The Sun. — London, England, 1841-07-16 00:00:00

EVEN NG SUN. TO URI) STANLEY. so l . l 7. l . 4 rdYwu r address to your father's Lancashire serfs too at a time when the attention of the country oas th e Z u ch absorbed in subjects of substant al interest to induce °Pe that I could commund public notice to an think so eniflcant es the hicubrations of your Lordship. or would a cea ' w , tisturb the oblivious dust which has already settled Pacit n o ", th . e m , but that the fortuitous circumstances of your tally is (1 1 'e t 0 your opinions an importance which , tie neither to you nOr to them. The petulance ic . h kkl e !" s Pi , eti /las been mistaken by others for political apta tittle', arid th Seroud insolence which men of sense have not Porti ott ° ' c hast, demands an answer when it passes wi . th a tthic 6 ' s ociety for ability arid independence. That respect oitio nat P lur character cannot inspire, it is your fortune to And , d for your opinion?, from the circumstancesof your party. sw a n . %.115 'n the smoke of your mimic thunder has cleared i li at a nd left us an unclouded view of the enginery which has report so Ennorous, one feels degraded in his own eyes 0 1 , 411, h e consid ers that the ignorance o f his fellow-subjects ig ter u . render it necessary for him to expose the yet grosser er o larit 4 lee whi c h lam compelled to assign to you, as the most of Yoa r i c onclu.ion to be derived from a deliberate perusal o ng 3 eusion. t thin ff k that even your imp udence coulcommandthst,„ u gh to s r a k o f cons st, ncy, ev en to the human herds ere hallooed up to the hustings to hear, or at least to h Y o u• But when the people reproached the Government acre s ar iog done little fur the country at a time when they shat ll Pl'orted by l arge ma j or i t i es , l e t th e m call to mind of t -ater ial% those majorities consisted, and they will rather ap o ,,; r that, w i t h such rabblement of renegades and political 'aip,, s as th e G ra h ams an d t h e St an l e y s a s their apparent tharl Ministers were ena bl e d t o av ert so much mischief, I 0 1: orprised that they effected so small an amount of good. f" r e that you affect to reoret the absence of opponents; N al ^el corivineed that in our'sorrow you will find sympathy 4 'tfl q , w h° respect truth and common seme, and who could Itts6, grieve that no one was found to expose your pet:- l ion ",'„f the one, and your strenuous and persevering opposi t'do:d°,'"the J,llaines; dictates of the other. You acknowledge, as so „, , t the subject on which you addresshereditary '"a• pp ,;' of Lancashire, is " the most important on which ~t Wit ever made by the Crown to the deliberate judg ‘at oi tb e United Kingdom," and that you are little conver icy and confess your inability to deal with it—a strange . tEeCon for one who calls himself a proximate Minister of Roti a r . 4 l; but instead of your acknowledged ignorance st . ig- N t :„. t ? You humility, and your confessed inability teaching tati N c t i n - ce ," 4 :l d to iffi t denc t e, , the only seem to consummate your to Y furnish an additional illustra tha %horismetmhaPt you srin;:° ol B rush is where angels fear to tread." tl et . b uct insinuate that all this flapping of your wings on t• i 0 ,.,Z dunghill was the result of the secure consciousness ey oll 'ral bantam was crowing within hail; but to encon .ltioihenwith the hope that a period will be put to your career, o al i2 e ; let me entreat you to reserve the flowers of your avooie,„r_u!r the parterre of Parliament, o hen 1 promise ou • ktcnu'ltquet of your absurdities will be culled by hands 11-444 h ere o w to expose them . to the best advairage. s rs , s orie., „et rne pause, while I acknowledge with thankful lie ii 4 a u l t ,e_ few acts of your life, which have tended to the . 14 nee stage, That it was not intended on your part, it NI of h essary to * explain that it is calculated to promote the is c°lll munity; but it. must be_ confessed that in seek th,b in jure , "ba s t e , .lour former friends you have effectually damaged ' 4 ° 1 41;s' of Whiler accomplices in the conspiracy ef lion; 41 . • you .- r confederates contemn the proposi kd y, Ministers as calculated to rob them of their monopoly, l*e teu 4 ' al ' e equall bitter in exposing the hollowness of their tlahe, es tielircmitnenatnYulYaapproatch grit epnipl of free trade, g his from the language of both °f olijectorl hat their compromise with injustice i e h sPoliation ' of industry has failed equally to con ilLl‘tt,ftrien"des'.°ll.. r ancour of enemies and to rouse the enthusiasm e However such attacks may _embarrass the , s ea -osier ueh who now makes them, and however m iNht N, which ou now hurl at the Liberals may be f ''es tn a nu gathered, and flung back among your :, " hoist the engineer with his own petard, he e NI as a guerilla partizan of free trade, who, tin ,tlnot join the g regular army, can make independent war chi ef pro inc onsistencies of partial monopoly. When your 1 / 4 ' hi r i ° P u ses his modification of the sliding scale, I shall hor• sh all coll eague ' s sneers at his flirtation with protection. I.,! l "'tio r n e , mi nd him of your argument that the benefits of all thi n ; g 0 to the miller and the baker alone. I t sh r a e l d l u a c r- o slcaßea of ownhauthodrity. shed,etalLof sliding prices. 14 te l t li tio s v i ti :; ou h r v r er w y it wo h r g i m m a i x n im maximise the evils of diminished I nd mise the public advantages of greater ~e e essitie s' and when as a section of a charlatan cabinet, the t place-keeping force you to propose what you call h a us . and thorough revision of our whole commercial f °° :e h - i: t h al , l the foreign plumage you may stick over the toes c a • LS L 0 alarm the country gentlemen into a . defence “, ea Prtal shall be permitted to prevent a comparison he !ltitLit ei_Yq.ur itlinisterial . promises and your present prophecies inapt or pernicious results. In the eagerness of . pur ,k,ii„ }diee entered the enemy's lines and have unconsciously 444 : ran ks your opponents. shall . r . ejo_ice . if your h,' °f the bastar character of the Ministerial hybrid shall th e . to tls impreg "ernurnent that their only safety lies in taking nable positi .ofiercely And meanwho e .nobodon of total and immediate freedom of s 1 call upon the country to observe denounced any attempt at a mom llttir; of r heasexisting syscycles tem of onopoly as the man who Is The.cabinet of one m the first act of whose exe kllo._eeralstenee be the adoption of that very step which his for e lectioneerin g purposes, so scornfully rejects. til kt aVer that Lord John Russell stated in your presence th e prop os t, to 2 e reduction in the pri . ce . of sugar would amount 0 , 11„, s• per e w t. You allege this m the face of the plain t o ei ni abie fact that his Lordship declared his intention to ,;!'ttlee th e d u ty from 635. to 365., or by no less a sum l'er cwt. Did you expect the public to believe this '° 1 1• '„ - ,us falsehood' , or to extend to you that charity which • i'er extend to others, and to suppose that this " inge- O? id "of ours was simply a misapprehension on your really believe Lord John Russell when you un-. IF qi e ef Hi to say that 2es. were nbt 2 . 75., but only 2s. ? or, ► ,our poor Lancashire villanz cried out, only Is. 6d. ? "I't not, why did you attempt to represent this as the s ou '_asur e of relief? If you did, what sudden credulity Ill,l4leraeted your habitual scepticism, and made you exhi aq.ll-4 'Llaborious mountain as the result of the birth of 11(1 ' ltl iculous mouse ? Y ou cannot b ot h h ave your ca k e ?4 t it ' "l , You sh a ll no t b e p erm itt e d, even before the an haw. bacons that are restricted to your father's a o ,u Yoar poll, t o represen t th e c h ange i n th e t ar iff akithatiLhange at all, arid then to pronounce such . " an alteration amountin to a colo- Sion. Is the consumer to pay as high a price for the • bef ore, and yet the producer to receive only half as ,st a i ris as fu nnerlyo Is the colonial market, which annually do ttr a tiatural fluctuation of more than twice the amount l it tt 4 ;ge elailte_g_e,d alteration, to be annihilated b a legislative „ 4 3 F "! ( - 111 g to only half the amount o the natural vicis p4t 14 ° ,1 ; P r iees? Are 2s. a hundred weight to submerge the tOy" to 4 Islands? Is the loss of " a small fraction of a t tt It° P " the great experiment of emancipation ?" Are Yale'ail e4t 3' radr Y pr e ., loos of other people s money which you so yourgne to di ' rite d to the Gladstones snd the Lushingtons of y_ I , :°Lur s sa l'Pear in the blight of a farthing in the pound ? 1; 0 '41 j a - m )?ur blue file too grossly, and pull the wires of your "° 'yes - " f P i ngjacks too clumsily for the indulgent and believ failcight Lanc as hi re it se lf. Your farthing curse upon ,„„ to el , 'ohdred thousand of our fellow-creatures" will 11; 4 4y - e. te the st u pid wonder of your dupes, and the fee win eh at La patronise your eighteen-penny horrors. tis lir eon e e in the sugar duties must either be a boon to I' ' a ' th e rße r , or no loss to the producer—you cannot . fal s O n e pay much, and the other receive little. Itith 4t h C an e r. °ds, like all other inventions , .. will not cohere. ta,"atnit consistent, and hence it is that you never speak c 't e aet er tog sentiments that are a n d cotradictory and destruc h:lrt tlinr other. In the face of eclining revenue you ittlettisti s t t ,:'" with the deficit, and then . denounce . them to because they do not sacrifice still more of the Ni t Y ou -. .", In preference to a reduction of private . monopo felt i i titt6, ea d upon the country to impose new taxes upon t te;"iniat - ,L' i lan throw off the old burdens of protection, and tle, i ;',Oe I C: that they must rather destroy the very sources of ti kt `lo touch the sacred fountain of monopoly. Conti el' or support o f th e m i s c r e an t s who, with the blood 0, I :n ee th yet jingling e slave in their pockets, affect fear of I:i t atio u n ta kernent Of slavery, you cement the alliance by the Jahnr at " you could understand well the argument . if y e : .tussell had proposed to reduce the duly on colonial li oti `.‘ h e hen you are in power this will be remembered, and i s t ohwi eg ealled upon to redeem the pledge which the.insinua -441146", How a diminution of the duty on colonial sugar flied'No - t oe article helper to the consumer, while an equal up l ' ob i " that of foreign sugar does not, you will then . be Pu t ,'" plain if you can. The fact is, the ululations t ug have ,ex plain, who, by . their plunder-plenished tin''elo t/ ;' Placed you for a moms nt in the slippery and slid itilet to b e s power, are raised, not because sugar would con ts gin t) t l ear, but because the proposed Budget would make stZ i t .th e , (heap. It is colonial and oriental gold, wrung P ar i , l °3 of agonised Africa, and the hard hands of tOvide -'°os, that has gained for corruption a tempo r ' h a od A" : England is bring overmastered by her colo h r ,. 