The Sun. — London, England, 1870-03-29 00:00:00

THE EXTENSION OF THE SUFFRAGE TO WOMEN. Saturday afternoon a large and fashionably-attendee meeting was held at the Hanover-square rooms, London, for the purpose of advocating the extension • of the suffrage to women. The meeting was one of an extremely novel character, from the fact that the chair was occupied by a lady—Mrs. Taylor —and that several ladies addressed the assemblage it, highly interesting speeches. Amongst the gentlemen present were—Mr. J. S. Mill, Professor Cairnes, Sir R. Anstruther, M.P., Viscount Amberley, the Hon. Auber tt Herbert, M.P., Mr. Jacob Bright, M.P., Siz C. W. Dilke, M.P., Sir W. Lawson, M.P., Professor Hunter, Mr. P. A. Taylor, M.A., Professor Fawcett, Dr. Yeates, Mr. F. Pennington, Mr. Russell Martineau, Mr. 31'Laren, M.P., Mr. W, T. Charley, M.P., Mr. F. T. Palgrave, Captain Maxse, Mr. T. Hare, Mr. W. T. Mal -le3on, Mr. Biggs, and Mr. J. Morley. The ladies comprised Lady Amberley, Mrs. Grote, Mrs. Fawcett, Miss H. Taylor, Miss E. Taylor, Miss Hare, Miss Biggs, Mrs. Donkin, Mrs. F. Pennington, Mrs. Bremer, Mrs. Lucas, Mrs. Boycl'Kinnear, and Miss L. P. Cobb. Mrs. TAYLOR said she had the great honour and privi lege of presiding over that meeting, but she did not feel quite the right person in the right place. When they had their meeting last year, it was a meeting composed entirely of members and friends of the associa tion, and she believed she had the sympathy of the whole meeting with her, and that any shortcoming on her part would be excused. But looking at this meeting she could not hope that such would be the case ; she c suld not flatter herself that the large num b 3r of persons present had the same view of woman's franchise. She hoped, however, thet there were some persons who would listen to the eloquent speeches which would be given, and be converted. When they held their last meeting they were fearful of a failure, and the result of a failure was ridicule, and they feared that had their meeting last year been a failure!it might very much have injured their cause. But the success of it, and the great progress they had made, was amply shewn by the meeting that day, which about doubled in numbers that of last year. One great evidence of the success and progress of their cause was the constant addition of new members they were making from the members of the Royal Society. As their num bers increased their opponents of course decreased, but as their opponents' numbers diminished, their fertility of arguments against them appeared to bein creasing, and she should certainly say that one o f the arguments was a very one-sided one, If politics had never been keard of by women—if they had to go to the dictionary to look for the meaning of political election, there might be great anxiety on the minds of their opponents on the subject of admitting them to the franchise. She must also question the assertion made in a daily paper a few weeks back, that politics were new to them, A great many women, wives of members, and their friends, had from time to time been present and taken a lively interest in politics. They had never yet heard of any very serious or dangerous results arising from the interest they displayed. She was sure they would have greater interest in recording their votes for the candidate they thought would best represent their views in Parliament. The study . of politics was far more likely to elevate the mind of woman than the reading of sensational novels, which were a disgrace to the literature of the nineteenth century. But they were told that they might talk politics if they liked in their own homes ; but they were denied the practical application. That being so, they must not rest satisfied with their present position. Some of the Conservative had expressed great apprehension lest the extension of the suffrage would be bad for them because they would have the working classes against them ; but she did not think there was much apprehension to be felt under that head. The petitions which they had presented from the large metropolitan and other boroughs, and were about to present, were signed - largely by the working classes ; indeed she might safely assert that half of the signatures were those of working-men. Women were held to be fitted to pay taxes and other penalties which were levied on householders, and the very unjust argument used against them was that if they had the franchise it would unfit them for their domestic duties. But some few years ago, before the aboli tion of negro slavery in America took place, a similar argument was used. They were told that the negroes were not fitted for freedom ; but slavery was abolished, and the negro sheaved that he was quite fitted for his new sphere. (Hear, hear.) The same would be the case with women. Let the electoral disabilities be abolished, and they would at once be fitted for the fran chise. (Cheers.) She concluded by calling on Mr. J. S. Mill to move the first resolution. Mr. J. STUART MILL said that since the first meeting of the society in July of last year, they had had ample reason to be satisfied with the progress their cause had made. (Hear.) That progress had manifested itself, not only with the increase of the number.of their friends, but still more in the altered tone of their opponents. During the year which had just elapsed,much had been written in various publications as to the equality of the sexes. It was, however, remarkable how few of the writers had expressed their disapprobation of the objects of the society, but had, on the contrary, admitted that a vote at an election was a small thing, which they could afford to concede to women. (Hear.) Those who contended that women were secondary objects in the Sta.e, and ought not, therefore, to exercise equal electoral priviliges with men, did not understand the question of the sufirage, and were not cognizant of the whole of its bearings : and if it was an undoubted fact that women were subjected to the authority of men they would need the protection of the suffrage all the more. (Applause.) Everything that spoke in favour of the granting of the suffrage to men applied with equally as much force in the case of women. (Hear.) The particular manner in which the addition of women to the electoral body might be expected to affect the character of Parliament, was a matter which had been repeatedly and actively discussed, and various opinions had been ex pressed in relation to it. He thought the most marked effect in the immediate future would be to infuse into the Legislature an increased disposition to grapple with the great physical and moral evils which prevailed in society in the present day. (Hear.) Women electors would be harder to persuade than men that those evils must be expected that we might look at them with an un troubled conscience, and not endeavour to avert them, thinking that we did our duty by occasionally grumbling at the additional cost they inflicted upon us in the shape of taxes. (Hear, hear.) He should expect, therefore, as an effect of the increased political influence of women a considerable augmentation of activity in ' dealing with the causes of those evils. He knew there were many men who regarded the increasing activity in that direction with alarm ; but it was his conviction that if the State used all the means it possessed, in promoting the object in view it would be the means of raising the standard of morality, and even in some res pects, the physical well-being of the community.' (Applause. ) The time had passed away when Governments could afford to be indifferent and allow mountains of evil to pile up from age to age without attempting to check their growth. •The Government of men alone •encouraged a spirit of self-satisfaction ; men were more mentally indolent than woman,and the stronger natural impulses of women were needed to rectify that. (Hear.) If, how ever, -he were asked - in the present position of affairs whether the natural impulse could be depended upon, and that it would not be apt sometimes to make a mistake, he confessed that he would be•obliged to hesitate before making a reply. The 'education of women in questions of 'political morality was a thing which must be attended to.. All that was wanted to effect the object was that women should• be obliged to take counsel together in those matters with greater frequency than at present. • They wanted the - ship of State to have both tail and ballast, and not, as was too often the case, all ballast and no sail. (Applause.) The natural influence efhich women possessed would not, in his opinion, be pro ductive of consequences which they would have occasion to regret,, inasmuch as the zeal of ' women would he tempered by the overcaution of men. (Hear.) Women, ev en wi th th e presen t d e f ec t s o f th e i r e d uca ti on , were quite equal to that office—(hear and laughter)—and as their education increased they would not only be a stimulus to men, but he more calculated to participate in the legislation of the country themselves.— (Hear.) Women were more active in mind than men, more especially, in those undertakings the success of which depended upon details of education. Men, formed great projects—projects which were sound in prin ciple and rational in general conception, bat failure was frequently the result in the execution, and he was con vinced that many more of those projects would succeed if women had a share in planning them.' (Applause.) Those would be the more marked general effects of government if women enjoyed the privileges of citizenship ; but he would not stop there. If the 'influence of women was more strongly felt there would be a far sterner interest evinced in repressing th ose outrages on women, which had, unfortunately, been of such frequency in recent times, and which would not have risen to such a height were it not for the inexcusable leniency of the law. (Ap plause.) If women had had votes there would not have been passed such a measure as the Contagious Diseases' Act. by which the children of the poor were subjected to such. indelicacies (hear) ; and if the provisions of the enactment were not extended to the whole popu lation of the country, it would be owing to the courage of those ladieS who had interested themselves in the matter. (Hear.) Some of their opponents thought the measures which had been adopted, in 'relation to that question, an unfavourable indication of the use which women would make of the political influence, assuming the act to which he referred to be as beneficent as he held it be pernicous. (Applause.) But was it not evil that the laws of the country should be repugnant to the moral feelings of confessedly half the population of the country. (Hear, heat.) hutting a check to such proceeslinges as those, and compelling the Legisla ture- to take into account the moral feelings of the people and carry those feelings with them, instead of contemptuously setting them aside, must be counted as one of the advantages which would arise from granting woman suffrage. There were men —not a few—who dreaded the immediate effects of admitting women to the suffrage, because it would greatly increase the rawer of the clergy. He • did not deny that f the suffrage were given them to-morrow, something of the kind would not be the result, but it was to him obvious that if the clergy had now an undue ascendancy over woman, the very influence of human intelligence had not been allowed to reach them. (Hear.) What was it that made clergymen in general, even where professional prejudices did not interfere, such unsafe advisers ? It was that they were so much in the position of women, that they were treated too mu9h wonip. wire, ind were struck out from a fair discussion of gMoJt isir/2pal_ subjNts, hccaßsk they were apt to consider themselves as being concerned only with the moral and religious aspect of human affairs. (Applause.) Every question in which there was a eight and wrong was a moral and religious question. The clergy were the only persons who, as a class, had taken any pains in the formation of women's minds ; but if wonien were taught that they also had a responsibility in public questions, and that it was as much their duty as that of men to have some regard for the physical, moral, and political future of the country ; no injury would be derived from placing themselves under the advice of their clerical ad visers— (a p plans e). In stead, then, of 'considering clerical influence as any obstacle to giving women votes, he regarded it as a most effectual means of emancipating them. (Hear.) But, even if there were any force in the argument, it would be an unworthy thing to exclude women from the suffrage in consequence—(hear) —and of all those who had ever claimed the suffrage, there were none in whose case there was so little reason for apprehending evil consequences, and none for whose continued ex elusion the excuse was so insignificant as in the case of women. (Applause.) Mr. Mill concluded by pro posing . a resolution declaring that the extension of the franchise to women was calculated to promote the general welfare of the country. (Cheers.) Professor CAIRNES, in seconding the resolution, said that if the electoral disabilities upon woman were re moved, he did not deny but that most important legisla tive results might follow. Very far from it ; but he thought they would not be doing justice to their case, if they allowed all argument on this question to turn upon that one subject. Now it was elear to him that one result which would follow the extension of the franchise to women would be to raise them in ;,he scale, because that would be the natu ral result of a consciousness of freedom. He knew that he should be accused of giving utterance to mere moral platitudes. He admitted they were so, but he must say hewas scarcely responsible for that, because it was in the very nature of these discussions. The rights and the claims of womenwere connected and sprung directly from the root of morality. He knew that wo men could and had entered into discussion on most im portant and difficult moral problems, and he contended that this was most decisive evidenr in favour of the principles they were advocating. If women did take a deep interest in politics, it did not militate against the cause they were fighting for ; it was rather evidence in its favour ; and when they came to ,see who it was who had taken this deep interest, they would find it was those who had found out the means of exerting influence as well in political affairs. They were women who, independent of the suffrage, owing to their exceptional talents and quali fications, had been able to make their opinions felt in public discussion. That afforded a weighty argument in favour of the extension of the fran chise to women. Be lately saw in the public press a cri ticism which took the following form : It was said that there was already a large field open to women which they did not occupy. There was the field of commercial life, of industrial life, and litera ture, and in this branch it was admitted they had done something. Medicine, too, was open to them; but it was alleged that very little advantage was taken of these open fields. It might bd said— Why did they not descend into the arena and act, and they were further told that as they did not do so, it was a proof they were not suited for this kind of occupation. The only reason, however, why they had not done so was