The Sun. — London, England, 1867-03-22 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS.—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PETITIONS The Marquis of WESTMEATH presented two petitions against the sale of spirituous liquors on the Sunday, from Kilkenny, in Westmeath, Ireland. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Bishop Wearmouth Rectory Bill and the Dartford Gas Bill were read a third time. THE TRADES' UNION BILL. On this bill being brought up for recommitment, Earl DE GREY and RIPON said that he wished to ask what would be the manner of the appointment of those persons who were to conduct the inquiry. According to the view which he had taken of the clauses, the real decision in this question would be in the hands of the barristers who would have to conduct the inquiry. He considered that persons conducting the inquiry ought to be appointed by the Secretary of State and not by the commissioners. He also desired to be informed as to the machinety of the bill. He objected to the second clause entirely, and designated the whole measure as highly dangerous, and likely to create an innovation. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the preamble of the bill showed that a commission had been already issued to inquire into the organization of Trades' Unions and to investigate into any acts of outrage or harm which had lately occurred. After a few remarks from Lord CRANwouTH, The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the bill was framed rather to meet the case of the outrage at Sheffield than the general question of trades unions. Lord ST. LEONARDS, who was almost inaudible, was understood to approve of the general clauses of the bill, and to state that in such a particular case as that of the outrage at Sheffield, such an enormity as that was required that a measure like the present should be brought in, in order that there might be a fair adjustment of the matters in dispute between the two parties. It would lead to an inquiry in all cases where there was alleged outrage or wrong. These miserable strikes, which had injured the people and the commerce of the country, would not occur, or would be adjusted. (Hear, hear.) Lord BELMORE said that this commission was not only granted oo the application of the inhabitants of Shef field, but at the request of the trades union itself. It was the object of the commission to inquire into any alleged injury which might affect the working classes in opposition to the oppression of the masters. He considered that the re port of the barristers should go directly to the Commons, and not through the Secretary of State as suggested by the noble earl opposite. With regard to the pay of these barristers he supposed that this would be arranged according to the usual method in which such arrangements were generally made. Earl GRANVILLE said that he did not entirely ap prove of the clause which they were required to sanction, and that a great amount of evil would be done if they did so. The Earl of BELMORE did not think that a great amount of evil would be done ; on the contrary, that a great deal of good would result from this inquiry. Lord CRANWORTH said that it was perfectly right to institute an inquiry into such an outrage as that at Shef field, but he objected to enforcing a penal inquiry after wards. The first and second clauses were then carried. The remaining clauses were agreed to, and the bill was reported to the house. The Recovery of Certain Debts (Scotland) Bill and the Ilypotbec Amendment (Scotland) Bill passed through committee. Tho Duty on Dogs Bill was read a third time. The house then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. The Right Hon. T. L. CORRY took the oath and his seat for Tyrone. THE REFORM BILL, Sir G. BOWYER gave notice that in the event of the Reform Bill passing a second reading he should move to omit all clauses depriving boroughs of a portion of their representation. FLOGGING IN THE ARMY. Mr. OTWAY gave notice that in committee on the mutiny bill he should move the omission of clause 22, in order to enable the Government to introduce a clause in accordance with the vote of the house come to with re spect to the abolition of flogging iu the army. CHURCH RATES. Mr. HARDCASTLE gave notice that he should post pone the motion on the abolition of church rates until the Bth of May. JAMAICA. In reply to Mr. BuxToN, Mr. AD DERLEY said the Government had strictly ful filled all the promises made in July last, and if with ina dequate results it was owing to the want of power. The Government had done all that was possible to redress what had occurred, and had issued regulations to prevent a re currence of such calamities for the future. Papers had been laid on the table which would give in detail the steps taken. With respect to the acts of the naval officers, the Admiralty, considering they bad been sanctioned by their superiors in command, had not felt it necessary to institute ulterior proceedings. MEXICAN BONDHOLDERS. Mr. IL LEWIS asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether information had reached him from the British representative at Mexico that the French authori ties, who had assumed the administration of the Custom House at Vera Cruz had refused to allow the agent to receive the 23 per cent. hypothecated to the Mexican bondholders, and had remitted the funds set apart for them to the Mexican Financial Commission ; and, whether he would apply to the French Government for the remit tance to London of the 25 per cent. now in the hands of the Mexican Financial Commission due to the bond holders ? Lord STANLEY said no such information had been re ceived by the Government. THE CASE OF MR. CHURCHWARD. Mr. Sergeant GASELEE asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the Lord Chancellor bad revoked tho appointment of Mr. Churchward as a magistrate at Dover, Mr. WALPOLE said he hoped the hon. and learned gentleman would see the propriety of his refusing to answer the question until the answer of her Majesty had been received to the address which had been agreed to by the house. THE TORNADO. Sir R. COLLIER asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if be had received copies of the depositions of the crew of the Tornado, sworn before the British con sul at Cadiz on the 23d February last; and, if so, whether he would lay them upon the table of the house. Lord STANLEY said they had not yet been received, but as soon as they arrived they would be laid on the table of the house. THE ARMY SANITARY COMMISSION. Sir G. STUCLEY asked the Secretary of State for War what was the name and date of the appointment of the civilian member of the army sanitary committee referred to in vote 17, army estimates ; why, with his travelling expenses, he received £1,200 per annum ; and why a medical officer of the army could not perform the duties required from such civilian practitioner ? Sir J. PAKINGTON said the name of the gentleman was Dr. Sutherland; his salary was £l,OOO a year. Ho was appointed by Lord Panmure, and, :although a medi cal officer in the army, could certainly perform the duties ; yet, as the gentleman acting was a person of the highest talent and capability, it would be unjust to deprive him of his appointment. REWARDS TO INVENTORS. Sir G. STUCLEY asked the Secretary of State for War how he proposed to divide the sum of .£22,800 as a reward to inventors, and who were the inventors to be rewarded ? Sir J. PAKINGTON said nothing had been decided until the amount to be awarded to Major Palliser had beeu decided upon. THE REFORM BILL. Mr. H. VIVIAN asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether a forty shilling freeholder, residing on his own freehold within a borough, and paying rates, would not become a borough voter, and thereby lose his county qualification under the proposed Reform Bill ? _ . —.... The CtIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said if he dwelt in his own house, subject of course to the regula tions of the existing law. Mr. GLADSTONE asked the following questions:- 1. Whether the conditions of voting in boroughs, so far as they are affected,by the bill of the Government, are to be the same for occupiers of the value of £lO and upwards as they aro for occupiers under £lO ; and if not, in what respect they differ ? 2. Whether it is intended by the bill that the occupier franchise in boroughs, which now depends upon the occupation of any house, warehouse, counting house, shop, or other building, is henceforth to depend upon the occupation of dwelling-houses exclusively. 3 . Whether the total number of male occupiers, stated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his speech on Monday. consists exclusively of the occupiers of dwelling-houses? 4. Whether her Majesty's Government will lay upon the table their estimate of the number of voters to be enfran chised under the several clauses of the bill, together with the data, so far as they think fit, on which such estimates aro framed? 