The Sun. — London, England, 1867-12-21 00:00:00

SPRIT OF THE PUBLIO`JOUBNALS. The Times thinks that a few plain etas will be easily learnt, and common sense will teach the rest. Every man Understands how to protect his own property, and special Oonstables are only men acting in concert for the pro tection of property and peace on behalf of the public. The service contemplated is sketched very distinctly in the instructions we published yesterday. At first there is nothingsundertaken by a special constable, or required of him, beyond a readiness to act on occasion of alarm. The justification or warrant for the whole organisation lies in the belief that alarms may occur, or, in other words, that the public peace is plated in extraordinary jeopardy. But until the alarm occurs, and until the special constable is summoned, no duty devolves upon him. By going before the magistrate he has expressed his willingness to act as a policeman extraordinary ; by leaving his address at the police-station designated for the purpose he informs the proper authorities where he is to be found. Then, in case of alarm, he is available h aid of the rtssular police force under the forms and with the advantages of an organisation already prepared. We may confidently ex pect signal benefit from the demonstration thus made by the community, but, apart from this moral effect, there is no doubt that the special constables can render most valu able assistance to the regular police at a time like the pre sent. The defect of the regular force is in numbers only. It is undermanned at all times, and although the Home Secre tary has just sanctioned an addition of one thousand men, when the demand arising from an atrocious conspiracy is Added to the ordinary exigencies of metropolitan life, the force cannot be expected to suffice for the work. The extent of London is so immense, and the accumulation of property within its limits is so prodigious, that the ordinary guardians of the public peace have encugh to do at all times. The police force is, as •we have said, to be augmented, but at present, besides the immediate urgency of the de mand, there is a call for a greater number of men than could be added without extravagance to the regular force. If the ordinary constables were twice as numerous as they are, special constables would still be required. We are not, indeed, of opinion that the enemy with whom we have to deal is numerous ; but a handful of unscrupu lous ruffians may create not only alarm, but a feeling of insecurity out of all proportion to their numbers. Against them the safest precautions will be found in the presence and vigilance of an extraordinary force of police. The chief duty, in short, of special constables will be to have their eyes about them, and the more eyes there are about the better. We have to deal with a foe at war with society itself, and hesitating, as we have seen, at no wickedness, however monstrous. It is a state of things which we might well imagine we had outlived, but as it is forced upon us we must meet it boldly, and we need have very little fear about the result. The Post, referring to Mr. Gladstone's recent speechei in South Lancashire, says it was not to be expected that the right hon. gentleman would lose the opportunity afforded to him by his visit to his constituents of referring, in however incidental a manner, to that marvellous speech in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer recently main tained that the present policy of his party is consistent with that which it .has always pursued. The popular notion was that Conservatism was the opposite of Libe ralism, and that Tories hated change. This delusion Mr. Disraeli was most anxious to dispel, and he proved to his own satisfaction, doubtless, if not to that of the public, that in reducing the suffrage to its present standard, he Lad crowned that edifice which the Conservative party have been so long engaged in constructing. This edifice was composed of thirty-two measures, so well known to every one that he did not deem it necessary to specify them ; but Mr. Gladstone now rather pertinently asks what they were. If it be true, as Mr. Disraeli says, that lie and his party have been carefully preparing ttie country for the mighty change which has now been effected, it may not be unreasonable to inquire how this result was effected, and how it came to pass that the people at large were entirely ignorant of the educational process to which they were subjected. The Daily News, taking up the observations of the Opposition leader on : the Irish question, feels that every motive concurs to urge it to the course which Mr. Glad stone recommends, of proceeding at once to remove those grievances in Ireland which are confirmed and palpable, and of inquiring with anxious care into those which are more obscure or complicated. It is a duty which should not for a moment be interrupted, but rather he hastened, by the present necessity for inflicting exemplary punish ment upon those who do not make open war upon men, but who slaughter women and children by stealth. We have to enforce justice, but we have also to do justice. We have not only to repress crime, but to remove the cames which provoke crime. The feeling which iv,uld defer this inquiry because of the horrible events of the moment is one which, however it may be worked by thc organs of an interested party, the nation will disclaim. We are too strong to be either cruel or unjujt. Let ns hope that we shall show ourselves too noble to be driven from what is right by the excesses of those who are the unworthy avengers of wrong. Let us prove how much worthier freedom is than despotism by letting the world see that we can confess and amend our own errors even while we bleed from the savage assaults of those whose perverted imaginations have been wrought t,o frenzy by the consequences of our misgovernment. The Herald speaks of the necessity for mal.cing haste with the chastisement of Theodore. Every motive must urge the British commander to march to the rescue as swiftly as is compatible with the safety of his army. Our contemporary cannot believe the improbable story that his preparations have been suspended in consequence of Theodore having given guarantees that he would com ply with all our demands. What guarantee can possibly be given by the beleaguered king, whose fate will proba bly be decided by the hands of his infuriated subject= before we can penetrate far enough into his country to punish him ? Who can take the simple word of a man who cannot be trusted on his oath ? Nothing surely would satisfy us short of the actual delivery of the prisoners into our hands ; and how can Theodore accomplish that when he cannot march for two miles in his pretended dominions without fighting for his life, and is cut off from all possible means of communicating with the coast ? It is very pro bable that by this time we arc not dealing with Theodore at all, but with some other prince as intractable and fero cious as he. At the expense of several lives, and of terrible suffer ing to many innocent persons, the Saturday Review thinks that the Clerkenwell explosion will produce a wholesome effect. It is to be hoped that society has at length heard the last of the moral sophisms by which anarchists and their patrons or dupes have sought to procure immunity for crime. 111-trained intellects and dull imaginations require to be startled into the perception of even obvious truths, and the impudent pertinacity of Irish sedition had apparently raised a doubt in the minds of some peaceable and well-meaning persons whether the murder of a Man chester policeman was an act of questionable moral character. The criminality of a conspiracy against society has now been written in still more legible cha racters ; and it may be doubted whether even an Ameri can politician or an Irish Roman Catholic archbishop will venture to elevate the Clerkenwell murderers into the rank of heroes and martyrs. The perpetrators of the atrocity must have intended to sacrifice innocent life to their immediate object, and although they were disap pointed in their attempt to rescue the prisoners,the explosion produced the effect which was undoubtedly contemplated. If the Government henceforth acts with vigour and con sistency against the avowed enemies of the country, the community at large will unanimously support the vindi cation of the law. English demagogues at least will be afraid to. express their sympathy for promoters of sedition who arc bolder and more practical than themselves. The long-continued prevalence of order in England, combined with unbounded political and personal liberty, has natu rally produced a laxity of opinion which leads to culpable toleration of treasonable practices. Mere grumblers who have no deliberate purpose of disturbing existing institu tions ally themselves too readily with revolutionary con spirators for the idle purpose of annoying the Government cr the ruling classes. The Fenians have the merit of going directly to their object, and of revealing to careless politicians the alternative which must be substituted for the supremacy of law. If Mr. Beaks ventured to object to promiscuous attempts at arson, even his colleagues would be afraid to censure the timidity or lukewarmness of their loader. The assassin exercises discrimination in the selec tion of victims who, if they are not personally unpopular, are perhaps official guardians of the public peace; but fire 1 . 