The Sun. — London, England, 1841-06-25 00:00:00

EVENII‘,IC-.- Eb-ITft)N.- ling, younger of heir, to enter upon the hopeless task of oust ing Lord James Stuart. Judging from the tone.; of Mr. Stir ling's address, we do nr,t expect that he will venture so far in his silly crusatle as to :40 to the poll ; and, in fe ct, not a single individual has ;been foolish enough to ask a vote for him in Ayr. On Saturday, ford James Stuart completed a most euccessl canvass in Ayr. BANFFSHIRE. —"Are are indebted to our Contsmpee.ary the C onstitutional, fir the accurate designation o' the new Tory candidate for 13anff shire. He has been talked t,f for some days, bet under such a .variety of names that no one could tell ex actly who he was.. Some called him Lord. Redhive—others Lord Redhall— a nd a third set Lord Hee:herring ; but the real title turns oat to be Lord Redhave n, and belongs, it seems, to the eldest son of the Earl of Scsfield.—Aberdeen herald. SCOTTISH EL ECTIONS.—The number of counties to be con testedin Sc ot / and is six —Kirkeudbritilitshir e, Renfrewshire, Stir . iingshire, Vi r igtonshire, Banffshire, and Lo.narkshire. We wish • we could add Ayrshire , Dumbartonshi re, and Argyles/me. The l atter are still without . Liberal CA rulidates, although, in s tm:le of them, we believe, the Reforra interest is sufficiently s trong to warrant a contest. With regard to the burghs, it is understood that there will be contest s in the following places : --Ayr, Dumfries, El g i n , F a lki r k , G reenoc k , H a ddi ngton, K ilmarnock, Perth, Sti r li ng , Wic.4, and Wigton. Of these, Snrufries and Stirling will attract comparatively little interest, ergie struggl e i s to b e b etwe:en Liberals. Leaving them fore out of the list, there are of counties and burghs in Scotland, fifteen seats to he c ontested. It depends on these at laces whether the popular c'„, use in Scotland shall gain or lose htha t ap proaching election. * ln the Parliament just concluded, eea of thes e h ave b een in, the hands of Liberals, and four in hands of Tories. Ti e chief contests will be in Lenfrew shire, Stiriingshire, The chief contests will be in F.enfrew. shis.o, Stiriingshj, WiJ4, ns hi re , Lanarkshire, and the Kil • suarnock burghs. .IIarIiESTNATION 9 0.. r THE ClTY.—Letters received from LLeStr a John Campb e ll on Monday. announced the completion of the r rangernent so often talked of, by which he succeeds Lo rd Plunkett as C, often of Ireland. He renounces his ok;; Claim, however, to t' se retiring allowance, and therefore does 15 ' 4 4 I 'st. go, like Ed , rard Sugden, tn secure a comfortable pro yinon for life, in re turn for a few months' services. This event 11-41)Penin g almost :lose upon the elections, took the Liberal v. trty surprise. A numerous meeting of the Aggregate rarontee of the I dberal electors was held upon the subject yesterday, which vr, I have briefly reported elsewhere. It was reed to put Mr. 'o7m. Gib son Craig in nominatio n as a can date, and he ha s accepte d t h e i nv i tat i on. Th e Di ssenters ' rarnittee, who me t the night before, resolved to invite Mr. w art, who is now c anvassing the Dumfries Burghs, and a de gone n ff to confer with him upon the subject. e. result of their n 1;sslon will be known this evening. Re- Pmt states that his p: :ospects are extremely good in the south e eme r!' burghs, an d t h e probability therefore is, that he will de invitation. —Scotsman. T HE BRA' C.ISH IRON CCIIIPANY. British the al .journed meeting of the Fihareholders of the Iron Comp k place at the London Tavern, for Sod purpo se of apr .ointing a Committee to 'investigate its affairs • n v o i r r s y ley nu l r . .ierously attended. and i a r:a , 'almer was in the chair. Theminutes of the last meeting having h een rea d, CHAIR? LAN, in opening the business of the thy, said, / r l, to th e l ate e: ills of the Company, it was said by one party of • tla.••ehrldersa'nat they were illegal, and though he was by no s about to admit it., still he would contend that a moral th ong i nt t o influence those who had nit paid in u* calls to pay them up, for they were all parties 4., one C.3 rcern the liabilities of which are chiefly a, b e • , trar ad to the adverse decision of the House ZfiriLoras. In all they had done tb ey had had the best advice ; rajmuse were Sir W. Follett and Mr. Butt, and Mr. Butt. : .event to answer all ir , qu i r ies. With respect to an ab ag, at ibn tha t h a d gone forth the public, that Mr. Larpent 1 0 , se le((dir. Palmer) had. I",een the causes of the immense 1444 3 fie th e Company had sus'.ained, he begged to give it un be ht. , contradiction. A!. to the formation of the Commlttee, r?Ped it would he maiae to meet the general view of the raectors, that a most searching investigation would be made LI 11 the affairs of Company, and that those who corn r.4:rd the Committee 'would not hesitate to call evidence on "e Y subject • 14r G 'ar• ) The 1 . jE as moves , a resolution to the effect—" That nine of to , argest Share' holders (naming them) should be appointed _.t.lvestigate the affairs of the Company, and report them, with v ,!,ew to the corn .inuance of the concern, or otherwise, &c." ~,tlle resolution having been seconded, aor %cleat( USON moved an amendment to the effect— Rate 21 Share b.olders be appointed a Committee to inves.ti , and report up on the state of the Company's affairs, with to its imme i hate dissolution, &c." llf r. JA CKSON , conded Major Richardson's amendment. initter• Iloexixsor ; thought that the functiens of the Corn e were too ,10•hether as en li t mited ; they ought to extend to the past as heas the present-. -( Haar, hear) —and have free scope in every the neeted with the trading or legal concerns of Th e zn ,P a nY.—(l fear, hear.) CHAIRMAN 'Add, the Committee ought certainly to be ingested with such powers. Ai ; intet his resolution to have that effect. the r e . pop.i.s.,„ would like to have it fully expressed in mrs•o‘e!tion. being 1 11 ' 0 1 , 017, b., the event of Major Richardson's amendment for te g ed ° ,: , won . Id move that a Committee of ten gentlemen be _oi re a sg i v ; n y l t i h st e s ;election of five from both sides of the room, out of ten. He, by this course, thought he should The e the g, 3od order and harmony of the meeting. i 'uttit ed el P` ll - .max then put the amendment, which as the . call s s ;lare polders" declined to vote, not having paid their , was lost Th e c , • • motionsniderable majority. . oat " rl "tn' was then put and carried, there being Ihrej • vrot est. di isentients. The " united shareholders" put in a , ,„ ball of discussion then took place as to whether or not a It e ,, e ' l , l d he demand e d on th e original motion. Pro 'ai d down a s th e l aw o f the deed of settlement, that ther e ll-e oul d not be admitted to influence such a demand, and Tana e' er e I 3ot en oug h s h ar es signed by those present to de to p ut a In this emergency the Chairman was called upon Ras fixe,~ si *mature, which he immediately did, and the ballot t hree tc take place on the 7th of July, from twelve A. 31. to A at titre offices, Old Broad-street. kaSs, h lscussion again followed among the shareholders, es; etrr v i h ' " 1 Qs what was to be done ; some recommended the the Company into Chancery, and others were for LP init;' - t i ther meeting. Subequently the proceedings broke k' o irtest disorderly confussion. stn -0 THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. leg leave to suggest that the citizens of London .John Russell on. Monday next at Temple-bar, and 'would hen, to Guildh a ll ; I ATII certain his entry into the City 1. 41' trirni. l3 ° mnre triumphant than any on record. I hope his • "the chi 'will lose no tivne in malting preparation to receive itt ,aleitainhas dra.wn his sword against the monopolists 'lnter N:rorthy of the first city in the world. I am, Sir, yours, A CITIZEN. Ju ne 25, 1841. CI) vfrEs, ISLE OF WIGHT. Th e .. (r) LOU OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT. 4 . 1 4 4_ y ~,,lathet continues beautifully fine, and, though we have tt L.' v als, We have a number of houses still unlet. The 1 10y - f r e eZ the company from watering places. I CACHT SQUADRON INTELLIGENCE. „ ARRIVALS. ktith at „ 19 . —Pearl, cutter, Alarquis of Anglesey, from `2:ld —l: !°' ; Petrel, cutter, Strong Earl of Ilchester, ditto. PPhire, cutter, Lord Cholmondeley, ditto. " • , and cloudy. 17th , SAILING S. au ld g A , ittdrie, cutter, W. Peareth, Esq., for Portsmouth 2.3 d "r Late. Light b reeze S. S.W., an d c l ou dy. bik e Pearl, cutter' ar 11 quis of Anglesey, for Isle of An ralea. Lightbr rs AT ANb ze ABOUT THE STATION. y x :rners--Norna, H4wk, Aria, Camilla. eut t L.Kestrel, Alarm, Water Lily, Wasp, Anne. l, Petrel, Sapphire, Naiad, Phebe, —1414 : aiistna u , Gossamer, Breeze, Midge, Nautilus, and , FASHIONABLE ARRIVALS. Rof () mead, Lord Huntingtower, Lord a'sd Lady v,lTnVaget, Ea.rl of lichester, R.Y. S., Marquis of A c ngle t - . • P ?get, Esq., John Mills, Esq., and Lady, ap • -Ho,. axl - ,..reerna n t ', e ; H on i - c a pt D. Pelham, R.N. and Lady, 414,i -41K Bar xis, John Hibbet, Esq., R. Y. S., Wm.. Pla -liistr,q'll,;Y-•S Wadington, Parks, .r,*v• C j.l3. ' a — nd R. Y. S. Countess of Wilton and family, Esq., Lieu'. -Gen. Sir Wm. and N.. and Lady, W. A. Stubb, Esq., and Lady, J. ton,• sCha.• Es. Blades, Esq., and Lady, --_ J p oh t n r ; and, Lai' , cud family, Petit, Esq., and Lady, 1 C hati„ Y ' and Mrs. Dawkins, Block, Esq , C at e id . Lady, e Is L , `l' W yk; ham Martin, Esq., and Lady. t he er ° F WIG it r.—Th hay harvest is now nearly finished, 4 4)) ' 31)3 are , fery large, and have been saved in excellent con 17hain is now rnuc h wanted for e Corn ; the peas, ._ all the crops, seem very much to nee th d it. - ......1.. • ' X . c 1.,-,11. 71 1 or V ICE-ADMIRAL S IR T . H ARVEY , ter ---The intelligence of the demise of this g i zlla l n a t st o , ffi a - s Illavir‘:oas received at. the Admiralty on Wednesday 4:::4; i xPir " l at 1 3-rmuda on the 28th ult. The deceased lt Si r li r e al, Nvl.o \'; as horn in 1775, was sei..ond son of, earsth e e a n e . tr Y Ilar veY, and at the early age of twelve. y.Howe's aeti n e l'avY• He was actively engaged in Admir f at inLord rid e- ' ,4,nd `s ti en Lieutenant di:stinguished himself Darda ,ienePso,.t s brir,iant victory. At the passage of the d gallantly t k ;, act: , 18 ° 1 , he commanded the Thunderer,an !luer,tl, 4 7 } ;;° the destruction of the Turki.h squadron. or E.ypStubasned in th ~ served with great credit on the coa l s . 71. h, late driatie, where he made several valuable w. c' e a s p t t l u n re d s ia . Q.nd .i, -Admiral was Commander-in-Chief of the .. , . y, 'll American stations. ,- 11Fat MAJESTY's THEATRE.—Last night another. of IA ' f ed for the r orm t A rSt ti —onizetti's numerous operas was ly e b,,i cu ip e, at her Majesty's Theatre. Roberto e Devireux was, h parts being " 't i- co b, , { riginally produced at Naples, N.,._. lia4add foa• Mesdames Ungher and GFanchi t , e and Messieurs -:-.