5. Whether the occupier claiming to be re gistered underclause 34,when the composition, or other re duced rate on the premises has been duly paid by the land lord, must, in order to be registered, pay the difference be tween such reduced rate and the rate which would have been chargeable upon him if he had been directly rated? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the first two questions were founded upon a misapprehension of the character of the measure. It was merely a supple mentary one, and did not interfere with the privileges under the" act of 1832, therefore the conditions were not the same. With respect to residen ial qualification, they had followed the precedent laid down in the bill introduced by Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell in 1854. The bill proposed a resi dential qualification of two years, and therefore they had adopted it. The bill of the Government preserved all the privileges of the Act of 1832. The words dwelling house had been introduced into the measure because it was deemed sufficient, the words "other buildings" being thought likely to lead to fraud. With reference to the number of voters, on Saturday a return would be in the hands of members with respect to the savings banks and minor qualifications; but as regarded the statistics of the entire number of voters, it would be quite impossible to produce them without incurring great expense, and then they would scarcely be produced in time to be of service. Mr. GLADSTONE asked another question with respect to the compound householders. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said hi would become entitled to the franchise upon being called upon to pay the same rates as his neighbours, otherwise an injustice would be committed, and nothing applied to the £5 unless expressed in the bill. REFORM BILL FOR SCOTLAND. Sir R. ANSTRUTHER asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to introduce a bill for the reform of the re presentation in Scotland in the present session ; and, if so, when the bill would be laid upon the table ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was the intention of the Government after the holidays to in troduce a bill to increase the representation in Scotland. RAILWAY COMPANIES. Mr. EDWARDS asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention had been called to the serious finan cial embarrassments in which many of the railway com panies of this country were at present involved in conse quence of tho recent decision as to the validity of deben tures as security; whether any applications had been made to the Government for relief, and with what result ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said his at tention had been called to the subject, and applications had been made to the Government. He declined to state the names of the companies making the application—first, because the communications were confidential, and se condly because the application hal not been acceded to. REFORM FOR IRELAND. Mr. C. FORTESCUE asked whether it was intended to introduce a measure of Reform for Ireland ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied in the affirmative. THE REFORM BILL. Mr. Sergeant GASELEE gave notice that, in the event of the Reform Bill being read a second time, he should move a clause in committee to the effect that all boroughs with a population of less than 5,000 should be dis franchised. ADMIRALTY APPOINTMENTS. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. HANBURY-TRACY rose to call the attention of the house to one of the recent promotions made by the pre sent Board of Admiralty, and to move that the promotion by the First Lord of the Admiralty of a junior lieutenant in the navy, without any special or distinguished service, over the heads of hundreds of m3ritorious lieutenants senior to him in the service, is prejudicial to the public interest. Sir J. PAKINGTON was bound to believe that the hon. gentleman was animated solely by patriotic feeling for the interest of the navy in the course he was pursuing; but was sorry that feeling did not equally influence him a short time ago. The charge made was that he (the right hon. baronet) promoted a lieutenant of five years and eight months' service to the rank of commander, he being Lieutenant Yorke, the son of the Earl of Hardwicke. The Duke of Somerset while in office promoted the son of Sir J. Graham after five years and two months' service, the son of Sir Charles Wood (now Lord Halifax) after five years and two months' service, and the son of the Earl of Munster, the Hon. George Fitzclarence, after four years and eleven months' service respectively, from the rank of lieutenant to the rank of commander. Whatever may be the iniquity of the promotion of Lieutenant Yorke, these cases were worse. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) They were all officers of good service and unexceptionable character, but without special distinction, and of shorter service. (Hear, hear.) But no member on this side of the house made any complaint. (Hear, hear.) Provided their character was good, their service honourable, and desirable as it is admitted to be to introduce new blood into the higher ranks of the navy, he was not the man to say that the public services of Sir J. Graham and Sir C. Wood were to be disregarded, and was the last man to complain of the promotions. The only complaint ever made against the Duke of Somerset's promotions was that he did not make enough of this kind. (Laughter, and hear, hear.) He ad hered to promotion by seniority more than the interests and the service justified. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and gallant admiral on the opposite side of the house (Admiral Erskine) knows that young blood ought to be introduced and young men promoted. Men tread on dangerous ground when they draw distinctions between one young officer of good character and another; and there is reason to com plain of the manner in which this promotion has been picked out for animadversion. On the same day when it was made four others were made. Lieut. Fitzmaurice, who had been selected for promotion by the Duke of Somer set, was promoted because it would have been hard that he should lose his rank on account of the accident of a change of Government. (Hear.) The others were gentlemen whose names ho did not know, also selected for their character and reputation. The language of the notice of motion will give an erroneous impression to the public, which does not understand, as the hon. gentleman does, that in every case of promotion from the rank of lieutenant numbers of meri torious eases must be passed over. For this reason the Duke of Somerset a year ago introduced regulations by which provision was made for the retirement of lieutenants at a certain age and under certain circumstances, as some compensation for the impossibility of their promotion. (Hear, hear.) Admiral ERSKINE concurred in the right hon. baro net's opinion that promotion in the navy should not be sys tematically by seniority. If it were a stagnant feeling would be produced ; the best men would not be promoted, and responsibility would be removed from the person who makes the promotions. (Hear, hear.) But he did not agree with the right hon. baronet as to the question by whom the patronage should be exercised. Several years ago the right hon. baronet gave the opinion that promotions now made by flag officers and " board promotions" should be placed in the hands of the First Lord of the Admi ralty. But the possessor of political power is not neces sarily the best judge in these cases. The late Duke of Wellington was of opinion that it was much better that promotion should come to an officer from a man who is obliged to expose him to danger and subject him to dis cipline. Even the right hon. baronet has shown no indis position to employ officers promoted by flag officers. He appointed Sir J. Hope, Sir C. Fremantle, and himself (Ad miral Erskine). For the latter he had always felt grateful to the right hon. baronet. (Laughter.) Each of these had been promoted to flag lieutenant by a flag officer in com mand, and under whom they served. If every promotion would stand a test with these, little would be heard of dis content in the navy. (Hear, bear.) Mr. LEFEVRE complained that the right hon. baronet had not given notice of his intention to justify the promo tion of Lieut. Yorko by those made by the Duke of Somer set. Lieut. Wood was flag lieutenant under Sir B. Walker, recommended by the latter for promotion when he struck his flag; but he served afterwards in the Excellent, in order to complete his three years' service at sea as a lieute nant before promotion to the rank of commander. No doubt the other case can be equally explained. After this discus sion he hoped the motion would not be pressed. Mr. W. R. DUFF said Lieut. Fitzelarence had been flag lieutenant to Admiral Smart before his promotion. The reply of the right hon. baronet will not be satisfactory to the profession, though it may be very well from a party point of view. Mr. AYRTON said ho had served on the committee on naval commissions, and rigidly examined the Duke of So merset on promotions of this kind. The Duke of Somerset laid down the principle of seniority as prevailing in the navy, qualified at