1 , n ,1 gunpowder pay no respect to persons, or to the nature of the property which may be destroyed. When all classes of society thoroughly understand the issue raised at Manchester and Clerkenwell, there is no dori:,t that the enliporters of order will be too strong for their antagonists. Even in Ireland a large portion of the com munity disspproves of the crimes and of the insolence of the rebellions faction ; and English understandings will not be embarrassed by any excess of sympathy fur Ame ricanised Irish intruders. The opinions which will be expressed when the Clerkenwell atrocity is reported in the United States will be awaited with some degree of curio sity. Hitherto the Republican and Democratic leaders have competed with one another in expressions of good will to the cause of the Fenians, but perhaps here and there an American politician may venture to disapprove of the latest expression of anarchical malignity. Poli tical animosity to this country may possibly, in some instances, stop short of the conclusion that the real or imaginary wrbngs of Ireland furnish an excuse for whole sale murder perpetrated in the heart of England. The Spectator, taking up the same subject, points to the with which all classes have reioreba,ted the out- rage, and of the determination of the people to support the Government in any measures which might be proposes for stamping out the Fenian conspiracy. The duty of the Government in such a crisis is clear, and, fortunately, the responsibility falls mainly upon men who, like the Stan leys, are bound by personal reasons never to forget that Irishmen are citizens of the empire. That duty is to maintain a steady, severe, but just system of repression upon Fenianism : to show its partisans that they are waging war upon a force indefinitely superior to them ' selves ; to convince its enemies that there is no justifica tion whatever for taking the law into their own hands ; in short, to make the nation supreme, if possible through-the magistracy, but if needful, through the visible and deter mined use of the bayonet. That the time for leniency to Fenianism is past is clear, and the time for fury against Irishmen ought never to be permitted t,. arrive. There can be no more processions, or meetings, or any other combined action in favour of a party which can, even against the will of its own chiefs, tolerate outrages like that in Clerkenwell. The Fenian Committee may be, as they assert, utterly guiltless of that horror, and we are willing to acquit them of some of its worst features ; but they must in their own interest, as well as that of the empire, bear the obloquy of the insane acts of their own friends. The Government must now spew itself master of the situation, or the English and Scotch will terminate it, with the result of making all improvement in the rela tions between the two countries impossible for another century. If it does not, a feather-weight would now turn the scale in favour of lynch law. As to the me s, they are those by which every other Government is compelled to meet from time to time similar outbursts of fanaticism, by which the French Government has repeatedly met the more violent secret societies — steady, cold, scientific watchfulness and repression. The regular law is amply sufficient for the purpose, or if not, the regular law must be made stronger. Almost all the " exceptional legislation" suggested is either unfair or un wise. It would be both, for example, to demand pass ports from Irishmen, for the Fenians in this last affair have injured the Irish far more than ourselves. It would _ _ be both to dismiss Irish labourers from the dockyards simply because amongst them might be men sympathising with Fenian ideas. It would be both to expel, as one paper advises, the American Irish under the ancient Alien Act ; unwise as increasing the bitterness between ourselves and the Americans, unfair because we still refuse to acknowledge that the emigrants have forfeited their allegiance. The true policy is to increase the police, to use the soldiers, to call out the people, to watch unsleepingly, to punish crime relentlessly, but always in obedience to the law, and through its responsible agents. One failure of justice, one execution of an innocent man, one instance of hesitation in restraining any spirit of race hostility, would do more to injure the cause of order than a lost battle. There is nothing like calm, steady, but inevitable justice to put down opposition ; and with twenty-three millions of people on its side, the Government has full opportunity and leisure to carry out that policy—the only one which is just, the only one which, when men are cooler, leaves behind it none of that vengeful animosity the victims of injustice are sure to feel. If the police are insufficient, add more, or call out the people, or supplement both with soldiers—make it, if absolutely necessary, an offence to be a Fenian ; but in no case allow the first beginning of a riot, in no case allow lynch law, in no case let any man be punished without a full and a just hearing. And, above all, in no case suffer a Fenian and an Irishman to be con founded. The John Bull, in discuss' -, g Fenianism in its various aspects, gives this as its worst. Finding all prospects of an Irish rebellion hopeless, they next resorted to the mise rable expedient of creating disaffection in England, aided by murder and burning, and this with no conceivable hope of obtaining their proposed object—the political indepen dence of Ireland—but, as it would seem, as a mere instru ment of malevolence and revenge. Bad as the Manchester ' outrage was, yet the system of shooting down single policemen is morally far worse. It is remarkable how, in all these outrages, the leading character of Irish law lessness and Ribandism, combined with American row dyism, shews itself. Brt all this wou'.l be comparatively harmless were it not for the consciousness of comparative security from punishment on which these wretches seem so confidently to rely. As far *as it went, the Manchester execution will tend to dispel their illusion, but much more display of firmness is yet required. We do not mean in merely executing the de facto murderer. But the impres sion exists very largely, both in America and among the Irish Americans here, that we dare not execute an Ameri can subject—either really so or calling himself one. No time should be lost in dispelling the illusion. There will be no security for life or property here if we are to allow Irish Americans to kill and plunder, or to commit treason before our eyes, and are then to be debarred from seeking jus tice by threats of intimidation from the friends of the cul prits on the other side of the Atlantic, grounded on the atrocious s.ntiment of their sympathisers here, that it is better to see our peaceful fellow-subjects murdered before onr eyes than to embroil ourselves with America. We do not believe that we should embroil ourselves with tho American Government. We believe that they would then begin to respect us. But be that as it may, our duty clearly is to chew by our acts that the lives of our fellow subjects are dear to us ; and that, whatever may be the opinion and practice in Ireland and America, the English nation possesses laws for the protection of life and pro perty, and that she will enforce them. TilE EXPLOSION RELIEF FUND. This fund progresses satisfactorily. The committee have received about £3,000, and ask for a similar amount still to complete the work they have so benevolently taken in hand. It is doubtful whether they will be able to ac complish that object with less than £lO,OOO. The com mittee meet daily at the Clerkenwell Vestry Hall, under the presidency of the incumbent of the parish, the Rev. Robert Maguire. It appears that the whole district affected by the catastrophe has been already thoroughly visited, the position of every family ascertained, and need ful relief administered, chiefly in a reconstructive form, enabling the inhabitants to repair their shattered homes and furniture, and the working men to purchase tools so as to replace those they had lost. The