•‘ isili,e_,A, Cosell, or Baroilhet. Of this . "lyric tragedy" the tf,, b ei ,„l ‘a is the well-known episode of the reign ofQueen aEeli.zaas 1, ott--0 ar le death of the Earl of Essex. All we need la merit, ra ? o la the libretto is that it can boast very little poetical Nii ti z t, at its heroine is invested with even less dignity tha the '• . . ` sl lr aaeth °f AL Lebrun's Marie Stuart. Of the music no B er g opinion is more favourable, though it presents !Ili. A : bi s r Y characteristic features, and yields abundant tthile introesdueftoryDonizetti's other works. The opera re has symphony, which includes our national ..:. i t _ fl o l , and is indebted to its skiltill insertion for what attraction ic p ossess All , The first inoreequ deserving of notice is the air 41 afflitto allotted - Part, of tF, , to Madame Granchi, who played the \th ieh she e Duc hess of la r ottingham, the one, we . aretold,in w ould e made her debut on the stage, though its importance... '''' Per ss require, perhaps, a singer of a higher rank. Gri . si, who f ' d ulcet nate ' t F-aiWoeth, has two airs in this act, to which her burinnote.s imparted muds charm. In the second act Tam : bati on i ' i w o Lad the part of Nottingham, obtained much appro• lay slain, '' lhe air, " Forte in quel cur sensibile," though it can • eli,iteo, to Ito great distinction. Judging by the approbation is i,k, 0 . by various parts of it, the epera of Roberto D_ l 0' same co , "Y to prove more successful than the Fausta of h poser, to which it certainly is superior. 1, ALLE GED INTENDED DUEL BETWEEN MR. I`.,.t,.liEßT AINSI.IE YOUNG AND MR. PARKS.— Yesterday ~,.inoon, obeysh before the close of the Court, Dlr. ,Inspectoriththe 4 , ti mah, of D division of police, had an interview% atin, Maw. h . -, bistrate of Marylebone Police Court, and informed . I:: that a written communication which, on the same morning, , torwarded to the station-house, had been handed over to ,i,... 11:_police Commissioners. Our reporter instituted imme•• N. 1 4 , 11 d.iate inquiry into the particulars relative to the matter 1-e -, _ dadrl,d to, arid after some trouble ascertained that inc.i;rmation 1 1 ikii; dualyously been made by letter, which tet forth that c.. v_about to take place between Mr. Gilbert Anslie ~,'"ol:,:rgrunaTlilt'Alsrftiraatirolcns: thAenlaitntsepreoeftowrhonfm thhoelddsiavizornaCvlee i!ae-tried, lost to tim e in waiting upon Mr. Young, at hid resi q nee N o. ..) I , `' 'l , per Portland-place, when that gentleman :,',' . 'Penned a note to tb.e effect that he should take no hostile pro , , feedings. 1.. tli , , We have the Pleasure to be able to announce, t i lt !-t lusthderstand a part of the fends for the payment of the ik ,tuirdalment of the arrears due to the late British Auxiliary `iz, , r l gion has arrived in London • and that as soon as a sufficient - is tn e _ to begM the payment thereof has been received, which ..,,AP!cted in a few days, the advertisement for the payment , 1/1 war. ~, ! CITY OF LONDON ELECTION. A naneelija meeting of the friends • of the Liberal candideee for the City of London was held last evening amt tilt Bridge-house Hotel, London-bridge, to adopt measures for securing the return of Sir M. Woo d, Messrs. Crawford andPattison, and Lord TT\ VAS A. The Chair was taken shortly aftet kt - ven o'clock, amid loud acclamations, by R. Itivres, Esq., who was sup ported by Mr. Pattison, Alderman Humphery, Mr. M'Leod, Mr. W. Hawes, Mr. Vousley, Mr. Crawfurd, Mr. B. Wood, Mr. Dillon, and a number of the most in fietential electors. The CHAIRMAN said that in commeac the proceed ings of the evening, having by the Ntsent of the meet ing been honoured with the peesidency on that occasion, he should take the liberty, in the first place, to ask them •to give a perfectly fair and impartial hearing to every body who might think it his right or duty to addeess them.—(Cheers.) They were there for the pfd Nse of free and fair discussion, and they fear not the result of that discussion.—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) They were anxious that those great popular meetings held on these important occasions should bear the character of deliberation and reason, and nothing else.—(The Hon. Gentleman was here interrupted by ! the arival of Mr. Crawford, Mr. B. Wood, and other gentlemen, who were loudly cheered by the meetio6) Nothing could be more acceptable to him (M s ' 11 .) , or gratifying to them, than that the only Interruption which should take place should be that which was oc casioned by the cheers which marked the reception of those who had come forward in support of popular right.; and popular principles.—(Cheers.) It was a proud satisfaction to him (Mr. H.) to think that he was not advocating a mere party question, but one interesting to the whole community, and which, if they carried, would be conducive to the benefit of all classes of the community.—(Loud cheering.) But if this were a mere party question he should not be indisposed to contrast the conduct of the Liberal party of the present day with that of the Tory party in days gone by. When in former days the Tories did propose measures calculated to bene fit the people and improve the trade of the country, they received the strongest support from the popular party in the House, and from the people out of doors. Mr. Hus kisson had no better supporters than these, and they supported him because his measures were measures bene ficial to the whole community . , and far beyond his party. —(Loud cheers.) He was successfully carried through all his difficulties by Liberal Members of Parliament ; but now, when the Whig Government came forward to propose measures founded on the same principles—prin ciples which they dare not oppose, and which they could not reject—they now saw them refuse to support the prin ciples they once themselves supported, because they were brought forward by opponents who possessed the places they were anxious to obtain.—(Loud cheers.) It had been his (Mr. H.'s) fate to be attacked, because he had thought proper to step forward and discharge his duty to the electors, but he VMS perfectly regardless of Tory abuse and obloquy.—(Cheers.) Great efforts had been made by the same parties to prevent the election of a Liberal Sheriff, but a Liberal Sheriff had been that day . elected.—(Loud cheers.) Great efforts had been mane for the same • purpose to prejudice him (Mr. H.) in the eyes of his friends and constituents, and to secure their object his opponents had resorted to the grossest falsehoods. They first said that he had asked for place; but he .had never asked for piece from any man.— (Hear, hear.) Then they said that he had attempted to injure one of the most respectable and industrious classes of the community—the watermen of London. He denied it. He would refer to the Bill which his Hon. Colleague and himself had introduced, in support of his assertion. The 7th clause of that Bill was as follows:—" And whereas the freemen of the Company of Watermen, Wherrymen, and Lightermen have heretofore almost exclusively been employed in navigating such steam boats or vessels as are navigated within, and do not go beyond the limits of this Act; and whereas such free men have been found fit and serviceable in such em ployment, and it is expedient to afford them encourage ment, so as to insure to the public the services of effi cient persons," &c.—(Cheers.) He trusted that was a sufficient answer to the calumny.—(Cheers.) He was not conscious that, by word or act, he had done any thing to injure any one in the course of his public con duct. He remembered that a parallel had been lately drawn in the House of Commons between the conduct of Sir R. Walpole and Lord John Russell, but he thought it would have been more to the purpose if the Noble Lord who drew the parallel had compared the conduct of the party of which he was . now a member, with a party which in former times equally opposed a Liberal Minis try and Liberal measures, and of whom it was said by a Contemporary Historian, that " their clergy exerted their eloquence against the Minister, and still more against the Queen herself—(Loud and long-continued cheers) — and the principles of the Administration. They alSo ex patiated at large in their sermons to the people on the old proceedings in Cromwell's time and the misfortunes of the Church, and he who inveighed most bitterly was the most highly applauded of his party."—(Cheers.) He thought the Noble Lord might refer to history for some better purpose than that of party, and to cast obloquy on his old friends.—(Cheers.) But what were the measures and principles they were met there to support ? They were measures which must benefit all classes, improve trade, lighten taxes, and increase industry.— (Cheers.) Were those measures which could be con sidered hostile to the people ?—(Hear, hear.) In every great public meeting when the doors were fairly open — (Cheers)—and free discussion invited, and honest truth took part in the discussion, then and there they found the voice of the people raised in support of these great measures, because they know they were founded in jus tice, and could only be withheld from them by injustice and tyranny,—(Loud cheers.) Was there any one who doubted the blessing of having cheap timber, cheap sugar, and cheap corn ? There was not a child who could not see through the sophistry of their oppo nents.—(Cheers.) He had looked in vain over the speeches of the gentlemen who were the Conservative candidates for London to find some of those principles of political economy—something which should prove to the people that dear corn was a blessing—for that party had long since determined that cheap corn was a thine. which Englishmen were never fated to enjoy. —(Cheers.) One of these gentlemen (Mr. Attwood) had said that a fixed duty could never be maintained. Why, it was not maintained by the present lawl— (Hear, hear.) Why, then, should they ask more from him than he got from them?—(Hear, hear.) But then they said we should be dependent upon foreign coun tries for a supply. Could a great commercial country like England be anything but dependent on: foreign nations ?—(Hear.) Then they said cheap corn and low wages went together. If that were true, when corn was at famine prices the labourer ought to be much benefited ; but he should like to know what benefit would be derived if corn were 1003. the quarter ? (Cheers.) He would support them if they would bring in an Act of Parliament to ensure that wages should rise with the price of corn.— (Loud cheers.) He would now ask them what it was the Tories offered in present ing themselves to the people ? What single thing more than his friends on his right and left ?—(Cheers.) They said they offered a steady Government; and they (the Whigs) offered a steady Government too, if the Tories would be honest.—(Cheers.) If, when out of office, they would support honestly those measures which they supported when in office—if, in such case, they would follow the honest course pursued by their oppo nents, there would be no fear of a steady Government in the country.