an inordinate length, as we believe that it is perfectly well known that Lord Stanley originally intro duced his Irish Registration Bill with the perfect and cordial concurrence of Sir Robert Peel. On the whole, we Lave no doubt if Lord Stanley presses on his Bill with his usual energy and determination, Ministers will meet the alarming exigency of the case by pressing on a dissolution ; but not until they have got hold of the sinews of war by carrying, if they can, their financial measures. POST.—Very justly has it been stated by a Morning Con temporary, possessing great influence in the mercantile world, that the advocates of Corn-law repeal practise a gross delu sion upon the working man, when they tell him that the pro posed benefit to be derived from the repeal of the Cern-law would find its way into his pocket. If, continues our Con temporary, " if this were so, we should hear very little of the Corn-law grievance from its most active opponents, the hiero phants of the political economy school and the overgrown cot ton Lords." Most just, we say, are these statements, and they are of the very highest importance to the great mass of the peo ple of this country. If they will consider the subject of Corn law repeal calmly and dispassionately, and as practical men ought to do, whose daily comfort is concerned in the mat ter, they cannot, we think, come to any other conclusion than that which has been pointed out. They cannot fail to perceive that the clamour for Corn-law repeal is nothing but the outcry of the grossest selfishness—the most heartless, grasping cupidity, the object being to take a greater advan tage of the poor and helpless than can be taken at present, and to grind down the labourer to a more dependent condition than he is in at present. Let it not be supposed that there is any heat or exaggeration in this view of the case. We believe it to be as capable of demonstration as any point can be which is inferred from probabilities and general experience. The ca pitalists of the political economy school are jealous of the Bri tish labourers. They think these labourers take too large a toll ont of the capitalist's profits. They believe they could have the labour they require performed by foreigners at a cheaper rate, or that by allowing foreign labour to come into competition, the British labourers would be forced by hard necessity to accept a worse remuneration than they now receive. Harshness, excessive harshness, to all who have no capital is the rule of the political economy dis ciples. To make the utmost profit on capital is the sole ob ject, and to do that labour must be ground down to the lowest scale of remuneration. Those who are able to work must be afforded but the lowest wages, and those who are not able, or who cannot find work to do, must be allowed only the barest pos'ible amount of subsistence by the public, and must be frightened from the acknowledgment of destitution by the grinding severity of au ungenerous and inhuman poorhouse discipline. This, we say, is an exaggerated, unimpassioned statement of the philosophy of those who are most clamorous for Corn-law repeal. Such " philosophers" deserve the abhorrence of the labouring multitude, and not their sup port. These cruel, heartless clamourers for repeal of the Corn-laws, talk of the " monopoly which the land owners insist upon maintaining—the monopoly of sup plying this country with corn. But surely the labourers must see that if there be any monopoly, the landowners have but a small share of it. We grant they have a share, but by far the largest share is that of the labourers. Who is there so egregiously ignorant as to suppose that the rent which a farmer pays his landlord is anything like the amount of the wages be pays his labourers ? Every body knows that the farmers sell the produce of their tillage lands for six times the amount of the rent. What becomes of the rest? Why, it goes to pay various expenses, of which labour is the chief. The effect, then, of the Corn-laws is to give to British labourers the mo nopoly of supplying Great Britain with food, and this is rea sonable, because, if they had not this monopoly, the .foreign landowners and labourers would undersell them, and their em ployment would cease ; and there is no other existing means of supplying them with remunerative employment. ADVERTISER.