incumbent asks for more parcels of clothing, blankets, men's clothes, &c. Among the contributors yesterday were Maria Mar chioness of Aile3bury, £5 ; Dowager Viscountess Bar rington, £5 ; Mr. J. S. and Lady Diana Pakington, £5 ; Lord Clermont, £lO ; the Hon. Mrs. Preston Bruce, £.5 ; the Hon. Flora Macdonald, £5; Lady Templemore, £1 Is.; Earl Stanhope, £5 53. ; Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, £5. It is a significant fact that the name of Mr. Morgan John O'Connell, son of the " Liberator," occurs in the subscription list. Yesterday afternoon Prince Arthur, attended by Dr. Jenner, physician in ordinary to her Majesty, visited the patients lying in the Royal Free Hospital, Gray's-inn-road, suffering from injuries received through the late explosion at Clerkenwell. His Royal Highness was conducted through the wards by Dr. J. 11. Hill, house-surgeon, and Mr. H. C. Hopkins, house-surgeon. The sufferers who remain in this hospital are all progressing favourably, with the exception of the old man Humphrey Evaus, who still lingers in a most precarious state. LIVERPOOL CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. -WO understand that the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone has had a private interview with several members of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, in the offices of the Chamber, when he expressed his willingness to accept an invitation to a banquet to b 3 given by the Chamber to himself, Lord Stanley, and other influential members of Parliament connected with the town and country. FENIANS AT SEA. —The screw corvette Danae, 6, Captain Sir Malcolm ArGregor, received orders on Friday afternoon to weigh from Spithead and proceed to sea, with sealed orders. It is supposed that she has gone to join the squadron of observation now forming to the westward, at present comprising the Admiralty p a ddl e yachts Enchantress and Black Eagle, the paddle steamers Gladiator and Medusa, and the screw gun-vessel Cromer. WILLS AND BEQUESTS. —The will of the Right Rev. John Lonsdale, Lord Bishop of Lichfield, of Eccleshalk Castle, Stafford, was proved in the registry at Lichfield by his two sons, the Rrv. James Gylby Lonsdale, M.A., of King's College, and the Rev. John Gylby Lonsdale, M.A., ca;lon of Lichfield, the joint acting executors. The personalty was sworn under £90,000. The will is dated March 17, 18G4, and his lord ship died Octol'er 19, 1867, a; the age of 79. He has devised his freehold e -ta.te at Everton to his eldest son, James, and ha es him the plate presented to his lordship on his leaving St. George's, Bloomsbury, as well as that presented to him on leaving King's College, of which be was principal. He has left pecuniary legacies to both his sons and his three daughters. The residue of his pro perty he leaves equally amongst them, as well as the property under his marriage settlement.—The will of Samuel Hibbert, Esq., of 2, Sussex-terrace, Hyde Park, and of Billiter-court, under the firm of Hibbert and Co.. West India merchants, was proved in the London court under £90,000 personalty.—The wills of the undermen tioned have also been proved :—George Thomson, Esq., £120,000 personalty; Thomas Sedgwick Summers, Esq., MAO ; Alfred W. Baillie, Esq., £40,000; John Griffiths, Esq., £35,000 ; John Sills Charlton, of Tunbridge Wells, £30,000 ; and John Morland, of Croydon, £60,000. Mr. Morland has left legacies to the Peace Society and the Friends' School at Croydon. 'THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING ; DECEMBER 21, 1867 TEE ALLEGED TREATY BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES. The leading diplomatists of Russia are about to meet at St. Petersburg to discuss the foreign policy of the Empire. Baron BUDBERG, who proceeds from Paris to be present, General IGNATIEFF, and Prince GORTCHACOW are among those who take part in the deliberations, and they are the three most concerned. Prince GORTCIIACOW retires from the Foreign Office, and it is probable that one of the other two will be his successor. Baron BUD BERG represents the progress of peaceful industry, General IGNATIEFF the more traditional plicy of Russia, which means a march to the Bosphorous, and the sway of Asia. The choice of the CZAR must, to a greater or lesser degree, be influenced by the meeting, and on that choice, to a greater or lesser degree, will depend the tranquillity of the world. A growing uneasiness, extending from India, is felt in England at the progress of Russia in the East, and on this subject there is a remark able article in that ablest of English reviews, the Spectator. The band, it says, of 7,000 English gentlemen who rule in India, and are prepared, on certain subjects, to act as one man, are visibly being seized with its periodical fever fit of war, which no Go vernor-Generalhas hitherto been able to withstand. Unless supported in England, Sir JOHN LAWRENCE is likely to be pressed into the field and pushed into the mistaken policy of occupying Affghanistan. 'The Sulieman is India's true frontier, and Calcutta (the only impregnable city in Asia) its true base, where the railway system begins and ends. Quettah, which a great officer was on the point of seizing in defiance of orders, alleging " that it was better he should be broke than Englishmen disgraced," is ca pable of being made very strong. But of what value would be such a fort against Rus sia, considering that if India be true to Eng lish rule, neither Russia, nor all Europe com bined, could affect England's position in a country where armies would be consumed as fast as they could be poured in. But if, on the other hand, the natives rose in rear of the English, the nearer they were to the sea the better. An advance beyond the natural boundary of the mountains would be but in aid of the invaders, short ening their distance from their base, by that most desolate and difficult of valleys from the Khyber to Herat. There, embedded in mountains, where Hindoos were worse than useless, the inhabi tants would surely turn on the occupiers, whether English or Russian. No policy could be more fatal than to push the boundaries beyond the present limits, marked as they are so distinctly by nature. The Anglo-Indian takes it for granted that the Peninsula is the object, but he may be in er ror ; and, if so, Russia, in pushing her con quests up to the British frontier, might prove a better neighbour than the wild Affghan moun taineers. The fever fit extending from India affects England differently. Russia aims at Con stantinople—lndia is a mere feint—so argues the Englishman. With Coustantinopls; in the pos session of Russia, the balance of power is gone in Europe, and the conviction is strong that other conquests are but mere outlying posts secured to aid that grand object of Muscovite ambition. When the periodical panic approaches it is heralded by all sorts of rumours, and it must be amusing to diplomatists who are pursuing the quiet tenour of their way to learn the deep and terrible plots attributed to them. Just now Mr. SEWARD is supposed in many minds to be one of the central figures of a conspiracy for England's anni hilation. 'There is, they believe, a secret treaty be tween Russia and the United States. These over shadowing Powers of the world act together in sympathy, bath young, vigorously growing, and gigantic in proportions. Each has a " manifest destiny" believed in as an article of faith by its people —the one to rule the E ist ; the other to rule the West. There can be no jealousy, bee tuse they cannot clash, and the enemies of both are those who fear the predominance of their power. What more natural than that the two should combine to support each other's policy. The indications of such a com bination are too clear it is alleged, to be mistaken. Russia has ceded to the United States her territory in America, thus wedging the British possessions be tween two portions of the United States, and throwing into American hands the harbour of Sit.ka. A. strong combination having been effected along the Northern Pacific, Mr. SEWARD has turned his attention to . the Atlantic, and secured the most central point in the West Indies as a rendezvous for the American fleets. While thus strengthening his bands in both oceans, they add he has given countenance and en couragement to Fenianism, and kept open a cause of quarrel in the A.labama claims. Here then is a mighty field of operations, embracing the world, and, if successful, ending in the humiliation and downfall of Great Britain. Plausible as all this may be, there are obvious facts overlooked in the calculation. The United States is the last country in which such a conspiracy could be carried out. Foreign as well as other policy is directed by the people. No doubt Mr. SEWARD and some influential men have means of giving