—(Cheers.) It was when great men de scended to struggle for mere place and patronage that Governments became unsteady. They appeared to him (Mr. II.) much in the situation of a celebrated man who was once a candidate for Westminster, Mr. Horne Tooke, who, after; two other candidates had been proposed on the hustings, and highly eulogised for their many good qualities, came forward and said—" Gentlemen, you have had two candidates proposed. to you, possessing every virtue under Heaven ; have the kindness now to hear one who makes no pretensions to any."—(Laughter.) ThiS appeared to him to be the case of their opponents. They held hole-and-corner meetings where they could never find them.—(Cheers.) He should have liked to have seen them there that night.—(A voice, " They are down stairs.") He should like to see them up stairs then, for once he would give them a lift in the world.— (Cheers.) The Whigs had this unspeakable advantage, they had justice on their side; their cause was the cause of the people, and it would stand or fall by the people, and if it was supported by the popular voice, let those take the responsibility who should attempt to deprive the,people of that justice which belonged to them.— (Cheers.) If they had not a steady Government, it was because the Tories, from the time they introduced the Corn-laws, in 1815, to the present moment, had been living on the industry, and trampling on the rights of the people. It was they . who were responsible for all mishaps. He prayed their power might never rise to the extent to enable them to injure any thin; great and useful in this country, for he knew, when the people were suffering under a sense of long perpetuated ink e.. tice, their feelings rose beyond their self-cont - j , and it was impossible to foresee the extremities to which that sense of injury might lead- diem.—(Loud cheers.) He found he had occupiefl too much of their time, and he should now simply introduce to their notice the gentle men who woulsi move and second the various resolutions, and the candidates who were present. If they . wished to be respected out of doors they would hear every body patiently and temperately, and he was confident that the truth and justice of their cause would ensure them an ultimate triu.mph.—(Cheers.) Alderman HUMPHERY moved the first resolution. They were met for the purpose of promoting the return of four good and honest men, and as there were many electors of London resident in the Borough, he trusted they would pay attentio n to the wordin g of the reso lution. It was rumoured that he (Alderman Humphery) had expressed his intention to vote for, the four City Tories.—(Great laughter.) That statement had been promulgated throughout the borough, and amongst his particular friends, and it Was perhaps unnnesary . for him to refute that calumny in toto.—(Great cheering.) But they would see his vote recorded against them on the morning of the election,—(rear, and cheers.) He would take leave to say a few words with regard to a document Which Ireil been generally circulated by their opponents- •;:nd which had hitherto escaped notice. It was ~ ',"statement of the amount of the national debt in 1821, which was then 800 millions, and which the Tories alleged they had reduced in 1831 to 755 millions, That the interest in 1821 was 30,149,9241., and in 1831 it was only 27,674,7541., making a reduction of two mil lions and some hundred thousands. They then state that in" 1841, after the Whigs had been in office ten years, that the interest of the debt was 28,738,7201., making an increase of a million. Now, he denounced that as a most unfair statement, because the Tories had said nothing of the twenty millions paid for the emancipa- pation of the slaves which, according to their own calcu lation, would bring the sum up to what it was at the present time.—(Hear, hear.) That twenty millions emancipated their slaves, and paid off th (mortgages of the West India proprietors, but not satisfied with that the planters and proprietors now sought to havu.mo °poly in o w su pply of sugar, and to Mahe the poop a of THE SUN, LONDON, ritiDAY. JUNE 25, 1841. England pay threepence a pound more than they other wise would.—(Cheers.) One word now with resect to corn—a neighbour of his, R. FAlioAii that he knew po moth tba PoW. O r Ltion as any ether per son, MIA tee skid it was quite clear that when corn was at 725., they could get as much foreign corn as they required at ls. duty. But he (Mr. Humphery) asked him what were the people to do, while corn was getting up to 725., for when it was at 68s. and 705.. 4,wes well known that the people could tlnt gr 6 It at all.—(Hear and cheers;) If tizqii was three, four, or five years lying hi a warehouse, it was not so fit for food as if it was consumed in a fresh state, and that was thp,restalt. of the landlords' policy, which w i p to .g•et,,eo''n 'e q.) in a pro tecting price, and, laLsecneliarli; portion of bad corn at a low prieT, tho,t" , Aftuaged to keep the averages at 68s. or 1 70sa corn fit to eat was actually 100 s. per quar ter, before they were able to get foreign corn in at a low duty.—(Much cheering.) In fact, there never was a , greater fallacy than th present system of Corn-laws. — (Renewed cheering.) Another fallacy was; that this country could grow enough of mil% to ,stippOti its popu lation, but they topitwa tp f6fget alit the population had doubled itself witlllll the last five-and-twenty years. In 1820 twos, had admitted 1,363,000 quarters, and in 18 - 30 they brought in 1,700,000 quarters, and fcr the last four years the amount had increased to 2,700,000 quar ters, and had it not been for the high protecting duty, they might have imported and consumed fire millions of quarters, and that at the average rate of 40s. would be 10,000,0001.—(Loud cheers.) The question was, how that was to be paid ? Not with gold, certainly ; but it might be paid for with their national industry.—(Loud cheering,) He believed the Almighty never intended that that industry should be cramped or thwarted.— (Cheers.) He believed the Almighty intended that every man should have enough to eat—(Renewed cheering)—, and he understood that at Odessa, when the landlord was paid, the corn was actually thrown away, there being no one to consume it, and the people of England refusing to admit it.—(Loud cheers.) They were called on to support four Liberal eandidates.—(A voice in the crowd, " Where's Lord John ?") He would tell them where Lord John Russell would be the following day. He would be with Prince Albert laying the foundation-stone of almshouses at Norwood for the Fellowship Porters.— (Tremendous cheering.) They must be aware that he could not attend at every meeting, but this he would un dertake that Ms Lordship would not shirk the nomina tion on Monday next at the Guildhall.—(Vehement cheering.) And he would undertake this also, that he would be at the head of the poll.—(Loud and long con tinued cheering, and waving of hats for several minutes.) He only wishe Lord John Russell was present to wit ness the enthusiasm of their greeting, for he did not believe that any description could convey an adequate idea of it.—(Renewed cheering.) It was said—and they had said everything they could invent against him—that his Lordship could not attend to the interests of a large constituency, but he believed he was so thorough a man of business, that he would be able to do it as well, and a hundred per cent. better than any other man.— (Loud and long-continued cheering.) All he would ask them was to go the poll with a friend as early as they could on Tuesday evening. Let them not wait in order to have their votes thought of impor tance, let them go ail at the first moment.—(Loud cheer ing, and cries of "We will.") There were many good and honest electors of London in that borough who, he was confident, would do so.—(Great cheers.) He would say one word to the Fellowship Porters, many of whom, he understood, were present.—(Cris of " Yes.") If they had a free trade in corn, it would do that class an im mense deal of good.—(Hear, hear.) If they had the privilege of unloading and measuring the cargoes, they could just as easily unload five millions of quarters as two millions, and have double their present wages. All he would now do was to move the resolution, which was to the following effect:—" That this meeting feels the permanent importance of a free and unrestricted trade in corn and other commotities as essentially necessary to promote the commercial, agricultural, and shipping inte rests of this country, and to afibrd full employment to the poor and industrious classes of the country." If the rest of the country did what he was sure the metropolis would do, return men who would support the resolution, the result would be that the labouring classes of the coun try would be better paid and better fed.—(Great cheers.) Mr. TEULON seconded the resolution, which he consi dered one of immense importance, riot only to the City of London, but also to the kingdom at large, because it went to show that the measures her Majesty's Ministers proposed were not for the benefit of the few but for the whole country.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put to the meeting by the Chairman, and declared by him to be carried unanimously. Mr. B. WOOD then rose to propose the next resolu tion, which Was to the following effect :—" That this meeting highly approves of the measures lately intro duced to Parliament by her Majesty's Ministers as a progressive means of fiscal reform, and feels assured they will lighten the burden of taxation, increase the revenue, and add to the prosperity of the coun try.—(Cries of, " Where's Lord John Russell ?") His Hon. Colleague had already told them where Lord John Russell would be to-morrow, and his only hope was, that all present would meet him at Norwood, and assist his Lordship's endeavours in the charitable cause in which he was engaged on that day.—(Cheers.) The great measures they were called together that day to support were so essential to the well-being of the country that he did not think there was a single person present who did not fully and fairly understand them.— (Cheers.) He believed those who opposed the Minis ters on the great questions they had brought forward were angry and vexed and tormented, because they were not the parties to bring them forward.—(Great cheering.) Those very parties knew that if they came into power, they would be driven to propose the very measures they were now decrying.(Cheers.) But then it was said that the present Ministers had brought these measures forward at an improper time all admitted that some measures were necessary, and why, he would ask, was the time improper ?--(Cheers.) Was it ever too late to do good ?—(Cheers.) Why, therefore, should those who opposed the present Minis ters object to the time ?—(Cheers.) All they wanted was to foil Ministers, that they might some six or twelve months hence bring forward measures of a similar na ture.