times by the selection of younger officers, either for superior fitness or on special recommendations, which could be quoted as grounds of promotion. This sys tem the committee accepted as satisfactory. But the right hon. baronet admits that ho had no special grounds for this promotion, except the fact that this gentleman was the son of a noble lord, and a political friend of his own ; and he laid down the principle that the First Lord of the Admi ralty is entitled to make every fifth promotion according to his own pleasure, apart from considerations of the interest of the navy. Sir J. PAKINGTON—I laid down no such doctrine. (Hear, hear, and Oh.) Mr. AYRTON said that the right hon. baronet did worse than lay down such a doctrince, because he justified him self on grounds based on that doctrine. (Hear, hear.) He did worse than enunciate the theory; he carried it out in practice. (Hear, hear.) If the First Lord of the Admiralty is to set an example of making selections from personal friendship and political considerations, how can we expect that admirals of stations will not make similar selections ? (Hear, hear.) This is a proceeding very pernicious in its character, and it is the duty of the house to express itself decisively on this question. (Hear, hear.) Mr. B. COCHRANE said, as fur as he could understand the objections taken to this appointment, it was the gen tleman is the son of the Earl of Hardwicke. Mr. AI:RION—I spoke entirely without reference to his being the son of anybody. (Laughter.) Mr. B. COCHRANE said if the gentleman had not been the sou of the Earl of Hardwick° the house would not have heard of the subject. (Oh, oh.) Mr. CHILDERS suggested that a motion should be made for a return of the services of Lieuts. Wood, Graham, Fitzclarence, and Yorke, and of therecommendations and rules under which they were promoted. (Hear, hear, and No, no.) Sir J. HAY was assured there would be no objection to give such papers. It is an advantage to have young officers promoted from time to time; for if the principle of se niority were invariably followed, an officer who is made a lieutenant at 21 would be 50 before he could be a captain, ana 70 before he could be an admiral. There is no feeling of jealousy in the navy whoa the son of a distinguished person is promoted to the rank of ccuitnander, when no THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EYEMNG, MARCH 22, 1867. other officers of the same rank and standing have higher claims. Lord Hardwicke, an old and distinguished ad miral, and a former colleague of the right hon. baronet, had such a claim to consideration. (Oh.) I find that Lieut. Wood did not serve his time as a flag-lieutenant, and, therefore, he was promoted contrary to the re gulations, but on the merits of the distinguished nobleman whose son he was. (Laughter.) He (Sir John Hay) could bear testimony to the merits of both Lieutenants Wood and Yorke, who were midshipmen of his. When the papers are laid on the table it will bo seen that the right hon. baronet's promotion was perfectly fair and reasonable. Mr. GLADSTONE—This question has assumed an aspect of considerable gravity. (Hear, hear.) The bon. gentleman (Mr. Tracey) impugned the conduct of the late First Lord of the Admiralty with respect to a particular promotion, and he defends himself by stating that the course he pursued is parallel to that of the former First Lord, connected with the previous Administration. The hon. member for Honiton (Mr. Cochrane) expresses the opinion that my hon. friend (Mr. Tracey) has taken up this question only as a matter of political partisanship. My hon. and gallant friend who has just sat down (Sir J. Hay) made a speech which was satisfactory in that part where be said the information asked for would not be withheld, but a speech which 1 cannot pass over, because in a part of it he laid down a principle of promotion in the navy to which it would be a most serious matter for this house to consent. (Hear, hear.) If heard in silence, it might imply that the house accepted the statement that the sons of gentlemen of distinction might on that ground, without offence, be carried over the heads of their seniors in service and equals in merit. (Hear, hear.) That ap pears to be a statement exceedingly grave in its character. (Hear, hear.) After hearing the speech of the member for the Tower Hamlets (Mr. Ayrton), 1 think it would be wise to follow the suggestion of the member for Pontefract (Mr. Childers)—(No, no)—because the effect of producing the papers would be that the attention of the whole house would be drawn to the subject. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON—The right hon. gentleman seems to be under the impression that I admitted the promotion of Lieutenant Yorke to be an objectionable promotion, and that I defended it on the ground that the Duke of Somerset had made similar promotions. What I intended to say was, that I believed the promotion of Lieut. Yorke to be quite consistent with the interests of the naval ser vice, but that that promotion had been made the subject for Parliamentary attack, while other still stronger cases of the Duke of Somerset's had been left unnoticed. (Hear.) Serjeant GASELEE protested against the doctrine that an officer is to be promoted because he happens to be the son of a peer. (Cries of " Divide.") Mr. TRACEY asked for leave to withdraw his motion, on the ground that the papers may give additional evi dence, and gave notice he would again call the attention of the House to the subject. The motion was then withdrawn. NAVAL ENGINEERS. Sir E. DERING called attention to the position of naval engineer; and complained of the distinction drawn to their disadvantage between them and all other officers in the navy. Au engineer, he said, has to serve fourteen years before he can become chief engineer ; but for that long period he is allowed to count only four years. The result is that he cannot get to the top of the list until he is 56 years of age, and he must then retire at 60. That is un just, and they should therefore, like the assistant-surgeons, be allowed to count the whole of the time which they have served. With respect to pay,the hon. baronet recommended that the increase, which now took place at intervals of five years, should be extended proportionably over each year, and that the inspectors of machinery should be allowed half-pay ; and, in conclusion, he asked why the names of the naval engineers were not inserted in the Navy List? Lord 11. LENNOX replied that the question of half pay to inspectors of machinery has bean under the con sideration of the board, but that no decision has yet been come to upon it. With respect to engineers being allowed to count, their full time, they differ in this respect from officers of a like grade—assistant-surgeon, chaplain, and naval instructor—that they are educated at the expense of the State, and there is, therefore, no idea of claim being allowed. For the rest, they obtain the rank of commander after 15 years' service, and the names of those in the upper grades appear in the Navy List. ROMAN CATHOLICS IN THE NAVY. Mr. O'REILLY called attention to the provision for the spiritual wants of Roman Catholics in the royal navy, and asked the First Lord of the Admiralty how far the recom mendations approved of by Sir J. Pakingion in his letter to Lord Derby, dated 1859, have been carried out ? In bring ing the subject before the house the hon. gentleman stated that of the total vote of £39,500 for chaplains in the navy only £540, or less than 3 per cent., is allotted to Roman Catholics, although the number of men of that persuasion in the service has varied from 121 to 10 per cant. He urged that the sum in question is altogether inadequate, and that better provision should be made for the spiritual wants of Roman Catholics in the navy. a sum down. (Hear, hear.) The money can be got through the National Debt Commissioners, and need not come into the estimates. These remarks he made in no unfriendly spirit; and, as a matter of form, ho moved that vote 1 be reduced by 2,000 men. Mr. CORRY had no doubt his right hon. friend who prepared the estimates will justify himself on the general question. The number of naval cadets was erroneously stated by his noble friend, who omitted the second-class cadets, retained to keep up the rank of masters in the navy —most necessary to the well-being and safety of our ships. (Hear, hear.) It would be very undesirable to increase the number of artificers, which is too small, by reducing the number of so important a force as the Royal Marines. The deficient expenditure at Chatham and Portsmouth dockyards arises from the commercial pressure of last year, in consequence of which the late Board of Admiralty could not complete the contracts, and several are yet un completed. It is very necessary that these works should be completed. The American navy contains several vessels of enormous speed, and two vessels of the Inconstant class are as few as we ought to have. The completion of the Hercules arises from some of her iron being found defective; and that of the Monarch by an accident in the yard where she is being