a bent to the national mind, but only when the national mind inclines in the direction. If a nation has to be consulted, there is an end to secret diplomacy. Any Minister of Foreign Affairs might form strong notions of the course to be adopted, and endeavour to work on them, but he lives at the breath of the people, and he and his notions may be blown into obscurity by the merest change of feeling. Russia can act on traditional policy,that is, the policy of a ruling clique, until a revolution comes and sweeps that clique away. But the United States can only act on a national policy, which must in the main be a policy of justice and moderation, or it cannot stand. That the United St rtes could take up as a portion of the national policy to base self-aggrandisement on the destruction of England is a mere hallucination. There may be many in the States who hate England, and they may give a noisy expression to the feeling, but it finds no place in the national mind. Russia may seek to extend its empire to the Archipelago, and even to absorb India, but America can gain nothing by such moves. Canada she feels assured will drift into the Union, and the States are now aware of the difference between a voluntary absorption and a conquest. Talk, how ever, is of little value when compared with acts. The policy of the United States is bettor enunciated by the proceedings of the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, which show in the reduction of armaments the intentions of Government. Gen. GRANT has just ordered 19,000 men to be struck off the United States' Army, leaving that lately stu pendous force barely 42,000 men. Mr. WELLES reports that during the past year the navy has been reduced by 40 vessels and 480 guns. Trade and finance, dislocated by the war, are in too critical a position to be trifled with, and the whole effort of the American people is now being directed to sup port the national credit, and to re-establish the industrial interests of the country, which their keen intellect tells them is the true foundation of na tional prosperity.—Anglo American Times. NITRO-GLYCKRINE.—Another disastrous accident bas happened with this recently-introduced blasting oil. Unless means aro taken by the manufacturers to prevent explosions causing such lamentable results as that which occurred at Newcastle on Tuesday a valuable blasting agent will be lost to miners and quarriers. If this be the case, however, the manufacturers of it will have themselves to blame, for explosions of nitro-glycerine during trans port or storage ought to be unknown. Nitro-glycerine dis solved in two or three times its bulk of methylated spirit is quite inexplosive, and, when required for use, the adli tion of water will precipitate the oil, the layer of water and spirit merely requiring decanting off. The nitro glycerine separated iu this way possesses explosive pro perties quite as active as the original oil, which, indeed, is frequently rather improved than otherwise by the treat ment. The process we have described is sometimes used. At Newcastle a part of one canister was found after the explosion marked " safety solution of nitro-glycerine in wood naphtha." It is, however, quite certain that there must have been a quantity of oil present either entirely un treated or treated with an insufficient quantity of the pro tecting fluid. It should be remembered that nitro-glyce rine dissolved in a small quantity of methylated spirit or of wood naphtha in warm weather might crystalise out in winter when the temperature approaches the freezing point of water. Probably this is what occurred. Ship ping agents and railway companies should refuse to re ceive nitro-glycerine unless protected in the manner already indicated.— Chemical News. Two United States' naval vessels, the De Soto and Monongahela, were wrecked by the recent hurricanes in the West Indies, and part of the crew of each were lost. FURTHER FENIAN ARRESTS. The following appeared in our latest edition of yester- day : Nearly a week has elapsed without any one, ex cept the three prisoners already brought before the magistrate at Bow-street, being arrested, but at length it is believed that four persons have been captured who are likely to be found as having taken a prominent part in the late Fenian outrages. . _ It was rumoured that they would be brought be- fore the magistrate at Marlborough-street Police- court. This idea, however, was erroneous, as all cases of this description would of course be brought to Bow-street. The prisoners were brought before Sir Thomas Henry, and their names are Nicholas English, 8, Holland-street, Hanover-square ; Pa trick Mulvaney, 20,Sherrard-street,Golden-square; Wm. Desmond, 10, Cross-street, Regent-street ; and John O'Keefe, 10, Smith's-court, Great Wind- mill-street. Mr. Poland, instructed by the solicitor from the Treasury, prosecuted. It was understood there was a fifth man in cus tody, but this was to be taken as an entirely sepa- rate charge. Mr. Poland said he appeared to prosecute the four men at the bar for treason-felony. A warrant had been issued for their apprehension, and they were taken into custody last night by Sergeant Cole. With regard to O'Keefe, he must state that he had been in custody on Saturday and dis charged ; but it was thought right to re-arrest him. He did not propose to do more than give evidence to justify a remand, and then perhaps they could be brought up with the others on Monday. Charles Cole, Police-constable, said—l had war rants last night for the apprehension of the four prisoners. At 10 o'clock last night he went to the Lion and French Horn in Poland-street, Regent street, which is kept by a person named Kava nagh. He had known the house before. Ile had seen all the prisoners at that house many times. He knew they were particular friends. English lived in Poland-street nearly opposite. lie used to keep a leaving-shop in Dudley-street. Witness did not know whether he had worked at any trade of late. He knew that Mulvaney lived in Sherard street ; he is a tailor. He saw English and Mulvaney at the French Horn, and 14 or 15 other persons there. He was in plain clothes. Bunce was with him in the same way. Other officers in uniform were with him. When he went in he saw Mulvaney standing up and English sitting down on a form. Bunce took hold of English, and witness said, " English, I hold a warrant signed by Sir Thomas Henry at Bow-street for your apprehension for treason-felony." He got up in a great rage. I said, " I have told you we are police-sergeants, you have no excuse, here is the police constable in uniform by our sides, to prove we know what you are." I then touched Mulvaney on the shoulder, and told him I held a warrant for his apprehension. He said he did not understand. I repeated what I had said before, and added, " You must go with me." English Ithen became very violent, and was obliged to be dragged away by force. When he got outside he I was much more violent than he was before. I then saw him thrown or knocked down on the floor. Bunce got hold of him, and some one had hold of him behind. There was a vast crowd, and En ;list halloed out, " Now, my boys, for the revolvers.' After some difficulty I got him to the station. Mul vaney was quiet. When he cried out, " Now, my boys, &c.," there was a mob, and I saw about a dozen round Bunce. There were other constables outside. He did not know how many there were. They should not have been able to get them to the station-house unless they had had a good force. I then went to 10, Cross-street, Regent-square. Wm. Desmond lives there. He is a bootmaker and a volunteer in the 46th Middlesex. I found him in the second floor front room. I said, " Desmond I hold a warrant to apprehend you for treason felony." He said, " Mr. Cole, nothing of the sort with me." I said you will have to :go. He said there is no reason why one Desmond should be bad that I should be bad. On searching the room he found a life preserver, rifle, and bayonet. He went quietly to the station. Searched him and found nothing on him. At two o'clock he went to Smith's court, Windmill-street, and knocked at the first floor door. I could here there was some one in the room, and on their refusing to answer I put my foot against the door and burst it open. I saw O'Keefe ie a little room. He pretended to be asleep, but Bailee said, " Get up Jack." He looked at me and said, " What do you want now?'' This man, alluding to Buile, took me on Saturday night. I got turned up for that, and shall soon get turned for this. I told him what I apprehended him for now was a different affair altogether. Ile went quietly to the station. On Monday, the 17th of December, James Vaughan called on him at his house, and gave certain in formation. The prisoner Desmond said what Mr. Cole had stated