—(Great cheering.) What, he would ask, could be said or thought of men who endeavoured to turn out the present Ministers upon certain questions, and then, when they got into power, to adopt those very measures ?(Cheers.) Sir Robert Peel had done this twice.—(Cheers.) He acted in this way on the ques tion of Catholic Emancipation—(Great cheering)—for it was not until he saw that there was a probability of a rebellion rising up in Ireland that he consented to grant it. Why did he do so, he would ask ? For the purpose of retaining office.—(Cheers.) With respect to the Corn-laws, every one knew his opinion, and he felt convinced that no person could be ignorant of what were the effects of those laws. As to the statement that had been put forth relative to this country being able, from its own produce, to supply its inhabitants with corn, he considered them complete fallacies.—(Loud cheers.) These were plain, simple, straightforward facts, and it needed no sophistry to understand them ; and he hoped they would never remain satisfied until all their objects Should be accomplished.—(Cheers.) Their candidates had spoken plainly and simply, and had plainly told them what were their objects and opinions with regard to the three great measures. There were many of his own former constituents in the room, and he trusted that they would excuse him if he confined himself solely to the consideration of those objects. With regard to other points he would only appeal to his conduct in Par liament since he had been their representative, and he trusted that they were satisfied with it.—(Loud cheers.) The four candidates for 'the City, Russell, Wood, Patti son, and Crawford—(Loud cheers)—had spoken plainly with regard to all those great measures, and what had their opponents said ? Why, they had said nothing.— (Cheers.) Would they support such men as these ? (Cries of" No.") Did they wish to see those three great measures carried ?—Cries of " Yes, yes," and cheers.) Then let them be at the poll early on Tuesday morn ing, and vote for Wood, Russell, Pattison, and Craw ford.—(Loud cheers.) He would advise them to club together among themselves, and go to the poll together early, not wait to be sent for. Let them recollect that the poll commenced on Tuesday morning at eight and closed at four.—(Cries of " We will be at the Guildhall at six in the morning.") If they did so and took a lead in the beginning of the day, they would keep it through out, and the victory would be certain. Let them not think of giving plumpers, but vote for all four.— (Loud cheers.) They should recollect that the City election would be the first contest decided, and it was their duty to set a good example to the country, and the moral effect of their victory would be incalculable. — (Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman then prOposed the' resolution amidst loud cheers. • - Mr. MAYIIV7 seconded the resolution. He had been a man". 4 "...ctitrer for some years. It had been said in the _douse of Commons that the hatters wanted protection. Now he, as one, said they wanted no protection — what they wanted was open trade—(Loud cheers) —so as to give to the laborious workmen better wages and fewer hours of labour.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted they would be at the Guildhall door by six o'clock, and set the electors of the kingdom a good example.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried with one . dissentient only, amidst loud cheers. Mr. APSLEY PELLATT then came forward and was re ceived with loud cheering. He said the. questions they were called upon to consider were entirely of a practical nature. Did they want a cheap loaf ?—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Yes, yes.") In France they had a loaf at half the price it could be procured in England, and in Poland at one-third. The question was, would they have free trade or restricted trade ?(Cries of "Free 'trade.") They were now called upon to reap the first fruits of the Reform Bill. It was for them to show if they could work the grand machinery,of that Bill, so as to attain great practical results.—(Cheers.) ' The Bill itself was but a means to an end. They were called upon to return to the House of Commons four representatives who would attain that end. They had four candidates pledged to do so—Wood, Crawford, Pattison, and Russell.—(Loud cheers.) Let them return those four, and by so doing they might rest assured they were promoting the best interests of the country.—(Loud cheers.) The Tories had boasted that they had reduced fifteen millions of taxation, while the Whigs had reduced only five millions ; but it was easy work to turn the first fifteen screws of a machine while it required a skilful and energetic workman to turn the last five.—(Loud cheers.) The .four Liberal candidates were all pledged to promote and support those principles of commercial _ ose heers.) It was for them to say whether they would support , those u and her Ministers had ap pealedo of,h reform o to n N t s h , hi e c a (Loud cheers, and cries e will, we will.") On those great principles what had the Tory can did a t es country.—(Cheers.) the tr yQ.7.ue ceen said ? Nothing. — (C ries of " They will do nothing," and cheers.) Would the y support such ,, say-nothing, do nothing men ?—(Cries of " No , no. ) Let them then all come forward, and be a t the polling-place early on Tues day morning, and vote for Wood, Crawford, Pattison, and Russell,—(Lou( and 4°ng continued cheering.) He would not detain them lenger, but would at onc e p ro p ose the following resolution :--" That this meeting of pledges,. iVer, rttist7t'ft., e4^ Ihe , LY London, the four advocates ednitileitial Reform. Wood, Crawford, rattieon, and R ussell, being eassured that in so doing they are serving the b est interests fthe country."— (Loud cheer s .) Mr, GRAFTY second e d th e res olution. t i o tail often had the 116110iit tat adateSSitig the& in that rocrti before, but he never felt it so hi g h an h on our r aS -On.the I pi,'esent occasion. They had then mponpt then gentlemen who had, early t anAl i.ate while Life electors) Were en joyitt. sieep, been engaged in protecting and up holding their interests. "Would they then have the To ries ?—(No, no.) If they would have the Tories—(Loud utes of " No, no")--if they wanted a large standing army in Ircland—if they wanted taxation to its height — then they would h ave th e Teriese-= , -(Cheers.) They would then have . Sit il ; Alt sd many fbr fdf du (Laug And what was this Church extension for ? timi eXtedsion.— --(A voice in the crowd, " Why,' - 1* you to go to, to be sure."—Laughter.) Now if they : were determined that these men shoUld be kept in their prsper position, which was, where they were at preseiite::--(A laugh)—let them rush to the poll, remembering. that " he who would be free, himself must strike the blow."----(iidul cheers.) There 'NH a pdpei. which WAS dailed the " Great Big Thundering_ Press."—(Laughter:) It had been trying to prove that two and two made three instead of four.—(A laugh.) Ho held in his hand a tax-paper. — (Oh, oh, 0h. , ) They were n o t to be frightened, it was his own, lhitt paper Wits or the year 1830, when the Tories were in role. When they were out of office they said "We have left the Treasury in such a nice state that you cannot take off a single shilling more of taxa tion. He would come to the present year.—(A vol.= in the crowd "Read the year 18302 5 ) Ile begged pardon for the omission. The amount that he paid for taxes in 1830, and he would tell them as a plain man who lived in a plain residence—(Laughter)—the amount of the l t i a e xe p s ay he no t i h v en ? p l a v id hy w , a i s io lo p / aid . 15s. Now that was when the Tories had taken off every thing , What did certainly 10 per cent. more than he did last year, but the full amount now was 51. 15s. ld. Let the Tories look to that. He hoped to have the honour of seeing the whole of those gentle men around him at the Guildhall on Tuesday. He him self would be there at seven o'clock in the morning.— (Loud laughter.) He would tell all he knew to take their breakfasts over night—(Renewed laughter)—and he trusted that at four o'clock on the day of election they would all throw up .their hats and shout " the victory is won."—(Loud cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried. Mr. CRAWFORD then came forward, and was received with loud and long-continued cheering. He would first offer to them his grateful thanks for the reception they had given him. Such kindness was the highest stimulus he could receive in furtherance of those duties which their kindness had imposed upon him. But when he had thanked them, he felt that there was little room for him to say much upon that occasion. The object of, their meeting had been so able, so perspicuously brought out by their eloquent Chairman, that it would be superfluous fur" him to attempt to follow him. But it occurred, however, to his mind, that that was the roam in which their opponent's first meeting took place on last Friday week. Messrs. Lyall and Masterman were then there. He (Mr. C.) knew not what they said further than what the Times had informed him.—(Groans.) In that paper he read just what he would have expected as Mr. Lyall's speech, considering that he came from an establishment more celebrated for its feelings of monopoly than any other that existed in the city of London. But that esta blishment had been reduced under a Liberal Government. Mr. Lyall, in langume sufficiently intelligible to him (Mr. C.), had told the hat they had nothing to expect from him in furtherance of the object for which the Queen had dissolved the late Parliament. He (Mr. C.) did not want language more plain to satisfy his mind as to the truth of et; and if, unfortunately, he (Mr. Lyall) should have a place in the House of Commons, he would be the supporters of all those monopolies of which they were then trying to get rid.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. Masterman was more cautious ; he pruiently told them nothing.