1h .Asiatic nabobs and Jamaica planters are seizing, 11 ( , 4 af, e tr minions and such willing tools as Peel and k ri . - 'lav e , e ,' l lagnificent empire of the mistress ot the world. sc s e-s.,'''''d your soul to them—they have bought your 4 °4 are slave. The proposed budget would fo o „ ` ni nuoity 6 000 0001., and you know it ;it would, -Ana l4 . ll l e io',! f .from - taxation , ', turn a . deficit in the revenue of j a - g.a Into a surplus of two millions, and you know it. tta l „e g A i h st mPly the consciousness that with the substan ial r esulting from this free-trade movement, there iIIS 01 1 41 equivalent resignatior. of private d pl , u r n a de o r,. o th u a r. othatdr i iiexorable masters compel . you t h o out e a b d th,, he ! s liteabl e political depth which i r t not "l long submit to lower still. N ot „nured, that Englishmen will 44 4 ill' t "h' broiled liver millionaires and palanquin dictators, :31,Y.fail gum ark how the proudest Noble of Britain qt iv p kihi - poor pppet cif Leadenhall brokers. 11 10 . , Y have had p a large enough dose of you for . one °li; u w. °- 1 . °lark .lane meditations will keep cold until to 4°, a uld have you in the interval consider, that . as 11 0ay e b -s "on to power your patronage will be extensive, ar; t t it aPpointi n o me to the sinecure office of keeper Isto ' n - l in ' e nce, make rne some small return for this your the science of political economy. I am, my Lord, your observer, SIDNEY SMITH. INSURRECTION IN CANDIA. THE CHRISTIANS OF CRETE TO THE GOVERN MENTS AND NATIONS OF CHRISTIAN AND CIVILIZED EUROPE. MONARCHS) BRETHREN We have received the missives by which the European Con suls at Canea replied to our grievances. The Consul of England hastened to inform us that the Eng lish Government, being in a close protecting alliance with the Sublime Porte, is entirely foreign to the plans, aims, and pro jects of those who are opposed to the power and Government of the Sultan. . . The Rusr;ian Vice-Consul tells us, " that if the Christian population have motives to complain of the abuses they have, perhaps, hitherto suffered, they must first and foremost down their arms, and return to the submis,ion they owe to their legitimate Sovereign, in order that they may reekon on the hind solicitude of the Sultan for the welfare of all his sub. jects. The ezigercies of an armed people constitute a crime, the consequences of which will assuredly be fatal to all those who participate in them." He terms us rebellious Christians. The French Consul earnestly engages us to submit to the will of the Sultan, and " to trust in the humanity of his High ness the Capitan Pasha," whose cruelty is known throughout the east. He, moreover, adds, " ttat we shed our blood with out glory, by illegally resisting the authority of the Sultan." The Austrian Consul in Crete goes still further. He says that his Court, "sincerely attached to the Sublime Porte, condemns our attempts to obtain liberties which are irrecon cileable with the quality of subjects to the Sultan." And he adds, " that, in lending the Mussulmans all the support in his power, he, the Consul of his Imperial and Apostolic Majesty, will be fulfilling an imperious dut)." The Consul of Greece, in fine, rejects and condemns, in the name of his august Sovereign, "our mad undertaking," and engages, for the last time, the Cretan Greeks to give up their present sad position, " and to return to their homes, by falling at the feet of their magnanimous King to implore his mercy." These letters, a faithful summary of which we lay before you, at first filled us with the most painful sentiments. We had claimed the support of our Christian brethren, who are pleased to acknowledge the germs of high civilization which they owe to our fore-fathers ; and these very brethren act! Christians—these civilised men-4leclare that they, allied to the barbarians, recognise as solely lawful in this country the domination of the savage sons of Othman, which has already devoured half a million of Cretans, and which will soon have depopulated our foimerly flourshing soil. These cruel words from the representatives of the Christian nations have deeply afflicted us. But, after having maturely weighed every probability, the wisest and most learned among us have recognised•that it was impossible for the Consuls to have faithfully expressed the opi nions of the Governments and nations of Christendom ; they could only see in these letters an act of complaisance towards Tapir Pacha,—an act that motives of humanity can alone excuse. The reasons which prevent their admitting the possibility of the assertions contained in the Consuls' letters being exact, are the following:— It is impossible that the English Government should con demn the legality of our resistance. Has the present Govern ment of England other bases of legality than the Christian Government of Crete, which is the sincere expression of the will of the whole population of the island that has remained faithful to the laws of our Saviour? The present English Go vernment is sprung from the revolution of 1688, which deprived the Stuarts of the British Throne; and if there be any diffe rence of situation, that difference is entirely to our advantage, for assuredly the barbarous Government of the Ottomans is far more oppressive than was that of the Stuarts, who were more unfortunate than guilty. No, England, faithful to the principles of her political exist ence—no, England, that ever solemnly proclaimed the !sublime idea of civil and religious liberty for the whole world—no, England, the classic soil of legal liberty, does not condemn the Cretans fighting for the Christian religion, for Christian liberty and legality It is impossible that the Russian Government and nation, connected with us by the community of orthodox faith, should consider our resistance against the infidels as a crime. Is not the Czar the protector of the Christian faith in the east ? Has he not sworn before the altar to defend it against its enemies, and especially against Islamism. which has done so much in jury to the church and to the faithful ? Did not the Empress Catherine, if glorious memory, call our fathers to arms against the common enemy of our religion ? Did not the Czar Nicholas, the conqueror, take up arms to avenge the faith outraged by the barbarous Ottomans? And would his empire exist if the Russians had believed in the legitimacy of the Khan of the Tartars, to whom Russia belonged by the same right as Crete may now belong to the Sultan, i. e., by brutal force ? No ; Russia and her pious Czar will never term rebellious those who are fighting in the name of Jesus Christ against the Mussulmans. The orthodox Christian religion is the basis of the Russian empire ; the Czar will not fail to preserve it from profanation It is impossible that the French Government, which sprung from the Revolution of 1830, can invoke against the Cretans the legality of the Turkish domination. Charles X. was a humane and religious Prince, and yet arms were taken up against him for the defence of liberty menaced by the ordi nances of July. Now; the Turkish Government has not only encroached on every law protecting civil liberty, but has trampled under foot every divine and human law. France is proud of her struggles for liberty, which she has justly termed glorious ; how then can civilised and civilising France express the sacrilegious thought that the holy struggle of the Cretan Christians is an inglorious struggle ? No ; he who speaks thus is not a Frenchman. The Consul has signed his forfeiture of that respected quality in signing the letter which he forwarded to us, Insurgents of Crete! It is impossible that the Government of his Apostolial Ma jesty, which, by a secu'ar struggle against the Mussulmans, has preserved ail Europe from their domination—it is impos sible that so paternal and humane a Governmert should recog nise the legality . of a tyrannical power, employing by turns against the Christians the blazing torch and the assassin's knife which has lately fired two hundred towns or villages in Bulga ria and Macedonia, and which, not satisfied with stripping the Christians of their property, delivers their wives and their daughters to the brutality of an unbridled soldiery. No ; the prudent Austrian Government will not place such dangerous arms at the disposal of the enemies of legality in Europe. The Austrian Consul, the sole German ..'onsul in Crete, represents here not the Austrian tribe, but the whole German nation—that nation which revealed to the world, through the immortal Herder, the Christian humanitary dogmas —that nation which now restores to the Greeks the rich loans contracted from our ancestors—that nation whither young Greece used to go to light the sacred flame of her political and moral regeneration. Did not the Protestants in Germany during the 16th cen tury create the Duchy of Prussia, that fundamental basis of the monarchy of Frederick the Great? Did not Albert of Bran denburg abolish the domination of the Teutonic knights in the name of the Prussian towns and commons? And doubtless no comparison can be established between the Government of those Christian knights, subservient to the holy empire, and the brutal tyranny of the Ottoman ? No. Germany, that is raising a colossal monument to Her mann, her liberator from the Roman yoke, which was a civi lising yoke, will riot condem the sons ;of Minos, who, invoking the holy name of the Saviour, are rising against a brutalising yoke ! In fine, it is impossible, and besides we know the contrary to be the case, that Greece should consider our devotedness as Christians and as civilized. men a mere mad undertaking, and that she should apply to us words that wounded her to her in most heart, when in 11321 the bloody application was addressed to her I Is not King Otho the expression of the attained end of Hel. lenic independence? Humane and generous as he is, he can not long deny assistance to men who have a sacred call on the gratitude of Greece, to whose deliverance they largely contri. buted. Do not say, 0 Piroglon ! that thou art a Greek ; never shall we believe it, for we are Greeks. Convinced by all these motives that the Consuls at Canea have not acted according to their instructions, that they have, through weakness, expressed sentiments contrary to those of the Governments and nations that they represent, we solemnly ap peal against their judgment to the supreme tribunal of the pub lic opinion of the civil sed world; we appeal from it to all that Europe contains of generous Christian men, not in mouth, but in heat t 1 And to this appeal we join the declaration before God and men, that, martyrs of our faith, we have sworn, at the foot of the liberating cross, to die sooner' than again suumit to the yoke of the barbarians. ,‘ If, therefore, you receive intelligence that order is re established in rete by the Turks and by their faithful Christian allies, add thereto a prayer for the Cretans who will then have ceased to exist, and who will prove before the Eternal their conduct to be conformable to their holy laws, and which they will then moreover have legithnised with their blood, as have done their brethren the martyrs of Bulgaria and those equally venerable men whom the barba- Jians lately massacred in Lebanon, while, kneeling before the altars of the Lord, they were imploring down his blessing; on the Christians of Europe by whom they were abandoned May God be merciful to you as well as to us. The Governmental Directory : D. CHOKRKTIS, President. CH. ROUSSOUS BOOR-DOUMBAKIS CONDAXA KIS Councillors. BISLA CHRYSOPHOPOULAS S. L. Cnolan's, Secretary. Done at Bise, of Apokorona, on the day of St. Glyeera, .3-25 May, 1841. The Sul of Marseilles states that the latest ad vices from Trieste make no mention of the cholera having broken out near that city, and that there is every reason to be lieve the rumour totally unfounded. WEST INDIA MAIL STEAMERS.