The Sun. — London, England, 1849-08-23 00:00:00

INDEPENDENCE OF HUNGARY. GREAT MEETING AT DERBY. (From the Derby Reporter.) On the evening of Mond a y l as t, i n com pli ance with a requisition most numerous ly an d res p ec t a bly signed, a public meeting was convened in the Town hall, Derby, for the purpose of enabling the inhabi tants of Derby to unite with the citizens of London and other towns, in the expression of their deep sympathy with the noble determination of the Hun garian nation to maintain their constitutional inde pendence, and resist the tyrannical encroachments of Russian despotism ; and to consider the propriety of addressing a Memorial on the subject to Government. The hall was crowded in every part, and hundreds went away unable to gain admission. There could not, we think, be less than eight or nine hundred persons present ; and a more orderly, a more unanimous, or more enthusiastic meeting we never witnessed. Men of all parties and creeds were present. The MAYOR in opening the proceedings was re ceived with loud cheers. He said—Gentlemen, I have convened the present meeting in compliance with the numerously and respectably signed requisi tion, which I will now read to you. Having read the document, he proceeded to say, I most cheerfully complied with the wishes of so large a body of my fellow-townsmen, and I trust you will not consider me out of order if I make an allusion to the circum stances of another country besides that which has elicited this noble expression of sympathy for the wrongs of the unfortunate and the oppressed.—(Hear, hear.) I know that some of the requisitionists very deeply regret that Italy was not coupled with the Hungarian cause.—(Much cheering.) I think that unhappy country has a very strong claim upon our sympathy and support—(Cheers)—and I trust that while we confine our resolutions, as we are bound to do by the terms of the requisition, to the main ques tion, yet that our sympathy will not be withheld from the ill-fated Romans.—(Loud cheers.) The Mayor then proceeded to state that letters had been received from several gentlemen who could not attend the meeting, the substance of which he would briefly state. He thought it would occupy too much time to read the whole of the letters, especially as one was a very long one ; but this should be done if the meeting wished it. The Right Hon. Edward Strutt says that he is much obliged for the invitation to attend the meeting, and that if he decline attending, it is from no want of sympathy with the cause of the Hungarians—(Cheers)—but that he has,unfortunately, an engagement which will prevent his being in Derby on that evening. He offers his best wishes for the success of the movement. (Loud cheers) Evans cannot attend ; but regrets very much that Russia should interfere beyond her own frontier. Mr: T. Gisborne had exprested a wish to be present, but having received a requisition to allow himself to be nominated as a candidate to represent the electors of Kidderminster—(Cheers) —and having consented to go there and view the ground before he gave a decisive answer, he cannot attend the meeting, though he is sorry to disappoint his friends in Derby.— (Cheers.) Mr. Hey worth is much obliged for the invitation, but he is apprehensive that these meetings may influence the public mind " with the martial spirit of vengeful war ;" he feels the deepest sympathy with the struggles of the Hungarians, but he doubts the wisdom of meetings like the present, which may tend to compromise our attitude of peace and incur the expenses of war; entertaining these views, he doubts whether he could consistently attend the meet ing. Having read these, and requested the meeting I to give every speaker a patient hearing, the Mayor called upon— Mr. Alderman Moss, who was received with loud cheers. lie said : Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, when the requisition just read was brought to me for signa ture, nothing loth to sign it, I stipulated that my name should not appear quite so prominent at the heading, and exacted a premise that it should not; and now that I am here, I find that that eloquent friend of mine, whose name stands first on the list, and who therefore ought to have been present to move the first resolution, has adopted the advice of Hudibras, where he says, " lie that fights and runs away, Will live to fight another day." —(Laughter.) I am therefore called upon to read the first resolution, which is as follows : " That this meeting recognizes the right of Britain, and of every independent nation, to manage its own in ternal affairs: that it deeply sympathises with the Hun garians, who have suffered so many calamities while heroically contending for this right; and protests against the armed interference of Russia to deprive those gallant people of national freedom, and to entail on them and their posterity a forced subjection to arbitrary power." This, Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, is the resolution I have the honour to propose, and in doing so I cannot well let it escape my observation that the constitution of Hungary resembles very much that of our own envied isle. The constitution of Hungary is corn posed of King, Lords, and Commons. Like our own, the monarchy is a limited one. The Government wes practically, for a series of years, little better than an oligarchy ; but the Hungarians, like us, suffered, fought, and bled, in the struggle for the attainment of national and popular rights, until they succeeded in making the constitution more in accordance with the principles of liberty. They are now again.fighting for the maintenance of those rights and privileges for which they had previously b'ed. Protestants having been shamefully persecuted, and a civil war having ensued, I think it was in the ye ir 1547 that being then numerous under their influence, the States placed Ferdinand on the throne, which has ever since been occupied by his descendants, who have gene rally been Emperors of Austria or Germany, though they held the throne of Hungary only as Kings of Hungary. Passing over as I must many wars which took place, I would mention that in 1604 an arrangement was made with a Hungarian nobleman (Stephen Botschay), in which all (Catho lics, Lutherans, and Calvinists alike) were to have free privileges of religious worship. Thus you see the gradual progress of civil and religious liberty. Still despotism every now and then prevailed ; and in the reign of Leopold he, by a stroke of his pen, re pealed the electoral formalities of seven centuries— an act such as if tl:e Monarch of England were to say I will deprive the whole body of electors of their franchise. Many !ought and died manfully. At length the Hungarians were blessed by Maria The resa, wife of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, coming to the throne—and here, Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, I cannot help drawing a parallel between Maria The resa and our own beloved Queen.—(Cheers.) She did not wait to be toll what were the rights of the people, but came forward and voluntarily recognised them.—(Loud cheers.) You wil agree with me that st Princess like that was a treasure to her country, and .I am certain there are few or none in this assembly who do not believe that we have an equal treasure—(Cheers) --for there never was a King or Queen personally more sensitive of the liberties of her subjects than her Majesty Queen Victoria.— (Loud cheers.) Maria Theresa, having gained the affections of the gallant Magyars, they, with other powerful parties in the country, rallied round her, and nobly supporting her, fought for the liberties she was willing to establish. When Joseph the 2nd suc ceeded to the throne rni made an attempt to incorpo rate Hungary. with Austria the nation resisted and triumphed, and in 1790 the Diet of Presburg ob tained from him this solemn declaration, which I will read to you : That lltinviry i; a free and independent nation in h^r entire system oF leeislation and administration and not subieet to any other state or any ott:er people, but that she shall always :lay lit:r own separate existence arm-I Coaatitation, uad sUail eansequt !ntly be governed by Kings crowned according to her national laws and ciistoms." Thus you will see was obtained the solemn sanction of the then reigning monarch, that the Hungarian nation should csntinue to possess the in-lependence she had previously enjoyed—for which she i 3 fight ing at the present hour. The Diet of 1847-8 proclaimed civil and religious equality without dis tinction of language or religion. All class privileges were abolished, and the suffrage and other political rights were given that had not previously existed, which have no doubt led to the despotic attempts of Austria, succeeded by equally despotic Russia, to overrule the essential liberties of the people. How ever, to establish these great reforms laws were con stitutionally and unanimously , passed, and on the 11th of April, 1848, the present ing came personally to the Diet and confirmed the laws thus passed, which confirmation duly signed an I countersigned was in the following words:— " Having graciously listened to, and graciously granted the prayers of our beloved and faithful dignitaries of the church and of the state magnates and nobles of Hun gary and her dependencies, we ordain that the before mentioned laws be register in these present!, word for word: And, as we eons der‘ , l ies d e laws and t?e-ir entire contents, both collectivs suitable, w® give them our' separately, fitting and collectively and an-i approbation: In exercise of our royal will 'w accepted, adopted, approved, and sanctioned them have time our faithful stet th we a v : il trug at the soma respect the said laws, and will cause them to bs reepeCteti by •our faithful subjects. (Signed) " FERDINAND. (Countersigned) « BATHYA.NI The meeting will, I hope, excuse my trauhlitthemihp with this short history ot' the circumstances under which the independence and liiwrtiest of Hungary have been granted, maint;:irietl, and confirmed.