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He said that was not the time to discuss the corn question. That question would be broue - ht on for discussion in the House of Commons. Now, if he meant anything, he must mean one of two things—either he has never con sidered the subject, or he is opposed to any alteration in the Corn-law. And then with regard to the Alder man's views, as expressed since he has been announced as a candidate for the City of London. Not many days before his name was found attached to a petition to the House of Commons, praying for the adoption of all those measures for which he (Mr. Crawford) asked their sup port in returning him to the House of Commons. Now, there was another gentleman, whose patriotic spirit in duced him to come forward for the City of London. — (A laugh.) That Hon. Gentleman had given his former constituents a kind of parting advice. He recommended them to put up two Tories, but he (Mr. Crawford) was very much mistaken if they had found one yet. and if they did find one, he would certainly meet the fate that awaited Mr. W. Attwood if he had ventured to have stood for Greenwich. He (Mr. C.) had said all that was necessary as to the language of his opponents ,• and with the liberal views which the constituency of London had hitherto maintained, and which he believed they never would desert—he hoped—he believed, they had nothing to fear in the coming result, encouraged as they had been wherever he and his colleagues had met their constituents. He believed that the prin ciples of free trade had been assisted through the instrumentality of the Report of the Committee on the Import Duties in the House of Commons. He would assure them that if he were again returned, it would be the fourth time—as the representative of the city of London, he would work out those principles which he always professed. Those prin ciplos were the result of experience and close observa tion, and, for the good of the country , required to be speedily carried into effect. He had feared that the time was more distant when the principles of free trade would be recognised, as it has been in the present day ; he really did not expect to see Ministers prepared to propound these great doctrines in the manner in which Lord Melbourne had so lately done. He feared that those great measures would have been deferred until some national calamity, like famine, or the total decay of our manufactures, or the demands of the peop le could no longer be deferred, without risking the safety of the na tional institutions.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. PATTISON said his first duty would be to give them some account of the stewardship with which his constituents bad entrusted him. On all occasions he had worked steadily for the peg le, and he trusted that he had shown by his votes in the House of Commons that their interests and their prosperity had been his first ob ject. He had given his steadiest support to the Ballot — (Loud and long continued cheers) —to the Extension of the Suffrage--(Loud cheers)—and he had voted for the abolition of. Church-rates (Loud cheers)—and he trusted from the manner in which they received that brief enumeration of some of his votes in Parliament, they still considered him entitled to ask them to return him again as their representative.--(Cheers:) He did not flinch from those opinions now, but would still support them ; and, above all, he was determined to support those principles of free trade and the abolition of mono- polies which had been brought forward by her Majesty's ' present Ministers--(Loud cheers) —and which, unless fully carried into effect, would cause our trade and ma nufactures to retrograde in a manner that was frightful to contemplate. One of England's best customers, America, gave comparatively few orders now to our manufacturers, for although England imported American cotton and American tobacco she refused to receive American corn. —(Loud cries of "Hear, hear," and cheers.) On all occasions he would be found at the side of the people, and when he saw the highest and most exalted individual in the empire—their gracious and beloved Queen—on their side—(Tremendous cheers which lasted several minutes) —he little doubted of their ultimate success. The highest and most glorious cause was in the hands of the electors of London, and upon the result of Tuesday's poll depended in a great mea sure the fate of England. It was not his own cause he pleaded, it was the cause of their fellow countrymen ; and trusting they would support that character for patriotism and liberality which always characterized the city of London, he would con elude by thanking them for the attention and kindness with which they had heard him. Sir M. Wool) (who only arrived a short time previ ously) said he hoped that although he was late to the meeting, he should not be late at the Guildhall on Tues day next.—(Loud cheers.) He was detained at a dinner given by the Guild, to which he had the honour to be long, and the moment the toast of the Royal Family was drunk, he then turned h i s though ts to the p eo p l e. As had previously addressed them, bed for him to say, however, his ut Hon. little C o l r e e a m g a i u e n s he should briefly observe, that with respect to free trade he had always been its warmest advocate, and he considered the measures proposed by the present Mi nistry as the greatest boon that could be offered to the English nation. When the Corn-laws were first enacted Le witnessed violent tumults as the consequence in his native town, and then he was convinced they should be repealed ; and repealed they would be, if the electors fearlessly and m anfull mov Y did their duty. of The Hon. Bthe a ronet concluded by ing a vote to Chairman for his conduct in the chair, and his invariable and consistent e fforts in promoting the good of the people. Mr. PELLATT seconded the motion. He observed that upon the result of next Tuesday's election depended the welfare of England, and he might indeed say of the world at large. He hoped the electors would act, not as men engaged in a personal conflict, but as men supporting the forgerythe ; most disgrace and, as in the case cause of universal humanity. As .a member of the Ge uiltpyhoefry, of Ge neral Committee he had an opportunity of observin g the base and scandal ous means resorted to b y their oppo nenetse. had beenfAlderman H g um ful falsehoods. T he y , were in favour of what the y called a sliding scale in t he im p ortation of corn, but he also be lieved they were in favour of a slidin g scale in p olitics. The necessity of an earl y attendance at the Guildh a ll on Tuesday next co uld not be too fre q uentl y im p ressed upon the minds of the electors. Let them, as it had been before observ ed, eat their breakfast the ni g ht before, that they might be early at the poll.—(A voice in the crowd, " We must, or we shall soon have no breakfast to eat.") Let them vote for their wives, for their fa milies—let them vote for their Queen and for posterity. (Loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN having returned thanks, the meeting broke up, after giving three cheers for the Qtt :en an'd free trade. THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT: — The workmen employed in the erection of the New Houses of Parliament, have just commenced laying . down a bed of concrete, intended to receive the foundations of the above buildings. From the length of time which this process will occupy, with other preparations, it is not expected that the foundation - stone can - be laid for at least three months to come. _ DEVONPORT ELECTION. SPEECH OF SIR, GEORGE GREY, BART., 'M.P., At a nieetliig Ofihe EleetoiS on Monday, June` 21, 1841. (From the Devonport Independent:)' Sir GEORGE GREY on coming forward to elite:es the was received with loud and enthusiastic cheers - essembly, which continued for some fill" all Part`' of 14 ..• - restored, he said, " Cen time: Whet% gitePp4 hpki ire" • tl em p; ,, iiiito & a re addressing you on oat:Ili-ay p.''_,T,k"L . _„'tf• it, WaS. At 00 Jag en hour, an hour eslubi rendered late be'r 744444kiC41814 ctf that splendid don with whicl ' YO - ti l greeteCt qf myself and my Honourable Colle gli t illet I could cress ague into this bor:Ct!' the feelings of do little more at that time than e,..; --a that great gratification with which I had witneee_ splendid spectacle—a gratification, gentlemen, increases to a degroe by the sense which I felt that not to do honotir ' 'ld ds; iiicilFicitiaa,ls,iii dtif4difeS; Wits that splendid demonstratiOn prepared, lint id tlB BOndlif tit 211eprinci ples of which we are humble, though I trust sitiderd porters.—(Lond cheers.) When I look around me, at the scene that is exhibited, I am forcibly carried back to a period now nearly nine years ago, when I stood here for the first time surrounded by many persons whom I now see around me ; when I entered your town per sOrtelly Unknown, and stated before you then, as I state beeom }soli titivV; the pririCipi@S eta 'Which I had peeviaitsly acted, and whet you ratified these peitielpies liy Ictur approbation and by the voice. of a resolution, encddraged me to bee une a candidate for your representation. (Loud the rs.) Those were the days in which a Go verrinient existed, that has lately been traduced among you as a G werrintent flint hsd cursed this country for ten years ; a Government which ; may say without taking greater credit to it Pr' it deSeffee; 1i44 1 kly the help of the people, gentlemen, by whose help ildrie gadA measures caa be carried out, called you as a borough into political existence.—(Loud cheers.) I stand here to state the political principles on which I have acted, and to render you an account of that stewardship, which before two days have elapsed t shall have resigned into your hands t I stand here Id ask }`till to ikOieW your eon- fidenee in me if you approve of the principlel f have advocated, and if you approve, in the main of the poli- tical course I have pursued.—(Cheers.) It is impossible for me, it would be vanity in the extreme in me, to think that I could please every individual elector, .by every individual vote I have given, but this I de ask you to do ; I ask you to compare my conduct, not only as an in& vidual but as a Member of a party, for I am a member of that Government which has endeavoured to carry out the principles on which they came into office—l ask you to compare my conduct, in the main, with that of those who now ask you fer your confidence against tl4-----(Loud cheers)—and by your decision, by your verdict, I will be bound, and to that opinion, I will bow with the greatest deference and submission.—(Cheers.) The Govern ment, of which I am a member, has been attacked in very harsh language ; it is true that they have appealed to the people, and that appeal has been described to you as exciting and unconstitutional What, tell me that it is unconstitutional to appeal to the people on a question in which the people are the party most deeply interested? Tell me that the decision of Parlia ment, albeit carried by a majority of one, ought to be final and decisive, without giving the people, the deposit of all political power, an opportunity of expressing their opinion on a great question, in which their vital interests are concerned?—(Loud cheers.) I feel that hgre, at least, I need not defend the Government from the Charge brought against it, that it has done it for the purpose of excitement, and that they have cast a firebrand abroad into the country; it is a calumny on the whole of the people to make such a charge, and you, Gentlemen, you have refuted it.—(lmmense cheering.) A proper degree of political excitement is an inherent principle of the Constitution, and those men read the Constitu tion but badly who say, because the people feel strongly, and when they feel strongly, it is a reason why they ought not to be called on to express their opinion. —(Cheers.) I have said that they are great principles which are now called in question, and I ask you not to take this merely on my statement, or as my opinion, if you are not already convinced, I ask you to permit me to read an opinion, not of one person only, but from many of the first- eminence, in the first com mercial city of the world—London.