The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-21 00:00:00

N. voltitneS satianti c t be bas • of ins very, in in the I coin -4‘ ap: dol l ‘te , loop /dal, bel l° SO lop Ul e 'LO r re`" b/ o , PH i f e fl i g d ding 'P e n j rat , the" re . o ti , r latio e alre° ORN !NG El) IT fiiN MEETING IN MAR YLEBONE. COMMODORE NAPIER. A meeting of the electors of the borough of Nlarylebone was held yesterday at the Yorkshire Stineo, Paddington, to take measures fi r securing the election of the " Hero of Acre" to represent this borough in Parliament. Long before two bit lock, the hour appointed for commencing proceedings, the room, which is calculated to hold 1.500 persons, was completely filled, and when the time for taking the Chair ai•rived 'the greatest impatienc e was manifested. The call of" Chair, chair, time, time," having become in a few minutes exceedingly loud and angry, the Committee appeared upon the platform, and one of them, .111 r. •Ivrasey, came forward, and said, that by some unac countable accident, Mr. Raikes Currie, who was to have taken the chair, had not arrived, and on that account Mr. Hume— ( Vehement cheering) —would take the chair.—( Renewed and long continued cheering. ) Mr. HUME, M.P., then came forward, and when the cheer io:• with which the Hon. Gentleman was received had sub sOed, said, that as the time of every person there present was valuable, the Committee had thought fit not to wait for the arrival of the gentleman who had agreed to take the C!.air on the present occasion ; they were anxious to preeeed to business. He (Mr. Hume) had come there as a parishioner, not intend ing in any way to interfere in the proceedings of the meeting, further than by offering his most zealous support to Commo dore Napier, in the hope that they would have him as their re presentativ e in Parliament. --( Cheers, and cries of " No, no," and much confusion, which lasted for some time ) At length Mr. Hume proceeded—He was in hopes that those who came there would allow the meeting to proceed orderly. They were anxious to hear the opinions of every individual in the assembly who might think fit to pre ent himself on the present occasion. It was net to be supposed that they could alt be of one opinion ; but it was right and fair that they should hear the parties who addressed the meeting, and not by clamour unnecessarily inter rupt its proceedings.—( Here some disorder was again occa 'l"ned by an individual, who was assailed on all _ides by cries of Turn him out, turn him out.") Mr. Hume went on to say that those who wished to prevent open discussion, would not be the friends of freedom, or the best individuals to be represented in Parliament. He would not make any further observations than as chairman express a hope that they would support him while in the chair in his endeavours to preserve order. It • was impossible that they could o bt a in credit for their proceed at.'iM unless they obs erve d o r de r a nd d e co r um. I n his cape tcif chairman, he would take care that every individual pre ,tenting himself to the meeting should be heard. Commodore aapier had offered himself as candidate to represent the borough of alarylebone in Parliament—( Hear, hear, and cheers) — a nd it was unnecessary for him (Mr. Hume) to say more than that t h e gallant Commodore's public acts and conduct had made him as well known to the inhabitants of that borough as any one who was long resident in it. He (Commodore Na- Pier) had not yet had an opportunity of addressing the inhabitants of a larylebone, and he (Mr. Hume) trusted that they would allow him to introduce the gallant officer to them.—(Cheers. ) Commodore NAPIER here came forward, and was received with enthusiastic and long-continued cheers; when order was ssmewhat restored, the gallant Commodore said— Gentlemen, I can assure you I never experienced greater pleasure than I do at the present moment in address- Ar'he so l arge a portion of the constituency of the borough of arylebone. I hope von will make some allowance, on ac count of my long absence from England, and my consequent want of acquaintance with passing events, in my address to Z s c ni on the present occasion.—( Hear. hear.) I wish to see the esallot the law of the land.—(Cheers.) I was not the friend of the Ballot ; but I stood three contested elections, and I saw it was impossible for Englishmen. under the present system, to come forward to the poll and do their duty openly as elec. tors,.(,Loud c h eers .) I h ave , t h en , t h oug h t i t hi g h time to change my mind. Gentlemen, relative to the extension of suffrage, I will merely observe, that I find th ere are thirty-five thousand householders paying a . 101. rate in this borough, and only 11,500 of those are regis tered, and but 8,000 come for war d t o g i ve th e i r vo t es ; an d win is thi s ? not from any unwillingness to assert their rights as electors, but because they are certain that if they vote Nainst certain parties, they may ruin their families. next article I come to is short Parliaments. 