—Of all the considerations which weigh with us in favour of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's budget, there is none more cogent than the debt of justice which it dis charges to the poor. The Poor-law Amendment Act was a severe but a necessary measure, intended alike for the protec tion of the capital and property of the country, and to throw the people upon their own resources—their own steady industry and prudence—as the best safeguard against destitution. But it implied that the channels of industry should be free ; that every shackle and impediment to the exertion of enterprise should be removed; and that, if the people were not to count upon subsisting upon the resources of others, they should enabled, so far as righteous legislation could effect it, to subsst upon their own. Owing to the predominance of class interess in this country, the friends of free trade in the Government were unable to carry into effect what ought to have been the wings or riders of the Poor-law Amendment Act ; they were Compelled to await the time when the necessi ties of the country should teach the lesson of honesty and jus tice. They saw the cotzntry gentlemen relieved to the extent of millions, by the econorni enforced by the Poor-law; the oppressions of the tithe-systen; removed, and other measures of relief afforded, and yet were doomed to• behold the just price and compensation of these beneilts withheld. More than that, the very interests so largely benefitted were found to fraternise with Chartism ; to foster discootent with the Go vernment on account of the Poor-law, by which those bene fits had been secured, reckless of the eon gor t ence which might follow to the peace and good on:Ler of the State. Mr. Walter, and his late proceedings at ,Notting ham, typify this class of Toryism. So that the people be excited, it matters not what may be the cause ; indeed, it would seem to be better if, Machiavel-like, they could hatch the mischief out of their own malignity, and then attribute it to the enemy. During the period which has elapsed since the passing of the Poor-law Amendment Act, the Government have been engaged in a continual effort to secure and enlarge the political rights by which all other things can be secured ; and a survey of the results of their untiring exertions will show that, in spite of their failures and disgraces, they have realised to the nation immense benefits. That their work has been arduous, and their success less than they might have hoped, are not causes of blame to them, but to their oppo nents, who planted the obstacles, and made success impracti cable. At last, having conquered many political positions, they have, with judicious skill, applied themselves to secure the practical advantages and to make up lost ground, which :they could not contend for earlier with any chance of success. In the release of the three great articles of corn, sugar, and timber, in which the poor are so largely interested as consumers, and net less as labourers, the Government will provide some degree of compensation for the severities of the Poor-law. It will no longer be a harsh injunction "to go elsewhere, and find relief by your own right hand," the means being all the while denied ; but there will be opened to him a field of exertion, which will, to a great extent, enable him to protect himself from the necessity of having recourse to the poor rates. The demand which will grow up for English manufactures to be exchanged for foreign corn, must give not an occasional im petus to trade, but one constant and unlailing ; and a result not less favourable must Sow from the relaxation of the duties on the other articles of sugar and timber. Thus in both ways, by an additional demand for the labour of the poor, and by a di minution in the price of the principle articles of their consump tion, the resources of the poor will be increased—events, doubtless. to be deplored by the Tory and the Chartists, inas much as by producing contentment and prosperity they are calculated to lessen the ranks of the friends to disorder arid faction ; but events which will bring joy and gladness to every honest patriot, as realising the objects of his efforts to improve the political condition of his countrymen. It pleased the Tories, when political organization was the main object of contention, to hold the doctrine that there were other things to be contended for of far more value ; but now they repudiate and seem to think that politi ca l con t en ti on i s the endantdasien; of enlightened politicians. For political or ganization the Whigs fought as the means to attain ameliora tion of the condition of the people, because the latter was hope less without it, Having attained the former as far. as possible, they now aim at the latter. Whip high, and whip low, how ever, the Whigs, like Sleridan's Drummer-boy, are incapable of giving satisfaction to the Tories under the lash of defeat, for such it is in point of principle, notwithstanding majorities gained by an appeal to every factious interest, or mortified ally or renegade. We have addressed these remarks to the poor, to the labouring classes, "as the parties most immediately concerned in the measures propounded by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It is emphatically a poor man's budget; not, indeed, confined to the relief of the poor—for as they are relieved so must the rich be in like proportion—but making the improvement of the condition of the poor—of the largest number of con sumers—the main object of his care. This is enlightened policy in all senses ; the best statesmanship both as a financier and as a politician ; and