The Sun. — London, England, 1867-05-16 00:00:00

Reform Meeting in St. James's Hail. A public meeting was called yesterday evening in St. James's Hall, by a body of gentlemen who style themselves " The National Reform Union," tor the purpose of " considering the present aspect of the Government Reform Bill." As particular prominence was given to the fact that Mr. Bright would address the meeting, and as the hall was open to all comas, it is scarcely necessary to add that long before the commencement of business the building was filled to overflowing. On the occasion of the last great Reform meeting in St. James's Hall a very slight charge for admission was imposed, and it was then discovered that neither the attrac tions of Mr. Bright's famous eloquence nor the in terest ; 7enerally felt in the question of Reform was suificieut to fill the hall. Profiting by the expe rience v:aaned on that occasion the committee re solved not to incur again the risk of a thin meeting for the sake of a few pounds ; and by opening the 13111 indiscaUminately to every one a numerous au dience-3mi we must add, a very respectable one — was secured. The majority of the persons present appeared to belong to the lower section of the middle class, and ninety-nine out of every hundred of them were probably already in possession of the suffrage. There were about 3,000 men in the hall, and 17 ladies. The chair was taken at eight o'clock by Mr. S. Morley. Among the gentlemen on the platform were Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr. Mill, M.P., Mr. Forster, M.P., Mr. Vernon Harcourt, Mr. Baines, Mr. Beales, Mr. I. Holden, M.P., Mr. Barnes, M.P., Mr. J. B. Potter, M.P., Sir H. Hoare, the lion. L. Stanley, Mr. Sergeant Parry, and oth,A. gentlemen. The cheers with which the appearance of Mr. Bright was greeted having subsided, the chairman attempted to open the proceedings, but for the space of five minutes or so there was a great deal of con fusion and noise arising out of the inconveniently crowded state of the hall. When silence was in some degree restored, The CHAIRMAN said that he and these who appeared with him ou the platform were not fond of agitation; but they from a feeling of duty and because of their profound conviction that the people were about to be cheated in the matter of reform. (Applause.) In common with many other earnest men he had once entertained the belief that a Reform Bill would be introduced such as honest men could accept, but the recent division of the Hoare of Commons was enough to convince every one that the old trick was about to be played out again. (Applause.) The bill contained the very essence of Toryism— it spoke of the distrust of the people felt by the Tory party, governed by fear of them. (Applause.) The Government had kept the word of promise to the ear, and had continually broken it to the hope. The hundreds of thousands of compound house holders whom it was pretended to enfranchise would, in fact, be handed over to the parish officers and to the landlords, and he did not know which was worst. (Applause.) There were now five or six millions of men in England and Wales without votes ; and he and his friends would never rest sa tisfied till such a proportion of these persons were enfranchised as would settle the question, at any rate fur some time to come. (Cheers.) Never, be believed, had Mr. Disraeli been more faithful to the interests of his party than in the construction of this bill, which would hand over the boroughs of England and Wales to electioneering agents. It was founded in fraud, and with the intention to cheat the people of their rights. (Cheers.) There was no question now of Reform Union or of Re form League; they were all involved in the same cause, and no spirit of division or difference should be suffered to divide their councils. (Applause.) The enemy—and it was an enemy they had to deal with—was united, and they must meet it with a compact front. Let them have either an honest bill, or none at all. (Applause.) Ile was not afrai 1 or ashamed to say that the Liberal party in the House of Commons wasdisorganised ; but out side the house the people were true to the cause, and they were true to their noble leader (great applause, which was followed by three enthusi astic cheers for Mr. Gladstone) If he were de serted in the house the people would show that va.lvax. 11,,C ILI the Tea-room or anywhere else. (Applause.) The chairman concluded by calling upon the speakers to be brief and condensed in their observations, as the hour was late and the speakers were many. Mr. VERNON HARCOURT moved the first resolu tion, as follows—" That this meeting desires to ex press its heartfelt thanks to Messrs. Gladstone, Bright, Mill, and the other members of Parliament who have acted with them in their endeavours to secure a satisfactory Reform Bill during the present Session, and assures them of its entire confidence in their efforts to obtain a full, just, and equal recog nition of the rights of the people." In supporting the resolutions, he said they were that night to do what they could, in a legal, constitutional, ratianal, and proper manner, to reverse the verdict of the House of Commons. (Loud cheers.) They had asked that House for bread, and had received a stone ; they had asked for fish, and had only got a serpent. (Cheers and laughter.) The question was, were they to acquiesce in such a state of things:? He hoped no one present would agree to do that. There were constitutional means of repealing unjust decisions of the House of Commons, and he did not despair of the recent one of which they complained being ultimately reversed. (Cheers.) Public dig nussion was the way to accomplish this most desir able result, by educating public opinion, and if possible educating the House of Commons itself on so great and momentous a question. (Laughter and cheers.) It was not necessary to use hard lan guage when facts were so strong. If the Liberal party was disudited it was doubly necessary that the Liberal party outside the House should be united. (Cheers.) Let them pursue the policy which had always been advocated by the Liberals, which that party in the House of Commons had too much neglected, and let them have faith in their leaders, and give them a generous, an encourag ing, and undivided support. If this were done he had no fear as to the ultimate result. He need not waste their time in eulogising the great Li beral leaders mentioned in his resolution. lie could not, however, help asking them to accord their warm sympathy to Mr. Gladstone, who on account of his steadfastness to the cause of Reform had had to suffer a good deal of obloquy and reproach. He had been subjected to mortification, insult, injus tice, cabal, and intrigue, all the more that he was of so noble and sensitive a nature, and he deserved all the encouragement that could be given him. He had never heard insults heaped upon Mr. Gladstone without being reminded of the lines of Johnson : " It never wounds more deep the generous heart, Than when a blockhead's insult points the dart." Those who were in favour of amending the Govern ment Reform Bill might be stigmatised as incen diaries. He accepted that word. He would take the Government bill and try it in the fire of public opinion to see whether it was sterling metal or mere dross. (Cheers.) They might be spouters of stale sedition. lie hoped the words would be remem bered. (Cheers.) He was persuaded that the in sults which the Chancellor, of the Exchequer had heaped upon the people would have a different effect to what was intended, and that they would in the end help to effect the object they all had in view that of getting the bill of the Government amended so as to be satisfactory to all clas.ses of the people. Sir H. Iloaru: seconded