built. The building of so many small vessels in one year is rendered necessary by the removal of 151 screw ships and 73 sailing ships from the efficient list since 1860, and the fact that none had been supplied to take their place. It is neces sary to keep up both the Channel and the foreign squadron. In China we have a large trade to protect, and pirates to watch and capture; fourteen treaty ports; and in Japan five treaty ports. The squadron has 4,000 men, and ho wished the number could be reduced. The number of men on foreign stations, exclusive of the Mediterranean, last year and this year, has been 19,000, which is less than any year since 1860 ; and since 1862 there has been a re duction of 8,000. He will pay attention to the subject, with the wish to reduce the number if practicable. Foreign squadrons are useful in keeping up the skill of officers and met ; and to keep a large fleet in the channel would excite the 'ivalry of neighbouring nations. He would be happy, if possible, to improve the state of the lists. (Hoar, hear.) Mr. SAMUDA complained that only £570,000 of the sum asked for is to be applied to the augmentation of the iron clad fleet, and said that money voted last year for ironclad vessels has been used for other purposes. The rotten wood and composite vessels ought to be replaced by ironclads ; but the lilliputian navy has been increased at the expense of the ironclad navy. He disapproved of the proposal to sell the old wooden ships, and stated that they were cap able of being covered with si-inch plate, and of carrying a sufficient armament, and turrets, with a free board of 10 feet. The cost of such conversion would be £lOO,OOO each ship, and the work could be completed within six months. They should, therefore, be retained as a reserve in case of emergency. He approved of the proposal to build two armour-plated vessels of 3,700 tons, but ho complained that the Admiralty had no stability or certainty in their plans, citing in corroboration of the statement that we have as many as six classes of ironclads, and that two more are about to be added to the list. He also condemned the policy of building any ship which was to rely upon speed for safety, and pointed out that if the proposed ship —the Incon stant—carne into collision with a vessel of the class of the Agincourt, which had accomplished more than 15 knots, she would be stink in a few minutes. For these reasons he entreated the Admiralty to rely upon their own judg ment, and not to be led away by what other nations might be doing. Admiral WALCOT recommended that we should build no more large ships, but confine our efforts to the construc tion of vessels of 4,000 tons, which were every way more handy and useful. With respect to naval expenditure, there have been since 1837 no less than 17 First Lords of the Admiralty and 15 Secretaries; and economy under such a fluctuation of opinion was impossible. Sir M. PETO was glad to learn from the statement made by the noble lord the Secretary to the Admiralty, the other evening, that there is to be a decrease in the repairs of vessels, as it is an indication that the board intend to pursue a wiser policy for the future. It is perfectly im possible to construct vessels of a compound character so as to render them permanent and efficient. With regard to the store department, he always felt that until it was com bined with the Controller's department, and both placed under the responsibility of that officer, they could not ex pect to arrive at such a system of management as would ensure efficiency and economy. He was rather surprised to have heard the hon. member for Pontefract say that the purchase of timber was the result of the pressure of the House of Commons, when in point of fact the money so expended was diverted from the purpose for which it was distinctly voted by Parliament—namely, for the construc tion of iron-clad vessels. That was an error which he hoped no Board of Admiralty would again venture to re peat. The next point to which he wished to call attention was the iron ballast. A groat portion of it consisted of Swedish iron, and was worth about Xi a ton. As regards the dockyards, the Admiralty ought to have the advice of pre.ctical men. The time has come for consideration whether we might not combine with friendly nations for the protection of trade, and so economise the expenditure for some of our foreign squadrons. Sir J. PAIUNGTON expressed satisfaction at the tem perate tone in the criticism of the estimates. In the groat changes necessary it was impossible to avoid a consider able increase of expenditure. An objection was made to the proposal to sell old ships, on the ground that they might be converted in emergency to use ; but we h ave now from 90 to 100 old line -of-F4attle ships and frigates lying in our ports practically useless. The old ships aro maintained at no less a cost than a thousand a year, and though some of them would be serviceable as hospitals, it would hare been more useful to send many of them to market, whore they would have realised probably .£200,000. As for wooden ships, they may be a valuable addition t o th e nary. The United States are buildiug six of a lar ge c l ass. T he French peed, capable of keeping the sea as cru i sers , a v r o eb eis of uilding some with the same object, namely, to have ss great s and also able, as far as gnus go, to carry heavy armour, The Government have considered it much more economi cal to build vessels of a new type than to expend money in repairing old ships. As to the poli cy o f re d uc i ng the expenditure of our foreign squadron, the fact is there has been a great reduction in the number of men and tonnage employed in the last seven years ; and a reduction in each year. In 1860 we employed on all our foreign stations 35,768 men and 189,800 tons; 1861, 33,500 men and 202,000 tcus ; 1862, 48,900 men and 209,000 tons ; 1863, 33.500 men and 187,000 tons; 1864, 32,200 men and 190,000 tons ; 1865, 28,000 mon and 173,600 tons ; andlB66, 27,000 men and 167,000 tons ; and for the present year the num bers are 24,800 men and 160,000 tons. The same result is observable with respect to the West African squadron. It is curious that hon. gentlemen only found out the cost of these establishments after breathing the invigorating air of the opposite side of the house. Th e i mmense expendi ture on the retired list is to be regretted. It began with the great war, and men cannot be thrown over who are on it. The plan suggested by the honanember for Pontefract is not new. Another plan was to be cautious, to introduce no larger proportion of officers than is required. The late Board of Admiralty were not so cautious as they migh t have been. The present board have limited the number of cadets and assistant clerks admitted. In reply to Mr. Childers, he said the prevention of promotion among cadets does not arise from the aggregate number, but from the number of a particulay class. Mr.;STANSFELD moved that the chairman report pro gress. Mr. CORRY agreed. He said the flag-ship on the West Coast of Africa is too large, but a smaller could not be sent at the time, and a smaller will be sent as soon as pos sible. The motion was agreed to, and the chairman reported progress. The Lyon King of Arms Bill passed through committee. Mr. M'EVOY moved for leave to bring in a bill to re peal the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. Mr. O'REILLY and Sir G. BOWYER deprecated the intro duction of the bill at the present moment unless there were a certain prospect of a practical result being attained, and they mentioned that this Was the opinion of the leading Roman Catholic prelates. Mr. GLADS TONE, though ready to support the repeal of the Ecclesiastical Titles Act, held it to be of little use to raise this question unless Mr. M'Evoy had an assurance that the bill would be supported by the Government. No member of the Government was present to give an answer, and a long conversation followed, in which various Irish members supported the view taken by Mr. O'Reilly, and urged delay. Ultimately, leave was given to bring in the bill, and it was read a first time. The house was counted out, by a division •on a motion by Mr. LOWE to refer the petition of Mr. Webb Shield; C.E., to a select committee, at 2 o'clock month the work of building the piers, Nos. 1 and 2, of the bridge had made considerable advance, and that the masonry and brickwork was now in parts up to and above high-water level, and was as to the mode of execution perfectly satisfactory. The works in connexion with the caisson of No. 3 pier remained in the same state as at the date of last report. Of pier No. 4 the work of sinking the caissons was pro ceeding. One of them was now down within about four feet of the full depth. The progress with that pier had been slower than he had hoped, in conse quence of the number of old piles and a bed of cemented stones in and around its site, and which caused great trouble. The bottom of another of the caissons of the old bridge had been raised and cleared away during the mouth, and the staging and centering of the first arch, that next the Surrey shore, was making