--We for merly alluded to the array of splendid new steamers which were fitting up in the East Harbour for the purpose of carrying the West India mails. Last week the Dee was added to their number, so that there are now five of these magnifi cent ships, registering no less than 9,500 tons, under the hands of a great variety of artificers, all getting ready for service at one time. For durability, elegance of model, and the promise of the finest sailing qualities, these vessels arc pronounced, by the most competent judges, to be unrivalled, and certainly present a most imposing spectacle. The hurry to have them fitted out for sea is so great, that almost every kind of work connected with them is going on at once, and consequently a vast number of hands may be seen busily en _ A .......................... gaged in the work on every lawful day of the week. We need belie 0 1 , . ~l A.JESTY'S THE scarcely add that the expenditure for this labour alone must be very large, since the entire cost of these five vessels can 1141t. " of t ' ti f e ki t ig e ! P,..uri tan . i was per.cormed last evenin fur the not fall greatly short of, if it do not exceed 400,000/. (Iw o? e i iin ., raglioni. We have never heard his —the . Greenock Advertiser. 114 ,er, ' s Greenock with finer effect. This, I ;ol4,`• te atan e a ca n a , arcely think a justification of the unreason- T ER RIFIC THUNDER tow;liier, It of the audience who, by encores, had almost a forenoon, between eloen . and twelve o'clock, the . metropolis t eiii -m ' It - the opera. A new ballet called ' Matilde, fol- and for miles round was visited by a . most terrific storm of ti, - Pt eve terminated-at t late an hour ' to permit us to at- thunder and lightning, accompanied in many parts by heavy ke lt ; 11„4, to Unravel its • 0 1 0 yand very complex construe- falls of rain and hail. The morning had been, from . an early 57,1,411,21,,e-e'sistare.ar.toailedof c some s - o f the st f upid an.omime by no hour, remarkably fine, but about ten o'clock heavy c ouds began ;: i, ! le ;rit et :l l, : i _ as . connect ‘ the arts o the pan ,it ma be- to gather from the south, although the lower current of wind it i t s',lii'erter, is rely`edas avery b brilliants e y etaele Some was from the north, and soon after eleven o'clock the sky splendid,.be ersd and groupings a t ef e ate and tableaux . came quite overcast, the storm bursting forth about thirty ti,,, ttic ( 6„' t , 18 inters h extreme. But minutes afterwards. Over Kingston, Richmond, and the , ttilti, ;:aftathe.e...izniegtt.if Tal,;lionei that constitutes the chief Urn -. adjacent parts, it was particularly severe, the hailstones being That old Tvrole , e air, which she introduced of an enormous size, some exceeding that, of a . large goo,e 111141ti,,,aise'd familiar some seasons ago she revived last night, in berry, and the lightning was exceedingly vivid. .At . East Ilt r t Lher th a nee, tke surpassing gracefulness , of which imposed Sheen the gardener of Dr. Bfng was struck by the lightning, 4 Nt -li ght r ' ec ' ssi tY of repeating it for the gratification of depriving him of his sight. tis . hoped his sight may be re . - kkie ty, I.kanditory A Spanish dance too, full of character stored. He, however, stiil remains very ill . from the shock. tr o a d e d : e avted, rather than danced, with charming effect. The storm lasted about an hour, but during the , afternoon 44.1 7 i nz wi th Wile. Guy Stephan was a very britliant thunder as heard at intervals, and abont sevenock v la a st . t il l 407hith both artistes won plaudi!s and bouquets in evening the storm again returned, but . with diminished i - 1 3 e h lence, the heavy rain continuinguntil a late hour. P ita thelrllngyery crowded, and Mdlle. Taglioni was called VIENNA, JULY 6.—Baron Von Sturmer, the a grace p the. curtain, and made her acknowledgments Imperial Internuncio at Constantinople, has received from his peculiar to herself. th tr i ' llk C .._ . t . ..a..••••.,............................rm0mmn 11Iajesty the Emperor tie Cross of Commander of the Royal Hu„ Favian Order of St. Stephen, as a testimony of his Ma -4c s„ 44.3 'such retarded unsettled state of the wea- jetty s satisfaction with his zealous efforts to effect the final ar thlelfietscain. . the hay harvest ; the crops oil rangement of the Egyptian Question. . itm 0 th re this vicinity, after having been cut from Organs are •of great antiquity, but violins are V Ctu 14 vo e w°e ks, were only secured a few days ago, not. The former was first brought to Europe from the Greek Ot l 'llbl e - 7 indifferent condition. The present unfa- empire in 758, and violins were first invented about 1477, and 1 4 th e er asnect of the season .e . nts the general cutting introduced by Charles 11. The gamut in music was first in atb N e °Ps, although quite ready e‘ for the - scythe. Corn vented by Guy L'Aretin, in 1025. Musical glasses are of I ral look German origin, but revived by Dr. Franklin, 1760. Thet ha , s well, and promises an early and tt . .._. vest.--York Courant. The railroad from Vienna to Raab, which has i a Laro ad 'Directors of the London and Brighton . just been opened to the public, conveys daily from 17,000 to of 4113 are m akinggreat 'the line,and 300 exertions to complete . 1 70,000 f. 20,000 persons. The receipts for the first week amounted to extra men have been taken on. 1 THE SUN, LONDON, FRTDAY, JULY 16, 1841: THE RAJA OF SATTARA. INDIA HOUSE.—THURSDAY. The Adjourned Meeting of the Proprietors of East India Stock was held yeskrday. G. Lyall, Esq., M,P., took the chair at twelve o'clock. The motion ad amendment having been read by the Secretary, Mr. G. THOMPSON then rose and said—Sir, as no Hon. Proprietor seems disposed to offer himself at - this mo ment to the attention of the Court, I shall take advan tage of the opportunity afforded me of placing my sen timents before you. As one who has recently qualified himself for aaeat in this body, I should not have pre sumed to take a prominent part in your discussions, had the queStion had reference to any domestic occurrence affecting parties present, or men who might appear on their own behalf ; but the case before us concerns a dis tant and helpless native of India, who is lying under the infliction of your tremendous power, and who makes his appeal to that sense of justice, which he has been led to believe.resides in British bosoms, and cannot be appealed to in vain, when a case of injury is submitted. I will candidly confess that it is the present case which has brought me amongst you ; and that I have been led to take my place in this Court, by a de- Sire to 'raise my feeble voice in behalf of one whom I firmly believe to be innocent of the charges brought against him, and on the strength of which he is now an exile from his kingdom and his throne,—lying under the stigma of treason, and living upon the pension which is doled out to him from the revenues of the kingdom over which he was the hereditary Sovereign. Such and such only being the motives by which I am actuated, I ask 'permission to speak, and to speak freely. For all that, I shall say I am' myself and alone answerable. If the ad vocate of the Rka, I am his unknown and unbought ad vocate. My name, if uttered in his ears, would be an unmeaning sound: I hope for nothing from his grati tude, as 1 'fear nothing from the opposition or displea sure of those from whom I differ. I stand here to ask, in the language of ungarbled truth, for even-handed jus tice, convinced that, however slow it may be in its ap proach, justice will be done at last.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, in now proceeding to bring before you still fur ther the contents of the papers you have placed in the hands of Proprietors, I shall, as far as possible, avoid travelling over the ground which has been trodden by my predecessors in this debate. I shall . not seek to augment the force of my case by using any . of the evi dence already laid before you, but rather strive to select those points which have either. escaped the observation of former speakers, or which they have found , them selves unable to embrace, or which they have deemed unnecessary for the . purpose of sustaining their several positions. But before Ido so, I must, however painful to my own feelings, and however presumptuous it may appear in the eyes of any here, express my great sur prise at, and my deep and decided dissatisfaction with, the course which the Hon. the Deputy-Chairman, Sir James Law Lushington, thought proper to adopt yes terday, for the purpose, as it seemed to me, of checking the progress of free discussion in this Court, by telling us that the privilege we were then enjoying, if not most temperately used, we might— Here Mr. WEEDING rose, and expressed his wish to know if the Court would tolerate the Hon. Proprietor in I the reading of a speech.—(Cries of " Order, order," and " Go on.") Mr. THOMPSON resumed. When the Hon Gentleman who has just interrupted me shall be better acquainted with my usual practice as a public speaker, and with the use which I generally make of such interpositions as his, he will not again call me to order for reading my speech. Will the Honourable Gentle man permit me to ask him if he ever called an Honourable Director to . order for reading his speech, or any part of it? I will undertake to say he never did. In a volume by my side I have printed copies of my speeches read to this Court, none of which were ever broken in upon, that lam aware. Sir, lam bringing a charge against a high authority in this Court, and I have preferred to prepare it elsewhere in writing, that I may not exaggerate it in the heat of debate. I repeat it, then. We were threatened that if we did not be have ourselves there would be a speedy enactment to si lence us for ever. Sir J. L. LUSHINGTON rose to correct the Hon. Member. The words " speedy," never fell from his lips. Mr. TuonpsoN—Most cheerfully do I retract the word, but must repeat, that the forfeiture of the power to discuss the political affairs of India was held in ter rorem over us, to put an end, as it seemed, to our discus sion altogether. Well, Sir, if it must be so, I for one am disposed to make an honest use of - the power while it remains, and when this Court is closed against inquiry— when the fallen and the helpless may no longer make their grievances known here, I will still hope that else where an asylum for justice will be found where the friends of humanity-may meet, and find a more willing audience.—(Hear, hear.) And, is it come to this, that this once popular and 'powerful Court is a nonentity ? that the members of it must be the mute and -grateful recipients of half-yearly dividends, or speak only to praise ?