albeit some classes may clamour, the people at large will have the wit to see their interest in it, and will lend a less noisy, but more certain support. There should, however, be no delay in the expression of popular sen timent. It should be immediate, clear, and unequivocal. Nor is it a mete party matter. Unless the people are disposed to quarrel with their own bread and butter they should make the advantage which the Chancellor of the Exchequer offers a common concern, and postpone party talk till they have ena bled him to carry his measures. If a Tory should counsel the contrary, tell him a " bird in the hand is better than two in the bush ; ' and that what the Tories will giVe will be taken when the Whigs will give no more. EXTRAORDINARY MONUMENT. —ln the church of St. Florentin there is a sepulchral monument, repre senting a sarcophagus with the figure of a dead Christ in it, and seven other figures standing around it. These represent St. John the Baptist, INicodernus, Joseph of Arimathea, the Virgin Mary, Mary Magdalen, and two others of th me e won mentioned in the gospel. The figure of Christ represents Philbert Babou de la Bourbaisere, to' whose memory the monu ment was erected. The St. John and INicodernus are his sons, Jacques and Philbert. One of the holy women represents his wife, dame Madame Gaudin; and the Virgin lary,wife, Mary Magdalen, and the other female figure, are the likenesses of her three daughters. This is all vastly well 1 but who is the eighth statue ? Who is the tall, handsome figure which per sonifies "the jut man, who waited for the kingdom of God?" Joseph of Arunathea, reader, is nu other than the gallant Francis 1., who thus takes his place among this "united" fa mily, so highly honoured by this permanent association with their sovereign, no less naturally than condescen dingly, characters e u the that the exemplary mother, as well as al l three of the seeing ladies, who have so app ro pr iatel y chosen their family group, were all .of Ahem, one after the other, his m is, tosses.— Trollop's S i mmer h t. w ot ern France. • EVENING EDITI MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.; FILO3I THE MORNING PAPERS OT THIS DAY. TIMES.—The premium on gold at Paris is 7i per milk, which, at the English Mint price of 31. 17s. 10 1 Ad. per ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 25. 33, and the ex change at Paris on London at short -being 25. 37k, it follows that gold is 0.18 per cent. dearer in London than in Paris. By advises from Hamburgh the price of gold is 429 per mark„ which, at the English Mint price of 31. 17s. lOhol. per ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 13. 7, and the ex change at Hamburgh on London at short being 13. 7a, it fol lows that gold is 0.28 per cent. dearer in London than in Hamburgh. The course of exchange at New York on London is 107 1 ,4 per cent., and the par of exchange between England are( America being 109 23-40 per cent., it follows that the ex change is 2.08 - per cent. against England. But the quoted exchange at New York being for bills at 60 days sight, the interest must be deducted from the above difference. The English Stocks continue heavy, and money was through out the day in considerable demand at 5 per cent., and even per cent., for short periods, which will 'account for the action upon the Market generally, but more particularly upon Ex chequer Bills. The holders in this country of Mississippi State Stock have been greatly surprised at learning in the course of the day that the payment of the dividends due is suspended at present, no remittances having come to hand. POST.—A great scarcity of cash has prevailed again both' at the Stock Exchange and in the discount market. As much as six per cent. per annum was given on the deposit of Eng lish stock, day by day, for short periods, and it is understood that the leading money houses have called in their funds to a considerable amount in anticipation of a still greater pressure for accommodation. 'his is, however, an anticipation in which the mercantile interest do not appear to take any share. It was the monthly pay days for bills, and with it would, of course, mature a number of heavy engagements. The pro vision that had to be made in advance may account, to a cer tain extent, for the increased demand fur capital which has been felt since the middle of last week, but the best-informed commercial men with whom we have communicated on the sub ject. are ignorant of any especial cause that can exist for the change. The English securities have not fluctuated at all materially. They opened with some indication of heaviness, but, as the dealings progressed, they improved a fraction. There was, nevertheless, no gaeat amount of actual business doing, nor was the advance realised in the early part of the day maintained to the close. The entries which had just commenced of foreign gmin, for consumption, at the high rate of duty now levied, and which were of so much importance to our distressed Exchequer, have I been entirely suspended in consequence of the late announce ment of her Majes'y's Government on the subject of the Corn laws. 