progress, and the iron arched ribs were now beginning to arrive at the works. Mr. Lawley, chairman of the Local Government and Taxation Committee, moved the adoption of a report prepared by them, containing a census of the number of persons engaged, occupied, or employed daily in the city of London and also of the num ber of persons resorting to the city daily. In that day census, he said, facts had come out which he trusted would in future tend to better legislation with regard to the city, for it had been of late years placed at a great disadvantage by the night returns of its population, made and. published by the autho rity of Parliament, those night returns and the fal lacious reasoning upon them having led to many mistakes in legislation. The city population, from the census of 1861,, had been assumed to be 113,000; but that was its night or sleeping population only, and it had been ascertained that 273,000 people re sorted to it daily in the pursuit of business, and one half male adult population of London, or 500,000 souls, entered within its precincts every day. The Registrar-General's return, so far as regarded the city, was full of fallacies from beginning to end, and a popular writer, adopting the figures contained in it, had stated the city proper was year by year de creasing. Nothing could be more erroneous. How was it, he asked, that the Government employed persons so willfully blind, or who so continuously misrepresented facts in relation to the city? Dr. Farr, ou being asked in a committee of the House of Commons how many of the members of the cor poration of London resided and slept in the city, re plied that almost all of them did, the truth being that only 35 of them slept and resided in it, 163 of them iu other parts of the metropolis. Again, ac cording to the census of 1861 only one city appren tice slept in the city—(a laugh)—the facts being that on premises connected with the two printing offices of Messrs. Spottiswoode, in which the census tables were printed, there were 148 resident appren tices ; that there were 1,762 apprentices to freemen recorded in the Chamber of London, and that it was estimated the city apprentices enrolled and unenrolled were at least 3,000. Notwithstanding that, only one sleeping apprentice in the city found his way into the census of 1861. Further, in that census there were recorded as sleeping in the city 9 bankers, no underwriters, and 32 stockbrokers; 44 farmers, 4 farm bailiffs, 28 gardeners, 6 fishermen, and 1 shepherd; showing, according to the Registrar-General, that the city stood at the head of the agricultural districts of England, as regarded the cultivation of the soil, therebeing 41 farmers to the square mile. (A laugh.) The number of inhabited houses removed since 1811 and the number said to be uninhabited in 1861 were represented as equal to all the houses in the three cities of Chichester, Wells, and Ely. That was assumed to imply decay in the city, yet the rentals had increased between 1811 and 1866 from £564,243 to £2,109,935, or about 273 per cent., and the fewer houses of 1866 were worth more than the more numerous houses of 1811 by £38,617,000. In the 30 years from 1771 to 1801 the increase of rateable value in the city was 11 per cent. ; in the 30 years between 1801 and 1831 it was 56 per cent. ; in the 30 years between 1831 and 1866 it was 61 per cent., and in the six years between 1861 and 1866 it was 64 per cent. All that surely afforded no signs of decay. The Customs duties paid in the city of Lon don exceeded those paid in the rest of the kingdom, and the trading profits under Schedule D in the city exceeded those of all the rest of the metropolis. Again, the census of 1861, which had been taken as a basis for estimating the criminal position of the city, made the city more criminal than any district of the king dom—so much so, that every registered inhabitant must on the average have been convicted of crime at least three times in the course of his or her life. (A laugh.) Mr. Elias Davis questioned both the accu racy of in some respects and the necessity for the census taken by the corporation, and suggested, amid some uproar, that it be sent to the British Museum, if it were only to show upon what worthless objects the Common Council spent its funds. The report was adopted. The Court declined to agree to a re port of the Guildhall Improvement Committee, em bodying a plan and estimate for a proposed new library at Guildhall, at an expense, exclusive of fittings, of £25,000. On the recommendation of one of their committee they passed a resolution granting to Mr. Chambers, the Common Sergeant, an allowance of £550 a year, in consideration of his acting as judge in the Mayor's Court, in conse quence of the increase of business, and on his ceas ing to practise as counsel in that court. The Court, on the recommendation of the Coat, Corn, and Fi nance Committee, voted £lO5 to the Working Men's Educational Union ; £2lO to the Shipwrecked Fishermen and Mariners' Royal Benevolent Society; and 250 guineas towards the building fund of the Field-lane Ragged Schools and Night Refuges. The meeting was then adjourned. PAY OF LABOURERS IN THE DOCKYARDS. Mr. OT WAY wished to say that, having had opportuni ties of conferring with the engineers of the navy, and knowing how grateful they were for the favours which had been conferred upon them, they would regard it as a great boon to have their names included in the Navy List. But the question he rose more particularly to ask the noble lord was whether the augmentation of pay granted by the late Board of Admiralty to the labourers who were receiving only 13s. a week was limited to that class, or whether it was extended to other classes of labourers? Mr. WHALLEY said ho had no objection that Roman Catholic chaplains in the navy should receive such adequate remuneration as would render them more amenable to the rules and discipline of the navy than the Roman Catholic chaplains in prisons had proved themselves to be. The question, however, which he wished to put to the noble lord was one of more importance than mere pay, and this was, whether Roman Catholic services in the navy were to be regulated by the importunity of their applications to the department and the power they exercised in that house or according to the exigencies of the navy ? Lord 11. LENNOX said he would first answer the ques tion of the hon. member for Peterborough, and his answer was this, that with regard to the appointment of Roman Catholic chaplains the Admiralty would be solely guided by the exigencies of the service, believing that the best way to render men loyal and obedient was to instruct them in the principles of their religion. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the spiritual wants of Roman Catholic sailors, he was glad to be able to assure the hon. and gallant mem ber for Longford that the recommendations contained in Sir JohnPakington's letter were carried out as far as prac ticable both afloat and on shore. The case of the three chaplains at Sheerness, Portsmouth, and Devonport was under the consideration of the Admiralty, and it was only just that men who devoted their whole time to the Roman Catholic sailors at these ports should have some retiring pension when old age or infirmity rendered them unfit for active duty. In answer to the hon. member for Chatham, an increase is proposed to bring up the pay of different classes of dockyard labourers to 2s. 4d. a day, at a whole cost of £7,750 to the country, and no money could be better bestowed. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PARINGTON said it would be convenient for the house to know, after what had occurred that evening, that the consideration of the Mutiny Bill will be postponed till Thursday next. (Hoar, hoar.) THE NAVY ESTIMATES. The house then went into committee on the Navy Estimates. On the first vote of £2,900,952 for 67,300 men, including coastguards and marines, Mr. CHILDERS entered into a' minute criticism of the estimates. The large increase in the navy estimates is the more serious when taken into account with the large general increase of our expenditure of £40,233,834 for army, navy, civil, and revenue departments, as compared with the £38,182,855 asked last year, when we had the two windfalls of £500,000 from New Zealand, and nearly the same sum from the Chinese indemnity. Practically three millions more will have to be found than were asked for by the last Government, and it is therefore of the utmost importance to consider whether we may not incur risk of a serious financial crisis. In the course of his review he admitted the expediency of some of the items of increase, as in the nnmber of boys and trained gunners under the branch of personal charges. But the increased charges for Woolwich cannot be justified in view of the ultimate changes contemplated there. He disapproved of the expenditure of £42,000 a year on Greenwich Hospital, where there are now only 380 old men and women ; he complained of the slow progress made in the construction of the two iron-clads, Hercules and Monarch ; and be particularly censured the Admiralty for attempting to build in one year 35 light craft, ranging from 700 tons down to China gunboats, and for building at the same time two unarmoured ships, ono of which is large enough for 600 men. Ho then proceeded to speak of the fleets re quired for home stations and colonial stations, and those for the protection of English commerce abroad. Our true policy would be to strengthen our home fleet in a manner to meet the approval of the house. The bon. member pro ceeded to show the force on the various stations iu 1846, 1856, and at the present time, and then suggested a reduc tion of 2,Boo:men in China, the East Indies, and Australia, 700 men on the West Coast of Africa, 2,400 men on the North American and West Indian station, 300 men on the South Eastern American station, and 1,000 men in the Pacific, altogether a reduction of 7,200. .Yor that it pro posed t e substitute a much more popular force, namely au increase to our home strength by the formation of a flying home squadron of 2,500 to 3,500 men, in six or seven fast ships, part armoured and part not, of nearly equal sailing powers, rendezvousing at Lisbon, having two flags, and employment for two admirals, and ready at a moment's notice to be sent to any part of the world where our per manent force was not sufficiently strong. We have thirty admirals employed, paid £32,700 ; 370 admirals unemployed, paid.