the resolution. The only end that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had in the bill was to juggle his own party, disappoint the country, and cheat the people—a bill that took away ou one side what it gave on the other ; that would rais: class against class, and would increase the Re form agitation instead of settling it. lie admitted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had succeeded in routing the Liberal party—for that Party was in a state of complete rout—but it was for the people to reinvigorate them, if not now at any rate at the next general election. (Applause.) Nothing more unjust could be imagined than the position of the compound householder under the bill. Why, a gentleman was telling him only the other day that he was the owner of a number of houses iu Man chester (he believed), the rent of which was ,t 4 and the difference between the rent and the com pound rate on them was no less than 12s. 6d., and he asked whether it was not not absurd to suppose that be could allow a tenant claiming the suffrage to deduct this bonus, as well as the rate, from the rent, and whether he would not be obliged to raise the rent in proportion ? (Applause.) It was, in deed, obvious that this must be the effect of the bill in this respect. Well, he thought the people must now take up the matter; they must agitate until their just demands were granted ; they must sup port their great leader in the House, and follow him blindly, confidently, and unhesitatingly--(great cheering)—in any course that lie might take to secure the claims of the people. In the great agita tion before the bill of 1832 the cry of the Reformers was, "'The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," and so now he would have the cry to be, " A real bill, an honest bill, or no billat all." (Great applause.) The resolution was carried unanimously. Mr. W. E. FORSTER, M.P., then moved--" That this meeting utterly repldiates the bill of the Go vernment in the present form as a settlement of the Reform question, especially of the borough fran chise ; and resolves that as the House of Commons by the divisions of the 12th of April, and of the 9th of May, refuses to improve the partial, capricious, and unjust restrictions by which the Government seeks to prevent large numbers of householders from acquiring the franchise, the agitation be at once re newed and continued until these restrictions be abolished, and an honest and straightforward mea sure be secured." (Cheers.) He said the time had come when Reformers in the House should take counsel with Reformers out of the House, and all should now feel it to be their duty to let the Govern ment know what course of action would be adopted if this bill were allowed to become law. He dis claimed the intention of making use of the Reform Bill to displace the Government, but he had always felt it was a misfortune that such an important question should be left to be settled by the anti- Reformers, instead of being in the hands of Mr. Gladstone, the Liberal leader. He had not wished to reject the bill, because up till lately he had not abandoned the hope that it might be amended so as to give satisfaction. Even as matters at present stood if Reformers through out the country resolutely did their duty hopes of a settlement of the borough franchise need not be despaired of even from the present bill. The bill was to some extent a good one. It was very good for 29 boroughs, but it was very bad for 171 boroughs. It was bal because it put difficulties in the way of the compound householder obtaining a vote, and gave facilities to other men for making him a voter. It made it very difficulty for the hard-working, intelligent, honest householder to procure a vote, but it made it very easy , for unscrupulous electioneering agents and intimi dating landlords to make him a voter. The practi cal suggestion which he had to offer was that what ever influence they possessed should be used before the bill became law ; to ask the House of Commons, and to demand from the Government that they should treat all boroughs in England as they had treated the 29. They should demand that, inasmuch as Government had given household suffrage to these, it should also be given to the remaining 171. (Cheers.) If they did not succeed in their efforts to amend the bill they should continue to agitate and use the Government measure as alever to remove the inequalities which it contained, and which were now so justly complained of. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had not thought it unbecoming his place as leader of the House of Commons, and the second man in the Government, to throw out hints and suggestions which would be followed quickly enough by those who were his followers, as to the manner in which those who agitated for the people's rights were to be followed. He had stigmatised as sedition the arguments and reasoning which had led to the abolition of the corn laws. (Shame.) The right hon. gentleman might e )mplain of agita tion and disturbance, but the real disturbers of the peace of the country were her Mak sty's Govern ment. (Cheers.) They were bringing about a state of things which it was for people like those present to prevent being dangerous, for he could imagine nothing more dangerous than to hold out acid rerllSe it It/ ine, majority. Such a course of procedure was playing with edged tools. Those who sat in the House of Commons were accustomed to see Mr. Disraeli in this vein, but those outside were not. He would, however, advise them to disregard such foul words as he had used, continue their agitation, and use every constitutional method of getting the evil of which they complained removed. (Cheers.) Mr. BRIGHT, who was received with vehement cheering, which lasted some time, said—Although I dare say we all feel that a great meeting like this is not generally the best assembly for the discussion of business, yet I cannot help thinking that there is some important business before us, and in the speeches already delivered some part of it has been got through. We have before us a work which per. haps 1 can measure as well as any man, as I have had the opportunity of measuring the work that has already been accomplished. I forget exactly the day when I was on this platform last, butit was one day in the month of December. And looking back only for six months I think we have a right to say that the great question on which we have set our hearts has made a great and memorable advance. (Cheers.) But, notwithstanding that advance, it would be to blind our eyes to the facts, if we did not see and acknowledge that that question is at this moment in a critical condition, and in one of no small peril. From the first day of the opening of Parliament we have had the misfortune of seeing this ques tion in the hands of its enemies —(cheers) —and when we know how great is the power of every Go vernment, whilst it lasts, in the House cf Commons., you can form some idea of the great disadvantage which we are subject to in seeing this bill, or any reform bill, in the hands of Lord Derby's Adminis tration. (Hear, hear.) The members of that Admi nistration have not dared altogether to refuse to de fer to public opinion ; but whilst pretending to do that which the people want, they have, in almost every clause of the Reform Bill, introduced some thing of a pernicious tendency that should make the whole bill of very small value to the country. (Cheers.) Now, I shall not say much about the basis of the borough franchise except this :—What I think it bad in is that the requirement that every man should pay a certs in rate—the poor rate—will infal libly, in the lower classes of voters, afford at least ' great opportunities for corruption. (Hear, hear.) But as we cannot