—(Cheers.) In an address, which has lately appeared in the public papers, and which some of you have perhaps read, and addressed to the electors of London, signed by the first merchants of the City, they state that " a great crisis in our finan cial and commercial affairs has arrived : of this fact no reflecting man can entertain a doubt. Our commerce requires the most fostering care to maintain a progres sive prosperity commensurate with the continuous and fearful increase of our manufacturing population. Fo reign nations, profiting by the opportunities of peace, are becoming oar rivals in the markets of the-world ; and, jealous of our protections and restrictions, they are driven, in self-defence, to retaliatory measures of the same character. The stability of our monetary system is endan gered by the sudden and violent convulsions of our foreign trade, engendered by a false system of artificial interfe rence and partial protection, whilst our manufactures are Ofing under an insufficient demand and falling prices for their productions, and our industrious population is sub jected to the evils of irregular and insufficient wages, ag gravated by an artificially high price of the necessaries of life." The address goes on ,to say, " The issue is now in the hands of the electors—the question before you is plain, simple, and distinct. You have to decide between monopoly on the one hand, and freedom on the other ; that monopoly which had been justly de scribed the parent of scarcity, of dearness, and of un certainty, and that free commercial intercourse "by which alone the prosperity of nations can be perma nently sustained.' I say distinctly, said Sir George, on concluding the quotation, that I do not ask you to take any of these conclusions from me only, as I may be considered interested and biassed, but from those who have an interest and an important stake in the country, and they tell you that the question you have to decide, is that of monopoly on the one hand, acid freedom on the other ; between that monopoly which has been justly described as the parent of scarcity, dearness, and uncertainty, and that free commercial intercourse by which alone can the commercial prosperity of this great nation be permanently sustained..— (Cheers.) That is the question you now have to decide, between monopoly on the one hand, and freedom on the other, and if, as a member of the Goeernment, I 'Stand here called on to make an excuse for that Government for their conduct on this question; it is not' for now submitting it to Parliament, not for having appealed to the good sense and reason of the people, but it is for their not having brought it for ward sooner, and that they had not sooner had recourse to the measure they now eulvocate.—(Tremendous cheer ing.) Gentlemen, you are all aware that the expendi ture of the country having increased—though perhaps you are not all aware, there has been great misrepresenta tion on this subject abroad; that fifteen millions 'of taxes have been already reduced—increased by the reduction of the Post-office revenue by the Ministry that, it has been stated, has been a curse to the country—it became ne cessary that from some other sources the revenue should be made up to meet the necessary expenditure of the country, an expenditure necessary to maintain the navy—and who is there, I ask, in this the finest sea port of the world, will deny that the ',navy ought to be main tained—Cheers)—on a high footing? and to maintain the British flag and the efficiency of the British navy, they had never shrank from appealing to the people ; but for these reasons it became neeessa,ry to see in what way a sufficient revenue could be raised in order to uaineain the establishments of the country in that state of efficiency which every lover of his country would wish to see them maintained in ; and the Government having . last year failed in having re course to an increase in direct taxation, he meant the addition of ten per cent. to some of the existing taxes, and having carefully considered the evidence, which per haps most of them had read, given before the Committee on the Import Duties in the House of Commons ; they resolved to submit to Parliament measures based on the principle not of increasing taxation but of diminishing it, and of increasing the revenue, not by increasing the tax ation, but by increasing the consumption of the neces saries and luxuries of life on the part of the great body of the people, and by that means, as Lord J. Russell had emphatically observed, unchaining and developing the re sources of the country, and increasing the revenue of the nation, not by drawing on the enjoyment of the people, but by increasing it by a system, of which every indi vidual in the country, however humble, should sensibly feel the benefit.—(.Cheers.) It is on this principle that the alteration in the sugar duties was proposed, and what ever may be the sophistry put forth in newspapers and placards, it is impossible to deny that the price of this commodity has been raised to such a degree, by the undue protection given to some favoured class interests as to deny its use to a great part of the population of this country. On this question many have tried to get up the public feeling —the righteous feeling of public indignation, which I know animated this place as much as any other place in the kingdom, against the former accursed system of slavery, and have endeavoured to enlist them in their favour and interest. They now denounce slavery with uplifted eyes, as a deadly sin, though when you were t al e l assisting to give the slave hi s freedom, they, with same unlifted eyes, protested against the injury that would be done, not to themselves, to be sure, but to the negro, by etnancipating him from the parental and fostering care the masters exercised over him.—(Loud cheers.) I need, not, Gentlemen, waste your time by expatiating on the hollowness of these pretexts, which have been exploded in the House of Commons where they were broached, which had been exploded by the good sense and reason of nearly all the Anti- Sla very Societies throug hout the kingdom, and which have been exploded by the good sense and reason of every thinking man in the community: I need not, I say, waste your time by going over again the arguments by which those who put forward those pretexts were abashed and put to silence—(Hear and sheers; — and convicted, in connection with the Anti-Slavery cry, and while raising it in the House of Commons, of sharing in the profits of slave labour themselves:—(Cheers.) Now with regard to the Corn-laws, c let me ask, " Where i s m y Honourable Opponent e (Tremendous cheering.) Up to last week I should have supposed that not only no opponent on this question could be found. as appears to be the case, within these walls, but that none breathed in Devonport, even in the person of my Right Hon. Op ponent.—(Cheers.) You may have heard that last year I had the honour of putting face to face with the Hon. Gentleman's distinguished relative in the House of Com mons, what he (Mr. Dawson) thought of the Corn-laws, and his cordial adoption of their own principles, which the Hon. Gentleman who now asks you to transfer your confidence from us to him, had stated with a degree of candour which made him almost suspect its sincerity, on t h e ground that he found it utterly useless to canvass the borough of Devonport except upon Anti-Corn-law prin ciples.—(Loud cheers.) But at that time those prin ciples were opposed, and all knowledge of and connexion with the opinions expressed en the subject by the lion. Gentleman was - disclaimed by the Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth ; and it seems as if the Hon. 69043144 n. 1494*c9 received u u t ruc tion, and has. been told not to commit himself, at least not to commit himself against the sliding scale. He now attempts to per suade you that the sliding scale will give you cheaper bread than the fixed duty proposed by the Government. Now I say at once with regard to the fixed duty, that I am net a finality rn,m, on this or any other subject.— (Loud cheers.) You are aware that I am not a man given to sudden and frequent changes, and some of you, I believe, have had reason to complain that I have not gone fast enough for you ; but I assure you that I can see no reason why a measure passed in one year, should be held final against the expe rience of all its future workings, and though when this measure now proposed, is arranged, I :should not wish to see it disturbed.at an early period, yet it would be en tremely absurd to say that corn shall never be intro duced into this country except at a rate of duty fixed - - under circumstances which may not exist when we —(Loud cheers.) It appears from the Re- Hon. Opponent's speech. that he von that you will really scale than under a Lore is all this House meet again.- port I have mild of has endeavoured to persuh,.... get chOpet bead tinder the fixed duff, Then if this is the case mite,— outcry on the part Of Mc agicalturists ? In of Commons it was not stated that the apprehensions the agriculturists, which I think are Vet 7 nveh exagge rated, cr the evils they apprehended arose !mot this cause; their cry is not that the fixed duty will raise the prier of broad so as to ruin the poor of this country, but that it will cause corn to be sold so cheap as to ruin the itgeiCilltiiral interest who will not find a market for their produco. i tieti hi what way (I speak only from the re port of the speech Of the Hon, Gentleman) does he make out his propo3ition? Ili n.ys that the average duty on corn has been ss. 3d. tilVia§h this is too low, and I believe it -has been ss. 9d., tlisi that the airictiint of the fixed duty proposed by the Oevern- Meilt •i 5 Ps, But did the Honourable Gentleman tell you widai flv price of corn when the duty was 15.,. did he tell you tilc quantity of foreign corn in bond and not entered for sale at all, but - 411401 would have been brought into the market had there been a fixed duty. Did he tell you that the price of corn will not be . increase(' but diminished under a fixed duty ? Did he tell you that foreign countries, knowing that there would be a certain rnarttet, would grow a greater quantity of corn for importation till this country, and so prevent the price rising to a famine priee i and keep it steady and even, preventing those fluctuations whidit you know have taken place in the price of corn, while yon ta.,.!, know that no such fluctuation has taken place in the rates of your wages?--Cheers.) You are told by others—l do not know whether the Hon, Gentleman has said ao or not—that we ought to be independent of foreign coun tries. Was there ever such an absiirdity ? What is there in which We arc independent of other mat - dries, or hi which they are independent of us ?