—must this body be tamed down into a soulless thing of speechless acquiescence—must quietly float like a lump of dead matter in the wake of directorial opinion ? or, venturing to speak out its thoughts, be threatened with a gag-law ?.—(Hear.) Be it so. On the day that such a law shall pass the death warrant of this Company will be drawn out, and soon after that law comes into operation the sentence will be signed, sealed, and delivered. Be assured, Sir, of one thing, in the hour that you proscribe discussion you an nihilate yourselves.—(Hear, hear.) I must here bestow a word of remark upon the speech of the Hon. Propri etor who closed the debate of yesterday, after occupy ing us for more than two'hours. His object seemed to be truly a most generous one—to take under his espe cial patronage all the Indian authorities, from Mr. El phinstone's downwards. He bestowed on each and all the benefit of his rich and prodigal encomiums. Surely, Sir, Lord Auckland, yourself, and all the other great men who were made to adorn the long and brilliant ca talogue of Mr. Fielden, -- will feel that there is cause to be profoundly, unspeakably, and everlastingly grateful to the Hon. Member for the unqualified praise and com mendation, the adulation, and almost adoration of the gentleman, who sometimes appeared to be run out of breath in his search after terms of eulogy.—(Heal, hear.) He said he wanted thereby to secure a good night's rest ; and, indeed, 11 must have been ne cessary after his energetic and most laborious exertion to do justice to the intellect, the virtue, the patriotism, and the pure disinterestedness of the Company at home, and their servants abroad. But, Sir, did this gentleman un dertake to reply to my Learned Friend who this debate ? Oh, no. He had other work to do. He had to build up the reputation of the Noble and Right Hon. and powerful opponents of the Raja, and to justify the rein of that Prince, not out of the contents of these papers so much as by raking into the history of the Raja from the year 1818. The Raja's prosecutors were mirrors of perfection, but as for the poor Raja, why, the Hon. Gentleman told us of the errors of his youth, of the sins of his riper years, and of all the tenderness of his Mahratta, constitution. The firmness of - the Raja was called obstinacy—the jealousy he had shown in defence of his honour, and his repeated protestations of inno cence, all this was a mere hypocritical denial of guilt, similar to the professions of a man at the gallows. His talent was cunning, his pretended loyalty covert treason; and, to sum up all, and justify every act committed against him, we were told he was ambitious. Yes— " Brutus says he was ambitious ; And Brutus is an honourable man : So are they all—all honourable men." But the Hon. Gentleman secured a good night's rest, and I suppose I must be latisfied. It has turned out as I anticipated. The question has been made to turn upon the personal character of the European actors in this drama. The Raja must be guilty, for Mr. Elphinstone is wise and prudent,;Lord Auckland is firm and saga cious—Sir James Carnac kind and generous, and the Directors upright • and honourable. Granted that they are all this, the less had they to fear from inquiry—the more ought they . to have sought the light of day—the more ready to give the Raja all he ever asked—a fair, an open, and an impartial trial.—(Cheers.) Let me now congratulate the Learned Mover upon the com plexion and course of this debate. Up to this moment his luminous, temperate, and able speech, remains unan swered. Not a tittle of all that he has said has been disturbed—not an argument controverted—not a fact disproved—not an assertion contradicted. The Ho nourable the Deputy-Chairman's speech consisted principally of a number of authorities drawn from these books, against, the Raja. • Why, Sir, we knew that he had been pronounced guilty by these eminent men. What we wanted to know was, upon what evidence - they had so pronounced him guilty, for all that we have here deserves no better names than those which it has re ceived from gentleman I shall preSently quote. But what was the conclusion of the speech ?No evasion—no con sideration. Oh; Sir, I could not help thinking, while the Director stood before us, and while he was arguing. so strongly and so ablY, too, against the exrediency of re consideration, that he might have borrowed from his own history (he will understand me) a splendid argu ment in favour of the course for which we-are pleading. I thought upon the career—the honourable and brave career of the Deputy-Chairman ; and it seemed to me that his gallant actions in the well-fought field, which have won for him distinguishing honours from his Sove vereign, and his present exalted and influential station, might be quoted as furnishing striking, memorable, and irrefragable proofs of the wisdom and justice, too, of re consideration, revision, and reversal. The Hon. Direc tor may never again stand in need of the benefit of such a process, or I would venture to remind him of the couplet of the poet— " That mercy I to others show Such mercy show to me." —(Chens.) Much stress has been laid upon the pre tended unanimity of the authorities at home and abroad in the condemnation of the Raja. , I must endeavour to dispel this delusion. There -has been anything but una nimity on this subject. There is anything but agreement in this Court at this moment. Let us go back to the commis sion which sat at &Mara. The evidence taken before that Commission was sent to Calcutta ; and was there unanimity in the Council of the Supreme .Government ? No Sir. The first minute of dissent. I shall quote is that of Mr. Shakespear, a man who all his life was accustomed to judicial investigation, and who possessed, in an eminent degree, an acute and cautious . mind: And respecting 'minutes --- of dissent, let me say that they are in my eyes most im portant documents. The writer places . his opinion on record, after deep and laborious examination, after much anxiety, respecting the result of a disagreement with his colleagues upon an important matter, in a state of almost trembling reluctance. But he is urged to record his difference of opinion by a Strong and overwhelming sense of honour and justice. These minutes, therefore, wear an aspect of solemn importance. They are not the production of secretaries, but the fruit of most anxious personal investigation and deliberation. Let us now turn to Mr. Shakespear's minute, Blue Book, page 331. —" When we reflect on the utter want of basis (as far as we yet know) , on Ivhich the plot could have been founded, the improbable manner in which the Brahmin (Untajec) commenced ' his seduction of the Soobadars, the total unworthiness of his evidence, the discrepancies between the stories first told by the Soobadars and their subsequent depositions , before the Commissioners, and the absurd terms in which the Raja is said to have an nounced to the Soobadars the signs of coming events, I confess I look 4n vain for anything tangible or solid, in the shape of proof, for my, mind to rest upon. . ' . " I do.not understand on what principlethe Commis sion.ns, as stated in 'the ninth paragraph of their report, abstained froM cross-questioning the native officers, as to the discrepancies in their original. depositions com pared with those given before them. In all judicial in- . quii ies much weight.. is justly att ac h e d to such conapari sons, it being supposed that a witness is more likely to speak' correctly - When first examined, while particulars are fresh in his memory, than aft er the lapse of time. A word upon this affair of cross-examination. General Lodwick, the Chairman - of the Commission, is, I believe, in COUrt, I know not hiS person, and therefore cannot say ; bi:t if he is, .I thus publicly ask him if one of the per jured witnesses before that Commission did not wear the aspect; of a most guilty.man, refuse to be cross-ques tioned, and whether_thc,Commission did - not decide there upon that it4a's inexpedient p-cross-examine the Soo badars ?—(Hear, hear.) Let us now look at the unani mity of the Commissioners themselves. General Lod wick, I have said, was one. Let us hear his opinion:- "I am free to confess that my opinion of the evi dence adduced differed so widely from that of my col leagues that I - had resolved upon giving a separate opi nion : but the proposal on their part to modify their sen ments so as to meet mine to a certain extent, and a con- sirieration of the dilemma in which Government would be placed by any thing short of an unanimous opinion, overruled that first intention ; but so numerous and marked were the discrepancies in the evidence, much of which was but the evidence of acco m plices still under re straint, and which could, theref o r e , on ly be taken as con fessions affecting those by whom they were respectively made, and so gross was the prevarication of Untajee, the chief of the plot, as well as chief informant, that I ex pressed, at the time, my conviction that for any purpose of dethroning the Raja the proceedings of the. Commis sion would be found by Government 'Unavailing. But for my only act of sacrificing judgment to political ex pediency, these proceedings would have been quite in operative." .. Would, Sir, that the Gallant General had not sacrificed principle to expediency. But for his error he had made a noble atonement."' Here, upon the floor of this Court, he has declared, with his hand upon his heart, that he reviews his conduct with deep self-reproach; and regards his acquiecence in the decision of his colleagues as the only act of his public life, the remembrance of which gives him pain. Oh that all the opponents of the Raja would do likewise. Let us now see what unanimity reigned at home when the whole of the affairs were taken into con sideration after the dethronement of the Raja. Four teen out of the twenty-four Directors—no more—signed the minute approving the deed. Four •of the rest dissented, Messrs. Tucker, Cotton, Shepherd, and one whose name I cannot mention till I have relieved my heart. Sir, you had amongst you the other day a man whom I never saw, but whose nobility and worth have come to my knowledge through the papers I hold in my hand. He was the worthy son of a worthy sire. The sire still lives, and, die when he will, he will live for ever deep in the affections of the people of India, whose friend and benefactor he is. Had his son survived, he would have caught the mantle.of his father, and perpetuated all., his virtues. He is gone—but being dead, yet speaketh in the pages of thiS book, which contains a public .docu ment which will be his best monument; which, fbr the justice of its sentiments, the benevolence of its spirit, and its statesmanlike views, will rank with any. record which this house contains. So much I have deemed it right to say respecting the. Director you have lost in the person of the late Mr. John Forbes.