expect that in the provisions of the bill everything should be as we wish, I will not even quarrel with the basis of the bill, if the basis of it had been fairly applied, or if, where it could not be fairly applied, some other method of enfranchis ing the people had been adopted, so that through the broad land of England and Wales the same common justice should be meted out to all the house holders in all the boroughs. (Che ers .) N ow, the newspapers tell us—some of them—( a laugh) —that nobody can comprehend what the compound house holder is ; that the thing has been so much discussed that those who knew nothing before know nothing still, and those who thought they knew everything find themselves in a state of complete confusion. (A. laugh.) But this bill, if it passes, even coining into operation under the most favourable circum stances, and operating as I believe its framers hope and intend that it should operate, would offer to 245,000 men in all the boroughs of England and Wales the elective franchise, on condition that every one of them had resided twelve months, paid his rate, and had taken whatever steps inay be necessary to see that his name is neither left off the rate book nor the register. Now it is admitted, and has been admitted in the House of Commons, that if you take this whole number and divide it by two, you get as near as possible the actual number of persons whose names would come upon the register. As many would not have lived long enough, that is twelve months—and in point of fact it comes to nearly two years —some would not have paid their rates, some would have changed their residence from one town to another, some would have forgotten this or that, or somebody else would have forgotten something--(a lauzh)—but ha the result one half of the whole number does not find itself upon the register. But if you admit or offer the franchise to 245,000 persons you would really adsait 122,000 upon the borough register; but the bill excludes--taking the whole number of those to whom it does not fairly give the franchise—it ex cludes in these same boroughs not less than 476,000 persons, and dividing that number by two, it prac tically and actually excludes 238,000 persons who would be voters if the bill fairly applied eaually to all the boroughs of the kingdom. (Cheers.) Now I suppose that some of you have, after all—notwith standing what some writers say—got some idea of the cause of this. (Hear, hear, and a laugh). I have on two occasions--once in Birmingham, and once in the House of Commons—illustrated the case by the example of the two great towns of Sheffield, in Yorkshire, and of Birmingham, which I am per mitted to represent. (Cheers.) Now, in Sheffiell, as a rule, the householders pay their rates to the parish officers ; in Birmingham, as a rule, in consequence of acth, some of which were passed nearly 40 years ago, the rates—and in the case of houses up to £l2 rating which, I suppose, is equal to £l5 rental at least—are paid by the owners, the landlords of the houses. In the case of Sheffield the occupiers will come upon the list, in the case of Birmingham they will be ex cluded from it. In Sheffield 28,000 persons have the chance of a vote, of whom we may reckon that 14,000 would actually get it. In Birmingham 36,000 per sons have not the chance of it, and 18,000, or half of the whole number, are practically prohibited from obtaining the franchise. (Hear, hear.) Now, I have asked in the House of Commons—there are a good many rational men there— (a laugh)—and they some times admit au argument, and yet, on a division, will not vote in accordance with it—(a laugh)—l have asked them whether any one man will say there is any difference between the condition of the people of Birmingham and the people of Shef field? They are both—speaking of them in refer ence to the trade of the towns—wonderfully inge nious and industrious workers in metals; they obey the law as well in Birmingham as in Sheffield ; they are as good men in Sheffield as in Birming ham ; I claim no preference whatever for the town that has returned me to Parliament, but if these men are the same men, if in all the duties of life they are equal, if before all the other laws of the country they are treated with just equality, I say it is a monstrous proposition, and unheard of till this day, in English legislation, that a bill should pass the Imperial Parliament which opens its arms wide to all the people of Sheffield, and closes them almost absolutely to the people of Birmingham. (Loud cheering.) Now ➢lr. Forster has referred to the point that 29 boroughs are treated with this libe rality ; but what is the good of the franchise in 29 boroughs if you do not also give it in the other 170 boroughs ? (Hear.) Can the members for the 29 boroughs, if they are improved in quality by the in crease of the constituencies—can they materially affect the conclusions of the House of Commons if the 170 boroughs are left almost in their present position ? Now, it has been admitted by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer that although these persons do not pay their rates with their own bands to the overseer, but pay them through the landlord—he has admitted they are just as good as other men, and, further, that in paying what may be called the reduced rate to the landlord, in reality they do pay the full rate as much as those who lire in the 29 favoured boroughs. Well, if that be so, the in justice is something, I say, monstrous and in credible. (Cheers.) But look at the effect of it. The 29 boroughs are many of them little boroughs— some of them ought not to be boroughs at all. (A laugh.) In these 29 boroughs the number of persons to be admitted would be 103,000; but the most ex traordinary fact is this—that of the 103,000 82,000, or three-fourths of them, are to be admitted in eight boroughs alone —(hear, hear) ; and, therefore, in this vast extension of the franchise—(a laugh)- -in this unheard-of liberality with which it is contemplated to confer this trust upon the people of England—the blessing is reserved to 29 boroughs and three-fourths of all the new voters will), be given to only eight of these 29 boroughs. (Cries of " Shame.") Why, if you were to put eight boroughs of any kind against these eight others you will see what an utter fraud, as the bill stands, it is upon tho rivirtpla - - pecj - tire k lA'b aeUI OUlty, and where the occupiers will get a vote :—Huddersfield, York, Bury, Rochdale, Stockport, Oldham, Stoke upon-Trent, and Sheffield, and the number of voters they let in is 82,000. Here are eight others—not less respectable, not less creditable, as specimens of English borough life :—Hull, Merthyr-Tydvil, Nor wich, Bradford, the Tower Hamlets, Leeds, and the great towns of Manchester and Birmingham. In these eight boroughs the bill actually leaves out not fewer, not more, than 160,000 occupiers of houses. (Cries of " Shame," and hisses.) So, while in the other eight boroughs, 82,000 are invited in ; in the eight boroughs I last mentioned 160,000 occupiers are, I may say, invited out—(great laughter and hisses)—while the whole number of electors invited inintheseeight las ti-e butment 2ion1e:001b0. Now,oroulgls, 1 said I where so many areexcluded, twouldhebilln.otlqfutahrereelwinnetrshisefspeheeuecheswniethwhtelriee paid d is of rates—if they were req'tired, and it were the usualthe practice, as f tr as poverty did not prevent it, to pay their own poor-rates, then I would say, considering the variety of opinion in the country, and the diffi culty of making progress in a great question like this—that it would have been a large and generous extension of the suffrage to have admitted all such to the franchise. But when the Government found that the basis they:adopted applied in the