—(Cheerk) To be so would cut at the very roots of all our com merce ; our ports would be blocked up, our ships sold, and oar manufactures destroyed.(llear, hear.)` If we are independent of others fbr the ifenzwaries of life, why should not other countries be indeveftdent of us ? If we did not. take their corn, how can We expect that they will take the manufactules we pro duce?—(Continued cheering.) I really do not know that upon this subject of the COrn.lavvs I need address you another word ; all I can say in addition ss that as I stated to some of you the other night, from the first ntoment of my entering the House of Commons by their support, and by no other support have I ever entered it than that of this popular constituency, I have known that your sentiments and my own are in accordance on this point, and ever since I hae sat in the House of Commons, I have voted for an alteration of the existing system.—(Cheers.) There are other measures of a si milar kind, on which it is not necessary for me to enter, as they are of minor importance, though they are all based on the same principle, namely, that of the gradual but certain abolition of monopolies unduly restrictive of our commerce—a principle which you yourseVres have affirmed in a petition signed by nine thousand of the in habitants of this borough, and which I had lately the honour of presenting to the House of Comm9nS.— (Cheers.) From those principles I know that you will not directly swerve, for do I believe that you will suffer the good sense which is your characteristic to be cajoled. —(Cheers.) My Honourable Opponent, when he arrived here, endeavoured to persuade you that the battle on their part is already won, and that those who advocate the principle of freedom against monopoly were actually flying in all directions. I will not follow his example and enumerate the long string of places from which the Tories are flying frpm the face of the constituencies ; I am no prophet, nor will I indulge in any sanguine expectations or predictions excepting as to the contest in which we are personally engaged, and of which you have forbidden me to enter tain the sligh' est doubt.—(Loud cheers.) But, Gentle men, on this point, I am anxious not to deceive you ; I do not want you to elect me if your votes depend on the chances and probabilities of my continuation in the con fidential office, which, by the favour of my Sovereign and a 3 your representative I have been placed in. The issue of the struggle, the present and immediate issue, may be one way or the other ; it is not a contest of the kind described by the Hon. Gentleman, but of those princi ples which at an early period I advocated, and which I mean still to advocate; and even if those principles should meet a check, if it should be proved that class intere: t 3 have been too strong for the people on this occasion, yet those principies once fairly laid before the people, once fairly discussed at such meetings as this, after they have been debated at the hustings in a manner that will triumphantly refute the calumny that it is a dangerous thing to appeal to the people on an ex citing subject, in a manner that will carry conviction to the hearts of the constituency, and if those principles are approved by the people, then at a limited and no distant period those principles will prevail. There is one suh- : ject, on which though it is thrown comparatively into shade by the great principles now in question, and which form the immediate subject of the appeal to you, I feel that I ought to address you, in consequence of an altered vote which I have giyen on the subject since I last ad dressed you, and it is due to offer you some explanation. I allude to the Ballot.—(Cheers.) You may remember that in the contest of 1834, a conviction was carried to my own mind that some protection for the voter was re quired in many cases where lie wished conscientiously to exercise the franchise given him by the Reform Act, and was compelled to exercise it in a way that left him fet tered and obliged to vote against his conscience. At the same time I abstained from voting on the question, because I was not convinced of the expediency of the Ballot, but anxious that every other means should be tried for the protection of the voter. I stated on the last occasion that I was anxious to see other measures tried, yet no other had been pro pounded to Parliament that seemed likely to be effectual; that being the case, and in deference to your wishes, as that question was made an open question by the Go vernment., I, though still dubious of the efficiency of the Ballot, have given my vote in favour of the trial of the Ballot.—(Loud cheers.) There is one other question on which I know that I differ from a great many around me, but I shall not therefore be deterred—(Hear, hear) — notwithstanding the cordial unanimity—(Hear, hear) — that has prevailed on other subjects, fi om alluding to it, because I wish to shrink from nothing in which the people feel an interest, and because I know that a large body of this Constituency feel a deep interest in it ; I mean the question of Church- rates. On that question I have not voted, nor am I now prepared to vote for a total abolition of all compulsory payment towards the maintenance of the fabrics of the Chinch, which are an ornament to the country, but. I am ready to abolish that criminal jurisdiction which is exercised in a most ob jectionable manner by the Ecclesiastical Courts—(Loud cheers)—and to prevent any man from suffering in his person by imprisonment for the non-payment of Church-rates.—(Cheers.) Lord John Russell has com municated with me on the subject, and a measure was prepared which, but for the termination of the Session that has taken place, would have been sub mitted to Parliament : another has been proposed by Mr. Easthope, for which I was fully prepared to vote, but not. for the complete abolition of all compulsory pay ment. I have stated these views on the subject, because I do not wish to be accused of any concealment of any information that may be desired by you of my past con duct, and which lam ready to answer. The ground I stand on is the great principle of freedom against mono poly ; the principles I am ready to maintain are those which tend to the advancement of the prosperity of this country, which I believe at a limited and no distant ,pe.. riod, if not immediately, will have a signal and distin guished the nnb triumph. I feel bound to tell you that in j a g t ed the t oearliest return conse quence of being summoned to attend . a Council of Wednesdayherrrv, with next, shall intention o n Majesty t o Lo London o o n n 00-m possible moment to come back to you • Imention it now, because though my interest is as nothing in the balance, yet I am anxious the interest of our common cause should not suffer in my absence.—(Continued cheering.) I feel that I ought to_ be h ere among you unless some para mount and compelling duty requires my absence, and I mention it in the face of the constitu ency in order to put to silence every voice of misrepresentation. On Friday 1 shall appear anion you a • the victory is won, the again, and from that time till triumph is achieved, I shall be found fighting cordially, Heartily, fully, by the sid of my leartily, and I know success onourable colleague. Sir G. Grey was loudlycheered at the close of his speech, and the applause continued for some minutes after he resumed his seat. ARRIVAL OF THE TRAFALGAR AT SHEER NESS.()-wa r- shipO ri Tuesday ofloo night, at eight o'clock, the Trafalgar man • guns, which was launched from Woolwich Dockyard on Monday afternoon, arrived at Sheerness, in tow of the steam-packets Salamander, Meteor, and Monkey . They g returned to the river o n W e d nes d a y morning. The Trafalgar was expected to be hauled i n t o Sheerness do ck . at high water yesterday afternoon. DREADFUL STAGE-COACH ACCIDENT.— OVERSETTING OF THE LYNN STAGE-COACH, NEAR CAM BRIDGE.—On Wednesday night the Union, Lynn stage-coach, which should have arrived at the Golden Cross inn, Charing cross, did not, on account of a dreadful accident occurring by its being overset near Cambridge, on its journey to London from Lynn, unfortunately at the time being filled with passengers in side and out, by which unfortunate circumstance the coach man, Thomas Cross, received a compound fracture of one of his legs, and two ladies, passengers, also sustained such serious injuries that they, with the unfortunate coachman, were neces sitated to he conveyed to an inn, where, as quickly as possible, every requisite surgical assistance was rendered the sufferers. Another coach being procured, the remaining passengers, after a delay of a few hours, proceeded on their journey, some few having sustained slight injuries. RAMSGATE.--.THE C ENSUS —The enumera tors have concluded their labours, and by the accounts rendered S t s . tL. Peter's,n 1,346 males e l e s a a n n d d 1 1:6 4 0 16 3 it appears that Ramsgate contains 4,896 males and 6,013 fe males, making 10,909 ; females,females, mulakkiinn,rl;296,629s. ; It is a most remarkable circumstance that this town should be just the same number as Margate, which i 4 10,909. In the last census Ramsgate vra.? 7,987, and has increased in the ten years 25 per cent., and Mar. ga te was 10,460, whtch has increased 2i per cent. ; the inte rests of the two towns are so similar, that local circumstances cannot take place without affecting both in the same way.— Kent /*raid. • . no., EVENING EDIT 7G(OTE) OF -. , 1 1.5 % , - u T el k si l t i E l. :rS4Oi evening,l:l- Z S jr ..,-L A i P. I . 7 p fl a ' r i l . I: the course of '' the i gay, a g n a i i n s m t rn the '. leered in the - New i Tlayrna ll rk ir e . a n a s r w hy immens e . i s il ix gS o h , : io d ei b c, een il e . r erected, against e h l e .ebe motionim.g only lyJth said o. S expressed,, hands al ni etoirni gentlemen left the Tontine for th e a Esg serv . i , ce w s .its fo c r a t l l l i ed e o t e o c . si preceded by the town band, w h o h t the ol c L hai O n n th t Esq., seconded by Thomas Dunn, Es q , Williamoariskes ist wishn htahsebemenottitollne.rabAlivrt. clearly then ly -- ' hseinldce i39u I ,. pa r ga thie.oecasion, that I should take the chair, I consider it my duty to comply. Mr. Parker will first address you and I hope you will hear with attention and patience a ll who may wish to speak. Mr. PARKER—(Cheers)—on rising, said, I understand that this borough has been placarded with insinuations ,and inuendos that we, the advocates of Liberal principles in Sheffield, had absconded in dire alarm, having discoe vered that we were entirely wrong in supposing that cheap sugar, che a p corn, cheap timber, or any other of th : measures proposed by her Majesty's Government for the aug.:entation of the revenue, were principles to which we had clevo..'d ourselves in Parliament, that you had no synittgthetic feelt.:•rs for the national interests these mea sures were intended ::ee promote, and that we were not likely to abide your sriffra n - as because gentlemen came from foreign parts, froni differeaat quarters of the glolee. to tell -us that our foreign policy hat felled, and that tbe budget of the Ministers was an illusion: and a humbug. Nov,, Gentlemen, I say, we have not seen a foreign po licy for the last 200 years, or at least since .Chathaus wielded the destinies of England, so triumphant and SIM-. passingly successful as that which is - impugned at thie, day. You have been asked to believe that the Minister who advocates and conducts this policyis a traitor to his count.ae ?