—(Cheers.) He is one . of the dissentients. He shall characterize the proceedings against the Raja : " In the interval of Sir James Carnac's departure from this country and his arrival at Bombay, no evidence that could fairly be called trustworthy had been obtained. Exposed, as the Raja was, to the schemes of persons at once vindictive, interested, and ambitious—deprived of the support and assistance of his own servants, but more particularly the favour of the Government having been withdrawn from him, it was no marvel that stories were coined as rapidly as they could be put into circulation. This, indeed, is the quality of all the evidence, from first . to last, against the Raja ; and, unhappily, the Go vernment of India, and the authorities at home; have been the dupes, whilst the Raja has been the victim, of such testimony." Again :—" No fiction was too gross to obtain the implicit belief, and enjoy the elaborate vin dication of the Indian Governments, whilst the most unwearying ingenuity wove a web of intrigue, which caught in its capacious folds, and converted into accom plices, the great States of Europe, the Pacha of Egypt, the venerable but insidious relic f Portuguese greatness at Goa, the deposed .and dependent Princes of India, the tribes of Arbusthan, the Raja of Nepaul, forsooth, and lastly, the maritime power of the Hubshee " Again :—" So far from leniency . and moderation, the terms submitted to the Raja were most harsh and op pressive. They could have been accepted only by con scious guilt or a debaSed spirit ; but. to a man who felt aggrieved, first by wrongs of which he had complained for years without redress, then by unjust charges ; and lastly, by the refusal of a fair trial, or ' any trial at all, it was a gross aggravation of the injuries inflicted upon him, to assume that he was guilty of ingratitude and treachery. The Raja's prompt and steady rejection of all terms, unless full op portunity had been given for the - vindication of his cha racter, even though that rejection involved the Tbrfeitiire of his' throne, is the strongest moral proof of-. the -Raja's innocence, worthy of his high and ancient lineage, and of universal respect and admiration." Finally—" A mass of fiction, as I verily believe, consisting of letters not proved to be authentic, of seals and ciphers forged, of oral evidence obtained under every suspicion of undue influence, of partnerships contracted with bankers and false entries made in their books—every artifice, in short, that the great cunning, great ability, deep personal inte rest, and inveterate hatred of Ballajee Punt Natoo , a nd his ignoble instrument, Appa Sahib, could employ, has been directed against the devoted Prince ; and these , on the other hand, have been assisted in their f a tal effects by the weak credulity of every member of the two Go vernments abroad." We have now arrived at the dethronement and banish ment of the Raja, and here I wish for a moment to fix your attention upon the recorded evidence to the -charac ter of the man who has been elevated to his throne, as the reward of having assisted the British Government in the ruin of his own brother. If there was nothing else to make him detestable, his admitted treason and his betrayal of his brother would be enough. The vakeels of the Raja,—the ex-Raja, writing to the Court of Direc tors, thus describe the man who had displaced- their Sovereign : " But independently of his Highness's sufferings, - we respectfully submit there are other grounds upon which the character of the British nation demands in quiry, with the view of ascertaining the principle of mo rality or justice by which it has elevated the present ruler of Sattara to a throne. The character of Appa Sahib has been long known to your Honourable Court ; it has been commented upon by your Governor-General, particularly exposed by Major Sutherland in his sketches, and equally described by General Lodwick, previously to those misunderstandings ; and lastly, he (Appa Sahib), acknowledged himself a conspirator, (against British power), to the same Colonel Ovans, who, as Sir James Carnac's informant, expressed a high opinion of this con fessed delinquent ; and notwithstanding General Lod wick's letters just referred to (which must stand amongst the Sattara papers), Colonel Ovans declares that, after a diligent search of these records, he finds nothing against Appa Sahib's character ;—inconsistencies only equalled by the fact, that the secret agencies which ruled the destinies of these two brothers, who were held' equally culpable in their alleged conspiracies against British power, had the effect of consigning the one from the throne of his ancestors to a prison, and of elevating the other from disreputable obscurity to a throne." We have better evidence still, however, in the shape of a letter from General Lodwick, to the Bombay Go vernment, in April, 1835. The following is an extract : " I have to observe, that Appa Sahib has long been separated from his wife, who is a most respectable per son. This lady does not even reside under her husband's roof, but in 'the palace of his Highness'the Baja. Appa Sahib has taken in her place a common prostitute, well known to Poonah, upon whom he lavished immense sums of money. The Raja, on the late marriage of his own daughter, endeavoured to persuade Appa Sahib to send this woman to Poonah, and advanced 3,000 rupees to sa tisfy her cupidity ; but when it came to the point, the attempt failed, and his Highneis very properly cancelled the order for the whole sum of money. " Since this transaction it has come to my knowledge, that Appa Saphib was suspected orreceiving bribes to a heavy amount, as Judge of the Adawlutt in which he presides. This I made known to his Highness, at a pri vate interview in December last, who replied that he had heard of the suspicion, and had endeavoured to as certain the proof, but without success. His Highness was unwilling to act decidedly without certain proof, out of regard to his brother, ' to whom he is warmly at tached, and whom he invariably mentions as his heir, though this is quite optional, as in default of a son to succeed, there is no bar to adoption. " With respect to the presumptuous claim to equal authority with his Highness the as sent forth in the third, fourth, and fifth paragraphs of Appa Sahib's memorandum, I can attribute it to nothing short of mental derangement, as his relative situation to the Raja has been fully explained to him, and the gratitude he owes to his brother for invariable kindness has been frequently pointed out. " In concluding, I request to be allowed to make his Highness the Raja acquainted with Appa Sahib's me morandum, in order to his meeting that punishment which is justly his due. I feel satisfied, frOm my knowledge of his Highness's character, that the punish ment will not bear a just proportion to the offence ; but should I be consulted on the occasion , documentalids.td_thlieb,l nnd in question proved to come from Appa be prepared to recommend Appa. Sahib's remova l f ro M the Adawlutt, and the approp ri a tion of a portion of his annual alloWance to the liquidation of his just debts— addmitted by his own statement to exceed the large sum of 175,900 rupees, and rapidly increasing." But we have General Lodwick's maturer opinion, after four years' additional experience. What said he in this house, during the former debate upon the Raja's case.— [Here Mr. Thompson quoted , from a printed report of o t strong gc crimes,] es,3 ex press Lodaic h k could iseen not tetnp fi t n e d f termseisluaraffi,:lit%eiellerlohtolsyf the Raja, who you e the debate- of 1840. The - extract stated that General character you addressed to w you have had yet t s h h n e e h n i t m i n s e n e d l f c iA a i p r a . b rr l e h e o n f i p t s h e e n e s r the man y se e l n e r c s te e d lve t s o d fi ese ll ri t h h e e , p in la t c h e e o l f et l t ii e n r i him in,1835,' on the 29th'of December - " Your Ilighness,—We have been highly gratified by ,the ilifornadticn from time to time transmitted to us by , our novernment, on the'subject of your Highness'sexem plary fulfilment of the duties of that elevated situation in .which it has pleased Providence to place you. " A course of conduct so suitable to your Highness's exalted station, and so well calculated to promote the prosperity of your dominions and the happiness of your people, as that which you have wisely and uniformly pursued, while it reflects the highest honour on your character,' has - imparted . to-our minds the feelings of un-. qualified satisfatition and pleasure. The liberality, also, which you hive' diiplaYed, 'in executing at your own cost various public works of great utility, and which has so justly raised your reputation in the eyes of the princes and people of India, gives you aft additional claim to our approbation, respect, and applause. " Impressed with. these sentiments, 'the Court of Di rectors 11 of the Etist India Company have unanimously re solved to transmit to you a sword, which will be pre sented to you through the Government of Bombay, and . which we trust you will receive with satisfaction, as a token of their high esteem and regard. " With sincere wishes for your health and prosperity, we subscribe ourselves, in the name of the Court, " Your Highness's most faithful friends, - • (Signed) "W. S. CLARKE, Chairman." Sir, may I not fitly say, " Look on this picture,and on this." But you say the Biqa has subsequently proved himself a traitor. I ask—Where is the evidence, and where the trial? In regard to trial, there has been none. He has been denied that which is granted to the most petty offender in this country. We have heard much of the Raja's guilt. We have the counts in his indict ment before us. We have what professes to be the evi dence of his guilt in our hands. We look at the charges. We admit their gravity. We do not ask that favour or clemency should be shown the accused. We only ask that the evidence shall be sufficient to sustain them ; and that the accused shall receive copies of the deposi tions against him—be confronted with his accusers—be permitted to cross-examine them, and be heard in expla nation and defence. How stands the matter with regard to the meanest delinquent in this country ? Take a case of assault and battery, or petty larceny? There is the exa mination before an independent and impartial Magistrate. Counsel is employed. Every witness is brought full into view—the evidence • is sifted—the deponents are cross examined—the defence is heard. Copies of all deposi tions arc furnished—the alleged offender is sent to take his trial. Then there is the Grand Jury, who may ig nore the bill—then the Petty Jury, who may be chal lenged—then a Judge, independent even of the Crown— then the eloquence of the pleader—then the exposition of the law—then the verdict of the Jury, and the pri soner has the benefit of the doubt. Thus are your own liberties guarded here. Has the Raja been so treated ? You are forced to answer, No. To this hour he has had no trial. He has been condemned unheard. Let me now put a few queries to those who have given their sanction to the dethronement of the unfortunate Raja ; and let me, at the same time, state the grounds on which I put these questions. Did not the British Government first violate the stipulations of the treaty of September 25, 1819, by depriving the Raja of his right of sovereignty over certain Jagheers ? To prove that they did, I would, were the power with me, summon in_o Court the truly-illustrious framer of that treaty — that first of living Indian statesmen—the Hon. Mount stuart Elphinstone. I would also put into