£155,700 ; 111 post captains employed, paid £85,500 ; and 616 unemployed, paid £149,800; 128 commanders employed afloat, paid £51,700 ; 65 employed ashore, paid £23,700; and 1,040 unemployed, paid £117,600; one general of marines employed, paid £1,400 ; and 42 unem ployed, paid £26,50;) ; in all, 321 employed, at a cost of £195,300; and 2,045 unemployed, at a cost of £449,000. (Laughter.) The remedy is to buy out men when they are younger and wish to retire, or are useless, by paying Couit of Common Council. A meeting of the Common Council was held yes terday at Guildhall, the Lord Mayor in the chair. The Remembrancer Corrie) in reply to Mr. 11. Lowman Taylor, as to whether a substantial alteration had not been made in the Metropolitan Traffic Regulation Bill now before Parliament, affecting one of the privileges of the Court of Alder men, said an alteration had been made by the house of Lords in the bill, the effect of which was to deprive the Court of Aldermen of the veto which it originally gave them over the traffic regulations that might be made under its provisions by the Commissioner of Police. The Court of Aldermen, he added, had since that alteration had the subject under consideration, and had instructed him to put himself in communication with the Go vernment on that subject. Mr. 11. Lowman Taylor suggested that a representation be made by the cor poration to the Ministers of the Crown on the im policy of ignoring the Court of Aldermen in the matter, and of placing them in a position subordi nate to their own Commissioner of Police. Mr. Cubitt, the engineer for the corporation to the new bridge at Blackfriars, reported that during the last SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The Liberal members of the House of Commons met yesterday, and it h as b een d ec id e d that the second reading of the Ministerial Reform Bill shall not be opposed. Twohundred and seventy eight supporters of the party mec at Mr. Gladstone's house in Carlton-garden s , an d a f ter a very short dis cussion—if that can be ca ll e d di scussion which con sisted principally of but one speech—resolved that the great battle of the Session, if fought at all, should not be fought at the seco n d stage. We are informed that the meeting was unani mous i n support i ng t hi s conclusion, although it is suflieiently evident that its unanimity of feeling was not unbroken. The more fiery spirits of the p ar t y d ec l ared the i r preference for immediate war. Mr. Gladstone himself, as we understand, expressed his own belief that it w ou ld be vain to ,discuss the Governme n t Bill. M r . B r i g ht pronounced the same o pi n i on w ith even grea t er energy. Wiser counsels, however, we are glad to say, prevailed. While Mr. Gladstone avowed his personal impatience of further forbearance, he con fessed that a large section of the party thought a good bill might yet be made out of the materials laid before them by the Ministry. The ultimate decision was in favour of waiting till the Chancellor of the Exchequer had declared on the second reading of th e bill w h a t p or ti on s of it the Ministry were willing to relinquish and what parts they held to be vital. If his statement next Monday should in that respect prove unsatisfactory,_ and it was arranged that another meeting of the party should be held to consider it,—a division would then be taken on the subsequent motion that the Speaker do leave the chair. To this counsel Mr. Gladstone declared himself ready to defer, and Mr. Bright was ready on all questions of strategy to be guided by the leader of the Opposition. We can have no doubt of the wisdom of the decision arrived at. That the Reform Bill in its present shape is altogether inadmissible--that it has the gravest sins of omission and of commission, we have always declared. But we have never allowed that it cannot be transformed into a measure which ma y be satisfactory both to the Parliament and the nation. On the contrary, we believe it is easy to point out the amendments by which it can be con verted into a very consider.iLle, if not into a per fectly satisfactory scheme of Reform. So much has, indeed, been admitted by Mr. Gladstone in the House, of Commons, and the admissiJn ought to settle the question. If we have a chance—and by hypothe sis we have a chance--of obtaining a complete bill from the present Ministry, let us by all means secure it. It is quite certaiu that if they were defeated on the motion that their bill be read a second time, no Reform Bill would be possible this year, and there would be no such certainty as we at present pos sess lof passing one in another session. Whatever else might happen, we should at once convert allies, even if somewhat unwilling allies, into active oppo nents. With such a prospect, it would be manifestly unwise to relinquish a single present advantage. At the same time, the conditions of further peace must not be misunderstood. If the Liberal party is to practise forbearance, it is for the purpose of co-ope rating with the Government in obtaining a satisfac tory measure of Reform, and dire c tly th e p oss ibilit y of co-operation fails the reason for forbearance ceases. The most pressing amendments required in the Ministerial Bill were stated at yesterday's meet ing by Mr. Gladstone, and, without following him in every particular, we concur in most of what he is understood to have said. The dual vote must, of course, go ; but we hold this to be gone already. On the other hand, some enfranchisement of lodgers is absolutely essential, and we need only refer to Mr. Disraeli's own speech in 1859 to show that no one understands this more completely than the pre sent Chancellor of the Exchequer. We are at a loss to know why a lodger franchise was omitted from the Ministerial bill, and we cannot conceive that there should be any difficulty in supplying the omis sion. As an Administration practically the same as the present proposed to enfranchise lodgers paying a certain rental eight years ago, they cannot he allowed to declare now that such a proposal involves any danger to the Constitution. Some light was thrown on the question of compound householders by the reply of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to Mr. Gladstone's string of inquiries last night, and we believe the more this part of the bill is considered the more will it appear that the objections to it can be perfectly well met in committee. The Govern ment bill proposes that all householders in boroughs rated to the poor, and paying their rates, shall vote. As a matter of fact, however, in the towns where the Small Tenements Act has been applied, house holders rated at and under £6 a year do not pay any their rates, except indirectly, in the way of in creased rental to their landlords, who pay the rates to the overseers under a composition with them. In order to admit these compound householders to the vote, a subsequent clause enables them to claim to be rated in their own names; in which case, how ever, as Mr. Disraeli explained last night, they will have to pay the same rates as their neighbours, and not the reduced rate their landlords may now pay under the composition. The difference cannot be very material, yet it would be worth attention as a fine on the privilege of voting, were we assured that the increased rental the tenant pays to his landlord is no more than the rates the landlord pays. We may, however, be satisfied that the landlord gets his commission, so to speak, on the composition to compensate him for his trouble and the risk he runs of not being repaid, so that the apparent increase of rating paid by the tenant would prove on examina tion to:be unreal. If the tenant always paid his own rates, he would secure an equivalent reduction in his rental. The evidence taken before Lord Grey's