was quite correct, except that he said, " If one Desmond was in trouble there was no reason why he should." O'Keefe said that they treated him well last night, but they put a revolver to his head on Saturday. Mulvaney said that he did. James Vaughan said that he lived in Farmer street, Golden-square. Ile was a tailor. He knew Timothy Desmond, a man in custody, but not here to-day : He had known him five years, and he was a tailor, lie knew Win. Desmond, the present prisoner. He had known him 18 months. He knew English, and had known him four or five years. O'Keefe he had known two years. O'Keefe—Please to look at me. I don't think you do know me. Witness—Yes Ido perfectly well. He thought that O'Keefe was a shoem %ker. He bad known Mulvany 18 months. He was a member of the Fenian brotherhood. He became so in 1865. An oath was administered, to him by Timothy Desmond, the other prisoner. The form of the oath was, "I promise, by the divine NIA of God, to do all in my power to obey the laws of the Society F. B. to free and regenerate Ireland from the yoke of England." When the oath was administered he kissed the book. Timothy Desmond used the words. The name of the society was used short--F. B. it means " Fenian Brotherhood." We were the only per sons present. It was at a place called Duck-lane, Goward-street, Soho. It was in the open air. He knew that it was the practice only to administer the oath when there were two together. One sworn could swear another. If a member swears in a cer tain number of men he is raised. He had been in the habit of frequenting the Lion and French Horn publichouse, Mrs. Kavanagh's. He had met all the prisoners there on different occasions. He believed them to be members of the Fenian brotherhood. Ile remembered a meeting that took place on a Sunday three months ago. Before that meeting Timothy Desmond spoke to him three days previous. Ile told me then there was going to be a meeting held at Kavanagh's. lie said that the watch raffle had got too stale : they were going to try a meeting for the Church to see how that would take. Mick, meaning English, had got the room from Kavanagh. He told witness to be there early, and try to fill the room before others came in. Witness had contri buted to some of these watch raffles. They were held week after week for the purpose of buying arms. Timothy Desmond meant, when he said that the raffles were getting stale, that they should have a meeting for the purpose of buying arms. He had attended the raffles himself. Desmond said that the arms were wanted " damned bad." No thing more took place then. Witness saw Desmond again on the Saturday. He went into Kavanagh's parlour with him. He said that a number of the people would be led to believe that it was for the Church, and we should all try to be there, as Father O'Connor was going to give a good lecture. On that Saturday night he saw at Kavanagh's three now at the bar—English, Mul vany, and O'Keefe. They were in his company and Desmond's in the same room. It was whispered that there was a warrant out against them. He made an arrangement to meet Desmond the next day, and they went to Kavanagh's. Wh en the y got there they saw English, Mulvany, and O'Keefe there. English was very busy. Father O'Connor was in the parlour and another man with him. Desmond asked English if he had not better go inside. Ile said, " Not yet, for he had got the tem perance on, and it would 'not do to have meetings like that in a public-house with Father O'Connor : they might have visitors whom they did not care to receive. They then went inside the Temperance Hall. That Owe is next door to Kavanagh's. There were about 150 or more there alto gether. He was amongst the number. It was given out that this was a meeting to build a church in Ireland. There were no bills or tickets printed. Ile believed there were cards, but he did not see them. He had never seen Father O'Connor before nor since that night, the prisoner Mulvaney, Father O'Connor, the Chairman, and some one else on the platform whom he knew. O'Keefe and English were standing up against a door till the hall was nearly filled. Then O'Keefe came inside the hall. He did not see Wil liam Desmond there. The hall was full. O'Keefe and English were on the look out to see no con stable or detective should come in, and they were to give us the tip. No money was paid for entering, The chairman first spoke, and said they all came there for a charitable purpose, and to hear a lec ture on Ireland which Father O'Connor would give them, Another party spoke next, and then Father O'Connor spoke. He said he was not prepared to give a lecture, and said he would speak to them a little on Ireland. They all knew, he supposed, what he cline there for. Of course he came there to get contributions to build a high church. He then laughed and the people clapped, which led witness to believe they all knew what they came there for. He said it was a mistake for the people to think that the clergy were against the people. That they were not. Timothy Desmond then hollowed out —" How about _ . Maynooth." Father O'Connor said, " I was not prepared for that." He then said, " tell you, al though the clergymen take an oath they take it to be loyal to their God, the Church, and then to their country." He thea proceeded farther, and O'Keefe said, " Bravo, you are not like Father Moriarty or Cullen." At the end of his speech he said, " You think L.oland almost dead, but believe me she has got a kick in her yet; and, believe, me, that kick will 1,2 through the belly of John Ball." Ile was speaking altogether about fifteen or twenty minutes. The sentiment as to John Bull was received with great clapping and cheering. A collection was then made. Mul vaney went round on one side, and another party on the other side of the hall. The collection. was made on a plate. It was passed round the room from form to form. Mulvaney took the chair, and a vote of thanks was passed to the chairman. They then left the hall. Ile did not know what they collected. He subscribed 6d. that night. The people on the platform who had the money went inside Kavanagh's. Neither before nor since had he ever seenO'Connor or the chairman. On the inesd ay after this he went to John-street, Golden square. He went with Timothy Desmond to a public house there. He went inside. There were about thirty other men there. He saw all the pri soners there except William Desmond. lie did not know the name of the house. He was told by Timothy Desmond that the " Boss" was to be there that night. He understood that to mean the Head Centre, and he was to come from Manchester. lie did not come. They waited till 10 o'clock. It was about half past seven when they went there. English said that it was no good waiting, that the " Boss" could not come on any occasion. He said something very important must have detained him. He afterwards took part in a raffle. It was osten sibly for a destitute widow and children, but it was in reality to buy arms. Timothy Desmond told him so. On Tuesday last the 10th December Timothy Desmond and the prisoner English came to his house in King's place, and Desmond said that he had brought Mr. English round with him to know about the cards, and the money for them that was owing. \Fitness had purchased some cards, ten white ones and two green ones. The price of the white cards was sixpence and the green ones one shilling. He got three from Timothy Desmond, but the initials of Mr. English were on the back of each of them. He had had them .three weeks. The lot would be 75., and that sum and 6s. that he had borrowed o Desmond, was owing. He sold the cards he bought to different parties. The cards were to aid the wives and families of the Manchester prisoners. There was to be a meeting addressed by Clinton Hoey. None of these tickets related to the Bower Theatre. They said that the money was wanted very badly, and he told them to come down on the Friday night. Desmond asked him whether he would go to Stangate with him. He said he could not, as he was rather busy. Witness asked Desmond to come down on Friday night, and English s:tid, " No, you can't ' • I will come down." On the Friday, Timothy Desmond came to him about half-past oue or two. He halloed out " Ahoy !" He said " Halloo, Ted, have you been muddling it this morning ?" He said " No, I have been having a little drop." He said his son Danny had gone to sea that morning. He asked witness's wife if she had seen anything his wife. She said " No." Witness said, "'You don't mean to say your wife's hooked it then." He said, " Yes, she has, and by the God that made me she'll never lay eside me again." My wife says, " Don't be foolish," and he said " Goody" and kissed her, and said he was to take a jump. He did whisper to witness, and told him the trick should be done