—(Cheere.) But if Lord Palmerston h ad re ceived the gold of Rusele, can you suppose he would have bearded Russia in the East ?—(Hear, hear.) Would he. hare met her designs in India and in the Levant, and , achieved the successes which have renewed the glory of our navy, without the presence of a Russian ship or a Russian steamer ? What he has done, - liar indeed been with the concurrence, the consent, and the gaod,will of Russia. But so far is Lord Palmerston from being the instrument or the tool of Russia, that he carries out his Itleali policy in a manner more creditable to this country and the empire at large than I have. before known since I had anything to do with politics.—(Loud cheer.: •) The true reason why Lord Palmerston's policy is attaefeasd is, that he wields his power at home and abroad - in sup} ort of liberal opinions. In Spain, he is for the people ; in Portugal, he is for the people ; and wherever he has oa cashes) to regulate our affairs, he is for the many, and not' for the few.—(Cheers.) Therefore it is that Lord Palmer ston's policy is selected as the ground for particular at tack ; and therefore it is that, as in other cases so in this, the answer is the success which has followed it, and which neat all these attacks rebound upon his assailants. But It really seems as if poor Sheffield, in this election, is to be coquetted with by persons from every part of her Majesty's dominions. I have scarcely been in the, town more than a couple of hours, and I have seen blue, addresses without number. • Lovers approach you ins letters written in blue, from every end of the earth. Softie try to gain yon, by showing the perfidy of your foreign pehey—others oa the dreadful failures of our hOme policy—others seek to win you by 'adulation. / seek you with none of these. I feel that our great want is relief for the commerce of the country, the want of scope, and space enoe:gh ;. to alter, or amend, or remove: the Cam-laws.—(Loed cheers.) Among an enlightened community, say specific is the more likely to find favour; for nothing can be clearer, that it is absolutely essential to the prosperity of the country, that we get out- of the nare row track—the miserable, narrow, and antiquated prine ciples on which our foreign trade has been conducted. Those are my principles, and I believe that they are cal culated to enrich individual: and aggrandize, the nation. The people of :England will not fail to perceive their own Interests, and sooner or later the principles of the budget must prevail.—{Bear, hear.) We want to raise money, and we can have it if we reduce the duties, because that would produce increased consumption. We want to increase trade; and we can increase it if we open our ports to the produce of other countries, and thus enable those countries to reenive ours. We can thus at once augment our revenue, and encrease our trade.- The measures of the Government were :ntrodeced in a period of great distress, which I lament ae much as any, but I bei:eve that nothing will tend so.muult to restore a healthy stana and beneficial action of affairs, es an adop tion of this views which Ministers have inducea. Well, then rise up tine three great monopolies—coloniol, Ca nadian, and landed, bendiag together, andeeech with their several reasons for themselves and the negroeee Bat I state here, as I stated in the House, that the Le gislature ought to look as well to our companions and , countrymen abroad, as to our fellow subjects in other parts of the world, and that if I have any bias at all, it must be in favour of my countrymen, rather than of those who live is distant parts of the world. A dissolu tion has taken place on these questions, and you are the parties who will hate: to decide. A person named Blastrox inquired whether the peti tions from this town had bee: , for a fixed duty or a total repeal, and whether the Goya/IL:lent was offering a total repeal ? . Mr. PARKER replied, undoubtedly t i :e petitions were for total repeal ; but a fixed duty was propesed. PAttmEs, the Chartist chairman on Whit -Monday, after a few remarks, expressive of his want at confidence in the good faith of the 'Ministers, inquired why they had not been in their place in the House of Cenaamons -When Mr. Scholefield made his motion for a pre :lute .- tax Mr. PARKER replied nothing could be fairer than the question, or more courteous than the manner in which it was put. As far as he could remember, Mr. Labon chore, the President of the Board of Trade, was in the House, and spoke upon the motion. Mr. Lebouehere stated, that on the eve of a dissolution, when the Mem bers were anticipating their appearance on the hustings, such a measure could not be proposed with advantage, and he declined entering largely into the subject. Mr. Parker thought seine other Members - of the Governelent .. were also present. Mr. PARKES thought it would have been better had they all been there ; and he asked what was. thereason that at the eleventh hour Ministers should come forward with measures which he, in common with many others. believed would be productive of benefit to the people ?---- (Hear. hear.) He asked also for what reason, twelve months ago, Lord Melbourne had opposed-these mea sures ; and three or four years ago, when a deputation from Glasgow waited upon him, said that line, distress was a common temporary occurrence, and would soon disappear ? How was it that Ministers never thought of ptoposing there measures till they were threatened with a defeat on Lord Stanley's Bill ? - - Mr. PARKER—As to that portion which relates to Lord Melbourne, if the Noble Lord were here, I am sure he would be most ready to answer it, but I cannot e---(Laugh ter and cheers.) I may remind you that, individually, many of the members of the Government, especially those in the House of Commons, have always voted on the st - ehj ect of the Corn-laws as they have done this eeear. I have vo:ed on questions of trade in favour of these principles, and since I became a Member of the Government I have voted upon them just as I did before. As to Lord Mel bourne, if he were here, he would be delighted with the ability of the interrogator, who no doubt would get from him a very clever answer.—(Laughter and cheers.) Mr. PARKES said, many persons in the country, of all shades of politics, and both rich and poor, had felt a great degree of sympathy with the situation of those un fortunate and misguided individuals, Frost, Williams. and Jones—(Hear, hear)—and in - common with the Chartists, had been desirous that the case of those per sons, and others who were imprisoned for their political opinions, should receive a merciful coneideration. What was the reason that he, as th e i r representative, • did nt't .participate in those feelings ; and when a petition was presented to Parliament, praying that. the House would advise her Majesty not to release them, but to rec onsider their sentences, that he did not Vote in its favour ? Mr. PARKER said the question related to the.motion madeby Mr. Duncornbe, a few weeks ago, to address the Queen, praying for the liberation of. certain 'entice now under political imprisonment. He Must first state that the individuals whose names had been mentioned were left out of the _motion by Mr. Puncombe. The true state of the case was—(" HOW did you TOW 7 ") Gentlemen, I nun not going to shirk anything. why i did it: I . voted • a gainst the motion, because, being my self a Member ut the Government, even _supposing I agreed that the parties were proper subjects for Roy al clemency; how could I say that theSecretery. of State for the Home Department, whose duty it is to attend to these subjects, was, in point of filet, not doing his duty I believe, if there be any persow-in , disposed to clemency than another, and the country more l d" has' suf fered more for his clement and Merci ii disposition to prisoners, it is the present -' Secretary of State for Home Affairs, the Marquis of Norma.nby.—(Hear, hear.) y ea. know how he was assailed for the liberation of prisoners in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) The reason. why I voted as I did was, because I considered that the cases et these men and of all other prisoners, were safe in the hands' o f L or d Normanby, for I am sure he would rather recommend the Queen to exerciFe a merciful interposition,. whenever he felt that he c ould do so with justice to the general - and tranquillity of the country, than pursue a peece .-. more rigorous course. Mr. ntaKEs expressed his•hope that the distionstra tion which had been made in favour of. the, prisoners would induce Lord Normeaby to consider their case, and he believed that none would rejoice- mor'tii their restoration to their families- Ilia - m p it - .. - d Mx ne r. at et •int • . Ward.—(Mr. Parker assented.) Mr. WAan - a(Cheers)—Gentlemen, I recollect that, four years ago, when I come a stranger into this town, and first visited this spot,' though things were not then so good as they had been two years before, it was a per fect hive of industry. I saw nothing about me but the signs of busy men, well employed, for you had even then a good demand, and by the sides of the canal - were piles of timber and iron; that - seemed to promise employment to all your population. for five years .to come. Now, I ask, where are they ? I see now the signs of decaying trade, of sinking industry. There is the same fine spirit which animated you then,—there are the same hands, with the same intelligence and pourer of mind, to guide and direct them -in useful labours,---but all your efforts are neutralized by the unhappy laws of .91.1 r ..ponntry. Now, I want to inculcate the necessity of iiitc.ifig some minor differences of opinion On abstract point's; irtat pre. wail ainong.u.s. We have in our town, in:our owed_ posi tion—every man has, in his.own house, at his own door , about his own hearth--the outward and visible signs 4 decaying profit and trade. 'And even in that trade 'which. is the last to fall off—that trade which eu st ma t bat ' . for a while when others are gone to decay—the- trade of pro viding absolutely necessary food, the first, . life for the people-ain'tlial . trade . th '-' ' necesw . i , of riorated 46 snob sit degree, ' ' - - i.,-, - 9-'PrT" o t ha ' eta" -In Collee- e ateite ' ' .:ematt )ITION. ---- - :et' 1:41-Elle::::1'!"----7:84 6-' '''' !, K ' - t 'I) ITV • ,c : ,•,1: ‘ : • - -4 - iere- . ' • • I ~s,k." ' Can, 1 1 A • _, y il td f e , 14 1 / 4 . .11, and . ..,, gr4te -64 ' le place ~ . •etn`. had voluntetrad their t t li t, se , aO , 1 , " . 0 1 ;e • S't/r