because of the prejudice which existed against them, and when by the extension of the franchise they were shewn that women were to be admitted to a voice in public affairs they would see that greater interest would be taken in the fields for operation which were at the present time open to them. As it was they were not considered in their place outside of a narrow and conventional limit, and this barrier they were determined to break down. The great way to break this barrier down was to extend to women political rights so that they might know they had public as well as private duties to perform. Mrs. GROATE supported the resolution, and said she had always advocated the enfranchisement of women, and she came there to discharge a duty—namely, to acknowledge the untiring zeal and effective management of this movement in.the hands of the committee. In doing so, he might congratulate them upon the advance they had made towards the realisation of the- object they had in view. She -might call theirs a hopeful position, and she was bound to confess that they never would have arrived there had it not been for the gallant assistance of the members of the other sex. The stronger sex had came to their help, and had given them such assistance that she began to think they were seeing day light at last. Their ship had been conducted into the iluannel, and the pilots must now take her in tow and eanilluct her through Parliament. Professor Cairnes was she wished to observe a most useful advocate for them, nod his arguments in the Westminister Review had been read with much interest. He had appealed to the com m,n sense of the people, and she must say most sue zessfullv. With reference to the last Reform Bill, she contended that that was evidence in favour of their movement. They had greatly augmented the numbers of thse who had the franchise, and they should further extend it to those women who had to fill the position of citizens. (Cheers.) Sir R. ANSTRUTIIER, M.P., in supporting the resolution, doclared that all the anomalies which existed in our Poor kw system, and the great distress which prevailed in the houses of the poor, would have been prevented if women hid been admitted, as they ought to have been, to the franchise. The resolution was then put and carried unanimously a nid loud applause. Mrs. FAWCETT moved " That this meeting regards with stisfaction the introduction into the House of Commons 3' a bill for removing the electoral disabilities of women." The speaker said she thought that every one interested in the extension of the suffrage to women felt the time had gain arrived when the question should be brought before Parliament and the country in a practical form. The 3' j ection they constantly met with was that women suffrage was repugnant to the feelings ; but people did not s :em to think it necessary to state what feelings it was repugnant to. (Applause.) The best way to meet such a position was to appeal to the frequent discussion of Lae claims and of the equity upon which they rested them, and there was nothing so likely to awaken discussion, both publicly and in private, than the introduction of a bill Into the House. There were some sanguine people who told them the bill would he carried this session, and that the subject would soon be settled. Whether this happy prediction would be realised or not she thought that nothing but good could possibly come from its introduction. Some looked upon it simply as a whim, but they would have more respect for the subject if they saw it embodied in a bill. Throughout the country , women had taken part in public meetings despite the feeling which existed against them • and if the subject was fairly considered it would be found that the rights of men and Women rested on exactly the same basis. (Applause.) Such being the case, they might look for the assistance of the working men, and those who, prior to the Reform Bill of 1867 gave such able assistance. They could hardly expect to carry such a great alteration at once, but she hoped if the bill was lost notice would be given for its re-introduction the very first day of the next session. (Applause.) Many people declared that the women generally were Conser vatives, and if they were -so the representatives of Con servatism in the House were desperately weak in com parison to their position in the country. Lord A2IBERLEY, M.P., seconded the resolution, and in doing so, said that if the passage of the bill had the effect of raising the condition of women, instead of their reading novels, they would be studying that dread ful work, "Mill, on Logic," and the young men who had just passed a course of education in our public schools would have just reason to complain of being out done. (Laughter.) He felt sure if the franchise was ex tended to women it would have the effect of advancing their sex, and tend to the progress of the country at large. Yliss H. TAYLOR supported the resolution in an able speech. - The Hon. A. HERBERT said from what he had that day heard the men must,look to their laurels,. for if they did not they would find themselves in the-second rank. (A laugh.) He could not resist the claims of ivomen to the suffrage when once the question Iv as seriously asked. It was Well known that men were rot strong enough to do without the good influence which was shed about them by women, and - the only thing which had, prevented them from being oft terms of greater equality was the gap which had been made by our own preciseness, and the quicker it was bridged over the better for all of us. (Ap plause). The resolution was put and unanimously adopted. Mr. JACOB BRIGHT, Al.r.,moyed "that a great extension of the suffrage, so long as women are excluded from it, is a positive injury to them; since it is rapidly making them the only excluded class." He • had, be said, been asked to pilot the bill, with Sir C. W. Dilke, through the House, and he was glad to say 'they had good supporters in the shape of Cabinet Ministers, law officers of the Crown, and members of both sides Of the House. Sir C. W. DILKE, M.P., seconded the resolution, and said he was one of the sanguine ones who believed that the bill would be passed this se ;sion without a division:. (Applause.) 111'ss HAItE supported the resolution. Professor HUNTER also added a few worc:s, an said that nany feared if the suffrage was extended to women they would not he satisfied with that, but would wish to become - members of Parliament There was nothing, however, to justify the assertion. They did not want to enter the house, but to take part in the election of thoss who were to represent them. The motion having been unanimously agreed to, a vote of thanks to Mrs. Taylor for presiding terr_lluatel Lt.) Leet .which lasted two hours and a halt.. JEREMIAII.—The following story, made up for The American market, appears in the Philadelphia papers : In the English court of law, lately, a witness was called to attest to a person's insanity. " I know he's mad," said witness, "because the poor fellow imagines himself t) be the prophet Jeremiah." "Do you consider that to be a proof of mental derangement ? " asked the ex amining counsel. " I should rather think so," confidently replied the witness, "seeing that I myself am the prophet Jeremiah." A DOG'S BED.—The best bed that can be made for a dog consists of dry, newly-made deal shavings ; a sackful of these may be had for a shilling at almost any carpenter's shop. The dog is delighted in tumbling about in them until he has made a bed to suit himself. Clean wood shavings will clean a dog as well as water and fleas will newer infest dogs that sleep upon fresh deal shavings. The turpentine and resin in rew pine soon drive them away. Aanica' 111"6 ADVICE TO SILY PROPLE.