way I have just pointed out—that it would confine the benefits g o i f v t e h a e billhalf,to i in fact abeotronueagrhlsy, ttohreeige..heituoafrtwerehichefitawil that ould it pretends to give to th e w h o i e people of England —that these 29 boroughs would be let in, and that 170 other boroughs, large and small, throughout the kingdom wou ld get almost literally nothing ; then I say that the Government are not in earnest, hoistthat t t h h e e y h m a e n a n n er to of deceive,b (Louda necessaryn n banner r c o , ef e a o rr n s insulting s You tandhey reallythat, whi followis t they reform 1 ooueown rit l r h ic at tion, em which it will be v h erea t d o t h h a e ul d d eb o a w t n es . will have perceived that when Mr. Disraeli was. charged in treating those persons whose rates are paid by the landlord, and who are called compound householders because the owner compounds for the rate with the parish--when, I say, he was charged with treating the compound householders below £lO in a different manner to what he treated those who were above that sum, he found that the argu ment was unanswerable, and having got an idea, perhaps, that the House of Commons would not allow him to establish such a distinction he adopted a new course. But what did he 'do ? Why he turned back to an Act of Parliament in the year 1851 in which there was a clause which put the occupier whose landlord paid his reduced rates on exactly the same footing with regard to the franchise as the occupier who paid his own rates and which re-established and restored the franchise to not le s s than 94,000 occupiers, of £lO value, and he said— g"rleanit a i y neq pe u r a h l a i p ty s w no h t ieh be l a h l a lo v ‘ e ve p d ro t p u o p se e d rpe , b tr u a t te l w th i i l s l do this. By repealing a clause of that Act I will treat the 91,000 persons who have now a legal right to be upon the register just as badly as in my new Ell I am going to treat all the compound house holders who occupy houses under £10." (Shame.) And thus he was to get rid of the argument com plaining of the difference to be made in dealing with those above and those below £lO, and was to establish a great equality, as he said, by a most in tolerable injustice. (Cheers.) There ere two or three modes by which the Government, if fairly and honestly disposed towards the people, could have remedied this great difficulty, and in either of those cases the borough franchise would have before this been agreed to almost unanimously by the house. They might have admitted all those whose rates are paid by the landlord if the rates really were paid. That is the existing law, and this is the provision which he is now proposing to repeal. Or they might have adopted another course. They might in this bill have enacted that in future, wherever the owners of houses paid the rate instead of the occu pier, the owner should only be permitted to pay the full rate, and not have any reduction off it. Iu THE SIM Lois DON, THIJESDAY EV ENING, MAY 16, 1867. Parliament, you will find in all these boroughs some ten, or twelve, or thirty, or fifty persons who will form themselves into an active committee, and who will take care that this question, if it should be momentarily left where it now is, shall never remain there longer than the period of a general election. (Cheers.) I should say that in all those boroughs, and in all the boroughs of Scotland, and in all the boroughs of Ireland, there will be this distinct ques tion put to every candidate—" Are you willing to vote, and to vote steadily and constantly—for that is a very important thing now—(a laugh)—are you willing to vote in favour of making the franchise proposed or pretended to be given by the act of 1867 a real extension of the franchise to all the boroughs of the kingdom ?" and whatever may be thiechirac 'ter of the candidate, whatever his pretensions, what ever his past services, whatever his politics, Ishould advise all the constituencies in these boroughs not to stultify themselves and the electoral rights of their countrymen by returning any man to Par liament, under any circumstances, who is not willing to accept that pledge. (Cheers.) Now, there have been two or three allusions to the views of what are termed the middle class—of the present electoral class—upon this matter. I met a gentle man this morning who said to me that the shop keepers were very tired of the agitation, which they fancy—what two or three newspapers tell them— disturbs their business. Well, no doubt but that great processions going up Regent-street do not stop much to buy jewellery —(alaugh)—but upon a motive, and for something infinitely better for the people than all the jewellery in the world. (Loud cheers,) But Ido not believe that the majority or that any great number of the shopkeepers of London are of this opinion. (Hear, hear.) There are many causes that affect the state of trade now, as everybody knows, not in London alone, but in all parts of the country. IVhat the shopkeepers of London should do is this, to bring their minds to the examination of this question, and what is desired on the part of the people, what has been promised by Parliament and by the Government; what the Parliament and the Government are about to offer, seeing that what is about to be offered is not that which has been promised, or what the people have a right to expect —they should shake hands with Mr. Wilson in Manchester, with Mr. Beales, in London, and should take the cause which their fathers took five and- thirty years ago, when they came out like men, and like men demanded from an adverse Govern ment their just rights, and their just rights, up to the light of that time, were conceded to them. (Cheers.) There has been reference made to cer tain members of Parliament by wh )se defection the present momentary cloud has comes over this ques tion. I shall not speak of them with any feeling of anger. I shall speak of them only with a deep—l might say with an itsexpressible— sorrow. They, by their feebleness and by their combination with the real opponents of reform, have transferred the management and the completion of this bill to the hands of a states man who during 20 years has led a great party in opposition to every proposal from our side of the house for any improvement in our legislation and in our administration. They have done this fur ther—they have, by so greatly elating him, and by weakening the Parliamentary power of Mr. Glad stone—they have given to the Chancellor of the Exchequer that spirit which he has manifested for some weeks past, and which does not allow him to lose a single opportunity of venting a sneer or piss ing an insult upon the leader of the Liberal party. (Hear, hear.) This, I know well, was not intended to be the result of the action of those members; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer is a man who does not change countenance very much, as those of you know who have seen him —(a laugh) ; but like most other men—and like most horses—he cannot stand more than a certain quantity of corn—(great laughter)—and, elated as he is now by a temporary success, he is not judicious enough to sustain himself, and he taunts some men I who are his opponents is this matter, and eminently Mr. Gladstone, in a manner which I have never be , fore seen on the Treasury bench since I have been in Parliament. (Loud cheers.) We are, I admit, under a momentary disappointment. But I, if 1 i could get from ii,v soul the grief with whicb T has seen men who up to tins time have been so just and so firm, depart, as I believe, from the policy of their past lives, if I could get from it nr Er At it from mn I do not think I should feel very much dismayed or grieved at the present aspect of the question. There can be no