the witness box the four successive Residents at the Raja's Court, all of them at this moment in England, and three of them in this Court,—Colonel Grant Duff, Major-General Briggs, General Robertson, and General Lodwick. Again, let me ask, if General Robertson did not, as early as the 31st of December, 1831, address a letter to the Bombay Government, informing them that the Raja had to contend with many enemies, particularly Bramins, in consequence of religious feuds, and the loss, or. the part of these Hindoo priests, of their pol itical power? On the commencement of proceedings against the Raja and his Minister, did not the Bombay Government prevent the Raja, then accused of attempts to weaken the alle giance of the native soldiers, from being assisted by counsel, or by his Vakeels, before the Commission then sitting--:-4 Commission composed altogether of British functionaries ? I shall here trouble the Court with an extract from the letter of Major-General Lodwick to the Court of Directors, commencing at the bottom of page 24 : " Early in the proceedings it became an important question how far the Raja should be made acquainted with the nature of the Commission. My colleagues urged me, as Resident, to request, or in other words, command his attendance in person, for by treaty he is bound to attend to the advice of the Resident on all oc casions. . . . " I objected, and proposed that the Commission, in a body, should wait upon his Highness ; and on this amendment being rejected, I entered a protest to the effect—` That as attending personally would tend to lower his dignity in the eyes of his subjects, I declined giving this advice to the Raja, in the character of Resi dent ; but that I would willingly attQnd him as one of the Commission, and offer him the option of attending personally, or by Vakeel or Counsel ;' adding that so long as his Highness was only under accusation, he could not be treated with too much attention or respect.' The point was referred for the decision of the Governor, who at once objected to his being assisted by Counsel." When the Supreme Government of India had granted permission to Dr. Milne to assist the Raja, did not the Bombay Government secretly intercept their communi- cations ? See the minute of the Governor of Bombay, subscribed by the Board, on page 277 of the first Blue Book, at the bottom ; also the grounds on which the. Baja was altogether deprived of the benefit of Dr. Milne's advice :—. " I am desired to state, with reference to the altered 'state of European, society, and to the freedom of access to this country now granted, that the policy may be ques tionable of discouraging respectable individuals like Dr. Milne, from undertaking the defence of natives of rank, who would probably be driven by such discouragement to resort to the,aid of adventurers, careless alike of the reputation of the accused, and of their own government." This is the Supreme Government. Now for the Bom bay authorities : " I have some doubts (says the Governor) of the expe diency of making this communication to Dr. Milne, since it will lead to his calling for the intercepted correspond ence, of which it would be highly undesirable he should at the 'present time be aware." A few days after the following minute is entered : "Dr. Milne may be informed that, under the instruc tions of the Governor General, and as a pensioner of the Honourable Company, he is to refrain from holding any communication, direct or indirect, with the Baja of Sat tara or with his agents." At this stage of the business letme be permitted to no tice the manner in which the Commission appointed to investigate the charge against the Raja of tampering with the Sepoys, set about their duty, and the manner in which they constituted themselves a Court of In quiry, and let me ask in this Commission whether such rules and maxims were observed as seemed to be required by the usages of the country and the laws which regu late intercourse between independent States. I go again to General Lodwick's letter, page 23.—(Here fol lowed the extract.) The Members of this Court will re collect the reference made by Mr. Lewis, during the de bate on the 23d, to the avowal of the Brahmin, that he was the author of the plot against the Raja, and that he. declared that, when casting about for the means of wreaking his vengeance on the Raja for not attending to a claim of 20/., heaven threw the Soobadars in his way. Now, I wish to inquire whether one of these Soobadars did not confess that he perjured himself in order to as sist in the plot, and whether, notwithstanding, he was not rewarded with rank and emolument ?—(Mr. Thomp son here quoted from Sir Robert Grant's mi nute of the 27th of April, 1837, and proceeded.) The next questions I have to propose have a slight re ference in one particular to a matter referred to yester day; but I shall make it for the purpose of exhibiting in one view several acts of a similar character. Ist, then, Did not the Bombay Government in their failure to con vict the Raja by the Commission, offer liberal pecuniary inducements to any persons who could supply evidence to establish his guilt ? 2dly. Did not the same Govern ment try to ensnare his Highness through the instru mentality of the Resident ? And 3dly, Did not the same Government purchase the principal evidence in the Goa case for 46/.7 Let us see. Minute of Sir R. Grant, 30th March, 1837, p. 76. General Lodwick's Letter, p. 19. Sir R. G.'s Minute, p. 163, par. 209, 210. (Mr. Thomp son cited General Lodwick's Letter, page 19, and Sir Robert Grant's Minute of 30th March, 1837. He then resumed.) Here I must revive the recollection of the Court to the facts proved yesterday; that, at the request of Col. Ovans, the Bombay Government placed the Raja's Minister in confinethent, without indictment and without trial, for a period of three years, in order to wring from his aged mother some statement prejudicial to the Raja, that she might thereby procure the release of her son. Here I refer to the unprinted letter of Colonel Ovans to the Bombay Government under date of June the 24th, 1837, and also to Colonel Lodwick. Did not the Government at Bombay remove Colonel Lod wick, the unwilling and repentant instrument in con demning the Raja, upon the plea of his having lost his influence over the Prince ; that the Raja was acting to tally independent. of treaty and of all control ? Did not the Government, in the same letter, express their desire to appoint one who should gain back the affections of the Prince ? And did they not then appoint Colonel Ovens the very man who had declared the Raja guilty ? Mr. Thompson quoted Sir Robert Grant's letter at full length, and then the explanation of General Lodwick as follows : " When the season of exchanging honorary dresses between the Governor and the Raja came round, and the latter sent his usual present to Sir Robert Grant, in compliance with the advice I had given him, on its being asked, lest his omitting to do so should be added to the catalogue of his other crimes—the opportunity of at once insulting. him and degrading me was eagerly seised upon.; and the letter and present, which it would have been most disrespectful in the Raja to omit sending, were returned. And when a large estate lapsed by the death of the Jagheerdar, who held it of the Raja on feu , dal tenure, the 'British Government took possession of it informally.- and in direct breach of the orders of your Honourable Court, which had admitted that such lapses must fall to the Raja, by the terms of the treaty. Such then were the measures which it was my fate to witness, and in which I was called on to take part ; and I must confess that I shall ever consider it an honour to have been found wanting i n the s tact and vigour, and dexterity , that would 'have made me an efficient instrument for the execution of purposes for which histofy ma y :, it is to be feared, affix a stigm a on the British name. Again :—" I reported to Govern ment that, after the departure of the two other Commis sioners, his Highness returned to the usual ialp i l o o f transacting business, by consult}}tiw Bekident on nll pcpasignS i 11)1d witli lus ilium spirit had again coin meneed'upon his public works, for the mutual benefit of the States ; and on the eve 'of my departu re , I i nformed Government, that in all affairs unconnected with the commission, the advice of the Resident had been attended to, and business transacted as hdretefo T t-.1 , t, , . - So much for the truth and sincerity of the Governor's . _ letter. Another question I would propound is this. Have not the Government violated the pledge which they gave the Raja, that if he would peaceably submit to dethrone ment, the whole of his private property should be se cured to him ? Have they not spoiled him of his cash, his jewels, his carriages, his flocks, and even a part of his wardrobe ? What says an Hon. Dire c t or , in his mi nute of dissent (Mr. Shepherd)?— " The Raja did submit peaceably ; and confiding in the assurances conveyed to him through the Resident, he left in the palace the whole of his treasure, and other property, wits the exception of the jewels belonging to his two ranees, estimated at the value of two lees, which they were permitted to take with them, and which the Court state that they were very properly allowed to retain. " The melancholy result of the Government's profes sions, and the Raja's eonfidence, has been the confiscation and transfer of the whole of his property to his successor. " The Court takes no notice of any of these. details, the despatch, as it now stands, simply approves of the rejection of the ex-Raja's claim, as being one not ordi narily recognised in Native States,' and that, therefore, the property has been rightly adjudged to the present. Raja. I am not prepared from personal knowledge to con trovert what is here alleged to be the ordinary usage in Native States, but the result of my inquiries of gentle men who have filled high and responsible situations in India under the Company, justifies me in questioning it; certain I am, however, that no such usage can be esta blished without resolving itself into an act of oppression and spoliation—the simple principles of justice cannot be destroyed by any precedent whatever. The Raja was to be treated as an object of sympathy, not of punish ment.' He received also the pledge of the Governor, that his private property should not be interfered with • can any usage or precedent justify the breach of thi s promise ? " But to return to the ground assumed by the Bombay Government, that the whole of the property was State property. Had, then, the Raja no private property what ever ? " I have quoted the Advocate-General's opinion on that point, and I would now request particular attention to the Resident of Sattara's letter dated the 28th Sept. 1839, which states there were about seven lacs of rupees in hard cash, and about seven or eight loos' worth of jewels and other valuables in the palace. Irithe eleventh paragraph of ids letter he says, the whole of this pro perty is claimed by the ex-Raja, but Appa Sahib Maha raj (his successor) maintains, that about five or six lacs of the money is State property, and private property be longing to him, and also