between half-past three and four o'clock, as Anne Justice had found out the right time for the prisoners to exercise in the yard. He said that it must be done. Witness asked him what, and he says to blow up the House of Detention. He says, " When I am gone, Many, I don't expect you'll see me no more, unless you do a corpse, and if I am off and unarrested, the next ' , lace will he Milbank. O'Keefe will do the trick, with Bill Desmond, for Massey, Corydon, and Davauey. So, Minny, good bye, and pray for me when I am Wasted into eternity." Ile then . squeezed my hand very hard an:l kissed me and then left. Ile s Lid that Justice hid found it out by going in with Casey's dinn:•r. Ile said that witness was not to give any money to his wife, but to Englis!i, and if he did not come down for it to give it to no one but his d tughter Polly. His wife was not near enough to hear. English came to him that evening exactly 5 minutes past seven o'clock. He was in a very excited state. He sail, " For God's sake hinny give me as much as you can." It was money be meant. He said, "I want all I can get to send some one off." Witness asked him who, and he sail, " What, have you heard." Witness replied " No." He then said, " The House of Detention is blown well up." lie said he had not seen Desmond, but he had promised to meet him in an hour, but he did not. Witness asked him if he would see him that night. He said that he did not expect he should. IVitness then gave him two shillings, and told him he could not give him more, as he was rather slack. He then said, " Jimmy, for God's sake, get as much as you can for me." He then left. He was there about seven or eight minutes ; he told him no particulars about the explosion. He saw him in the following morning in Tyler-street. It leads from King-street to Carnaby-street. He went out to buy a newspaper. It was about half-past eleven o'clock when he came out of the shop. He saw English looking at the pla card. He said " Good morning" to him. Ile seemed then very excited, and sakraloud, " Diabo lical!" which word was on the placard. Lie added, " We will burn the whole of London before Christ mas: that will be more diabolical." Witness asked if he had seen Desmond : he said no, and wished him good bye. The same day witness came to Bow-street at about half past 12 o'clock, and saw the prisoner Keefe in the street. He was standing outside the publichouse with another man not in custody. He saw witness, ian over to him, and asked him if he had seen English. He replied that he had seen him in Carnaby-street. He then ran across the road and joined two men. Ile went into the publichouse, and they began to talk about the explosion. Some three or four per sons were there. O'Keefe was one. Witness said it was a bad job about the amount of damage done as regards life, and that it was horrible to think of it. O'Keefe replied, " A.nything like can't be done without a great sacrifice." At that time Wm. Desmond came in. He said to witness, " Hallo, Miuny, what do you think of that d— fool? She's come round to me, accusing the of saying that he was a coward." Witness asked him who it was. He replied, " Ted's wife. You never heard me say it, did you ?" lie replied no. 1% itness said it was a bad job. Desmond replied that it served them d— well right, that they had no business to be there at all ; that we sent him back, and told him to go home and sleep for an hour. This meant Timothy Desmond. English then came in. The conversa tion was then repeated. English said that they had sent Timothy back, and he had no busin,a3 there ; that was at the explosion. They then all left, and witness went home. He went on the Sun day to Kavanagh's. Ile saw Desmond, English, and Mulvaney there. They were at the front bar. English was drunk. He asked Desmond to come out. Asked him would he go down with him. Ile replied he would. We all went outside. lie asked Des mond where he was going, and he replied to the " Boss" to take back an answer to a message. He said he was in Hooper-street, Westminster, but they persuaded them not to go, as it might lead to them being suspected. He said the best thing they could do was to settle Derby, Stanley, and Hardy. Desmond said there would not be much thought of doing the trick for them by the public as what there was over the last affair. They then went home. He left Wm. Desmond at his door, Cross-street, Golden•square. It was at half-past 11 o'clock. Ile was at Kavanagh's that night at 10 o'clock with Mulvany. He was in a pri vate bar with some others. Ile called Nick to have a glass of grog. He drank out of the glass and gave it to William Desmond. Last Monday he gave information to Sergeant lie had known him for a number of years. ‘Vitness knew he was very clever as a police-sergeant. He told him he wanted to make a statement. Cross-examined by Desmoud—l have seen you at the rafiLs often. 1 did not see you at the meet ing NN hen Father O'Connor was there. The raffles were on Saturday night. I came to Kavanagh's on Sunday to see who was there. I did come to your house on Tuesday with two young men. You never said anything about standing on your own defence. Cross-examined by English—He believed that Father O'Connor's meeting was private. He did not say there were no cards. He said he believed there were, but he did not see them. Cross-examined by O'Keefe—There were a lot of strikers at Kavanagh's at that time. A great many tailors assemble there. There were a great many tailors drinking at the bar at the time. I have heard that there is a reward. Mulvaney said it was no good his asking any questions, but he hoped that the magistrate would allow him to see his wife, as he was in delicate health, and wanted to arrange about his work. This was acceded to, and the prisoners were then formally remanded until Monday next. ANOTHER CHARGE. Michael Fenety, Stanley-buildings, St. Pancras. road, a most repulsive-looking ruffian, was charged with using foul and treasonable language in the front of a public-house bar. Mr. Smith, the landlord of the Duke of Clarence, stated that he knew the prisoner as a customer and ' as being called Mick. On Saturday night he came into his house, where some workmen were assembled talking about the shocking explosion which had recently taken place and commiserating the sufferers. The prisoner said there was nothing to what to what they intended to do ultimately. The first time the Qaean opened Parliament she would be shot, that the whole of London would laJ burnt and in darkness, because they had augurs that would penetrate into any metre. lie went on in such a manner that some of the people were frightened, and went out to look for a policeman. Ile remained there about an hour and a half, and after his excitement he sat down and appeared quite composed. He worked at the Imperial Gas Company, and was an Irishman. The witness had often heard him use such language. The prisoner denied that he knew anything about it, and stated that he was drunk, or no man would have made such observations. The Chairman of the Imperial Gas Company said that he represented the company, and they had re ceived an anonymous letter with regard to this man using language similar to that attributed to him by the landlord, but no such language had been heard at the works. The public, he believed, had con sidered that the company were supine in the mat ter, but he would assure them that wherever there appeared to be any sign of danger they took precautions immediately, in which they were greatly aided by the police. Confirmatory evidence was given of the language used, and Mr. Shore, the detective sergeant, con ducting the case, said that he had made inquiries into the matter, and he had been informed that he had been heard praying that Ireland might be de livered, and other similar remarks. The prisoner was then remanded till Thursday. THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. The PRESIDENT'S Message, as conveyed by the cable, is an instance of the difficulty of condensing a faithful summary of along document. The Mes sage as delivered in Congress by Mr. JOHNSON leaves a different impression on the mind from the Message as delivered in London by REUTER. Yet the latter was composed of fair and truthful extracts from the former. The PRESIDENT'S text is—the Constitution. It is his touchstone—to which he brings all subjects—it is his guide, the path in which he endeavours to walk ; and that into which he would lead all others. But Mr. JOHNSON overlooks one little fact—the Constitution requires an inter- preter, and he has constituted himself that indivi dual. The Message is written with great ability, embodying views clearly expressed, and sustained by powerful reasoning. Every paragraph shows an earnest and honest c)nviction. His mind is im- pressed with the magnitude