'Of wheat alone there were cleared on the 22d ult., 200 quarters ; on the 23rd, 780 quarters ; on she 25th, .50 quarters: on the 26th, 125 quarters; on the 27th, 750 quarters ; and on the 28th, 2,200 quarters, the latter quantities being at the rate of 235. Bd. per quarter. On the 29th inst., upon retssence to the Custom House returns, we find that there was not a single entry. A numerous meeting of influential gentlemen connected with the shipping and North American interests was held to-day, at which it was unanimously resolved to make the most stre nuous opposition to the measures proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and his colleagues for breaking down the system of protection afforded to British enterprise. The co operation of shipowners resident in the country, on an effective scale, is intended, we understand, to be given to the London interest. SUN.—The Stock Market was in rather a better position to-day, but the improvement was not firmly supported. For the sake of all parties it is much to be desired that Ministers should act with vigour and decision in carrying out the suggestions they have thrown out with respect to the alteration of the duties, as the suspense upon this sub ject has a most injurious effect upon every branch of trade, besides affecting the value of the public securitEer. To• day there was a complete stagnation in the produce mar kete, and this it must be understood does not arise from apprehension on account of the proposed reductions, but from the natural desire of intending buyers to profit by any alteration that make colonial produce cheaper, and from the disposition, on the other hand, of the holders of foreign staples to .enhance their demand; in expectation of an avarice on the particular articles they deal in. The more current value of Consuls to-dsy was 891 for imme diate transfer, and 891 for Account, though higher prices were acceded to early in the day. At the close of business those we have given were barely realised. Exchequer Bills were Bs. to 113. premium ; Bank Steck was 165 k to 166; India Stock 252; and the Reduced Three- ana-a- Half per Cents. were 971 to 97. The Foreign Stocks and the Railway Shares were very dull. Spanish Active Bonds at 23 to 4 ; Portuguese New at 34-k t) I; Mexican at 281; and Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents. at 52k. The Great Western Railway Shares were at 228; the New at 141 ; and the Croydon et about premium. Brighton Shares were 2}; and South Eastern 15 dis. The rates for foreign bills of exchange were this after noon as follows :—Hamburgh 13 98 ; Frankfort 1491 ; Paris 25f. 60e. to 65c. ; and Amsterdam 12 3. The following are the official returns of the exports of bullion lions the port of London, for the week ending Thursday last : Silver Coin to Hamburgh Rotterdam Belgium Bars to Hamburgh DREADFUL Ft RE.—Yesterdav morning, be tween the hours of twelve and one, a fire, attended with the loss of two lives, property, and serious injuries to the surviving parties, broke out in the lower part of the pre mises of Mr. Burling, a marine store dealer, Back-lane, Wbitechapel. From the firth hold the fire had got previous to its discovery by a police constable, all chance of escape for the inmates by the street-door was impossible. Mr. Burling, on being apprised of the fire, alarmed his family, and called on them to follow him and drop from the front and back windows. Mrs. Burling, her daughter, and the lodgers, followed the advice given by Mr. Burling, who, from his fall, unfortunately has broken both his ancles and his right thigh ; his wife also, from dropping on glass bottles into the back-yard, was dreadfully cut about her hands and face; and the daughter and other inmates, with 'the exception of two of Mr. Burling's sons (one aged eight, and the other thirteen years), escaped with slight injuries. Shortly arter the outbreak of the fire the engines of various fire establishments arrived, but notwithstanding all the exertions used on the occasion, before the bcur of two the scene of destruction was complete. Not tie least portion of Mr. Burling's property could be preserved. After the ruins were somewhat cooled the firemen began their search after the lost children, when, about six o'clock, the little sufferers were found at the back of the first floor, under a portion of their bedding, but so dreadfully burnt that they could be scarcely recognised by those who had known them when alive. From the information ob tained from one of the survivors, it appeared that the pre vious night the family retired to rest about eleveu o'cls ck, at which time everything appeared perfectly safe, and had it not been from the timely notice given by the police, it would have been impossible for any of them to escape.— INQUEST oN TNE BODlES.