manner of doubt that the great cause of Reform has marched on with stately and rapid steps during the last year and a half. From the moment when Earl Russel came into power, with Mr. Glad stone as his leader in the House of Commons— (cheers)—from that moment this question took another start. We found ourselves surrounded by a host of friends from that hour till now ; and whatever may have been the temporary calamities of the struggle, still we see that the march has continued—the great question grows—and no man but has the confident belief that nothing but a just and generous settlement will ultimately be arrived at. (Cheers.) Oh, let us bear in mind—let us not forget now, any more than we did in past years, how great and noble is the cause for which we strive ! (Cheers.) You see how it thrives beyond the Atlantic. (Cheers.) You see how it thrives in almost all the countries of Europe. (Cheers.) You see how it has grown here within the time to which I have referred. I say, let us not only not despond, but let us take greater courage to go on. (Cheers.) • It is a great cause for which we fight, it is for the enfranchisement of a great people, and the tribunal to which we have to appeal, and which must filially test this question, is the. incorruptible conscience of the British nation. The hon. gentleman sat down amidst enthusi astic cheering. Mr. J. B. aorta, of Manchester, seconded the re solution, and in the course.of his speech observed that when Mr. Disraeli had inscribed " household suffrage" on his banner, he had written underneath it, in invisible ink, that nobody should get it, and now feeling himself likely after all to be beaten he was beginning to use bad language like an ill-con ducted school-boy. (Laughter.) Mr. Disraeli had accused the deputation on Saturday of sedition, but be was the last person in the world in whose mouth such a charge should be found, for the letter was on record in which the right hon. gentleman, when a candidate years ago for the parish of Marylebone, concluded a very beautiful letter by saying— , 4 Re member, my forte is sedition." (Great laughter and cheering.) The speaker concluded by promising that the National Reform" Union would hold a great many more meetings yet. Mr. BEALES, in supporting the resolution, said he was perfectly willing to co-operate with his Man chester friends who composed the National Reform Union, in adopting measures against the Govern ment Reform Bill, but in so doing he was not to be understood as iu the slightest degree abandoning the position which the Reform League had taken up with respect to Reform. lie would continue to ad vocate residential registered manhood suffrage, which, he believed, was the only satisfactory settle ment of this question. lie added that those who assisted to defeat the Government measure would have to introduce a more liberal measure. The resolution was then put by the Chairman, and carried unanimously. Mr. POPE moved, " That this meeting, having no hope of any frank and free concessio❑ of equal elec toral rights from those who have always been the avowed enemies of Reform, calls upon the Liberal members of the House of Commons, if the bill of the Government arrives at a third reading without the amendments indicated.in the last resolution, to reject it altogether, and remit the quesiion to the people." (Cheers.) Mr. WARBURTON seconded the resolution, which was also put and carried. There were loud cries for Mr. Mill, but the chair man intimated that he would address another meet ing which was to be held next week. On the motion of Mr. Mason Jones, a vote of thanks was given to the chairman, and the pro ceedings terminated. The other day, at the Central Criminal Court, a prisoner was on trial, and at its conclusion was told that the jury had found him. guilty. "Exactly," replied th• culprit, " tlaat'6 just ray conviction." that case they would have placed all these persons on the roll in Sheffield, Rochdale, and the other boroughs, which make up the 29 included, and the extension of the franchise would then have been equal and generous to them all. Mr. Forster has alluded to the case of Scotland ; and what, let me ask, has the Chancellor of the Exchequer done with regard to that country. 1 sometimes suspect that the Scotch are somewhat sharper than we are. (Laughter and cheers.) - I joke a very excellent friend of mine, who is a Scotchman, that the only thing in my life with which I had nothing to do but which I blame myself for, is, that I was not born with some Scotch blood in me. (Laughter and cheers.) What, I say, does the tight hon. gentle man do in Scotland ? There every occupier pays only half his rate ; the landlord pays the other half ; and yet in Scotland every householder above the level of £4 —for below that sum they do not collect the rates from the occupier —is to be enfranchised by this bill. Ido not complain of that in the least ; but I will tell you whatl do complain of very much, and it is this—l complain that the Scotch occupier, and who pays only half his rates, say 103., if he is rated for 205., should receive a vote, while the Englishman, who pays at least 153. out of the 205., is not to be allowed to have a vote. The Scotch man gets a vote who pays only half his rate, but the Englishman cannot get a vote in a single in stance under this bill although he pays as much as three-fourths of the rate. (Shame.) I presume it will be the same in Ireland. In that country occupiers below £4 do not pay any rates, and above that they pay only half and the landlord pays I the other half. The principle of this bill will I suppose be extended to Ireland. I am not one of those who depreciate the people of Ireland. (Hear.) I think they have been too much oppressed by us to justify any Englishman to throw a slur upon their character ; but I will ask whether there is any man within the three kingdoms who will say that it is a wise, or necessary, or just act on the part of Parliament to give in all the Irish boroughs a fran chise to those persons paying above £4, to give the same to Scotland, and yet to deny it to the great majority of the people of England who live in the 170 boroughs to which the restrictions of the bill apply ? (Loud cheers.) Mr. Hibbert, the member for Oldham, proposed to introduce into the Govern ment measure that particular clause to which I re ferred in the Compound HousebolderS' Act of 1851, which gives the right of voting to the compound hou , eholders, and there was an idea that Govern ment would be got to accept it. You recollect the little negociations—(laughter)—that took place be tween the head whip of the Government and a Welsh member on our side of the house. They were cooking it all very nicely in the lobby. The Welsh member thought he was cooking the whip, but it turned out the very opposite way—the whip was cooking the Welsh member. (Laughter.) In stead, therefore, of Mr. Disraeli, who, through Col. Taylor, was to give the question his most candid consideration—(laughter)—no man has so much candid consideration as the Chancellor of the Ex chequer—(renewed laughter)—doing what he said, he turned round upon Mr. Ilibberd and said, with a profusion of compliments about the beauty, elegance, eloquence, and truthfulness of his speech, " I not ; only won't take the clause you propose ; I not only won't accept it and give the benefit of it to the new voters under the bill, but I will repeal it with re gard to the voters who are at present entitled to be upon the register." He in fact, gave to all those gentlemen who were so credulous with respect to his candid consideration a slap in the face which I hope they will long remember. (Cheers.) In addition to what I have mentioned there the have was a c n h o o t s h e e n r to w a y act in • le of their bill and