— (Cheers.) They will see by this statement how dear those liberties must be, and ho , ;v , d(xply the Hun garians must appreciate them. .Ner can we as a nation look with apathy upon the heroic struggle now waging betwixt the oppre:tsEci llang,arians and the despotic powers.—(Cheers.) It is for the puri.ose of sympathising with and encouraizing the gallant Magyars that we are assembled this evening.— (Cheers.) I shall be followed by other speakers, and it would therefore be wrong were I to occupy ground which they must rightfully claim. No doubt y ou will hear from them of the atrocities of the men THE • SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 23 1849 scarcely human—unparalleled in civilized warfare — who are attempting to crush the liberties of the Hun garians. You will, no doubt, hear from them of that patriot Louia Kossuth.—(Several rounds of cheering.) But I will, if you please, refer to one of his proclama tions in which he says— " It is an eternal lawof God that whosoever abandoneth himself will be forsaken by the Lord. It is an eternal law that whosoever assisteth himself, him will the Lord a-sist. It is a divine law that false swearing by its re sults chastiseth itself. It is a law of our Lord's that whosoever availeth himself of perjury and injustice prepareth himself the triumph of justice. Standing firm on these eternal laws of the Universe, I swear that my prophesy will be fulfilled—it is, ' That the fredJna of Hungary will be effected by this invasion of Hungary by Jellachich'—(Cheers)—and hear this his invocation to the patriotism of the nation:—' Between Vezprim and Weissenberg the women shall dig a deep grave, in which we will bury the name, the honour, the nation of Hun gary, or our enemies.' And on this grave shall stand a monument inscribed with a record of our shame, ' So God punishes cowardice'—(Cheers)—or we will plant on it the tree of freedom, eternally green, from out o f whose foliage shall be heard the voice of Gcd speaking as from the fiery bush to Moses, ' The spot on which thou standest is holy ground ; thus do I reward the brave: to the Magyars freedom, renown, well-being, and happiness.' "—(Loud cheers.) Now, gentlemen, though I have read this spirit stirring language, I do not stand here as an advocate of war. lam not prepared to say that there might not be extreme cases in which war would be justi fiable; but it is because I think war is a desperate remedy for great evils, that I stand here to-night to give utterance to that moral force which is powerful to subdue armies and mighty as the sword itself.— (Cheers.) If war were ever necessary, the case of the Hungarians is one in which it might be justified. —(Loud cheers.) If there ever was an instance in which we were justified in calling together bands of men to destroy their fellow-men, it is in this righteous cause, where the Hungarians are met to resist fire, and rapine, and murder, from such barbarous invaders. —(Loud cheers.) But I believe this expression of public opinion in England, when its echoes reach the Cabinets of Vienna and St. Petersburgh, will have a powerful moral effect, and pave the way for a just settlement. And here I cannot but express my con currence in the excellent observations of the Secretary of State for the Foreign Department (Lord Palmer ston), for the manner in which he has shown that it is not by force of arms so much as by the force of pub lic opinion that the oppressors of the Hungarians must be conquered • and Lord Palmerston, . s to his honour, has declared, in effect, that the it proclaiming such of all to render their assistance by ..oc l ! anning such opinion, and thus stopping the calamities of war. It is only by meetings such as this that that object can be effacted, and in 'thus rendering our assistance we feel that we are supporting the great cause of civil and religious liberty all over the world. The Rev. C. P. SHEPHERD (Curate of St. Peter's) was received with loud cheers. He said—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, I must first say in public what I said this morning in private, when this reso lution was put into my hand, that I am sincerely sorry that it has not fallen to the lot of some one better known to you, and whose words would have greater weight with you, to second this resolution. As, however, my objection was overruled, I shall not now shrink from petrorming to what I feel be a duty, however imperfectly I may do it. As three of the incumbents of your five parishes have affixed their names to tha requisition to the Mayor to call this meeting, there is no necessity for me, who am but a curate of one of them, to apologise for my presence here.—(Cheers.) There are some men, I know, who will condemn the presence of any of the clergy at meetings such as this.—(Cheers) But, sir, a man, by becoming a clergyman, does not cease to be a citizen, still less does he cease to be a phi linthropi,,t, still less ought he to cease to show an in . _ terest in the well-beingof his fellow-men all the world over.—(Laud cheers) He will remember the words uf St. Paul, that God " bath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth." And if this oneness of blood do nut give him an instinctive love, as a man, for his fellow-men, yet the faith which he professes will infuse into him, as a Christian, sympathy for them as his brethren. For Christianity teaches us that " all men are brethren ;" and brethren they are in a far higher and holier sense than the past history of Christendom would lead us to suppose, in a far closer sense than soldiers and politicians have hitherto allowed us to believe.—(Cheers.) The great sacred truth of " human brotherhood" should be insisted on, as it appears to me, especially by the clergy, " in season and out of season," and therefore, whether this be in season or out of season, I am glad to have an op• portunity of seconding a resolution which declares, among other things, that we sympathise with our brethren the Hungarians in their un merited sufferings.—(Loud cheers.) I am free to confess, sir, that if this had been a question of party politics, I should have carefully kept myself aloof, for, whatever be my political bias, I would abstain from exciting the prejudices of any against myself, as a politician, which might impair my usefulness to all as a minister of Christ. But this is no question of party politics.—(Hear, hear.) It is a question in which are involved the interests of humanity, of civilization, of Christianity, of all western Europe, and though last not least, of our own country and of ourselves.—(Cheers.) We feel an interest in this Hungarian question, not as Conservatives or Radicals, but as men—English, Christian men. We now forget our differences, and find ourselves on ground upon which Englishmen can stand together, shoulder to shoulder. Your unanimity in this matter is gratifying, and it is gratifying to find with what unanimity men of all parties throughout England have lifted up their voices in favour of justice to Hun gary.—(Cheers.) I shall not tread again the histo rical ground over which Mr. Alderman Moss has so ably passed. I need say nothing more to prove to you that the traditional rights of the Hungarian people have been sacrilegiously invaded. I shall speak on the resolution generally. With respect to the terms in which it is expressed, we " recognise the right of independent nations to manage their (men internal affairs"—of course we do. We recognise our own right by daily acting upon it, and with the same indignation with which we should reject the interference of foreigners in our internal affairs, do we condemn the unwarrantable meddling of Russia with independent Hungary : therefore, we say, "we sympathise with the Hungarians," and therefore we "protest Against the armed intervention of Russia." We protest, if we can do nothing more. And surely it is some satisfaction even to protest against injustice—(Cheers)—and our protest will pro• bably be, not only a satisfaction to ourselves, but also of considerable utility to the cause of the oppressed people in whose behalf it is made.