about two lacs' worth of jewels, and that the remainder only belongs to the ex-Raja and the ladies of his family.' " Here we have the express admission of the validity of the ex-Raja's claims from the party most interested in opposing them. He who was to be the possessor of all the property that could be designated State property, reluctantly admits that the remainder,' amounting to about two lacs of hard cash, and six lacs' worth of jewels, belonged to the ex-Raja, and the ladies of his family." Thus we find that by one act of spoliation the Raja was deprived of about 80,000 L's worth of his private property, according to the testimony of Appa Sahib. When the dethroned Prince was on his way into exile, was not his earnest request for a few days' halt, during the accouchement of his cousin and companion's wife, denied him ? Was not Balla Sahibi Senaputteee suf fered to die in his palankeen, and were not all the Royal entreaties for a halt and assistance sternly refused ? Mr. Thompson here quoted a political despatch of the Court of Directors, pige 388, and said, "We have now, Sir, reached the sad and fatal sequel of our story. I shall now retire to make way for others, .who may easily evince more ability then I have done in the conduct of this case, but cannot :eel more zeal, or a more intense anxiety, that the decision of this Court may be such as will do credit to the profession which it makes of attachment to the welfare of the natives of India. I will put it to Honourable Directors whether, after the signal exposure of the worthlessness of every part of the evidence upon which the charges against the Raja are founded, they can still believe him guilty, un less they have evidence behind of which we know nothing. If, in their consciences, they believe him not guilty, then I implore them to do him justice, and to do him justice speedily. Should justice be denied here, it will assuredly be brought elsewhere. It will be brought in that Assembly which has clothed this Court with power, and are bound to see that it is not abused." The Hon. Proprietor concluded with a fervent appeal to the Court, and took his seat amidst loud cheering. Mr. HENRY ST. GEORGE TUCKER, a Director, said he had already had an opportunity of recording his delibe rate opinion upon the question, at a time when he had came fresh from the examination of the papers relating to it; and anything he might now say could give little additional weight or force to what he had then done. But pn the present occasion he was called upon to vote, and he wished to state his reasons for the vote he was about to give. His dissent had been alluded to by seve ral Hon. Gentlemen, and one in particular had done him the honour of spending a good deal of time in comment ing upon it. It was, however, now upon record, and let it be taken, valeat quantum. He wished to offer his sentiments upon the subject now as briefly as might be, in order to bring the Court to a calm and dispassionate consideration of the question before them.—(Hear, hear.) He feared the Court had been led away in some degree by the impassioned eloquence of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down.—(Hear, hear.) He regretted that that Hon. Gentleman had brought so much of that fervid eloquence which belonged to him to the present question, because when they were acting in their, i iudicial capacity they should act with calmness. His opinion of a judicial functionary was, that he should render him self almost a living automaton, moved by no compassion, no feelings, and no prejudices.—(Cheers.) He would not now go into the merits of the case, which had been most fully discussed in that Court for the last two days ; but he should place the whole merits of the question, and everything connected with it, upon the amnesty that had been tendered upon the last hour by the late Gover nor of Bombay to the ex-Raja of Sattara. Had the Governor been under the impression that the Raja was guilty of these crimes, it would have been his duty to withold any such amnesty. The terms were, "If you acknowledge yourself guilty, we shall treat you as an innocent man ; but if you persist in asserting your innocence we shall visit you with the severest punishment of guilt." Now, he believed that the refusal of the Raja to subscribe to these terms was the strongest proof of his innocence. —(Cheers.) The opinions of Lord Auckland had been quoted, but he (Mr. Tucker) could quote his opinion in 1837, where he treats the accusation as a petty and obscure intrigue. He would now, however, come to the simple question before the Court. The motion of the Hon. Gentleman might be divided into two parts. In the first place, there was an averment of certain facts, and in these he should concur, although not perhaps in the same language. The second division of his motion went to propose the appointment of a Commission. Now he would read a few propositions which he had put down in order that he might be precise, and it would show how far he would go if it were thought advisable to modify the motion. His first resolution was, that the Court, after a careful review of all the proceedings in the case of the ex-Raja of Sattara, was of opinion that no crime or political offence justly involving the position of the Prince, or the confiscation of his private property, had been esta blished.--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") That was his decided conscientious conviction as a public functionary. He had carefully reviewed all the papers, and that was his deliberate conclusion. His second proposition was that that opinion was confirmed by the fact that at the last hour the Government of Bombay tendered to his Highness the ex-Raja of Sattara a general amnesty for his past conduct, from which it might clearly be inferred that it was not of a very dangerous character, and not such as would call for the penalty of deposition, or the confiscation of his personal property.—(Hear, hear.) His third proposition was, that that Court considered all the private property held by natives of India to be under the protection of the law, and that they could not be deprived of it otherwise than by the judgment of a Court of competent jurisdiction.---t Cheers.) The' Raja was in possession of that property, and he contended that they had no right to deprive him of it. He would re mind the Court that Lord Cornwallis established Courts of Justice in India to maintain the rights of native sub jects and the rights of personal property in every in stance whatsoever. With that part of the question, there fore, he had no hesitation in dealing. But with regard to the latter part it appeared to him to be surrounded with a great deal of difficulty. The appointment for a Commission was proposed. A Commission had been an pointed, and what had been the result ? Ex-past e l', 0 +- dence had been received, but there had b een not hi ng l e lte out hi s satisfy his (Mr. Tucker's) mind of th e Raja's— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Now he mit e . it was for those who accused the Raj a to nded that make guilt ; and that, in his opinion, had not be ill fact, a Commission would n _ mear ommission to try was not called upon to prove a nezative, done. Ile could nhoetarptce In his opinion the appointznent a CA :::(1 1 -ear, hear.) be nugatory ; it would be e , ourt. That te the was j a udg s r ta e a n t t lea of ia tha w t bieh they Company or the Beard of C onti . been errors on the other side, Contr ol, h T e h ( e la re r u: Th ay have might might have erred ; but he regret that the Hon. Gen tleman who had lasts pok e honourable feeling,—(Cheers.). there was on that side orthe should have fancied that Tihnetererems-tas— interest—painful and romantic ar any want of proper and a to r Lm nd uch th o e f whole case, and it should the Hon. Gentleman, not have been enhanced by who could not forget that the Directors were the sworn instruments of justice, and had decided accordi ng to the best of their abilities.—(Hear, hear.) The former Commission had failed, and there fore the prop os i t i on would have been nu , gatory. It would end in nothing, and would merely excite fallacious hopes In the minds of the Raja and his friends. There were some very sensible observations of Sir James Car nac's, tending to show the practical difficulties in the way of forming such a Commission, which would be found in page 289 " The ditlieultles in the way of the course first referred to appear to me very great. There is no ordinary tribunal to which the Raja could be made amenable, and a special one must be organised, for the purpose pf investigating the charges against him, if they are to be investigated. " A Commission has been proposed, and the expe diency has neon *uggestod, of selecting its members from the Other Presidencies, excluding altogether persons serving under this Government. I think that, proces(l, ing to subject the Raja to trial by a Commissien would be a course very much open to suspicion and u th re p re . sentation, however that Commission Melt be constituted. I know that, from Ow civil and military services of lie difficulty whatever in sele , India thw Ayala no , - would perform their auV vtthout (icommitaners who . I regard to anything but justice ;but need us 4 add, that in the conduct of States, as of indisidsi4,,it is most im portant not only to avoid Amy; to Make this avoid ance apparent , and to placf t Ca,araeter of the State for integrity iknsl gwq f 0 1.; 'beyond the possibility of clues 11 : t , vox this reason I should desire, if practicable, to avoid the Frip,,l v f an issue, in which the British Govern- EVENING- SUN. ment is a party, before a tribunal which must, of neces-.. ,S rf .Iv : sity, be composed of its own servants." - f , ' , 'S . '- 1 - - -s-- - Now he did not know what authority they had to try - -i . . , 1: --:-= -.1.5 an acknowledged Prince. He saw great di ffi culties, there--2 , 7 .44-,sy _ ..., ' ) fore, in the way of any such proceeding, for all that hadr. , siiliF4-." .. ' been done had been done according to law. The Act ; \A'-,, -s.C-11,:i-lr..:: s.,_ e was final, end could not be revised by that Court. lie :=7-,* - '•:":"F : it- - Tir 4 . 2.4 trusted, therefore, the Gentleman who had brought for< .'• - 17Ir -= - --_i:- ward the motion would , consider how far it might bew a ,„,„ judicious to persevere in it, because it was obviou s ly im- ''LL vci-RAtag practicable, - and could do no good to the cause of the Raja, whose case had excited so much interest.—(Hear, hear.) His proposition, although not free from objection, would be this, and he made it the more reluctantly, be cause he felt it would be attended with some public in convenience. That the Court strongly recommended to the Directors that steps be immediately taken to restore to the ex-Raja of Sattara the jewels, family treasure, and property arising out of his income, which on his de position was unadvisedly made over to his brother, the present Raja.