yet give satisfaction. principle f w h t i h c he they liked G e d o v t e o r npn preserve r t ve might They might have said to all the borou g hs of Eng land and Wales to which this b ill does not fairl y • give the franchise, we will give it to every house holder of a certain clear annual value, so that in those boroughs where the bill does apply the prin ciple will work, and in those where it does not apply it will establish another franchise which, in the lone! run, will cone to the same result. Thus if in Sheffield 28,000 men have the right to come upon the register, in Birmin nu n glnm l 49.9,&pr it t.a l V, position. But no; they will not do this. They stand by what they call the principle of the bill. and ; the principle of the bill merely means an enormous / most unjust, and I will venture to say a most perilous exclusion of the great body of the house holders of the Kingdom. (Cheers). Well, what is 'it that it is our duty to do? Considering that we have marched some distance since last December, and a good deal further since this time last year, we may, perhaps, fancy, with some truth, that the end of our journey may ultimately be reached. (Hear, hear.) Everything that was said last ses sion against the bill of Lord Russell's Government is now, I think, pretty nearly given up. The lies have served their purpose, and are now dropped. (Laughter). Most of the things that were said against Mr. Gladstone are also given up. They have, it is true, found a good many new things to things say about him. Near l y all the they said about me are also gone ; and I think they have a sort of idea that perhaps I may be of some little use in helping. them to get through such parts of the m e asure as I can by any possibility bring myself to u ought we to do, after ask,e I so we to be c onten t w i t h the sha propositions nogr td. e What, n u o f t ch t h l in:, Are bill? (Cries of " No, no.") principl es , w h atever be its bietsits assumed lib era li ty, w h en be e t and becom es l aw, i t shall, so far Or are we to ins ist u p on it that whatever be its acceptable to (Cheers.) Last y ear ipbtra pretences, ti passes cesesp, whatever awrhliattme as we can accomplis h it, b e at least a fair and equal :INallrt.measure,ie bGladstone r aoun boroughs hssl of f l o l tu b hg e eh j kt u i i s nn t g a ad n ob d ui equallyl., which as you k now did not go as far as many of us could have wished, although it was a great recommendation to us that the bill was so easy to comprehend. (Cheers.) There was not a single dodge in it from one end to another. (Cheers.) It said that every man in a county who occupies a house and land of the value of £l4 shall have a vote, and every man in a borough, without any question of rating, Or pay ment of rates, who occupies a house of the clear annual value of P,7, shall have a vote. Everybody knew what that meant, and those who would have been glad to go the length o f £ 6 or £ 5, or even , G w o e v r e e rn o m bl e ig n e t d i t n o p co as n s f i : g a t a ha g t r t e h a e t householddifficultiesmeasure like soufff this through the house were so great that it was necessary to conciliate the opinions of others ; and even enthusiastic reformers, therefore, seeing the clear and transparent honesty that had been employed in the construe ion and framing of the bill, gave it all the support in their power. But the bill we now have was quite contrary, be cause there is scarcely a clause from beginning to end in which there is not a dodge. The subtlety of Mr. Disraeli's intellect, combined with the corrupt experience of the electioneering agents of the Go vernment, have brought this bill to the condition in which it was when it first made its appearance on the table of the House of Commons. I say there is only one answer that we can make to its proposals. We must move on with an increased resolution and an increased combination and union for the purpose of achieving that great success which, though it is not exactly at our feet, is not so far ahead but that I think most of us can see it. (Cheers.) lam not of opinion that the 29 boroughs in England and Wales, or the boroughs in Scotland that will be enfranchised tinder this act, will sit down and say, we have got our table spread, and we really cannot attend to what is said by our fa mishing brethren in the 170 boroughs. I blieve, when they are enfranchised under the operation of the bill they will be still more resolved than the exist ing constituencies are now that the bill shall be male an equal and a just bill to all their countrymen in all the boroughs. (Cheers.) Now, what I should recommend to the associations connected with this question is this, that they should proceed to estab lish and org an i se i n every b oro ugh in the kingdom a committe e for the special object of doing this special work. (A pp l ause. ) A s they were working for their own enfranchisement in 170 boroughs, so, in order that their own enfranchisementin the 29 favoured boroughs may be effectual for a better ON THE STUMP. (From the 41forning Herald) Saturday has settled it. At the moment when shouts of triumph are pealing through the Conser vative camp, and the paeans of shameless renegades ring their loudest, the people are rallying to the drooping banner of William Ewart Gladstone. A callous aristocracy, a mere money-getting middle class, and even the debauched intelligence of the working population, may range itself on the side of Tory treachery and Adullamite perfidy, but after all the voice of the people is echoed in that yearning appeal, that tearful apostrophe, which wrung from the heart and the lips of their own William last Satur day the grandly audacious defiance which has ere this struck the chill of terror itro the mass of gelid fl :less which would be called the heart of the House 6f Commons. Henceforth we have done with Parlia ment. Too long, with a generous but overstrained patience, has the one statesman of England sought to teach that the end and am of its existence is to restore the Whigs to Downing-street. Thrice has he forced that intelligible issue upon its conscience and its loyalty, and thrice has he met with a repulse at once shameless in its disobedience and cynical in its audacity. Those who, in mournfully diminished numbers, still hold to him, are good men and true, but he is faced by a soulless congeries of dishonoured partisans, who fail to acknowledge the grandeur• of the programme which would place the leader of the people once more in his proper place on the right of the Speaker. What though he is backed by such sin cere Reformers as Lowe and Bernal Osborne? He struggles vainly against the mass of traditional Tories, professed Liberals, and the self-seeking clique of renegades represented by a Headlam, a Bass, an Elcho, a Harvey Lewis, a Grosvenor, a Laing, and a Roebuck. There must be an end to this, and the sturdy men of Manchester have said that it shall be so. They demand household suffrage pure and simple, with triennial parliaments, and while they know that Mr. Gladstone will accept neither, they throw themselves into his arms with a sublime confidence, and are not even mean enough to ask what he means to do for them. And what is the response to this splendid generosity, this childlike trustfulness? The tri bune of the people is chiefly identified with a seven pound franchise or a five pound franchise, or a " hard and fast" lima of some kind or other. But mark how the true statesman rises superior to small pledges and peddling consistency. With a noble scorn and a grand derision he sweeps from his path these records of a forgotten past, these finger-posts which mark the traces by which, from separate starting-points, he has sought the way to office, and bursting the shackles of a hollow conventional