—The best and easiest escape for shy men and women is to make a rush into the enemy's country, and divert their attention from them selves by sheaving to good purpose that they have been studying some one else. There is nothing which is so much observed as apparent silence and reticence. Be full of interest in others, of whatever ki n d, and you ars as much hidden as the cuttle-fish in the inky fluid it expels. In point of fact, shyness creates what it fears. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 29, 1870. PROTECTION VERSUS FREE TRADE. (From the Anglo- American Times.) The Free-traders are working with energy in the United States. Even the New York Tribune, which the Nation says is now the principal, owing to a variety of circumstances, indeed age might say the sole remaining champion of distinction which tie old Protectionist cause has in the press, admits that the issue of Protection against Free Trade must soon become what for years it was, the most , prominent and absorling among those which divide the Ateeri cin people and array them in contending parties. Tin re is now regularly published a monthly perioll- • cal in New York, called the Free-Trader, which, rt, its names indica' es, is the special organ of the Free trade League. We have the last number of that raper before us as we write, and from its pages we gather intelligence of the progress of the movement. That the great issue between parties will soon be Free Trade versus Protection has beer long foreseen by us, the indications being, in truth, unmistakeable. The solution of the great moral questions of the day, and their replacement by material issues ; the aboli tion of slavery; the equality of all men before the law; the equal rights accorded by the Constitution to every citizen ; these, and other fundamental ques tions arising from them, received their settlement in the late amendments to the Constitution, and a new political era dawns on the United States. First, in importance, is Protection versus Free Trade, and on that must broadly be based the par ties now gradually forming. There are other sub jects of almost cilia' weight, such as the reform of the Public Service, and matters relating to the National Debt, also the Revenue and its collection. Those who watch the tone of the American press as well as of Congress, where, however, it is less observable, can see clearly enough the truth of our assertion that parties are gradually but unmistakeably changing. What marstrive to know who desire to be in advance of public opinion is the drift of that opinion, which is much more difficult than many suppose. Take, for in stance, the question of the greenback redemption of the Five-Twenty Bonds, raised on the eve of the Presidential election. The !louse of Representa tives appeared on the whole rather to favour that mode of payment ; that is, the members did net rightly forecast the honesty of their constituencies. The bill was quickly discussed and decided on by the nation, for a rapid decision was necessary, and in a few months many of these very men went back to the new Congress to reverse the votes they had given in the old. '1 hu s those best acquainted with the feeling of the country were in error in predicting when away from their ccnstituencies what it would be on that issue. The .Ration says, the average Congressman is naturally timid, and of new ideas or movements arising after his election, he is exceed ingly shy. _ Changes in public opinion rarely affect . Congressmen, unless they have been revealed by actual contests at the polls. " Ilis letters from home are not reliable indicators of the way the stream is flowing ; and he reads the newspapers with a distrust which we are sure will be forgiven him when he comes up for final judgment." But . though Congress and the Press may blunder, they are not permitted long to remain in error ; for both are soon made to feel the effects of running coun ' ter to the general sentiment, if they persist in con tinuing their course, or. on the other hand, the effect of their want of susceptibility in getting into the popular drift. We do not pretend that a rapid Aria of tail to catch the earliest winds of the na tional breath is either a high course of statesman ship or or principle, but it is what the majority of Americans who hope to succeed as Congressmen or " newspaper men" reust do, and what, as a general rule, they all strive to do. We can then readily comprehend that both are, in some degree, " in a fix" at the pre sent juncture, for soundness on the main question will no longer avail the blundering and backsliding politician who has now no main question on which to be soand. Presently the main question will be Protection or Free Trade, and the aspiring politician will soon have to decide on which he intends to be sound. For Protection there is at present a majority in Congress. The Protectionist fraternity have rulei since the secession of the South ; ruled, so as some think, seriously to injure their own c :use; for the withdrawal of the South ern members left them in possession of the field to do as they liked, and they did a great deal more than was wise. Their chief strength, hoverer, lies, as it lay in England, in the material interests guarded by the Tariff. One man fighting ;or his property is worth a dozen fighting !-n- a mere theory. There are, of course, exceptions, for the theorist, without any pecr eiary interest involved, may rise into an enthusiast, and become quite as formidable an enemy as the man - fighting for his money. Still the grand difference is, that the nucleus of Protection is a sfeong, even if a small, force of men who believe 'their means of living to be involved, while their opponents, with the few who want no other incitement than principle, arc mere upholders of a doctrine they believe would in practice be beneficial to the nation. The one force is like a highly-disciplined army, aided by their velunteer backers, in possession of forts, citadels, and arsenals ; the other like an opposing gathering of insurgents, backed, it may be, by a good cause. That the disc'plined army is dangerous, is very powerful, and will die hard is certain ; but it is uncertain what the latent strength of the insur rection is, and this cannot be ascertained till nume rous battles have been fought, and numbers have committed themselves to the issue. It is asserted that the depression of most industries in the Re public is due to the contributions levied by way of PrOtection acting and re-acting till they sap the foundations. of the very wructures they were de signed to support, and that the people are becom ing alive to this.. The West is throwing itself by degrees into the Free-Trade ranks, and, with the rise of the South, will rise a power hostile to Pro tection. Thus the belief is growing that Free Trade, notwithstanding the acknowledged strength . of . Protection, will conquer in the strife. But we are satisfied that victory or defeat will depend on the intrinsic strength of the arguments which each will 'array in defence of its cause. An English Free-trader is inclined sneeringly to remark that if that be the case, Protection will have no chance ; but there he drops into the old British error of concluding, that what is good for his island must be good for all other countries. There are special and very strong reasons why America's policy should be protection to native industry. These reasons we have before given, and there is no need to reproduce them here ; but an European who over looks them and the powerful hold they have on the national heart will omit from his calculation a main element. In discussing the Tariff controversy, the Nation says of the Tribune, the leading Protec