—(Hear, hear.) By our struggle against the French Emperor we have so burdened ourselves with debt, that I fear we cannot afford, even it it were desirable, to aid them with arms. War is an expensive luxury—for in such a cause as this, war would even be a luxury. (The li speaker was here interrupted by several rounds of vo ciferous cheering.) I fear that, in the heat of the moment, my language savoured more of enthusiasm than discretion, for, from the bottom of my heart, I quite agree with the worthy Alderman in preferring, under almost all possible circumstances, moral to i•hysical, force.—And we protest (proceed the Rev. Gentleman) not only against an act of tyrannous in justice, but also because, as I have said, in the independencA of Hungary are involved the interests of humanity, of civilization, of Christianity; and on ir, perhaps, depends, humanly speaking, the future fate of western Europe.—(Hear, hear.) If we look back a few centuries into history we shall find Poland and Hungary the great barriers against the progress of Mahomedanlsm westwards. But for them, as in struments in-. God's. hands, the crescent might have -trod above the cross in Europe, and the lies of the Koran have supplanted the truths of the Bible. And now Hungary is the great barrier against the influx of Russian, Cossack, and Tart ar h or d es i n t o western I __ .... _ Europe. If she, or any part of h.r, b ecome a Rus sian province, what falls next ? Where will the evil c?ase? What will be the end of it ? Unless the Germaeic nations of western Europe stand together, I believe there is peril, though not imminent, that they will be swept into the sea before hordes of Scla vonian invaders Thus this is a question involving the interests of humanity, civilization, and Chris tianity,—a question in which we are interested for the sake of Hungary now, and for the sake of our posterity in time to come.—(Hear.) Less than a hundred years ago the historian Gibbon ventured to prophecy the impossibility of another irruption into Europe of northern barbarians. Had he lived in these our days, I think he would have seen reason to alter his opinion. It will occur to some minds, that if Hungary finally succeed by any means in checking the progress of Russia westwards, Russian ambition and a Russian population must have a vent or outlet somewhere; that if she cannot push westwards she will push eastwards, and throw herself upon be our In dian empire. Be it so! We shall no doubt pre pared to meet her.—(Cheers.) We shall be a fairer match for the giant than little Hungary.—(Cheers renewed.) And when the struggle c anes, if we give nungary but our sympathy now, nu doubt her grate ful a n d ga ll an t sons w ill a id us then, i n t i me o f nee d, with something more substantial, seeing that her in terests are ours, as far at least as Russian ambition is coofnocuer sympathyrned—(l-lear.) If we are as k e d w h at i s t h e use and our protest, I answer that we c su an p n po o r t ti t n e g ll w o h u a r t may own be the good effect, both in Foreign Secretary, and perhaps in influencing the Government of Austria. with as the men,oppressed u ~e Moreover, sympathy a n v a o tu id r , al and fe i e f li ,4 n , g e feeling, do w n h o i t n a ti i least protesbtyagoaumrstcianinsjnuosa-t injus tice, we shall appear to the world,silence, to assent to it.—(Hear, hear.) The object of a speaker at a public meeting is t o w i n hi s audience to assent to his views, to consent to something he pro poses. It seems that you do already consent to the resolution I offer you. You do already "recognize the right of independent nations to manage their own internal affairs ?"—(Yes, yes.) You do already sympathise with the wronged Hungarian people ? (Yes, yes.) You do already protest against the armed interference of Russia to establish despotism over a free people ?—(Yes, yes.) Then I have evi dently said enough.—(Much cheering and laughter.) I have great pleasure in seconding the resolution pro posed by Mr. Alderman Moss.—(The Rev. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst reiterated cheers ) The resolution was put and carried by acclamation. The MAYOR then called upon Mr. Bass, M.P., who was hailed with several rounds of cheering. Mr. BASS said—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen, after the eloquent speech you have just heard from my Rev. Friend (if he will allow me to call him so), it would seem—particularly by his conclusion—that little remained to be said upon this important ques tion. Seldom has a meeting been held on any subject on which so unanimous and enthusiastic a feeling has predominated as on this occasion ; and if I trouble you with a few stray remarks, it is not, be assured, on account of any necessity to produce conviction in your minds, or to excite your feelings, but simply because I consider it a duty to give expression before this meeting to the deep feel ing of sympathy which I entertain for the gallant but oppressed people of Hungary.—(Cheers.) Sir, I am profoundly sensible of the vast importance of the question we are assembled to consider, and at the same time not a little embarrassed by the difficulties which surround it. Not that I have a moment's doubt as to the propriety of this meeting, or of the solemn duty imposed upon us to meet and express our earnest and anxious sympathy with a noble and generous people threatened with the most fatal disas• ters, whose freedom, whose rights and independence for ages established and recognised, are now menaced with annihilation.—(Shame 0 No, it is for us who have passed through a similar ordeal, whose fathers have fought for and won the glorious heritage we now enjoy—it is for us, who do and can appre ciate all that the Hungarians are struggling to i preserve, to speak baldly and loudly n their cause, and if we may not at once fly to their rescue, at least let us do all in our power to increase their confidence, to encourage their consistency and patriotism, and as far as practicable assume an wickedattitude aggressions calculated of t o their . co u foreignr ig e , and dnot domestic deter , th as sailants.—(Loud cheers.) It is admitted on all hands by writers of every shade of political opinion in .this country, that the Hungarians have law, justice, and equity on their side—that the Austrians have out raged their constitution, and that the young Emperor is himself an usurper so long as he refuses to swear to their ancient constitution, and who, be it remem bered, was not the direct heir to the kingly crown after the abdication of the last Emperor. The present Emperor has not a shadow of title to the throne until he is prepared to ratify that compact which has for ages formed the first and capital condition, viz., to swear fealty to the constitution and independence of Hungary, to maintain its neutrality as a confederate kingdom, but not a dependency of the Austrian Empire. But it is unnecessary to dwell on this part of the subject. Writers of every political creed in our public journals all declare the Austrian camarilla to be the revolutionists and the Hungarian people the true conservatives of their ancient rights. Sir, this union of all parties from Radical to Conser vative shows that England has indeed a fellow feeling with Hungary that as in Hungary all true patriots have merged their minor differences in a common love of freedom, so it is proof that the English people feel for Hungary what they would teel for themselves if a foreign foe were to assault their freedom and independence.—(Cheers.) Sir, the fact that an independent nation is attacked, and that it is sought to compel it to conform its laws and institutions to those of neighbours whose habits, principles, and policy it repudiates, is enough to arouse our anger and invoke our sympathy; but if wr e look further and see this monstrous and unnatural outrage of Austria successful, where can we expect the same spirit to lead despotism ?—(Loud cheers.) What nation can dare to hope for free progress to liberty when menaced by the brute strength of Russia, which hangs on its borders and longs to cross them ?—(Cheers.) Austria allied with Russia—how far may not success tempt them to run in a career so congenial to the gaolers of Siberia and Spillberg ? (Loud cheers.) Where might they not stretch their unhallowed arms ? So that in addition to the cause of the Hungarian nation, there are con siderations which require foresight and vigilance on our part. The two Emperors hare, as you are aware, already contrived to partition Poland ; and it will not be to their forbearance that we may owe the division of other countries which we should be sorry to see in their grasp.—(Hear, hear.) But not only is the cause of liberty endangered; but humanity too. The practice of war, which has attained something of the generous gentleness of chivalry in civilised nations, becomes in the armies of Austria and Russia a copy of the savagery of the barbarian. You have heard of the butcheries of Haynau—how that he has sacked towns, scourged women, hung the clergy, and butchered his prisoners !—(Vehement cries of Shame.") Have you not read the horrid proclama tions of this monster, whose name is become a bye word, and whose deeds one shrinks with horror from contemplating in all their revolting features. Surely such deeds will bring down a righteous retribution. —(Cheers.) But where is she that was wont to be foremost in her outcry against the oppressors of nations ? France, which has gloried so long in the assertion of her power and will to protect and aid the cause of liberty endangered, or to foster its first sparks in nations long dead to its sacred fire—France has, on this, the first occasion in which her professions might have become acts, been compelled to smother within her own labouring breast her generous im pulses for other nations.