of the interests involved —such indeed as we believe were never before sub mitted by a ruler to a legislature. But Mr. JOHN SON looks beyond a Congress, which he regards as a mere impediment, and addresses the American people. The document is an exposition and defence of the policy of the Executive ; but it does not stop there, for it condemns the course taken by the Le- gislature. On the one hand he sees a continent drifting into anarchy; the Great Republic, the repository of the freedom of mankind, sinking to a level with Mexico. On the other, is the rise to its proper place among nations, of that " rich country, the richest the world ever saw." The Message reiterates the PRESIDENT'S sentiments, as uniformly and consistently expressed by him ; but its interest does notlie so much in this statement of views already known, as in the practical effect thus officially made public of the Congressional policy. By every means open to a PRESIDENT of expressing his opinion, Mr. JOHNSON has urged the illegality of the Reconstruc tion Acts, and predicted the disasters to which they would lead. Ile now declares the result, and the picture he draws of the ruinous consequences to the country is coloured as strongly as he can paint it Again, he asserts that the rebel States are members of the National Union, not even for a moment having ceased to be so ; for neither by an act of their own nor of Congress, nor of Congress or the Executive combined, had they the power to sever their allegiance. This being true, the recent legis lation of Congress was in violation of the Constiqt tion, and as inexpedient as unlawful. Usurpation is the most dangerous of political crimes, leading to a train of frightful evils. The Reconstruction Acts of Congress were usurpation, and he entreats the Legislature to repeal these illegal measures, asserting the object to be the establishment of negro supremacy. If that end were desirable, he argues, still, Congress, having no right to do evil that good might come, could not be justified in securing it by such means. But the end is the reverse of desirable, and such as, if persisted in, will bring ruin in its train. Negroes are unfit to exercise the franchise. The Govern ment of the Southern States must, if the Congres sional policy be maintained, fall into African hands at a time when the highest wisdom is requisite to carry society through the fearful crisis brought on by the civil war. To expect this wisdom from slaves newly emancipated after centuries of bondage, is worse than madness. Already, says Mr. JOHNSON, the attempt has cost uncounted millions; but although he does not put money considerations in competition with justice and right, yet he calculates that two hundred million dollars must be expended to support negro supremacy, a sum sufficient as a sinking fund to pay off the National Debt in 15 years. Nor would the outlay be wholly in vain, for a result would be secured—but that result would be National Bank ruptcy. Mr. JOHNSON, anticipating the Northern condemnation of this policy, since given, did not consider the unconstitutional course of Congress such as he ought to resist by force. But cases may arise when the high duty of his office may thrust on him the responsibility " to save the life of the nation at all hazards." After glancing at the enormous frauds perpetrated on the Treasury, a corruption increasing, and likely soon to bring the people into " total ruin and disgrace," he goes on to can- Sider the Tenure of Office Bill, which has almost destroyed official accountability. This act played into the hands of dishonest servants, increasing the evils he exposes and condemns. He draws a lively picture of the difficulties of dealing with frau dulent and obstructive officials, even when aided by the law. But under such an act which makes the PRESIDENT a mere prosecutor before a tribunal guided by no rules, and perhaps actuated by poli tical hostility—the worst results may be anticipated. From this subject Mr. JOHNSON enters finance, and gives a just and able statement of the position of the country, and the measures desirable to take. The rest of the Message refers to matters of minor importance; but one subject is explained, touching which the telegraph summary gave an erroneous impression. Mr. JOHNSON merely asks Con gress to aid him in obtaining a just and prompt settlement of the long-vexed question concerning the claims of foreign States for military service from their subjects naturalised in the United States. This is especially recommended in reference to Prussia ; and allusion is made to the Courts of Great Britain, where the Judges cited law, as interpreted in the courts of the United States in support of the indefeasible allegiance theory against the doctrine of the Executive authority. Mr. JOHNSON will be aided in this object in England, where the necessity fur some alteration in the law is fully recognised ; but he will perhaps meet obstacles in Prussia. That Mr. JOHNSoN's Message, earnest, able, vigorous as it is, will have a strong effect on the people, we have little doubt. It comes at an opportune time, almost appearing by the side of the Impeachment docu ments, and his brilliant and statesman-like reason ing will be read with the turgid arguments of Mr. WILLIAMS over the country. The shame ful collapse of Mr. ASHLEY and his Impeach ment resolutions presents the strongest possible contrast to the broad and patriotic views enunciated by the PRESIDENT. There is something almost ludicrous in the accusations, and the evidence of the Judiciary Committee arraigning a man for murder, treachery, debauchery, and other misdemeanours, who was then deeply engaged in solving the problems which he has iu so mas terly a manner submitted to Congress. At the same time, we believe Mr. JOHNSON'S Message to be open to the gravest objections. However strong may be the opinions he holds, he is bound to modify their expression when they clash with the other and the greater departments of the Government. His whole argument is an impeachment of Congress, clinched by the statement that he was prepared by force, in case an act was passed, in his opinion, suf ficiently injurious to warrant his interference to suppress the assembly. We repeat that this state ment is a direct challenge. Mr. JOHNSON knows that laws must emanate from the Legislature—that his power of obstruction consists in vetoing them, and, if passed over his veto, he can subject their constitutionality to the test of the Supreme Court. Why, therefore, should he threaten Congress with the usurpation he so severely condemns ? "If the guarantee of the Constitution can be broken pro visionally to serve a purpose, and i❑ a part only of the ,lountry, we can destroy them everywhere, and for all time. Arbitrary measures often change, but they generally change for the worse. It is the curse of despotism that it has no halting place." N°l v these are Mr. JoirNsoN's own words, and they are more applicable to the usurpation he threatens, than to that he denounces. His Message would !' better become a leader of the Opposition than a great ruler, for it is essentially partisan, not defen sive only, but condemnatory, more bitter than per suasive, more a challenge than an olive branch, and wholly wanting in the statesman-like quality that by concession extracts whatever good is procur able. In judgment and moderation Mr. JonNsorl lacks the most requisite qualities for his post, and it will not surprise any to hear that the House, oa the 16th inst., adopted the resolution to adhere to the Reconstruction Act. —Anglo-Anzerican Times. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. ..ebtraita and New Zealand, via eguthamptoh. „ Deo. 20 Ditto, via Marseilles Jan. 14 Ditto, via Panama .. , •.zil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Vida° . . Jan. 5. Ditto, by lerench packet Cape Verde. by Brazil packet ...... - .ap eof Good Hope, Ascension. and St. Helena De 3. 28. Jhina, Penang, and Singapore, via Boathampton Dec. 20. Ditto, via Marseilles ..•• Faikland Islands .!braltar, via Southampton Dec. 20. iudia. via Southampton Ditto, via Marseil es .Malta, t , :gypt, &et Dex 2 0 Ditto, Marseilles Dec. 23. Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and .Natal, via Southampton Dec. `o' bat.), Mareeides Jan. 13 . N ewfoundla I L Jan. 13 Portugal Jan. 5 . Ditto, by pm' N.: le ship tG Oporto ... Ditto ..tto to Lisbon United States, ( anada, California, &a, by British cacket Dec. 26 ' Ditto, by I i ited states packet Ditto ditto New York; Ditto ditto ‘Niw York) Ditto dittt (Baltimore) •• Ditto, by Canadian packet Dee. 20. West Coast of Alma, Madeira, and Tenet in Dec. 17. Went ladies and Pa.;ific (except Mexico and Baha mas) Cuba and Mexico : o' Bahamas, via New York Bermuda, via Halifax AMERICAN ARCIIXOLOGY.