tionist champion, that it has two styles of treat ment for the subject—the humorous and the vitu peraCve, and both are inapplicable, as a Protec tive tariff does not admit of being defended hutno rouly, for the defender must be as solemn- as a judge, and look as wise as an owl. Neither does Protection admit of a vituperative defence, "r s the public has grown old, and grave, and sedate to a degree of which Mr. Gunn: and some of his brother agitators seem to have no idea." The grand charge which used formerly to damage op ponents has wholly lost its power, the charge of being bribed with British gold ; yet neverthe less, is freely used. The Free-Trader says it is still the fashion in New England to kill a man, or asso ciation, or an organisation, by asserting that he or it, is in the pay of the Free-Trade League; but although the Free-Trade League is itself said to be subsidised by Great Britain, and to bribe per- sons and papers in the United States, yet no one, even he who makes the accusation, believes it. The funniestpart of it all is, unless indeed we are greatly m'staken, that a more liberal Tariff, instead of in the end benefiting British trade, would, in creating a formidable rival in the United States, divert a vast portion of that trade from the former to the latter country. Not many .years ago Ameri can twills - were cutting out English cottons in the markets of Asia, and half the officers of the British Army in India were at least partly clad in the manufactures of the New England looms. In those days, the American produce was not only car ried in American ships to India, but a consider able portion of British produce as well ; and had it not been for unforeseen events and changes, the greatest mercantile marine in the world would now have borne •the Stars an 1 Stripes. It may be if Free Trade is good for America at all, that its effect will be to bring back those prosperous times ; and how can they be produced, at least in a measure, except by transferring from Great Bri tain to the United States the supremacy in many branches of industry? Yet, if so, this is what some men in America assert Great Britain is freely ex pending gold, to bribe Americans to achieve. But the people are becoming too knowing to be im posed on by such charges, and we repeat that the gr..at struggle impending will be decided in the Republic by the real force of truth. ARGUMENTS OF '1 HE FREE-TRADE AND PROTECTION PARTIES IN AMERICA. (From the Artglc—.4merican Times.) One of the strong points of the American Free- Traders is that the labour of the industrial commu nity is now performed by machinery, and it is far more important to have cheap machinery than to have cheap labour to produce cheap goods. Machi nery in the United States, it is asserted, performs more work than all the manual labour of the citizens Hence its cost enters more largely into the price of products than wages. A main point with the Pro tectionists is that the produce of the highly-paid American mechanic ought not to be brought into competition with that of the pauper labour of Eu rope; for the effect will be to elevate the latter at the expense of the former ; to drain the States of their gold in return, fpr the manufactures thus produced, and, as a consequence, to decrease the fertilizing stream of immigration. The answer is obvious on the foregoing hypothesis ; —that cheap produce is clue to cheap machinery, not to cheap labour; hence the true way in which to enable America to compete, is to lower the price and maintenance of machinery, not of wages. The action of the Protective Tariff has the reverse effect, the duties on iron, steel, copper, and brass, doubling, even trebling, the first cost of every piece of machinery used, while the tariff on coal, oil, and lumber adds to the expense of keeping it in motion. The end of Protection is not to raise the price of hand labour, but of machine labour, and incidentally thereby to lower wages, while the Free-traders assert their end will be the lowering of machine labour, which incidentally will raise manual labour. Between the two there is this radi cal difference, that it is the interest of all to aid the proprietor in diminishing the cost of the machine labour to the lowest possible scale, whereby the staple produce of a nation is mainly utilised ; whereas it is the interest of all to raise instead of to diminish the price of band labour, fur uo nation can be pros perous, or even safe, whose workmen are not fairly paid. The same wages, where the common neces saries of life are dear, are low when compared with that rate of wages where those necessaries are cheap; for it is not the amount paid, but the purchas ing power of the sum giVen which tells. If ma chine labour can be so reduced as to make many of the necessaries of life in America cheap, the condition of the working men would be materially improved without any addition to his weekly earn ings ; and the Free-Trader on this ground appeals to the labourer for support, maintaining that one of the two kinds of labour must be,reduced, and asking him whether it is to be his or that of machi nery. Another strong point of the Free-Trader is that the tariff as at present framed is an attempt to make good the losses of manufacturers who per sist in producing in America what can be better produced elsewhere. How to apportion this burden, which the community, they assert, have no right to bear, is the difficulty; for the moment the thing which ought mot to be produced, gets a special protective duty in its favour, as that duty enhances the cost of producing something else, that thing also demands a discriminating duty, and so on through the whole round. By the time that the duty has reached the last, the first thing to be protected, which ought not to be produced in the country, has discovered that the other discriminating duties have raised its cost till the advantage of the first duty has been neutral is•_d, whereupon it demands a second ; when an other round commences to be repeated a third time, and might go on ad infinitum if the people, on finding the shoe pinching in every direction, did not inter fere with the process. Mr. MAHLON SANDS, at the late great Free-trade meeting in New York, by way of illustrating this, told the fix in which . Gen. SCIIENCK, Chairman of the House Committee on Ways and Means, often fou nd hi mself. When Mr. SANDS was, a few weeks s in ce , in Washington he heard the General remark at his breakfast : " That his evening had been broken it upon by corsets, his, re st disturbed by tin-plates, bis toil e t interfered with by castor oi l, and that hair-pins were at that moment on watch upon the sidewalk." The Special Commissioner, Mr. WELLS, commenced his investigations as a . Protectionist, being ap pointed by the ruling power, then pro! ection, iu Con - g,ress. -lEven in his report for 1868 he charged the Free-Tralers with endeavouring to degrade the American labourer for a selfish gain ; but in 1869 he showed that the number employed by the great protected industries of woollens, cottons, and iron was oily 2? per cent. of all the producers in the country. He hail been converted, in Mr. SANDS' opinion, because he is an intelligent and honest man ; and, however painful it may be for him to turn against his old friends, the deeper he went into the Protection system the more absurd it appeared, and his opinions were changed by the influence of facts. He does not openly avow 11:mself a Free trader, yet has done more injury to the Protection cause than any man alive . ; indeed, next, to the grasping policy inaugurated by the Protectionists themselves. At a recent session of the Ways and Means Committee, when the duty on iron was under discussion, it was