—(" Shame.") But is it not proud thing for Englishmen to say that no sanction has been given by our country to the injustice of despots, nor a people suffered to want the help of our opinion in favour of its efforts to attain constitutional ,iberty ?—(Loud cheers.) Who could have for one moment doubted De Tocqueville's sympathies for Hungary had he not sanctioned the bombardment of Rome ?—(Hear, hear.) But if France and her Ministers and President continue to slumber or to wink at the despotism, so much the more need that we be vigilant and energetic, prudent, but firm.— (Loud cheers.) Sir, in ;this mixed assembly, far be it from me to allude to party politics, but I feel we ,hould be doing less than justice were we not to ac knowledge the merits of Lord Palmerston on this question.—(Loud cheers.) The noble lord has not only exhibited the best feelings towards the Hun garians—he has shown the Austrians the excessive folly of their wicked policy ; and I am convinced that , 0 every quarter of the world we may rely on his manly and honest support of free constitutional governments.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Palmerston has been much maligned in this country, but justice will ere long b e ren d ere d to hi s wise and enlightened policy.—(Cheers,) To show how differently the oble Lord was estimated abroad, I will state to you that some time since one of the most eminent of the tureign correspondents of a distinguished journal, who wrote " to order" from Paris, said to a near relative of mine soon after the Sicilian business—" You see how we have been hammering at Palmerston ? Well, no matter, if the English knew how thoroughly foreign statesmen admire and acknowledge his skill and patriotism, they would raise a statue of gold to k liS honour." Now, Ido not 110 s you to concur in all ;hat; but we do nothing else to-night we shall, by our proceedings, strengthen Lord Palmerston's posi• tion in favour of constitutional governments, and advance the cause of right and truth.—(Cheers.) Sir, in reading the public journals my attention was attracted to an article in last Saturday's Spectator, in which the writer says that in meeting as we do this evening we are indulging in " prevarication." Ask the middle classes, says the writer, to join in any real sacrifice on behalf of H ungary , an d we shou l d (h e intimates) shrink from the ordeal. The Spectator may be a high authority, but I will not take his word on this point.—(Hear, hear.) I believe we are in earnest.—(Cheers.) I believe there are men at this meeting—middle class men—mas I not say working men ?—(Cheers, and cries of " Ay, with urine !")—who are anxious to make any reasonable sa crifice that would afford a prospect of relief to Hun • gary.—(Loud cheers.) There are men here ready to give their money —nay, are there not men ready to risk their lives in such a cause ?—(Vehement cheer ing.) But we are told that we must not fight. Gentlemen, I believe the cause of the Hungarians is one in which a good man might resolve to fight and be content to die.—(Protracted cheering.) But may we as a nation fight for it, unless it should become more nearly involved with our interests or our honour ? War is a terrible calamity which we have no right to invoke while peace is possible. War involves mourning and misery to thousands of hearts, and heavy burdens and hardships on the millions who labour to supply its funds. In the present aspect of affairs it may be wrong as regards our duty, and inexpedient as regards onr interests, to invite war, or to do any act that may invite it ; but there are evils harder to bear than war--(Cheers)— and though rapine, murder, violation, are its attend ants, yet its end—slavery--is still less endurable— (Cheers) —all must be dared rather than submit to that, and as when it threatens ourselves we should man- fully rise up to avert it, so I feel that we should gladly succour our brethren in any part of the world, figh:ing in the same sacred cause.—(Reiterated plaudits.) For ourselves, then, we desire to tell the people of Hungary that they have our entire sym pathy and our fervent prayers for their success, and our assurance that we will endeavour to support them in every lawful and honourable effort.—(Loud cheers.) I will now, gentlemen, read the resolution which it will be my pleasure to propose for your adoption. It is as followc_. " That a memorial, signed by the chairman in behalf of the meeting, be presented to her Majesty, through her Majesty's Foreign Secretary of State, expressive of the sense of this meeting, and earnestly praying for the immediate recognition of the Government de facto of Hungary, as demanded not less by justice, policy, and the commercial interests of both countries; than by a solicitude to stop the effusion of human blood, and to terminate the barbarous atrocities which mark the pro gress of the Austrian and Russian armies." (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I have to apologise for the imperfect manner in which I have treated so great a theme. I rejoice to be present in this large, unanimous, and enthusiastic assembly —this assembly composed of men of all parties and creeds. It is a most gratifying proof that Englishmen can forget all their differences while freedom is in danger, and that all are prepared to unite their efforts whenever and wherever the rights of liberty and conscience are menaced or assailed.—(Loud cheers.) I should at this time have been six hundred miles away, but were it six thousand, I would have come here this evening to tell you that there is not one among you —and I believe there are honest and free hearts here —who more ardently, more sincerely sympathises with the heroic and oppressed people of Hungary than the unworthy individual who occupies the honourable position in which your kindness has placed him. (The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst several rounds of cheering.) The MAYOR called upon the Rev. J. Gawthorn, who was received with loud cheers. The Rev. J. GAWTUORN thought, as a general 13 • rinc;ple it was well for public me e ti ngs t o con fi ne themselves to the objects specified in the notice by which they were convened, but as he believed the non-insertion of the Romans in the requisition was merely an oversight, he trusted he should be pardoned if for a minute or two he adverted to the wrongs which they had suffered — (Cheers)—especially as the preceding, speakers had pretty much ,confined their observations to the case of the Hungarians. He had intended to dwell a little on the sufferings and claims of the last mentioned people, but as so much had been well said in their behalf he would merely mention one or two circumstances which bad not been noticed. It was quite true that Hungary was an independent nation, and that the Hungarians were contending only for their national independence and constitutional rights, rights which had been guaranteed to them not only by the coronation oaths of their successive sovereigns, but by the solemn oath of the Emperor so late as April 11, 1848, which Mr. Moss has read ; but has the Emperor observed his oath to respect the laws, and caused them to be respected?—(No.) Is he not notoriously a perjured man ?—(Cheers.) First, the treacherous Court of Vienna sent emissaries among the Hungarians to sow discord, and to provoke them to sedition ; then the Emperor let loose hordes of Croats to devastate the country and murder the people; and more lately he has called in the barbarians of the north to complete the work "of destruction.—(Shame, and cries of " Down with the Russian bear.") We denounce not only the perjury and injustice in which this contest began, but also the barbarous, the inhuman disposi tion and manner in which it is prosecuted.—(Vehe ment cheering.) The brutal General Haynau has issued a proclamation in which he says, " Doomed to death is every person, no matter of what rank or sex —doomed to instant death on the spot is every one who dares to assist the cause of the rebels," Sec. — (Cheers.) Mention has been made of Kossuth— Kossuth, whom God preserve and prosper.—(Several rounds of cheering.) In 1836 this brave patriot was sentenced to ten years' imprisonment for publishing the debates of the Diet, and now on the battle field he nobly sustains the cause of his injured country. — (Loud cheers.) But I must say a word on the French invas'on of the Roman territory. It is, I believe, pretty well known, that during the pontificate of the last deceased Pope, under his rule so much tyranny was practised, and so much public discontent prevailed, that speedy melioration on the one hand, or open resistance on the other, was inevitable. When Pius the Ninth ascended the papal throne, a more liberal policy was expected by the people, and was promised by the Pope. I give the Pope some credit for sincerity at the time, but cardinals and others set themselves in opposition to all social re forms, to free institntions, and liberal policy ; so that at Rome affairs were in a very unsettled and unsatis factory state for some time before the late French Revolution, and before that event France had acted in a most base and treacherous manner towards the island of Otaheite, to her amiable Queen, and in offensive people.