—Yesterday evening, at sit o'clock, Mr. Baker, the coroner, and a respectable jury, assembled at the Fir Tree public house, in Church-lane, to iuquire into the death of Abraham Wieller, aged 14, and Edward Wieller, aged 8. John Bowles, a reafaeng man, about a quarter to twelve on the night before, on leaving the house in which the jury were then sitting, ob. served the house No. 4, Church-lane, and which vas nearly Opposite, on fire. He instantly went over and forced the door open, and proceeded through the shop to a stairs in the passage, where be found a female in her night deess, and took her into the street. The female whom he Lad so release i appeared to him as if she bad been in bed, and disturbed from her rest by the flames ; and when he bad left her in the street safe be was going into the house again, when be was prevented by a poi ceman. A short time after be saw a man, whom he subse quently ascertained to be Abraham Burling, the owner of the house, jump from the second floor window into the street. He fell with considerable violence on the pavement, and his fall broke both his legs by the angles. He was carried to the London Hospital in a dread ful state. Witness also saw a female, wham he understood to be the mother of both the deceased, jump from the first floor window. She was caught by sot person in the street. Mr. Weiner, uncle to both the decess;ds stated that on the &ght before he went to the house, Nei. 4, Church-lane, opposite where his sister-in-law lodged, about o clock, and remained there untill about fi ve minutes heislre eleven o'clock. On leaving them he clos e d the dear after L'ims and after going down stairs, passed th rou gh the shop. 'lie di . d . ' not observe any person there. The gas was on, but tie A id not perceive the slightest smell of fire; nor did he sea 110) danger; nor could he in any way account fur the fire' One of the Jury complained of the inattention of th ° who had the care o f t h e parish engine, i n ne ver at tending with either th e p ar i s h engine or the fire eseluPte laddele. It was also complained of, that George' Vi r rfg•r_.. who is paid a salary from the pariah of Whitechapel le! taking care of and attending with the engine and firFes cape ladders, bad also a situation in the docks, and to the former duty. Several of the Jurymen wer g e ine-rean an other in the County Fire-o ffi ce, and scarcely aver t(t)efnedpcid. nion, that had Wright attended to his duty. ss which were to the parish, and brought the escape theev , denc e, and' the Jury the lives of kept not 300 yards from the spot, to th ia e h d e d n e : s Coroner would the two boys might have been saved . write to the Vestry Clerk on the subject, so might be done to prevent such ne g ligen ce tfiloart the e ln f e u t t h u i r n e g The Coroner then summed up c ompletely white with snow. _There was severe of o ur Highland districts. The frost last week in many refaced IN v a E verdict RN E ss, of APRIL Acei den ta 2 l D.eath both casCs. vegetation, the progress of winch has been vegetation since and indeed t T C h a c irn f g ro o s r t m wi uninterruptedly ; the oat sowing was atiAliniP p ro spects je. pi o teb r r t : a b n ga t ornl i ee t o y e f : i t he n b e Highlandr sow n,sa statistics) concerned month, • have, and cold. Agricultural o p erations and the potatoes planted. t the end of last month , and by the end of' toted a b o u t the generally commencement w etbnenitnajoiunfrsit:alsrew present .of come Ilb a ll h lnl ere has been no advance on to have counteracted The reins tee the bad effects of the frost and tv . sed. f or . the braird and young grasses, thoug h checked in their growth, still look healthy. The gardens bore suffered from the severe weather. So far as thesay , high b t thehil hills, bait frost t w i will hurt not the diminish n r i o s o h d s pt armigan oaumsee ( and k. e t e h Tp i this obr i ne s s practice of moor burning, which is carried on judiciously by some proprietors, is the greatest drawback to the abundance of game. A correspondent says that in Baia- . the otfhe g g r noch the sowing of oats has been completed fully a month earlier than usual. The lambing season has been highly favourable. • FATAL ACCIDENT.—On Monday afternoon, about four o'clock, a man, named James Millward, carman to Mr. Charles, a fh'ucnonger in Pimlico, was driving a horse and chaise-cart along Piccadilly, when by some mean; a portion of the harness either broke, or got so loosened, as to prevent the driver having any control of the horse, which ran off at a tremendous speed in the direction of St. James's Church. In less th an t wo minutes the driver was pitched out of the cart and jammed in between the foot and dash-boards. The pgljeoefopped the horse with much difficulty, and released deceased.from his dangerous position. He was so much cut and bruised, that the police conveyed him immediately to st. George's Hospital, where, in despite of all exertions made by the house•surgeons to restore him, he expired in a fee; minutes. _An impost will be held upon the body tostley. N.