decency, untrammels himself from the pledges of the past, and declares himself at liberty to say, to do, and to suffer anything—even from manhood suffrage down to bigamy—if only he may open to himself the portals of Downing-street. As we have said before, so we repeat now, let us have no carp ing about details, which are puerile or meaning less in contrast with the grand purpose which William Ewart has ever steadily kept in view. Let those who love good laws, and look to have them in halcyon days in a not far future at present remote, await with peaceful lips, and faithful, if yearning, eyes the good things that their trusted leader will send them. Let them, we would say, with a gener ous defiance to Tory scoffers, let them even shut their eyes, as the shrewd men of the National Re form Union have done. They demand household suffrage pure and simple, but will Mr. Gladstone give it them ? Not a bit of it. Do they ask him to pledge himself to their programme ? By no means. They leave him free; they promise him their support to crush the Reform Bill; and when be gets into office, we can promise them that, having kept their eyes shut all the while, when they open them they shall see what they shall see. What, then —in the glowing language of the lofty orator and inspired poet of the name of Jones, who erewhile thrilled a universe for a shilling a head at the Hanover-square ROOlll3. What, then, is to be done? There is no uncertain sound in the trumpet-tongued response of the People's William. Let the House of Com mons look to it. He offers grace and mercy, if only it will bend to his majestic will. Let it, enner•l tie rules of Aprn iz and May 9. Let the Tories cease from troubling, and the Liberals and the tea room party from thwarting him. Let the Parlia ment of England crouch at the feet of its master, acknowledge its fault, cancel its decisions, and be ready to register the dictates of him who speaks in the name of the multitudinous people. Let it un say all that it has said, undo all that it has done, and be ready to back him in one supreme effort to save an agonised nation, and restore the Whigs to power. This is one alternative, the other is equally simple. Defy him, pass this Act of Betrayal, this Measure of Measureless Infamy, this Statute of S tre perous Turpitude, and the People's William will turn in loathing scorn from a base and besotted Parlia ment, and fling himself into the longing arms of a yearning but maddened populace. Again, we re peat, let the House of Commons look to it, and let the upper and middle classes and the industrious and intelligent working men look to it. They are sick of the reform agitation, of meetings, and de monstrations ; we promise them a resumption of the campaign on a far more gigantic and . irritating scale. They are weary of Bright., and Beales, and Bradlaugh ; yet if these minor satellites could so stir the hearts of the people, how menacingly deep, how terribly earnest will be the response which will follow when the People's William takes to the stump, and attunes the heartstrings of roughs to the noble promptings of his generous ambition. A sterner Minister than Walpole may mass his forces to ter rorise the followers of Gladstone. Sir Richard myrmidons, yrmid Mayne may array his m the War-office may lay Aldershot under contribution and make London to gleam with hireling bayonets, and Lord John Manners may encase Hyde-park with pilings of triple strength ; but when the people arise in their might at the bidding of their trusted leader, the peerless Paladin who knows nor shame nor re proach, the barriers erected by an effete oligarchy will be burst like the withes which Samson rent in the very scorn of his resistless power, and the Com mons of England will be scattered in dismay when the walls of St. Stephen's are affrighted by the tread and summons of the legions led by William Ewart Gladstone.—Gaily Bellowyraph. The will of Behjamin Cohen, Esq., of Asgill [louse, Richmond, and Marine-parade, Brighton, was proved in London on the I.F.th ult., and the personalty sworn under £140,000. The executors are his three sons, Lionel, Nathaniel, and Arthur, and Sampson Lucas, Esq. The testator died March 30, at the Great Western Hotel, Paddington. He has left the following charitable bequests :—To the Jews' Free School, Bell-lane, £200; Jews' Hos pital (Beth Holm), Mile-end, £lOO ; Mesh war Neposh, £lOO ; Jewish Ladies' Benevolent Society, founded by his sister, Mrs. De Rothschild, £100; Great Synagogue, Duke's-place, £lOO ; Jews' Orphan Asylum, Hackney, £5O, all free of legacy duty; to the Vicar of Richmond £l5O for benevolent purposes ; and. directs that on the de cease of his relict £lOOO shall be distributed among such charities as his executors may see fit. There are numerous legacies to his friends and to his ser vants. To his wife he leaves an immediate legacy of £5OO, the interest of £60,000, and his residences and furniture, except the jewels and medals which are specifically bequeathed. He has made a liberal provision for his daughters, and leaves the residue of his property amongst his three sons equally. The CATTLE PLAGUE.—The cattle plague is re ported to have again made its appearance in Cornwall, and great uneasiness prevails in consequence. A cow, the pro perty of Mr. Jell, farmer, bf Calstook, suddenly because ill during the past week, and on Friday a veterinary surgeon declared it to be a bad case of cattle plague. The animal was ordered to be killed. About 100,0001bs. of a good quality of sugar, made from beet toot, have just been received at Spring field, Illinois, from a manufactory recently established in Livingston County, in that State. EDITORIAL COURTESIES.—In a recent number of the Foxtown Fusilier appeared the following editorial note : —" Postscript.--We stop the press with pleasure to an nounce the decease of our contemporary, Mr. Suaggs, editor of the Foxtown Flash. He has now gone to another and a better world. Persons who have taken the Flash will find tho Fusilier a good papor."— The Stationer. Extraordinary Romance. news The London correspondent of the Belfast Letter vouches for the truth of the following some what remarkable narrative :—" A short time since an old lady, living in one of the small streets lead ing out of Albany-street, Regent's-park, close to what was once the Colosseum, entered the shop of Mr. —, a poulterer in the neighbourhood, and purchased a chicken. The tradesman was attentive to her, as such people ought to be, and the lady be came a customer, always coming to the shop and giving her own orders. She appeared to be very old, but to have all her faculties about her. On Saturday evening she came when the poulterer hap pened to be very busy. She said she wished to speak to him, and he asked her to walk into the little parlour behind the shop, and he would come to her the moment he was disengaged. In the parlour she met the daughter of the poulterer, and, after some conversation, in the course of which she remarked that the young girl looked ill, and required chang e , of air, she produced a parcel, tied up in paper , and said, Give this to your father, as he is busy and cannot come, and I cannot wait. I wish him to take you away for a little change, and hereis some thing that will enable him to do so.' She p laced the parcel in the girl's hand, and told her to leek i t up in a cupboard to which she pointed. The g irl did so, and thought no more of the matter ; but ' , when, some hours subsequently, the shop was closed, and her father came into the parlour to get his supper, she produced the parcel, and gave the mes sage by which it was accompanied. The poulterer laughed as he untied it ; but, to his amazement, the parcel was found to consist of bank notes and gold of the value of £l,OOO. There