proposed to invite him to give evidence. When we add that the Protectionists voted this down, we must explain that it was they who appointed Mr. D. A. NVELLs Special Commissioner to gather statistics both at home and abroad ; but because the knowledge he acquired did not suit their views they declined to receive the very information that gen . letnan had been paid to collect. The con sequence is that the new Tariff Bill was framed in disregard of the statistics and information the nation's special servant had secured, and the people are showing that they do not approve of this. General SCIIENCK, in bringing in the bill, said the Committee. desired a fair, liberal, and thorough discussion of a general nature before it was con sidei ed in detail. The debate, as far as it has pro gressed, shows signs that the bill will not pass, or, be greatly amended, but the chances are that it will be simply bulled. If the Protectionists feel (as is probable), that they are losing ground with the country, they will probably change their t ( ics, and as .ert the wis iota of maintaining the status quo. There is strength in the argument that even a bad tariff is better than a constantly changing tariff, for Dolling acts more injuriously on trade than an uncertainty which upsets all mercantile calcula- tions. On this ground, the Protectionists may drop their new scale, and turn round on the Free-Traders to protest against further changes with their dis turbing influence on trade. Meanwhile, wise or foolish, favoure.l, or retarded by this Tariff, the country rises in prosperity. The exports steadily increase ; the balance of trade against the Union diminishes ; American vessels find more employ ment; the Treasury is full, the harvests bountiful, and gold has so declined as t) cmvince even the most sc!ptical that the Republic can cross the chasm from paper to specie payment without a convulsion; while Mr. GREEI.EY'S saying of the Nw , y to resume is to resume" finds listeners now among men, who, a few waths ago, scouted it, as the acme of absurdity. THE FUNDING BILL. We give the following copy of the Funding Bill as it passed the Senate on the evening of March 11: Section 1. That for the purpose of funding the debt of the United States and reducing the interest thereon, the Secretary of the Treasury be and he is hereby authorized to issue on the credit of the United States coupon or regis tered bonds of such denominations, not less than $5O, as he may think proper, to an amount not exceeding four hundred millions of dollars, redeemable in coin, at the pleasure of the Government of the United States at any time after ten years, and payable in coin at forty years from date, and bearing interest at the rate of five per centum per annum, payable semi-annually in Coin • and the bonds thus authorized may be disposed of at the discretion of the Secretary, under such regulations as he shall prescribe, either in the United States or elsewhere, at not less than their par value for coin ; or they mly be exchanged for any of the outstanding bonds, of an equal aggregate par value, heretofore issued and known as the Five-Twenty Bonds, and for no other purpose; and the proceeds of so much thereof as may be disposed of for coin, shall be placed in the Treasury, to be used for the redemption of such 6 per centum bonds at par as may not be offered in ex change, or to replace such amount of coin as may have been used fur that purpose. Section 2. And be it further enacted, that the Secretary of the Treasury be and he is hereby authorized to issue on the credit of the United States coupon or registered bOods to the amount of $400,000,000, of such denominations, not less than $5O, as he may think proper, redeemable in coin at the pleasure of the Government of the United States, at any time after 15 years, and payable in coin at 40 years from date, and bearing interest not exceeding 41 per cent. per annum, payable semi-annually; and the bonds autho rized by this section may be disposed of under such regu lations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe in the United States or elsewhere, at not less than par for coin ; or they may be exchanged at par for any of the out standing obligations of the Uited States bearing a higher rate of interest in coin, and the proceeds of such bonds as may be sold for coin shall be deposited in the Treasury, to be used for the redemption of such obligations bearing interest in coin as, by the terms of issue, are or may be come redeemable or payable, or to replace such coin as may have been used for that purpose. Section 3. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury he and he is hereby authorised to issue, on the credit of the United States, from time to time, coupon or registered bonds of such denominations, not less than $5O, as be may think proper, to the amount of 1100,000,000, redeemable in coin, at the pleasure of the Government, at any time after twenty years, and payable in coin at forty years from date, and bearing interest at the rate of 4 per centum per annum, payable send-annually in coin ; and such bonds may be disposed of either in the United States or elsewhere, at not less than their par value for coin, or, at the discretion of the 3 ecretary, for United States notes, or may be exchanged at not less than par for any of the obligations of the United States outstanding at the date of the issue of such bonds, and if, in the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury, it is thought advisable to issue a larger amount of 4 por centum bonds for any of the purposes herein-or hereinafter recited than-would be other wise authorised by this section of the Act, such further issues are hereby authorised. Provided, That there shall be no increase in the aggregate debt of the United States in consequence of any issues authorised by this Act. Section 4. And be it further enacted, That the bonds, and the annual income thereon, authorised by this Act, shall be exempt front all taxatiod by or under national, State, municipal, and local authority. Section 5. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby authorised to appoint such agents in the United States and in Europe, as he may deem necessary to aid in the negotiation of said bonds, and he may advertise the loan herein authorised, and the condition thereof, in such newspapers and jour nals in this country and in Europe as he may select for that purpose, and a sum not exceeding one-half of one per centum of the bonds therein authorised is hereby ap propriated to pay the expense of preparing, issuing, and disposing of the same. Section 6. And be it further erected, That in order to carry into execution the provisions of the fifth section of the Act entitled, " An Act to authorize the issue of United States notes. and for the redemption or fending thereof, and for funding the floating debt of the United States," approved February 25, 1862, relating to the sinking fund, there is hereby appropriated out of the duties derived front imported goods the sum of $1x0,000,000 annually, which sum, during each fiscal year, shall be applied to the pay ment of the interest, and to the reduction of the principal of the public debt; and the United States Bonds now held as the sinking fund, and the United States Bonds now held in the Treasury, shall be cancelled and destroyed, a detailed record thereof first being made in the books of the Treasury Department. And the bonds hereafter pur chased under this section shall in like manner be cancelled and destroyed, and a full and detailed a,,count of the ap plication of the money herein appr , priated shall be made by the Secretary of the Treasury to Congress with his an nual report, and the aggregate amount of the bonds can