—(Cheers.) We ought promptly and decidedly to have protested against that atrocious conduct, perpetrated under the hypocritical pretence of protection. If Lord Aberdeen had then done his duty—had we then done our duty—perhaps what has since occurred might not have taken place.—(Cheers.) When the French Revolution occurred, Lamartine declared that France would not suffer other nations to interfere with her internal affairs, nor would she interfere with those of other people—a declaration that was hailed and applauded as rational, just, and politic, and calculated to secure the peace of Europe—a declaration applauded not only by the British people, but also by her Majesty's Ministers, and by Parliament. Alas ! how soon was this promise violated. Has France kept her word ? —(No, no.) Let Rome give the answer. No; France now stands an uncovered, a convicted, but an unblushing liar—(Vehement cheering)—in the face of the world. France, that deposed her own Sovereign, that formed a Republic and adopted universal suffrage for herself, denies to others what she claims for her own people.—(Shame !) France, that told the world she would not interfere with the internal affairs of other people, has in the most base and cowardly manner invaded a weaker people while struggling and endeavouring to assist their liberty and to break the chains of priestly despotism.— (Shame ! shame!) Yes, France has let loose her army on a neighbour who was doing her no wrong, but was nobly following her example and treading in her steps.—(Cries of indignation.) The Romans have behaved nobly—(Cheers) —they struggled long and bravely against the treacherous but overwhelm ing power of France—they are not dishonoured in their fall. —(Loud cheers ) I trust they will yet rise and vindicate their liberty; but in the meantime I ask your sympathy for that greatly injured and now oppressed people.—(Much cheering.) The Rev Gentleman concluded, amidst loud cheers, by cor dially seconding the resolution. The resolution was carried by acclamation. The Rev. W. R. STEVENSON - Was next called upon, and received a cordial welcome. He said—ln sub rnitting to the meeting this memorial, the speaker observed that he apprehended there would be no divi sion of feeling in reference to the sentiments it con tained. As Englishmen, as human beings, as indivi duals possessed of a sense of right and wrong, the audience could not but sympathise with the Hun garians. Injustice, gross injustice had been wrought, and they could not but sympathise with the injured party.—(Cheers) The memorial just read asked for the recognition of the independence of Hungary, and on various grounds, both Radical and Conservative, might that rightfully be claimed. He believed that many persons in that ball would feel that when any nation, whatever its past history, chose for itself a particular form of government, no power on earth had a right to say that it should not have that go vernment.—(Cheers.) If the Hungarians, as a people, chose to be independent, what right had Austria, or any other power to forbid them ? But, on historical and constitutional grounds also might that independence be claimed. The Hungarian natiuu became fixed in their present location in Europe about the ninth century. Until the sixteenth century they were perfectly independent, and were governed by a series of elected kings. Having, however, experienced a severe defeat in a war in which they were engaged with the Turks, and their monarch h ink Slain, they were led to choose as his successor, Ferdinand, an Austrian prince, brother of the cele brated Charles V. By this act they by no means re nounced their indepenaence ; yet it is stated by high authorities that this is the only ground of claim Aus tria has upon Hungary. From thQ days of Ferdi nand until now the Emperors of Austria have been Kings of Hungary, at first according to the system of election—mon. recently by hereditary transmission ; yet, as was stated by Mr. Alderman Moss, rQpeatedly, as for instance, both in 1722 and 1790, has Austria in on that of th e natural rights of man, the most solem n manner d ec l are d the independe nce may the of her neighb our. O n these grou nds, then, as w e ll as recogni tion of Hungarian independence be asked for.— (Cheers.) The memorial does not call for armed intervention. As a genera l pr inciple it condemns it. Such interventi on i s t o b e d epr ecated ; for it is to be considered that, a ft er a ll , war is a kind of game of hazard. When once begun, there is no knowing how or when it may terminate. Were England to interfere with other than moral force, a general European war might be the result ; and it is possible that by arming in defence of liberty, we mi g ht i n t h e en d i n j u re rather than be nefit that sacr e d cause. The tr i ump h o f H ung ary w ill, there is reason to believe, be the triumph of rational freedom. B e f ore the breaking out o f th e war Kos suth and hi s f r i ends succeeded in es t a bli s hi ng per f ec t religiou s t o l erat i on, and in carry i ng many other most important reforms. Should they be victorious in the struggle we may see ere long established in the east of Europa a flourishing independent state, making daily progress in arts and laws, and setting to the barbarian hordes on her eastern and southern borders a glorious and stimulating example.—(Loud cheers.) We, the descendants of the men who, two centuries , ago, str ugg l e d f or freedom in th i s l an d, canno t b e in different now. N o t on l y i n Hungary, but in every other land shall w e h a il th e progress of liberty. We shall feel ourselves bound, not only now, but at any future time, to do what with righteousness we can to assist her in her progress.— (Cheers.) Let the sentiment of the pOet be ours — Spirit of freedom, on, And pause not in thy flight, Till every clime be won, - To worship in thy Then, where the mountains sink, And where the valleys rise, The boaeon lights of Shall kindle to the skies! —(Loud cheers.) Mr. MADELEY, in rising to second the motion, was received with cheers. He said that owing to indisposition he should confine his observations to one point, namely, the question of moral force, upon which much had been said at these meetings ; but he would ask any reasonable man, whether, in having to deal with the savage hordes of Russia, the moral force of this country would have any weight but for the knowledge that it is backed by a gallant fleet and a brave army ?—(Cheers.) Simply to " protest" against the aggressions of hordes of barbarians would he of slight avail, if Russia and Austria did not know that there was that love of liberty in the English nation which could not look on with indifference at the outrages committed by despotic powers.—(Cheers.) As an independent nation,—a nation enjoying the greatest amount of national freedom of any country in the world—we Englishmen should not only ex press onr sympathy with the gallant and oppressed Hungarians, but also demonstrate to them that we can if we wish, unsheath the sword in the cause of liberty, and are prepared to defend the oppressed not only with our purses but with our arms.—(Several rounds of cheering.) By so acting, we should not only secure the liberties of the Hungarians, but pro • tect our own.—(Cheers.) The memorial was carried by acclamation. Mr. Alderman HENRY MOZLEY moved the next resolution, and availed himself of the opportunity of paying a compliment to several of the speakers who had preceded him. After paying a deserved tribute to the speech of the Rev. Mr. Shepherd, who had on this occasion made his first appearance before a Derby audience, but he trusted it would not be his last— (Cheers)—the Hon. Gentleman, after passing a com pliment to Mr. Moss, congratulated the meeting on having had the presence of their worthy and esteemed Member, Mr. Bass, amongst them.—(Loud cheers.) lie could assure them that Mr. Bass had made great sacrifices to be present on the occasion ; but he con sidered it not only a duty to his constituents but to his own feelings to participate in this expression of feeling an a subject so dear to the heart of every sincere lover of liberty.—(Cheers.) After some facetious observations upon some of his friends, which caused considerable merriment, the Hon. Gentleman addressed himself for a few minutes to the question before the meeting. It had been said thst these meet ings were a mere unavailing protest against an aggressive power, but sure he was that no power, however aggressive, could hear the voice of the people of England thus expressed, without shrinking ; and in his opinion this universal expression of the public mind of this country would, in its effects, be little short of armed interference.