was also in it an antique gold watch and chain. The next day Mr. hurried round to his customer to thank her, when she desired him to take his daughter out of town for a few days, and on their return to inform her of their arrival. This, of course, wa s done. A day or two after their return she called at the shop of Mr. —, and said she wished him to come to her house to tea, accompanied hi his daughter. As they were about to leave, after partaking of her hospitality, she said to Mr. I wish you particularly to call upon me to-mer" row morning, and bring with you two resp e ctahle persons upon whom you can rely.' The next morn ing Mr. attended, accompanied by the c urate of the parish and a neighbour. The old lady theh, said she was upwards of 90 years of age, an d had no relative living but a cousin, an attorney , who ' she alleged, had not treated her well, and by w hat/ she said she had lost £20,000. She added that she had £25,000 in Consols still left, and that, as s he , felt she would not live long, and was resolved that the attorney should not get anything belonging t° her, she had asked Mr. —to attend, with tw o witnesses, in order that she might transfer to him' for his own absolute use, the £25,000 to which she had referred. She added that she knew very well what she was about, and by giving him the money while she was alive, instead of bequeathing it of him at her death, ho would be saved the payme nt legacy duty to the extent of £2,0')0. This announce' ment appeared to be of so singular a nature that the clergyman very properly suggested that a solicitor should be sent for. The man of law came accord ingly, and the transfer was duly effected. The old lady's presentiment of approaching dissolution proved to be coned, as she died a few weeks aftert making this singular disposition of her property. seems that before her death she had intended t ° ,, give the money to a chemist with whom she used to deal, but that he had offended her by som e inattention to her wishes. The moral of this story (of the substantial accuracy of which there can be no doubt whatever) is that civility ees tg nothing, and may sometimes yield a rich reward.'' COUNTRY MARKETS• HULL.—TUESDAY. VW At our market to-day there was a small supply of , cee. lish wheat, which sold steadily at last week's Pf i let e Foreign in middling request, and samples saleable.. a t de ., rates. Malting barl e y qui e t, at lower terms ; grinclD; 6 „ ts a scriptions steadily disposed of, and at full prices. scarce supply. -not- Danish and Hamburg, 62s to 64s ; Russian, English white wheat, 60s to 635; red, 60s to 62s ; '',. 4 , ; --' 17----; e5"" -, 5 , C 2-, to 70,; : B;iltie red, 62s to u ' , Barley, English, 19 , 5. 57 5 to 3Gs to 49s ; grinding, Mediterran ean, 34s to 35s 6d. Oats, new English, 26s to 28 • n ussialli s , • 43 6 26s to 278. B9nnti.. old Ene-lkh m9ttz 148 WIC; ~ fr-”"",bitel to 448. Yeas, taignsn nine, 4z- to 148 ioreign il 44s to 455; grinding, 43s to 44s Od per qr. LYNN—TUESDAY. lte New wheat, 66s to 68s ; new red, 60s. to 655; old —s to —s ; old re d, — s t o — s p er 36 s t o ne. Barley for malting, 47s to 51s; secondary, 42s to 455. Oats, ne W ' 24s to 26s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 42s to 465. re 3Bl 37s to 41s per 28 stone. MONMOUT HS HIRE—T UESDAY. Home-grown wheat has not been very liberal in silly' ply during the last week, and business generally is s ti dull. Foreign wheat offered moderately, at about previc'ut rates, with a sluggish business. Barlty rather easier, t previous quotations. Oats barely maintained the late go,, vance. Malt was in moderate request. Beans showed Ov change. red, The following are the average quotations:—Wheat , 78 Gd to 8s Od per bushel ; white, 7s 9d to 8s 6d ; infell d' Gs Ucl to 6s 6d ; malting barley, 44s to 48s per qr ; gr l 26 s ing ditto, 34s to 36s Od; beans, 43s to 45s ; white oats, to 27s Od ; black ditto, 24s 6d to 25s Gd. SALISBURY.--TUESDAY. At this market to-day the supply of wheat was rldh on the increase, with a short attendance, partly on aco u l l of the Wilts Yeomanry being up for training and 1 3 a",, g races. The trade was inactive. and last week's fig u ,,,d r '. were about realised. Barley met with a limited deina",e and no advance in price obtained. Oats, beans, and pe.a ruled dull, but wore unaltered in value. Malt quiet, all fully as de'tir. f ro' 62s following are the quotations :—Wheat realised -r„.43 62s to 72s ; barley, 32s to 455; oats, 24s to 305; beataVio to 58s; and peas, 40s to 48s per qr. Tares, from 5s un,j; Gd per bushel; Best bread, 15d ; household ditto, per 81b loaf. Flour, 46s to kis pei sack. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. & s. d. s• 3 Kelloe 18 17 9 East Hartlepool ... -- 9 ___ __ __ ._. Holywell Main l6 9 Walls End turn .... .. . 16 (1 . Bradyell's Hetton l7 6 Northumb e rl'd Main. -15 0 Wharncliffe 8 Caradoc l7 0 C. B rancepe th G a s ..• 1, 9 Haswell Tunstall Ships at market, 53—sold. 43. A Yankee captain was caught in the jaws o f II 1, lag whale, but was finally rescued, badly wounded On . e asked what ho thought while in that situation, he rep 6d: --" I thought ho would make about forty barrels." rADvERTISEmENT.4—HoIIoway's Ointment and P ill t 5 Old and Young.— 'hese noble remedies cannot 1) 0 highly extolled for the beneficial influence they exert 0005 the many maladies incidental to old age, and the vaxeti.,so„ci irritations incidental to childhood. All sores, ulcer s, the legs, and skin diseases, which secretly undermine iv, health, and render old age a prolonged torture, Ina ii a readily removed by the aid of this very cleansing - tbe healing ointment, assisted by Holloway's Pills, and nursery, chaps, chafes, rashes, cuts, sprai ns , and b u t he may be readily cured. These remedies comprise, 10 ,;,f , smallest compass, the best means o f p reven ti n g or 0311 1,1 0 c1 lug the greater number of di seases w hi c h afflict inat i their ignorance, negligence, hardships, or 00r in through dulgence. Births. AxzasLEY—On the 12th inst., at Cabir Abbey 1 : 1 „ / °1 1. county Tipperary, the wife of Lieut.-Colonel B. Aunesley, of a daughter. STOCK— On the 15th inst., at 45, Bedford-gardens , hone'ington, the wife of Henry Stock, Esq., of a daught rf e `'a i r WEST—On the 15th inst., at 16a, Oxford-square , - 13 Y park, the Hon. W. E. Sackville West, of a sou. Marriages. Ea s t HoDGEs—STRAKER—On the 14th inst. at at St. jobe% to c Dulwich, Charles S. Hodges, Esq., Peckham-1V of Rosa Ann, fourth daughter of Samuel Straker, Estl Sunnyside, Peckham-rye-common. tollf TAYLOR—LEWIS—On the 14th inst., at St. John's, B'' - hi ll, Mr. Joseph Taylor, of 6, Streatham-place, Brixte rv .alc son of Joseph Taylor, Esq., of Eastcheap and De9. 9-I ; v is, bill, S., to Elizabeth Caroline, daughter of Thos. . 1 - 4° Esq., of Gloster Villas, Brixton. Deaths. CO ' BUNDURY -On the 11th inst., at Lisnevagh, poi" low, Isabella, daughter of the late Capt. Welintock 21. bury, R.N., many years M.P. for that county, ur d f BLESCOwE—On the 13th inst., Robert Blencowe, Bsq' 66, Adelaide-road, Haverstock-hill, Hampstead. BESEMERES —On the 14th inst., John Beserueres, Hoove Lea, Brighton, aged 68. (I ze n eat. HYDE—On the 13th inst., at Timbercombe tll° Bridgwater, James C. Hyde, Esq., Lieut.-Colonel 1 Indian Amy, aged 78. w e st- Jo b i o N u s r — u 1 ;110 01 n terr t a h ee e Johns, and Davis, aged 41. ks hirel , 13 A t i h r. Johns, tt ofe Charles-street, RIITSON —On the 11th inst., at Newby William Rutson, Esq., aged 76. Wier°, Yor London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM AN L 1 1 , 3 : ° of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at T HE SUN Office, o ' o f Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the 0 01131 ItLiddlows.—ThuriAlay, MAY 1 6 , 1867. a...0'