—(Hear, hear.) Wheu the proposition for making over that propertywas brought forward, he (Mr. S.) had not the honour of a seat in the Council, or he should have concurred most cordially in the protest of his Hon. Friend. His last proposition was, that the Court being of opinion that the ex-Raja had been deprived of his property on insufficient grounds, would earnestly recommend to the Court of Directors to take into its favourable consideration the propriety of restoring him to his rights and dignities, should any suitable occasion arise either by the death of the present Raja or other wise, and, in the event of want of heirs the succession might be secured to the ex-Raja as the elder branch of the family and his lawful heirs.(Hear hear.) Some thing of that kind was held out by Sir lames Carnac in his minute, which would be found in page 309: " Finally, I have been supported in the view I have taken of this case, by the consideration that if it is deemed erroneous by the superior authorities who will have to judge of it., the course of events will, in all human pro bability, afford a fair opportunity, in a few years, of rec tifying what may be deemed erroneous.. „Neither the Raja about to be deposed, nor his brother who is to be substituted in his place, have any children and, at their advanced period of life, it is not very likely that they will hereafter have any, and I know of no other party who can claim the succession by hereditary right. It follows, therefore, that on the demise of the new Raja, the Setters state would lapse to the British Govern ment ; unless, indeed, it shall be then judged expedient to allow this line of Princes to be continued by the Hindoo custom of adoption." He regretted that Sir James Carnac did not leave the question of succession open, that instead of elevating to it the brother of the ex-Raja, lie did not leave it to the public authorities of that country, who, his treason being decided upon, would have named his successor. Had that been done, the authorities in that House and the Commissioners for the affairs of India would have had it in their power either to replace the Raja if he were found innocent, or make some other arrangement, but unfortunately the door had been shut by the elevation of the brother of the Raja. He considered the elevation of the present Raja as a most unfortunate step, and one which constituted the great difficulty of the case, as in consequence of that step almost any remedial measure which the Court might adopt would subject them to the ' charge of inconsistency. His opinion was well known, he had expressed it before, and it was that the Raja was deposed on insufficient grounds. On the mode of remedying that evil, be did not profess himself compe tent to decide. He had merely thrown out these pro positions as suggestions which had occurred to him as the least objectionable mode of remedying those incon veniences, of setting the honour of the Raja right in the eyes of his countrymen, and of doing justice to them selves.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WEEDING was not surprised at. the opinion ex- I pressed by the Hon. Director, because, if he •recollected right, similar opinions had been expressed by that Hon. Gentleman in 1840. Hon. Gentlemen had called out for justice to the Raja. He begged of them to do justice to those who differed in opinion with them, and to do jus tice to the dead.—(Hear, hear.) He called upon theta to do justice to the connection of that great empire with England, and to do justice to the beneficial results or. that connection, the civilization and happiness of ro an The Hon. Gentleman who had spoken 184 but one had taunted the Deputy-Chairman with eAtacking the rights of that Court, because he reminded the Court that if the Court of Directors and the Board of Control had decided on any subject the discussion of that subject afterwards in that Court could lead to no practical. re sult, and that as the decision in political affairs, was not vested in that Court, the agitation of such subjects un advisedly might lead to an interference- with their privi liges by the Senate of England ; but "what did the Hon. Gentleman himself say shortly afterwards ? Had , he not attacked the rights of the Court ? Did he not say that if he could not get justice there he would go else where ? Was not that telling them that their councils. were of no avail ? It was saying that if the majority-„ however large, did not come to the conclusion in which the minority, however small, might concur, that minority would go elsewhere to seek to attain its ends.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that that was an act of presumption, which ought to be condemned by the Court. He was astonished to hear the taunts of the lion. Gentleman to the Deputy-Chairman. Thelon. Gentleman had brought accusations against every one who differed in . opinion. with him. The authorities at house, the Governor-Ge neral of India, Lord Auckland, Mr. Wilberforce BirA, and the Government of Bombay, were all accused oi in justice by the Hon. Gentleman ; and all he did to sup port these accusations was to refer to authorities, which authorities he (Mr. Weeding) took the liberty of gain saying. The Hon. Gentleman mainly relied on Mr.. Shakespear, Mr. John Forbes, and General Lodwick. He was sorry to say that General Lodwick, whose letter e had been read to the Court, and who had hppn ae -bhp. ; time the Resident at Sattara, had tided in a way which he hoped no public officer in India would imitate ; and he trusted that General Lodwick would not act in such a way again. The Hon. Gentleman referred to the opinion, of Mr. Shakespear, with respect to the communica tions with Goa, to those with the Raja of Nagpoee,, and to the Soubadars. Had the Honourable Gen- tleman read the statement of Mr. Shakespear's opinion on the question of the Soubadars ? Mr. Shakspear suggested to Lord Auckland the pro priety of further inquiry on the subject. If papers were produced they were objected to, and if the evidence of accomplices was given, then it was said they were pri soners, and gave their evidence to recover their liberty, so that they would allow no evidence whatever, but would asperse all the witnesses who came forward against the Raja. Why should they doubt th e ev id ence o f the Soubadar. He was an unwilling witness, and there could be no reason to suppose he intended to deceive. Om the subject of the guilt of the Raja, he would refer to Sir Robert Grant's minute of the sth of May—a minute drawn up with the greatest statesmanlike pains ar,d care by Sir Robert Grant, and after reading whit},, it was impossible to resist the conviction of the guilt of the Raja, if the subject was approached without pt•ejudice. Gentlemen had mixed up a great variety of topics with this question, but the proper question on which to ask the judgment of the Court. was, if the Raja were guilty or not guilty. Two questions had been mixed up with this, first, if the Commission of Inquiry ought to have been issued, or were properly constituted and, secondly, if the amnesty ought to have b een offered by Sir James Carnac. That offer of an amnesty had been assumed as a ;proof of the Raja's innocence. But he (Mr. Weeding) thought that a most mode of reasoning. Let them see what an unjust judg ment they were forming of the conduct of Sir James, Carnac. It is, in fact, stating that while Sir James Carnac declared the Raja of Sattara to be innocent he proclaimed him guilty. He could not believe Sir James Carnac guilty of such conduct, and the offer of the am nesty originated in a much higher motive. It had been said, why, if he believed him guilty did he offer to re instate him in powe r ? H e (Mr. Weeding) thought the offer of the amnesty was wrong. He thought the Raja ought to have been immediately deposed. But it was evident that Sir James Canute proposed the amnesty, because he compassionated the Raja's imbecility. Sir James Carnac said we have it in our power to fence anal preserve our own safety, by putting the Raja into lead ing-string?, so that he shall have no chance of rest'm. lag his criminal intrigues, and then mercy may be ex tended to him. Some gentlemen-considered that o,e at tempts of the Raja, even if proved, were of so rraerile a nature as to b e t o t a ll y un d eserv ing of notice. But at tempts of this nature, p u erile as they might seem, in India es p ec i a ll y were to b e f ea red ; and e'a this subject he would read them a short pass a g e from.the minute of Sir lioberi, Grant, page 446 af the printed papers " The Raja of Sattara is feeble as a statesman, and his talents for intrigue be contemptible; yet a con lectureil may . hie his power to injure us would is possible, in be great. Let us s uppose for example, that one of his; criminal speculations were realized, and that an army of continental Europeans were on our northern frontier. It might, in that case , make t ' the most serious difference, whether the compact territory of Sattara, occupying as it does the heart of t he Deccan,- and between traversed by some of the principal li nes of communication different; portions of our territolies, was in our own hands, or ins those of a secret but determined enemy. I pause not to consider for what good purpose such an arrangement of things is to be mrintained, or tfi what extent the object or iginally aimed at by the erelt.ion, of this subo r di nate. power, w hich was that of concwating the Mah ra t ta race, is likely to be answered, when . .the • very instrument, of' conciliation is our bitter foe; but I may be allowed to ask, whether, as iulers of India, our means are so great, our expenses so light, and our task so easy, that we can afford gratuitously to add to our difficulties, by entruFA ing a considerable portion of the resources, on whiell we ought to be able to rely, to the keeping of confessed trai tors, and to comfort ourselves with the reflection that their treachery is neutralized by their imbecility ?" There could be no doubt but that, 'ale affair of the amnesty could not be considered as having been made in consequence of any doubt as to.. the' R a j a ' s guilt, but solely out of compassion to the imixollitv of his .mind.. If he were asked if Sir James Ca-mac used good policy in proposing the amnesty, he should say that he hart not ; that it was a mistake., and that no amnesty ought to have been offered, /a his opinion, the territory of Sattara ought to haw been resumed at once. He agreed with Mr. MorCo.s - ou on that head, that such a course of proceedintik would have been less injurious to the people of Satttars, and better for' our own Government. Bat. OW was Lot th'jn the question. It had been offered, bur.; it bad treen offered from motives of clemency merely. It harl, 'however, been rejected, and the Raja had been re moved, and in removing the ex,Raja of Setters he con sidered that they had only done that justice to India which it was their duty to- do. It would be a sad thing to have another per spring up in the centre of India„ deplorable not only on account of the loss of our owns subjects which it would naturally entail, but on account; of the interruption it would give to the civilization of the East. He would ask the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last but one, do the papers contain sufficient evidence of the Raja's guilt ? To that question he (Mr,Weedin g ) would say " Yes, uponmy honour?' , Th d - Ilon. Gentle man had said that Burke had appealed elsewhere for that justice which had been denied him by that Court.