—(Cheers.) He begged to move, that Mr. Bass be requested to present the memorial to her Majesty, through her Majesty's Fo reign Secretary of State, at his earliest convenience. Mr. PEGG said that Mr. Bass, by his presence there that evening, and especially by his o w n mos t excel lent speech, had given them proof how cordially he might lee expected to perform the trust.—(Cheers.) The resolution was carried by acclamation. Mr. BASS said that he should have great pleasure in complying with the wishes of the meeting. They must all feel that they had been discharging an im • periive duty, and he had no doubt it would have its fair influence upon the Government. He was de lighted with the meeting, which, for order, intelli gence, and enthusiasm, could not be surpassed in any town of equal population ; and the opinion he had entertained of his constituents was, if possible, en hanced by their conduct that evening.—(Cheers.) Mr. H. MOZLEY, on behalf of Sig. Marioni, who could not attend the meeting, expressed on his behalf how deeply the Roman people would feel the expres sions of sympathy elicited in that evening's proceed ings. Mr. Bass then moved, and Mr. Moss seconded, a vote of thanks to the Mayor for the able manner in which he had presided over their proceedings. Carried by acclamation. The MAYOR said—l feel most sensibly your kind ness ; but at the same time I must take leave to say that I have only discharged a duty, and am amply rewarded by the excellent speeches delivered.---(Loud cheers.) He then stated that at a recent public meeting in the borough of Marylebone, a subscrip tion was opened in aid of the great cause of Hun garian Independence, the proceeds of which, after defraying the expenses of sending back to their country the Hungarian Hussars lately staying at Folkestone, will be placed at the disposal of the Hungarian Government ; that Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart and Mr. Richard Taylor are appointed to act as trustees of this fund; and that Mr. Adams, the Editor of the Reporter, or Mr. Pike, will receive con tributions at the office, and publish the list in the Reporter, and transmit the money to the London Committee, who would acknowledge the receipt in The Sun newspaper.—(Cheers.) Three hearty cheers were then given for Louis Kossuth, three for Bem, three for Dembinski, three for Georgey, three for Mr. Bass, and three for Lord Palmerston. The meeting then separated. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. NORTHERN ClRCUlT.—Liverpool, Aug. 21. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. JusticePATTEsoN.) James Henry Hughes, 28, was indicted for forging the acceptance to a bill of exchange for 301., with intent to defraud Thomas Wilkes. There was a count for uttering. Mr. ‘. EAGER stated the case, from which, and th e evidence, it appeared, that the prosecutor was, in August last, looking after the repairs of a house of his at Birkenhead, when the prisoner, who is a gentlemanly-looking man, came to him, and said he thought it would suit him, and after some talk about it, he agreed to take it. This led to an acquaintance, and as the prosecutor, who had been a master mariner, had lately lost money, and as the prisoner represented himself as a person in easy circumstances, he employed the prosecutor in various matters. He got him to order a vessel to be built for him, for which the prisoner was to pay 570/. ; to take some land for the purpose of building on it, and to take a yard for the sale of bricks, &c. He professed to be related to Sir R. Brooke, of Norton Priory. The prosecutor began to want some money after some eight or nine weeks, but all he could get was 55., is., and 10s., at several times, and as the prosecutor became more pressing the prisoner told him a person who owed him 701. was willing to give two acceptances for it, and he drew the bill in question, addressed to George Hornby, marine store-dealer and ship- chandler, which he afterwards produced accepted, and suggested that the prosecutor should get it cashed, give him 51., and keep the other for his services, including eight weeks overlooking the vessel building at Runcorn. The prosecutor said he refused to take the bill or have any thing to do with it, as he begun to suspect the pri soner, unless he would send it in a letter to his house in Preston (where his home was) ; on which the prisoner in his presence wrote a letter directed to him there, which was received by prosecutor's wife, who acknowledged the receipt of it in a letter to the pri soner. The prosecutor's suspicions on leaving the prisoner induced him to go in search of George Hornby, but he conld find no such person, and the only person in business in Liverpool of that name said now it was not his handwriting, and the bill was dis honoured when due. It had not been negotiated by the prosecutor. Mr. BLAIR, for the prisoner, contended that the prosecutor was not to be believed. The bill, he said, was a joint transaction. They were to be partners in the several speculations, and there could, therefore, be no intention to defraud Wilks, the prosecutor. His LORDSHIP summed up rather favourably, it was thought, for the prisoner, for the prosecutor had not given his evidence in a very satisfactory manner, and the jury retired, but in about half an hour re turned with a verdict of Guilty, on which his Lord ship sentenced the prisoner to be imprisoned fifteen months with hard labour. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT, OLD COURT. (Before Mr. Justice EaLE. Yesterday Francis Edward Brodrich, 25, pleaded guilty to an indictment for forgery. Mr. Ribton appeared for the prisoner. Mr. BODKIN, who appeared for the prosecution, said there were two other indictments against the prisoner of a similar description. A cheque-book had, in the first instance, been obtained from the bankers by means of a forged letter, and it had after wards been used for the purpose of committing these forgeries. judgtm.nt was postponed. Henry Smithies, an attorney, surrendered to take his trial upon an indictment for misdemeanour at com mon law. Sergeant Ryles, Mr. Bodkin, and Mr. Huddlestone were for the prosecution ; Mr. Cooke and Mr, Robin son appeared for the defendant. The Learned SERGEANT, iii opening the case for prosecution, said that the defendant was an attorney of the superior courts, and he was now charged with the offence of rnisdemeancur at common law, for having unlawfully forged and uttered an instrument known to the legal profession as a retainer, with an intention to defraud. The defendant had been admitted as an attorney for several years, and he carried on his profession in partnership with a gentle man named James, at Aylesbury. The latter had not been so long in the profession as the defendant, and he entrusted the whole of his business at Ayles bury, and particularly that portion of it relating to Chancery proceedings, to the defendant, in whom he placed the utmost confidence. It appeared that, in 1847, the defendant was engaged to act as attorney in a Chancery suit for certain infants named Miles, and it was necessary that they should sue by their next friend, and a gentleman named Soden, who was their uncle, consented to act in that capacity for them, but upon the express understanding that he should not incur any liability for costs. The suit went on, and at length proceedings were taken to change the attorney, and a gentleman named Kirk Was employed instead of the deendant, to conduct the suit, and on the commencement of the present year the defendant brought an action against Mr. Soden for 3551., the amount of the costs that had been in curred. The action was defended, and upon the defendant's bill going before the Master to be taxed, the retainer in question was produced. The body of the document was in the handwriting of the defendant, but the signAture, although it bore a close resem blance to Mr. Soden's hand-writing, he should be able most distinctly to show them was a forgery. The action proceeded, but in the evening before it was to come to trial the defendant withdrew the record and declined to go on, although, us he alleged, he had a distinct retainer from Mr. Soden in his po=ses-ion. r. James, upon becoming acquainted with what had taken place, addressed a communication to the defen dant, which he should put in evidence, and likewise some other letters which passed be tween them, and by which it would appear that the defendant did not deny that he had committed the act imputed to him, but endeavoured to give some expla nation of it. The defendant subsequently obtained possession of the document in question, and took it, with all the other papers in the action, to his office at Aylesbury; but Mr. James, feeling that the matter was of such a nature as to demand inquiry, went down there ; and in the absence of the defendant, he felt himself justified in breaking open the drawers in the office, and thus obtained possession of the instrument upon which the-present indictment was founded. Mr. Bull, the clerk to Mr. Meeking, the London agent to the defendant in the chancery suit, produced all the papers connected with it. He also proved the production by the defendant of the alleged consent of Mr. Soden to act as next friend in the suit, and the subsequent proceedings in reference to the action brought by the defendant to recover, his costs from Mr. Soden. The