—)Cesterday week the Rev. Canon Greenwell, of Durham, received an extraordi nary consignment of skulls, hatchets (flint and stone), ar row heads, spear points, and other implements and weapons from Illinois, America. The relics are the productions of certain aboriginal grave-mounds opened by Mr. South' well, of Winchester, Illinois, one of the gentlemen who attended Canon Greenwell's diggings on the Yorkshire wolds in the spring of 1866. The crania, implements, a nd weapons are sent over for comparison with those of the Yorkshire tumuli. The Iron Age says the number of Bessemer ste el converters now established in Europe number 115, whic h are capable of producing half a million of tons per annu m. England, with fifty-two converters, turns out iiree k , ll ,, 6,000 tons. Prussia, with twenty-two converters , is t"- next greatest producer, 1,466 tons weekly. Next collies France, with twelve converters, and 880 tuns; A u ' ? tria, fourteen converters and 650 tons; Swede' fifteen converters and 530 tons. The Bessemer pro cess i 5 worked at one locality only in Belgium, and Italy has ts c° establishments, with a very small yield. California promises not only to furnish the be6t wines, tut the choicest silks. At the recent Santa Gl' ° County Fair specimens of superior watered silk dress goods were exhibited ; also sample cocoons front tll° neighbouring counties, aid the fact demonstrated that il'f) entire State is well adapted to silk-growing. The supply of coal in Louisville, Kentucky, l' a : ing run short, a large plough-manufacturer ran his eng ill a an entire day with fuel made of old tan-bark, wet 31 " t mixed with coal slag—keeping up a full head of stool, a cost of thirty cents for the day. Washington city and the other sections of the District of Calumbia recently took a census of their paw lation. It appears that there are in the District of tl/ c i lumbia 125,492 persons, of whom 86,041 are whites, 311 39,451 coloured. Washington city contains 105,77 0 and Georgetown 11,692. Reuben H. Walworth, ex-chancellor of New l7 ° r/‘ ; died at Saratoga, Nov. 28th, at the advanced 4° is seventy-two years. He was born in Connecticut, spent youth on a farm in Hoosick, N.Y., and when sev entee o years old, with only a common school education , beg % the study of law, and was a practisiug lawyer before L'ilr had attained his majority. Ile was an officer in the Deg of 1812, and after passing through various judicial 00e, was appointed Chancellor in 1828. He was for in s l years President of the American Temperance tini,l); Vice-President of the Amet ican Tract and American 13 ' , Societies, and one of the corporate members of the AO can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. ri Mr. John Y. Foster has completed "The fliSt,°o, of New Jersey's Part in the Late War for the Union , wo which he has been engaged for something less than t b , years, by appointment of the Legislature ; it will he lished at Newark about the beginning of the year. FADVERTISEMENT.J -Holloway's Ointment and A Word of Promise.—All sufferers from sores, n lee t if scorbutic affections, and skin diseases, may confide').itls commence the treatment of their several infirniities v / v i dg these healing and cleansing remedies. Under Hollessuilis well-tried predicaments, the worst cases will soon m e ted a kinder aspect, and in the progress of the cure the srred will neither be embarrassed by difficulties nor disherir'eu to by failures. A little perseverance and moderate attenti(e)int: the " directions for use" enveloping every packet of 4 . big ment and Pills will enable every invalid to condue;reel complaint to a succestful issue, and he may feel ns e _oft that, by following this simple but searching tresir sea his skin will be made sound, severe suffering sea r health restored. 0.,r5 0t0 LADVERTISEMENT.]—Avoid Medicines: they alwaY s a c" . tori rig chronic complaints: but Du Barry's delicious health-re,,,rislY Revalento, Arabica Food, which yields three times th e n edj e ment of the best meat, saves 50 times its cost in other rewsoila and invariably restores perfect digestion, strong nerse_ . „si ew. lungs, healthy liver, pure blood, refreshing sleep, fn, regularity, and energy to the most disordered enfeebled extract a few out of 68,000 cures ;—" The Pope's health . 1 ; 1 ) I stio• by Du Barry's Food. Cure No. 68,413. " Rome, Jul' —The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especiallY.,o si 313: abandoning all other remedies, he has confined himself emir to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food. of which he 01 ' Den e i a plateful at every meal. It has prodneed surprisin&lrs otcee tidal effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise 25 lent food too highly." From the " Gazette du Midi, Jubr ' 0 , 0% 5 No. 58,216, of the Marchioness do Brehan, of seven Ye 9 '„ e rvo' c i complaint, wasting away, debility, nervousness, with s' s ali a palpitation all over, bad digestion, constant sleeples% V r o , the most intolerable nervous agitation.." Cure No. Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieutenant of Waterford, of Icaati'y fret; dyspepsia. No. 49,832: " Fifty years' indescribable 04;',',,,aeu%. dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation , Cure spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jolt. ' 5O 46,270: Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surr e y , °f cut, got diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver deranges n 1 out partial deafness. Important Caution.—Beware of witle e d, unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to 'Mil e ' a ttacl e ,; .uthority, Baron Liebig's name is most atic l aC ioUSlY,, s., 1 In tins at ls. lid. 1 lb.. 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., ; 405.— BARRY DU BARRY and Co., t3 9 ' 3 i o , ilegent-street, London; also Fortnam and Mason, 1 8 ' 4 ,6 a nd - and at 61, Oracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; I "„ista Oxford-street: 330 Strand ; and all grocers and ehel— Births. 1 if ,,if' BLUNDELL —On the 20th inst , at Flomin,'s 11°t i e Z 10 ") moon-street, the wife of Captain• it. Blundell, 3" Hussars, of a daughter. CLARKE— On the 1 , -.th inst , at Ford, Dartmouth, 311.5 Viner Clarke, of a son. • ; ,('°' OA STEER.— On the 18th inst., at 1, Lupus-street, riluL ... wife of Mr. S. W. Steer, of a'son: Marriages. ti°l-,lri ~: GORFETT -DE FERE -0 II the 18th inst.,ai, q . -a in S C. " Upper Holloway, Thomas Anthony Corlett, B. l l e , \ r e f.'. to Emilie Grace, only daughter of t h e late W• d , &q. 1 , o °I c , s ep.'',l , GREENE COURTNEY —On the 19th inst., at o' 'I-111 3- d Dublin, John Ball Greene, Esq of Ardkill, i - } ...''' co. Dublin, to Charlotte Mary, eldest daughter e Courtney, Esq., of Burlington-road, Dublin. Deaths. ril3o o ' BELL—On the 18th inst ,at Peterborough, suade„,Y'' 62. Bell, Esq., of Durham . House, Hampstead, a g . '; of 14°' . JALLAND -On the 16 h inst. , Mr. Henry jel len°, ; t I . 161118° tinghatn, aged 57. MORGAN— On the 18th inst ,at 2, Clifton, .131.. -° ' i , F. Morgan, barrister-at-law,. aged 17. r felu o j j MURRAY—On the 17th inst. at Moness goos e, Abe ,,, 58 0 Perthshire, Lieut.-Col. Samuel Hood 3-tu rre '''' ni son of the lion. L. G. K. Murray. Turo l3s ' -' PLATRIER -On the 19th inst., at Bute Coll a g e ' green, Platrier, aged 91. ,4-q . - --- NO' ___ - ------- ---,Trig A , 0 li i f London : Printed and Published by vn.-•- --- "- • of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TILE Sur; 010'0001 o Strand, in the Precinct of the S a voy, in the blitidliNiel....-Saturday, December 21, 1867., AF Ell After Dr After Ha After. Ad After 01 After St] After Ne After St. After Pr THE / trxenE CUI High-elm c 0• Privat BE NT OFF T( On and al Pau. to One "CNA This cele Prize Medal It is Pure Sold in B tho Agents 8, G. %%Ire t aabt's LL AIUTI vANCE RussE s hula or Lea able w ee kl y Perms free T H Durinc , TION Irc AUX ENI Principal ilesors. Rai Rad Chorus ar ,CONIii1)1 S itud Miss E r w STODAI Private t Mei:Lade, ls IVI ADI A Life-s of Abyssin• of England frc taittan ce, 1 .RGY This mtt flaying bee b.y Messrs. for the AU Solo Conte ti~~~ The Gr , and Sir Nobody's the renoT GEORGE Core), STONE r -PE DEL (from the of 30 perf( Stalls 9 CKL, can 1 connal/4;nec SPAN P,../ AL] produces 10s. Bd.; s 218, High WOl Preparatic moving tl 248, High SAL oi Bs. Gd., of G" Al ithrnediat effect. P and 144 IT AI fluous ha akin. Pr stamps.— - prm: TABLE 2s. 91 an 243, gig' II 1 ten days an occas 248, Elie JU "LTG] Nipearal kiwi of E at Bortrnen Inkstatv lisp Al; 4 11porte, gist to 1 Mr. T MINER LYell's 1 teresting had at 2 PRAC 11 AWG'. ........___ G il This deb oft at Bunke Reser% Bq. Rr. Aited, P Ata to It the ot -ILI. 51' their bave be, of the B tore, tht try, will eUrtailit fewer pl Messr s . A..rgylli No. 6` REALT: bu s