Committee on the effect of the Small Tenements Act on municipal elections shows the impolicy of separating the obligation of ratepaying fro m th e privilege of the franchise, and it is open to debate whether the best solution of a difficulty which is felt on both sides of the house may not lie in a re duction of the limit of £6 fixed by the Small Tene ments Act to whatjs practically found to be the limit of the personal responsibility of the house holder, and in making the Small Tenements Act, thus modified, one of universal application. Th e other questions which arose on Mr. Gladstone's " in terpeliation"last night were eminently such as should be considered in committee. It is, for instance, pro vided under the bill that the occupation franchise shall depend upon the occupation of a house—that is, of a dwelling-house—and two years' residence is re quired before registration, while under the act of 1832 one year's residence is sufficient, and the occu pation may be that of a house, warehouse, counting house, shop, or other building. This diversity would be very undesirable ; nor are Mr. Disraeli's reasons for it altogether satisfactory. Persons who are on the register must of course remain there, but there does not seem sufficient reason for attempting to maintain a distinction between the householders above and below the £lO limit which might be easily compromised. A still more curious point started by Mr. Gladstone was apparently imperfectly under stood by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. There have been many decisions in the Court of Common Pleas on the existing law as to the meaning of " a house," and we believe it may be roughly said that a separate door key had been recognized as the great criterion, so that any number of flats in a house having a common open staircase may qualify as many tenants to become voters. There can be no doubt that, in the absence of some special interpre tation clause, " a house" in the Ministerial Bill must mean the same thing as " a house" in the act of 1832 ; anal it is evident that it should be distinctly understood whether this is intended, so that there may be no way opened to the manufacture of votes not contemplated by Parliament. The considera tion of the Ministerial Bill in committee must in any case be a matter of difficulty, but it need not be au impossible task. Difficulties are inherent in the very nature of Reform. The examination of any bill in detail must provoke a large number of ques tions, and it depends upon the Government whether the measure now before the house shall be more fruitful of disputes than the schemes of other Mi nistries. It is the peculiar difficulty of Reform in this country that it has to be considered by a body which is at once the Constituent and the Legislative Assembly, which is called upon to determine its own fate, and many of whose members are asked to suffer self-sacrifice, perhaps to terminate a career of honourable ambition. This is, of course, most felt in the part of the bill dealing with Redistribution, and it is, therefore, most desirable that there the Go vernment and the Opposition should as far as possible work in harmony. Notices of amendments to the redistribution sche me h ave a l rea dy b egun t o pour in, and may be expected to multiply. The announcement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the Government proposes to increase the num ber of the Scotch representatives coining as it does after a scheme whi c h l eaves th e number of English members untouched, opens up a process which ought to be jealously g uar d e d. There is no invincible reason why the number of members of the House of Commons should not be increased ; but it is ex tremely undesirable, and should not be assented to unless it be clearly necessary. Sir George Bowyer's motion to omit altogether the disfranchisement clauses must be peremptorily rejected. Even if there were no populous towns and increasing counties re quiring representation, the fact that so many small and decaying boroughs return members to the House is an anomaly which should be corrected. The proposal of Mr. Sergeant Gaselee to disfran chise absolutely those boroughs having a population under 5,000, and to deprive of one member those boroughs under 10,00 u and returning two, is a crude suggestion of a better course. The conside ration of such questions may, however, be deferred to the time when the House enters into committee on the bill, a time which now ought not to be far distant. The Opposition show their willingness to help the Government, if the Government be dis posed to meet them in turn. Past offences have been amnestied, past errors may be amended. The Ministry have still an opportunity, but if they are wise they will not permit the forbearance which has so far been shown to betray them into confidence. Their bill may pass a second rea di ng an d per i s h on the motion to go into committee. Every mistake the Ministers have made has weakened themselves and strengthened their adversaries, and, while it is still possible to keep back the attack, a repetition of past errors would remove the last bond of restraint, and a united Opposition would sweep them from place and power. THE WESTMINSTER GAZETTE ON " FENIANISM IN IRELAND, AND FENIANISM ON TILE CONTINENT."— The spirit that animates the Fenians in Ireland would appear on investigation to be almost identical with that which governs the wide spread secret society on the Continent, whose well-known object is the overthrow of the throne and the altar, and the subversion of all author ity, civil and religious. Apart from the name the end and intentions of the conspirators appear to be the same as in Italy, France, Spain, and Por tugal. With a subtlety and pliability, character istic of its certainly not celestial origin, the spirit of this conspiracy adapts itself wonderfully to the peculiarities of race and of circumstances ; it leans for support on the existence of local wrongs and national grievances, and under the most capti vating of all disguises—that of liberty and nation ality—gradually insinuates into the masses of its misguided victims a poison subversive of all social, religious, and political health and happiness, and totally destructive of all personal freedom. In Ireland, whether the society of Fenians be in real ity but a ramification of the parent body that de vastates the Continent, or whether it be only mo delled on that frame, its object avowedly is the overthrow of the British Government in that country. With a people like the Irish, at all times so remarkable for the desperate tenacity with which they have clung through all vicissi tudes to the faith of their fathers and the obser vances of their religion, and so conspicuous for devotion arid attachment to its ministers, the sudden introduction of infidel doctrines would prove a hopeless, if not a dangerous task. To re present, however, their Church and its teachings in the odious light of standing in opposition to the welfare of the people and to the long-cherished national hope of liberty and freedom from the hated oppression of England, and to undermine the authority of their pastors by proclaiming them as friends of the oppressor and abettors of national slavery, such seem to be the tactics employed by the Fenian leaders, and the first seeds of rebellion to ecclesiastical authority des tined to produce bitter fruit. On the Continent of Europe, in countries and against Governments and Sovereigns most renowned for traditional and personal attachment to the Catholic Church, secret societies appear to have been most deeply planted, and their ravages to be most disastrous and visible. As Freemasons, or as Carbonari, they envelope, as it were, in a network the entire social body ; they surround the throne, have their representatives at the council board, their influence in the Senate, their agencies in the camp, and everywhere, by dark and mysterious machin ations, promote the work of irreligion, revolution, and disorder. Strange to say, the seat of the go verning body, .and of that dread chief whose orders admit of no dispute, whether it be in that celebrated palace of Paris—whose walls, if history speaks truth, are not innocent of the concealment of conspirators —or on some remote island of the Mediterranean, or amongst the splendours of Flo rence, or in the purlieus of London, the home of the refugee is totally unknown even to affiliated members. The late pastoral of that most en lightened and eminent prelate, Monsigneur Du panloup, Bishop of Orleans, throws considerable lighton the rules and proceedings of this notorious body. It is but a few months since, at a banquet given at Havre to a French prince distinguished amongst his fellow soldiers by a soubriquet not complimentary to personal valour, it was openly declared that Catholicism must be crushed, and that Austria, as its chief supporter in Europe, should be trampled under foot. Within the last few days a fresh proclamation of the notorious Garibaldi again declares war against the Pope, the clergy, and their friends and supporters; it requires no stretch of memory to recall the numerous letters and