celled and destroyed shall be stated in the monthly state meat of the public debt. Section 7. And be further enacted, That on and after the Ist thy of October, 1870, registered bonds of any de nomination not less than $l,OOO, issued under the pro visions of this Act, and no others, shall be deposited with the Treasurer of the United States as security for the notes issued to the National Banking Associations for cir culation under an Act entitled, "An Act to provide a national currency, secured by a pledge of the United States Bonds, and to provide for the circulation and re demption thereof," approved June 3, 18 , 14, and all the National Banking Associations, organized under said Act, of any amendment thereof, the bonds of which are then redeemable, by their terms, and as they shall thereafter become redeemable, are hereby authorized to deposit bonds issued under this Act as security for their circula tions notes within one year from the date . of the passage of this Act, in default of which their right to issue notes for circulation shall be forfeited, and the Treasurer and the Controller of the Currency shall be authorized and required to take such measures as may be neces sary to call in and destroy their outstanding cir culation, and to return the bonds held as security therefor to the association by which they were depo sited in sums of not less than $l,OOO ; provided, that any such association now in existence may, upon giving thirty days' notice to the Controller of the Currency, by resolution of its board of directors, deposit Legal-Tender notes with the Treasurer of the United States to the amount of its outstanding circulation, and take up the bonds pledged for its redemption; and provided further, that not more than one-third of the bonds deposited by any bank as such security shall be of either of the classes of bonds hereby authorised, on which the maximum rate of interest is fixed at 4i or 5 per cent. per annum. Section 8. And be it further enacted, That the amount of circulating notes which any bank may receive from the Controller of the Current under the provisions of Section 21 of said Act, may equal, but not exceed, 80 per centum of the par value of the bonds aeposited, but shall not exceed in the aggregate the amount of which such bank may be entitled under said section. Section 9. And be it further enacted, that any Banking Association organized or to be organized under the Na tional Currency Act and the acts amendatory thereof, may, upon depositing with the Treasurer United States notes to any amount not lees thau $50,000, receive an equal amount of registered bonds of the United States of the kind and description provided for by section three of this Act, and nuts deposit the same as the security for circula tion notes; and thereupon such Banking Association shall be entitled to and shall receive circulating notes upon terms and conditions and to the extent provided in the .said National Currency Act, and without respect to the limitation of the aggregate circulation of national cur rency proscribed by said Act; provided, however, that as circulating notes are issued ardor this section an equal amount of United States notes shall be cancelled and de stroyed. TliE AUSTRIAN EmprnE.—A despatch from Vienna states that the committee on the Galician resolu tion having rejected those articles of the Rechbaner motion which grant Galicia a national administration responsible to the Diet and a Ministry with seats in the Cisleithan Cabinet, the Polish deputies consider the whole resolution as rejected, and are considering what course they shall pursue. The same despatch says that the Ministerial crisis is delayed for the moment, but that it is generally believed the Hasner Cabinet w ill no t last until the closing of the Reichsrath on the Bth of April. SALT WATER BATHS. — Reversing the aphorism, "If the mountain will not come to Mahomet, Mahomet must go to the mountain," the Londoner has determined as he cannot go the sea that the sea shall come to him. Negotiations are, it is said, going on to enable certain partiesinterested in bringing salt water to London for the purpose of providino• sea-baths, to carry out their object by railway transit. The water is to be brought up from Herne Bay in tanks, to be provided at the cost of the pro moters of the undertaking, and the charge for its con veyance will be so small that a sea-bath may be brought within the reach of any person of moderate means. ANOTHER MISSING SHIP.—The New York Herald says that, while both the Old and New Worlds are watch ing the Atlantic for tidings of the long-absent City of Boston, great anxiety prevails for the safety of another ship that has been gone three months. On the first of December the iron-clad Atlanta or Triumpho left Phila delphia for Port-au-Prince, but nothing has been received from anyone on board since the day she steamed down the Delaware to the ocean on her voyage to the West Indies. A report prevailed that she had been wrecked off Fortune Island but that was subsequently denied , and the friends of those on board are reduced to the last ex tremity of hope. There were 12Q perBoll4 011 board, among Wilow YfM two Ilaytian senators, MONETARY REPORTS.-YESTERDAY. part from the transactions necessary for an adjust ment of the fortnightly account, business in the Stock Exchange has been limited to-day. Consols have continued arm, and a further advance of A. per cent. has taken place. in prices. For money the quotation has been 93a, Nit and for the 17th of April, 9314, 92g. Bank stock has been marked 22,3 ex div. for opening. India Five per Cents have been quoted at 113 1131,, and India Bonds at 20s. to 255. prem. Exchequer Bills par to 4s. prem. _ In the market for English railway stocks very little business has been doing, and prices have been without im portant movement. Great Western have been firm, and k better, and South Eastern and Midland have been steady, 'but Caledonian has receded There has been very little inquiry for India Railway stocks, and prices bave been unaltered. Canadian shares have been quiet and unchanged. For foreign shares the deMand has been inactive. South Austrian and Lombardo- Venetian have fallen. _ _ On the whole, the tone of the market for foreign bonds, has been healthy, but the demand has not been active. Russian-Anglo:Dutch have been firm, and better. Turkish also have risen to per cent. American Securities have been steady. The Five- Twenty (1882), and 1882 Bouds have risen and the Ten- Forty, per cent. British mining shares have continued quiet, and a further fall of has taken place in Assheton. Colonial and foreign mines have sold slowly, Don Pedro laa.ve fallen *. Bank Shares have been dull and without chrnge. _ The telegraph market has been firmer. Britishi Indian Submarine have risen and Falmouth, Gibraltar, and Malta, and French Cable shares *. Telegraph Construction shares have been unsettled. The opening price was 354, but the quotation subsequently re lapsed to 342, from whence, however, there was a recovery to 36. -- Miscellaneous securities have been quiet, at previous quotations. There has been a fair demand for money to-day in con nection with the fortnightly settlement, and the rate for three months paper has been firm at 3 per cent. The sum of £42,000 has been sent into the Bank to day. At Mark.lane to-day wheat was firm, at an occasional advance - of Is. per qr. We understand that a group of Paris bankers is about to be formed under the name of Banque-Franco- Egyptienne, with a capital of 50,000,000 francs, for doing business in and with Egypt. At a meeting of the British American Land Company the directors' report was adopted, and a dividend of £1 per share was declared. At a special meeting