cause, it appeared, stood for trial in the Exchequer on the 26th April, but the record was withdrawn by the defendant. Cross. examined—Mr. James had been clerk to Mr. Duncan, the solicitor to the Eastern Counties. Railway Company, and he was engaged in that capacity until Mr. Duncan ceased to he connected with the company. The whole of the business at Aylesbury was carried on by the defendant, and Mr. James did not interfere with it, but resided in London. He did not recollect hearing the defendant say anything about having lost an original consent paper, but he certainly did say something to him about having lost a retainer, but he did not remember having searched for it, or being requested to do so by Mr. Smithies. When the de fendant first produced the retainer before the Master, it appeared to him that it was for the purpose of fixing the date. The Chancery suit had been going on for nearly two years, and it was now being carried on by Mr. Kirk. The business at Aylesbury in creased after the defendant became a partner. The whole of the papers in "Miles v. Miles" and " Smithies v. Soden" were tied up together, and he handed the whole of them together to the defendant. The wit ness then identified a letter which was produced as the handwriting of Mr. Soden. The letter was put in. It was to the effect that Mr. Soden was willing to do all he could for the benefit of the family of the Mileses, but stated that he would not find security for more than 2001. By Mr. BODKIN—When the retainer was produced the defendant did not say a word about its being a copy, and his impression was that he stated it was the original consent. The document was then put in and read. It was as follows : "In Chancery—Miles v. Miles—l hereby consent to act as next friend to the infants for the purposes of this suit. " RICHARD SODEN." Richard Soden deposed that he was an innkeeper, and resided at Castlethorpe, Buckinghamshire. He was uncle by marriage to the plaintiff in the suit of " Miles v. Miles." The signature to the " consent " that had been produced was not his writing, and he never signed such an instrument, or authorised any person to sign it for him. The signature was very like his handwriting, and was a good imitation of it. Mr. Smithies was the solicitor in the Chancery suit, and the first time he saw him was on the 29th of May, 1847, at his office in Aylesbury. He went to him upon that occasion in consequence of a note he received from one of his nieces, and a person named Frederick Monk accompanied him. They discussed at this meeting the question of his becoming next friend, and he told the defendant that he had no ob jection to lend his name to serve his nephews, but he would not be responsible for any costs; and Mr. Smithies replied that he would not be called upon for any. He did not sign any paper on that ccasion, and he distinctly understood that he was not to be responsible for costs. lie saw Mr. Smithies several times afterwards, but nothing was ever said about costs, and he never signed any paper consenting to be responsible. An action was afterwards brought against him for the costs, which he defended. By Mr. COOKE—The Mileses were the children'; of his sister. Their father h a d an es t a t e which he farmed. There were eight children altogether. One of the objects of the suit was to keep the farm going for the benefit of the family, instead of turning it into money, and generally to protect the interests of the children against certain trustees who had become bankrupt. Some o f th e family objected to the mode in which the suit was carried on. Mr. Smithies at one period advised a sale, and three of the family would not consent, and they employed Mr. Kirk. His nephews told him that he was to go and see Mr. Smithies, to act as their next friend. He did not recollect ever being told by Mr. Smithies that the costs would 'come out of the estate, but he always understood that it was to be so. He went several times to Mr. Smithies's office, and wrote several let ters, and rendered all the assistance he could to his relations in their prosecution of the suit. Did not know anything of Mr. James until he went to Bow street upon this matter, and he was then asked to be the prosecutor in this indictment. Did not think he should leave instituted the prosecution of his own accord. He was very glad to get out of it. He pledged his oath most solemnly that he never signed any paper at Mr. Smithies's office. Did not recollect that he had ever expressed any doubt upon the sub ject. He had always said that he never recollected signing such a paper, and it was a very extraordi nary thing if he had done so without knowing it. What he said was, that he had never signed any paper to make himself liable for costs. He was still the next friend in the suit. The action between the defendant and himself was settled by Mr. Kirk on behalf of the family, and he had received a re lease. The family employed Mr. Kirk to defend the action, not on the ground that he had never consented to become next friend, but that he had not made him self liable for the costs, but it was, of course, al ways understood that Mr. Smithies was to have his costs, but that they were to come out of the estate. By Mr. HUDDLESTONE—It was when he was told that a consent had been produced before the taxing master, which purported to be signed by him, that he made the remark that he had no recollection of having ever signed such an instrument. Several letters were here put in, which had passed between Mr. Soden and Mr. Smithies, relative to the Chancery suit. Mr. James was then called as a witness. He de posed he was an attorney of the Court of Queen's Bench, but not of the Court of Chancery, and he now carried on his business at Aylesbury. His father and grandfather had carried on business in the same town. The defendant became his partner in 1846, and he had the entire management of the Chancery suit, " Miles v. Miles." He remembered the action being brought by Mr. Smithies against Mr. Soden, and he heard of the record being withdrawn on the 25th of May, and he inquired of the defendant how he came to withdraw the record after the positive assurances he had given him of Mr. Soden's liability. The defendant replied that upon a consultation he had told his counsel that a witness was to be called for him who was known to be so great a blackguard that he would not he allowed to go into the box by his counsel. Witness then said he had better settle, and not a word was said about the retainer on that occa sion. Witness, on a subsequent occasion, again inquired why he had withdrawn the record, and the defendant replied that he had lost the retainer. Witness remarked that a retainer had been produced before the master, and he replied that it was a copy, and he said he had drawn it up from memory. He then asked him if he had signed Mr. James's name to it, and he said he did, and also that he had imitated the signature. Witness, with an oath, said it e was a forgery, and the defendant answered, that he might call it so if he pleased. Wit ness then said it was the first time such a thing had happened in his office, and he would take care it was the last. They then parted, and the next day he wrote a letter to the defendant, in which he expressed his intention to have no further intercourse with him, and upbraiding him with his conduct relating to the alleged retainer by Mr. Soden. A letter written by the defendant to Mr. James about the same time was then put in, in which he admitted the propriety of his remarks with regard to the transaction respecting the retainer, and expressed his regret that it should have occurred, and said it was certainly wrong, and he ought not to have done it, and he would be more careful in future. On the 12th of May the defendant wrote another letter, in which it appeared he stated that he had, in point of fact, re ceived a retainer from Mr. Soden, but had mislaid it, and when he was called upon to produce it before the master he said that he had merely handed in the do cument now in question as a copy. Examination continued—Before these letters had passed between them, witness had expressed his dis content at the proceedings relating to the Chancery uit and some other matters. He had no premium with the defendant when he entered into partnership with him. Until the 15th of May he had no suspicion that there had not been an original retainer, but in conseqty.nce of what he learned on that day he went down to Aylesb ur y- and broke open the d e fendant's desk, and took out, all his papers, and among them vv2s the document which formed the subject of the pre sent inquiry. He also took possession of some other letters written by Mr. Soden, and the signature to the alleged consent paper appeared to him to have been copied from these letters. After he had broken open the desk, as he had stated, a warrant was obtained against him, and the matter was inquired into by the magistrates at Aylesbury, but they refused to In terfere. By Mr. CooKE—Witness was in Mr. Duncan's office, in 1846. Mr. Duncan was the solicitor to the Eastern Counties Railway. Mr. Smithies managed all the Aylesbury business, but he was sometimes there two or three days in the week. The de" ft