proclamations of Mazzini in the same sense and to the same effect. In addi tion to words spoken and written, deeds of sterner reality are not wanting to supply convincing evi dence of the object and intent of this society. Wherever it—that is, the revolutionary party in Spain, Portugal, and most recently in Italy -has triumphed, has not the Church immediately been attacked, its property confiscated, its minis ters exiled or imprisoned, the religious orders dispersed, places of education under their con trol proscribed, convents broken into, rifled and pillaged, publications of the most immoral ten dency diffused, and doctrines of infidelity, subver sive of all faith and morals, openly propagated ; all, under the sacred name of liberty, by men who, in swearing allegiance to a secret chief and a secret society, had already sold themselves into the most abject of all slavery. That such should be the effect, or at least the immediate effect, of Fenianism in Ireland is not to be apprehended. The intimacy of certain amongst the Fenian leaders with well known individuals in Paris, the constant residence of some of them in that city, where their correspondence from time to time appears to be dated, coupled with a similarity of objects and secret means employed, may, perhaps, point rather to Continental Europe than to America as the birth-place of Fenianism and its unholy doctrines. The statesmen and the people of England who welcomed Garibaldi to these shores and worshipped him almost as a demigod, and who patronized and supported Mazzini, must not be surprised that the fruits of their own sowing shall be reaped by nations as well as individuals , and that the principles which they applauded and . applied to Italy may recoil upon themselves, that the doctrine of nationalities they approved of and upheld, and the proeeedings of men when ) they encouraged may be reproduced at home by the very same agency as in Italy, and under the same auspices. So long as there exist in Ireland unredressed grievances of the extent and import ance now universally acknowledged, Fenianism will obtain more than ample food for existence ann, support. The na ti on th a t h as b een once i ns tructed in the catechism of conspiracy will not be slow in communicating knowledge to its neighbours. Irish Fenians spread over the face of this country inal erect new lodges and enrol new members, and in itiate their fellow-workmen in every town and city into those dark mysteries by which henceforth others as well as Italians may be taught to un dermine Parliaments and Governments, to corrupt armies, and even to o v e r th row d ynas ties and thrones. STATE OF TRADE. BRADFORD, March 21.—There is a very flat market to-day. The transactions in wool are very meagre. Good and fashionable wools, which are scarce, are in slight demand, and command full rates. There is hardly any business done in other classes of wool, which may be had at a slight con cession. Quotations, so far as can be gathered from the scanty amount of business done, are somewhat irregular, except in those classes of wool most in demand. The worsted yarn branch is equally de pressed. Some of the principal spinners are pretty well employed on old contracts, but the rest are very far from being in this position. Some small orders are given out. Some spinnings of genappe and also corded yarns are in fair request ; prices are without change. The same torpor pervades the piece market. The new American tariff, which bears severely upon some sorts of worsted goods, causes perplexity and doubt as to trade prospects in that quarter, and , with heavy stocks in hand, it is hardly probable that American merchants will be able to do mo ll new business for some time to come. The business doing for Germany and the Continent is very small' COUNTRY MARKETS. RANCHES TER—THURSDAY. Our market this mornin was well attended. Both VII: g lish and foreign w h ea t o f good quality was fully its Data Flour in some cases was held for rather money; steady, beans firm. I n di an corn was 2 s per qr. higher' BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. At this day's market we had a moderate supply of El?g r ; lish wheat, for which more money was asked. Foreig hold for an advance, consequently little business was done' Little doing in spring corn; prices about the same. BURY ST. EDMUNDS—WEDNESDAY• diminishing andT h a e n r O av a s ainn a c eciguooaofndt is t supply 1 3 p tao p n l y a2s o p f rpi w eeer h sci ea r t . a market t-d* and peas quite as dear. recede. Barleoyator,abucaty, on the top, is Od up .. average, EDINBURGH—WEDNESDA Y. Wheat Barley on the top, 2s 9d up - ******** average, Os id down. Os 2d down Oats on the top, 2s Od up .Iverage, Beans on the top, 2s Od up .. average, 23 9d deign Total supply and sales. Wheat ld 525 972 qrs ............ so _,, Id 9D* . Barley 1692 qrs ............ so _„ Oats ld 1 36;5 2704 qrs ............ so _,, is 2d up. Beans 415 qrs ............ sold iv 7 Average prices. Wheat, 57s Od 1 Oats, 30s 9d Barley, 39s 6d 1 Beans ... 43s 5 d t otro Town-made flour sells as follows :—White, 54s Od; superfine, 52s Od; superfine, 50s Od; fine, 48s Od. GLASGOW—WEDNESDAY. Whe tlt To-day's market was tolerably well attende d. was about 6d dearer: flour 6d and barley 3d to 6d loWeetor' Feeding beans improved 6d, and grinding beans t T cIP about 3d. Oats 6d, and oatmeal and Indian la bigue". RAILWAY COLLISION.—The coroner's inquir!, k r . e il s l p e e a ct i in n g t t h h e e c c e a l u li s s e ie o n f t w he hi te h ath oc o e f ur li re r d . C ili a Yg th il e li 7 3 ° 11:vivri ii, tunnel of the Leeds and Halifax Railway, on the i'l— instant, was concluded on Tuesday. The jury returned a verdict to the effect that the collision was caused by a ll InffiLy cl ve t that ayt eventTh e ß y iAf vhEigLt c such o I R up A a o error of judgment on the part of the signalmen sea the guard of one of the trains, adding a recommendation to the we n to should higher appoi nt r Na sa a I salaries e s s m p h oaArdiest competent be lle paid. . i journals state that the railway train from the Speni°ll,, capital to Valencia was on the night of the 10th stopped by the snow, which had fallen in extraordinary quantities• Between Alfora and Almansa all the carriages came to stand-still, and, as the snow continued to fall heavily, th: passengers had to remain for nearly 36 hours in their then without provisions. At the and of that time, the we the having become milder, food and drink arrived from former town. The line having been at last partially cleared, the train was able to reach Valencia, but overal of the Maciri a passengers were in a state of great suffering• Births. BOEvER/E—On the 19th inst , Co l es hill Souse,Bork°, the non. Mrs. Pleydell Botiverie, of a daughter. RYAN—On the 18th inst ,at 10, Ons low- g ardens, the Will° of Arthur C. Ryan, Esq.,. of a son. Dub —On the lOth inst., at 26, Kildare-stre et, Dub-, ti lin, Lady Stewart ; of a son. Marriages. hitb e, M ART I N —TIBBETTS—On the 1 9 th i nst., at ~reen Of Joseph Cooper Martin, Esq., of Dartford, surgeoo, Mary, second daughter of Thomas Tibbetts, Esq., Greenhithe, Kent. MILE . s—BLorr —Ou the 19th inst. at Weekley, Georgeet Miles, of Covent-garden and 10;Park-roftd, Haversto bill, to Sarah, daughter ' f Mr Wm Mott a Weel,los Northamptonshire. o Deaths. g' DOWSE—Ou the 20th inst., at Bowden Hall, near Glouceed ter, Louisa Maria, Viscountess Dowager Down°, aged 17. c „ r rel , GUNTER— On the 19th inst., at Carshalton Lodge, ' - 1301 - Richard Gunter, of Motcomb and Lowndes-streets, gravid, aged 63. 1 S W rionsny—On the 19th inst. , at Little Green, Adiali„ro . . te cl Phipps liornby, Gr.G.B., Rear - Admira l of tho Unit Kingdom, aged 82 ......-1-1 Loudon : Printed gad Published by NV il. I, IA MI AN:J iti4" o of No. 112, wtrand, Pii,2l.-r at THE :itIN • pi Strand, in the Theeet3et of the Savoy, is the CoulAii blsrch a, 1867. A' SU f After 1 After I After After After After ' After After 1 London Si KIN A This ci Dublin Pr It is Pi some. Sold in by thn A whnlos,lo R. GUT Obsorvi , " COUN FURNF Partioll month at AUC 5, Azar ~~~ N. RUSS Prompt tree on ap T" jun A ztopkop land, at March 25, DAYS at le.; reser as. Seat! T' THE / OPERJ Russell, F Pox, Ana Conducto Solo Co Gua - ds' 1 CONIEI the celel BALE, t and her 'l lir. RO ties and I NOTIC Acrobats, M AD NEW I QUEENg to QUEE OpeT Admit t: rooms, 6d ARG' These e decorated and Dan( M. GRENI WE Enthns Donizetti MOOR." Arturo, Lucia, M Irish 311 dances, a Corri. A "MUGG Nash, E nnd Hari Le Petit limited ni Paris Exl large Chc Opera Ho Prices I Private E between t Evening WF', A Mr. his FIRS 3(1 April. rl AU. 188 of Cotznac teneivelv I ease T.) CO.. 014 1 street, S.' "THE T" of t TEA. co Six Pot The Cot delt-ioni. 9, Great DUN DUN' TAMI It/ World."— next the TAMI • Cor' trade wit to take of Printingr square no brim: the Inarket q. Commere Whiskies best, and quotation tneitow N Casks, tin+ bloat real Just t TGL the appede London. HAI b Or ten d ao by an ROSS, 2 oU nr4n(ci Nvhi c h a There ltArtlN Azent, shipwre charity The C tress is last yea William William Riber h, Lumn 45: t of beet Them 4 oung• g Lave be* ( r. Dam WOW