of the New Grenada Bondholders it was determined to remunerate Mr. Frederick Stacey, the agent of the bondholders at Santa Martha, for his services by allowing him a salary of not less than £6OO per annum. The failure of a Hamburg house, with liabilities of £30,000, is announced. The liabilites will principally fall on Bradford and Manchester. The following are the " making-up " prices of to-day, being the first day of. the fortnightly account :—Railways, —Metropolitan 772, Caledonian 77" i, London and Brighton 421, South Eastern 74, Manchester, Sheffield, and Lin colnshire 51k,. Great Northern A 118, Midland 1231 2 , London and North Western 1221, Great Western 67k, Erie 21, Illinois 116, Great Luxembourg 12k, Great Western of Canada 17k. Foreign Bonds,—Turkish (1865) 69, ditto Five per -Cents 46k, Peruvian (1365) 84k) Egyptian (1868) 81/, ditto Nine per Cents 101, Italian (1861), 554, Spanish (1867) 28, Me xican 141, Five-twenties (1882) 904, ditto (1885) 891,Russian scrip, n prem. Telegraphs—French cables„ 151; Constructions, 34/ ; Anglo-Mediterranean, 174 ; Anglo-American, 174 ; British Indian Submarine, 111; West India and Panama, M Miscellaneous : Yuda Namutana Milwlg, ; Don Pedro, 4k ; Hudson's Bay, 121. The traffic returns of 4se London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway for the week ending March 26 present a total of £18,387, being a decrease of £5,041 when conaparei with the corresponding week of 1860. MARKETS-YESTERDAY. LONDON TRADE REPORT, MONDAY. -The tallow market has ruled flat at 455. for Y.C. on the spot. Stock on hand, :;0,656 racks against 26,753 casks last year. The arrival last week con si,ted of 2,543 casks ; Australian, 538 South American, and 79 :,(,m other places. Tin firm. Straits, £ll9 105. to £ l 2O. Salt p•-_•Lre LONDON COLONIAL MARKET, MONDAY.-The colonial produce markets have opened with steadiness, and prices gene rally have been well maintained. Strong refining sugars have been in demand, at steady currencies. Coffee for arrival has been active, and values on the spot have ruled firm. Tea dull. Lice afloat has been more enquired after. METROPOLITAN CATTLE MARKET, MONDAY.-With cooler weather the cattle trade has assumed a steadier tone to-day, and, although no actual advance has taken place, the tendency of prices has been in favour of sellers. The show of beasts has been good, and the quality generally has been satisfactory. More steadiness has been noticed in the inquiry, and prices have been well supported. The best Scots and crosses have sold at 4s. 10d. to ss. per. 81bs. The supply of sheep has been good. The trade has been firm, at full prices, The best Downs and half-breds in the wool have realised ss. Sd. to ss. 10d. ; out of the wool, ss. per Sibs. Lambs have sold at 7s. 6d. to Ss. per Sibs. Calves have been quiet. Pigs have sold slowly. Annexed are the quotations :-Beasts, 3s. 2d. to ss. ; sheep, 35. to ss. 10d. ; lambs, 7s. 6d. to Bs. ; calves, 3s. 10d. to ss. Bd. ; and pigs, 48. 6d. to ss. Bd. per Sibs. to sink the offal. Total supplies-Beasts, 3,339 ; *sheep and lambs, 23,895 ; calves, 36 ; and pigs, 70. Foreign : Beasts, 11,116 ; sheep, 6,430 ; calves, 34 ; and pigs, 10. METROPOLITAN MEAT MARKET, MONDAY.-The supply has been moderate. The trade has been firmer, as follows :- Beef, from 3s. 2d. to 4s. Bd. ; mutton, 3s. 4d. to 4s. 10d._; lamb, 6s. Bd. to 7s. 3d. ; veal. 4s. Sd . to, 6s. ; and pork, 3 s. 6d. to ss. - Bd. per Sibs., by the carcase. LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, MONDAY.-Market dull. Sales, 10,000 bales, of which 1,000 were on speculation. Import of the day, 22,000 bales. LIVERPOOL COPPER MARKET, MARCH 20.-Market flat. Bars 65 to M. Ores 13. GLASGOW IRON MARKET, MARCH W.-Market quiet. Sellers at 545. 6d. cash, and 545. 9d. one month. - - - - CORK BUTTER 'MARKET, MONDAY.—Ordinary firsts, 1355.: seconds, 130 s. ; thirds, 101 s. ; fourths, 78s. ; fifths, 565. : and sixths, not quoted 250 firkins in the market. Mild cured ; 14 firkins in the market. PARIS, MAncii 28.-41 our, current month, 56 ; April, 56'10 ; May,. 57. Rape oil, current month, 121 ; September-December, 107.56. BERLIN, 3IA,Iwn • 26.—Rye, March, 46 : April-May, 441. Rape oil, 14 ; April-May, 14152. Spirits, March, 14 ; April- May, 14. AMSTERDAM, MARCIE 26.—Rye, June, 184; October, 187. Rapeseed, spring, 81. Bann tin firm, 71k. HAMBURG, MARCH 26.—Wheat, March, 1071; April-May, 108'; June, 106. Rye, March, 791; April-May, 79}; May-June, 80, Rape oil, spot, 291 ; May, 29f ; Autumn, 27f. lIAVRE COTTON MARKET, MoNDAY.—Regular demand for cotton, firm trade. American; easy. Indian rather stiffer. HAVANA, MARCH 26.—N0. 12 sugar, 12} ; Muscovado, n. LADVERTISEMENT:J—IIenceforth no oue will doubt the valuable properties of Du Barry's health-restoring Revalento, Arabic& Invalids' and Infants' Food, since to the thousands of blessings it has alref: dy received from Invalids whoa position had been deemed hopeless, we may now add that of his Holiness the Pope, whose health has been perfectly restored by it after thirty years of unsuccessful medical treatment. We quote from the "Gazette du Midi," July 25th .—" Rome, July'2l, 1866. -The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning all other reme dies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he .consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly beneficial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly." We extract a few out of more thin 68,000 cures :—Cure No. 58,216, 'of the Marchioness de Brehan, of seven years' liver complaint, wasting away, debility, nervousness, with a nervous palpitation, all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, and the most in tolerable nervous • agitation. Cure No. 1,771: Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord-Lieutenant of Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia, No. 49,832: " Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, end vomiting —Maria Joly." Cure No. 46,270: Mr. James r cl33:ts, of Frimley, Surrey, of 30 years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness. Im portant Caution—Beware of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached. In tins, at ls 11-d; 1 lb 2s 9d; 2 lb 4s 6d; 5 lb lie; 12 lb 225; 24 lbs 4 5. l lso D u BARRY's REVALENTA A RABICA. CHOCOLATE POWDER is packed in tin canisters: for 12 cups at 2s, for 24 cups at 3s 6d, for 48 cups at Gs, for 288 cups at 30s, for 576 cups at 55s —being about one penny per cup. The 30s and 55s tins are sent free of carriage in England On receipt of Post Office Order. BARRY Du BARRY and Co., No. 77, Regent-street London; and all Grocers and Chemists.- BIRTHS. BLYTHE—On the 28th inst., at Herne-hill, the wife of Ric lid. Blythe, e l E s Bll. on the ofa 8014 ST. A 26th inst., at St. James's Palace, the Ducheis of St Albans, of a son. JIARRIAGE& O'NEIL —Ozoluo—On the 24th inst., at Spanish-place, Wil loughby Gordoti O'Neil, EN., to Carolina Latour, eldest ditughter of the late Luiz Candid() de Tavares Ozorio, of the Quintas da zia and Momenta, Portugal. WACH —BARTHoLDY—On the 23d inst., at Frankfort on-t he- Main, Dr. Adolph Wach, Professor Rostock University, to Fanny Henrietta Elizabeth, youngest daughter of the late Dr. Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy of Leipzic. DEA7'IIS. Lopes—On the 26th inst., at East Hill, Frome, the Dowager Lady Lopes, aged 69. OLIVER -On the 28th inst., at his residence, Bushey Hill, Camberwell, Thomas Oliver, late of Old Jewry, Loudon, aged 70. London: Printed and Publiehed by WILLIAII ANDREWS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. 112, strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of Middlesex. — ' Tuesday, March 29,•1870, ,U p rize rriz e Solt ' 9 A Dp h ; d . abl e Fo 4