ndant . had been practising as an attorney at New port before he entered into partnership with him, and he was aware that his father was a clergyman in Essex, and a magistrate for that county. The defendant first gave him notice of dissolution of partnership, but be was preparing notice himself, at the time he received it. The de" tendant was engaged in London upon business for the office at the time he went down to Aylesbury to seize his papers. He not only seized all the papers re' Laing to this affair, but also all the defendant's private papers, but the latter had since been returned to him. Witness left Mr. Duncan's office in September last, and he continued with him so long as he was cow nected with the Eastern Counties Railway. He offered to take the defendant as managing clerk if he would consent to retire from the partnership. The proposition was made to his brother, but at this time he was not aware of the forgery. He also made s proposition that th e d e f en d ant s h ou ld continue his partner, but that there should be an agreement that he should at any time, without notice, have the power of saying that he was no l onger hi s partner. Wit' ness did not appear as prosecutor at Bow-street. The charge was dismissed by the magistrate upon that occasion. The defendant refused to accede to the proposition he had mentioned, and it was after this that he had a communication with his brother, and said that he would have the defendant struck off the rolls, and that he would also prefer a charge of forgery against him. By Sergeant BYLES—Witness made no offer 1 0 continue the connexion with the defendant after he became aware that the alleged consent was a forgery. Mr. Frederick Miles deposed that he accompanied Mr. Soden to Mr. Smithies's office in May, 1847, but he did not see his uncle sign any paper. He con sented to act for the benefit of the family in the Chancery suit, but expressly said that he would not render himself liable to the payment env costs. Cross-examined—His uncle had always denied having signed any such paper as the one in question. Lie had said that he thought his uncle might have signed a paper, but had no recollection of his having actually done so. This - was the case for the prosecution. Mr. Coowx took some technical objections to the indictment, contending that at common law the offence of uttering a forged instrument could not be supported unless there was clearly shown to be an intention to defraud. Lie likewise submitted to his Lordship that as there was no proof of a forgery having been commit ted within the Central Criminal Court district, that the Court had no jurisdiction. Mr. Justice ERLE, after some Argument, said he thought there was" sufficient evidence to go to the jury: .ilr. COOKE accordingly addressed them for the defendant, and after having called their attention to the curious nature of the charge, he called upon thou to remember that this was not a prosecution by any person who had been injured, but it was a prosecution by one attorney against his partner for the object, 9s he should contend, not of vindicating the law, but of effecting his own private object of destroying the partnership and obtaining all the profits of the busi" ness himself. He could not conceive what was the object of the forgery, if forgery had been committed , for Mr. Soden bad never denied that he had con' sented to act as the next friend, and therefore the defendant was sure to obtain his costs out of the estate, and there was not the least necessity for his bringing forward th e i ns t rument in question. H e urged that it was very possible that during all the tedious proceedings of this Chancery suit that Mr' Soden might have signed such a paper and hav e forgotten the fact, and that the defendant's represen" tation that he had made a copy of it from memory was correct. The 4 earne d C ounse l t h en procee d at considerable length to remark upon the CO ,o duct of Mr. James, and expressed his opinion that o had acted most u n j us tifi a bl y an d i mproperly in b rea k ' ing open the drawers of the defendant, and laying hold of all his p r i va t e papers, an d he concluded l able address, by c a llin g upon t h e j ury to g i ve the defendant the benefit of that doubt, which he con" tended all the circumstances - of the case must neceS. sarily occasion in their minds, and say that he was not guilty of the charge made against him. Mr. Justice ERLE then summed up the whole case, and the jury, after a short deliberation, returned a verdict of Guilty of uttering a forged instrument with intent to defraud. A eiscussion then took place upon the point re' lating to the jurisdiction, and eventually the Learned Judge requested the jury to give a special verdict, expressing their opinion whether there was any evidence of a forgery having been committed within the jurisdiction of th a t court, and on the i r finding that there was not, he said the points should be reserved for the consideration of the Judges, and 14 the meantime he should postpone judgment. The defendant was liberated upon entering into sureties to appear and receive the judgment of the Court, when he should be called upon to do so. IVE IV COURT. (Before the COMMON-SERGEANT.) George Cook, 33, a sweep, was indicted for stealing a sweeping -machine, brush, and other articles, valued at 21., the property of John Francis. The case was most satisfactorily proved by two witnesses, the prosecutor, who identified the p ro perty . , and a man wh o saw th e pr i soner com i ng away w ith the property. The COMMON-SERGEANT (looking over the deposi• tions)—Here are five more witnesses to prove the case, which is now fully proved; five more witnesses, and I shan't call one. What all of them have been sent for I can't tell. I know we shall have to pay for them. The magistrates who commit ought to pay for them; and, if I had the power to make them, they should. The prisoner had been sent for trial by one o f the Bench of Magistrates for Brentford, where the offence was committed. The jury found the prisoner Guilty, a n d be, having been before convicted, and sentenced to trans portation, was now ordered to be transported for ten years. George Latour, aged 20, a sailor, was convicted of stealing some articles of linen from the garden of a gentleman, living at Eltham, in Kent. The prisoner, when called on to plead, said be should wish to be tried by a jury - of half foreigners' but finding that he could not make the Court believe that he was a foreigner, he abandoned the wish. The COMMON• SERGEANT --Where did you last have your hair cut? (The prisoner's hair was very short.) Prisoner—Had a fever—had my head shaved. COMMON-SERGEANT—No, Sir ; you have had it cut rather close. Where did you come from ? Prisoner (in perfectly good English)—Paris, Sir. COMMON -SERGEANT—HO W do you get a living ? The prisoner could not tell—only knew that h e had just come from Paris. - COMMON- SERGEANT—A very long time since you were in Paris ? Prisoner—Very recently come from there, Sir. COMMON - SERGEANT—Then, the sooner you get back to Paris, the sooner you may adorn and suit society there, for you will not here.—(Laughter.) The, prisoner was then sentenced to three months imprisonment, and hard labour. BIRTHS. At Wentworth, on the 14th inst., Viscountess Milton, of a daughter. On the 18th inst., at Liverpool, the lady of Major W r . Matthias, of a son. On the 20th inst., at Chester-terrace, Ch es t er-square , the wife of J. Streatfiel, Esq., of a daughter. On the 20th inst., at Bolton-place. Queen's Elm, Bromptoe, the wife of Captain F. Schreiber, of a son. On the 20th inst., in Dorset-square, the lady of R. J. P• Broughton, Esq , of a son. On the 21st inst., at Sutherland -street, Walworth, Mrs. G.• Shadbolt, of a daughter. ARRIED On the 15th inst.. at M Whalley . Church, Lancashire, the Rev. S W. King, eldest son of the Rev. W. H. King, M.A. to Emma, da ug ht er of the late John Fort, Esq., M.P., of Read-hall, in the same county. On the 21st inst., at Woodtnansterne Church, the Rev. E. B. Berens, rector of Downham and Wickford, Essex, to T Sophia Frances, y oungest daughter of the late T. Walpole , Esq., and the Lady Margaret Walpole, of Stagbury, Surie2:7_ DIED On the 20th i ns t., in Regent-street, London, the Right Hon. David, Earl of Airlie and Lintrathen, aged 63. On the 17th inst., Mr. J. Martin, 42 years clerk to the Society of Antiquaries. On the 17th inst., Sir Cuthbert Sharpe, Collector of her Majesty's Customs at Newcastle, ag.2.cl 68. On the 15th inst., at the Sanctuary Probus, Cornwall, the Rev, Robert Larnpen, M.A.. vicar of Probus, and Prebeil'' d Ary of the Cathedral Church at Exeter. On the 18 h inst., at Albert-square, Clapham, Edward Murrell, Eq., Lite of Northfleet, Kent, aged Bt. On the 19th inst., at Ramsgate, Susan Schweitzer, the wife of Professor W. J. Schweitzer, aged 47. On the 20th inst., at Herne-hill, Dulwich, Robert Currie, Esq., aged 64. This morning, at 57, Judd-street, Brunswick-square, St. Pancras, Henry Hetherington, bookseller, aged 59. London; Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The ,Sun Office, No. 1121 Strand, in the Precinct of the Stwov, in the coantY or Middlesex, Thursday, August 28, 1849. A 44 I li ve,