0 n that topic it is not necessary to say much. When see how p ersons c h ange every d ay f rom r i ght to left, I th ee years too long a period to trust any body at all. Therefore, I will always vote for short Parliaments, whether th ey be of three, four, or five years' duration.—(" Oh," and cries of " One year.") New we come to the greatly agitated questions of the last week in the House of Commons. The first is the Corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) I need not tell you, be cause I have done so frequently before, that I am decidedly °PPosed to the Corn laws. I think they are the most on " Me-manlikee-manlike laws that were invented they are bad for the people because they starve the people, and they are bad for the merchants. I will tell you an anec dote which took place in Egypt about a man who in this coun try is called a great monopoliser, but he is far from it. When I urged him to put down his monopolies he said, " Yeu your selves are monopolisers. I monopolise for the good of my people to pay my army and my navy for their protection ; but you do so to put money into the pockets of the landowner, and to starve the poor people. You are • therefore worse monopolists than I am." It is unnecessary to go into:the question of sugar duties. Lord Palmerston has ellanswered the arguments brought forward by the other party with respect to the support derivable to slavery from the mea sures now proposed. Lord Palmerston told you in his excellent speech that he had treaties with every Power in Europe, many of which were already ratified; and that he expected every day the ratification of treaties with America to establish the right of search in any vessel employed in the slave trade. That then is a, complete answer to the question that arose about encouraging slavery and the slave trade,_ and it is unne cessary to say more on the s u bj ec t. Now we come to the question of timber duties, which perhaps all of you do• not sufficiently understand. I understand in London you are obliged to use Canadian timber in building houses, and that they are all filled with bugs.—(Loud laughter.) Canilian timber produces bugs in a most extraordinary de rit and that accounts for what I h a d never k nown b e f ore. ut you have not only bugs in the houses, but they are intro •dueed into every ship in the navy. Formerly I never saw Meth a thing as a bug in a man-of.war, but now there is nkareely a ship without them, and that on account of the Ca ttadian timber. I think that Ministers were wrong, so far as ties taking off more than ss. f rom t h e duty on Baltic mber. A a our ships' spars, instead of b e i ng Riga sticks, are now ode of C ana di an t i m b er ; and when a ship is on a lee-shore, h natead of h av i ng a fi re Ri ga st i c k , wh i ch he can depend upon, 0 has a Canada stick earned away, which can be no very plea !ant thing, either fur the officers or her men. The Poor -laws are, I un d erstan d , extremely well administered in 1 1 , 1 ° parish of Marylebone, therefore I do not see why these °°r 'laws ought to be altered.—(ehrers, mingled with hisses and (tries of " Explain, explain," with considerable confusion, 'lllicit leas increased by the falling of a table, amidst cries of Canada timber," and much laughter.) On the restoration of order the Gallant Commodore said, I believe I am misunderstood eY• Some gentlemen. When I was alluding to the Poor-laws, ',meant those of the parish of Marylebone, which I under . had are very well aominietered, and therefore I suppose no • 11°eisaanitegree to be necessary. I will support all dl.aws their Marylebone, as they are well admi , mine into absent fro hem, to the Poor-law generally, being • rn England two years, I have not had time to exa a.c to their ,so that I cannot give you any positive opinion justice. Before I went abroad, I was a guardian in a d in tl i triet in Hampshire, where the Poor-laws were very well ad esuniMe, red ; and I think, that were they not well administered the hee d' with the Poor-law guardians, who do not carry out fir ' t aw. In the district to which I have alluded, all the old I'rtto • - ,4 10... 0s above sixty years of age—husband and wife—were e 44t ,ed out-d oor rel i ef to t h e amount of 6s. per week. ea4',ear, and ch eers .) Wh e th er we were r i g ht or wrong i n ling this out in our district, we, at all events, provided for the 'wort of the poor, and 1 think the same system ought to be fual.:ught into op era ti on i n every un i on —( A Voice—". Are you la#,, eve rY parish admi n i s tering to its own poor—a nswer t h at .") ollte.,Breat disorder arose, mingled with cries of " Turn 'ern 4 , As the con f us i on cont i nue d i ncreas i ng every moment. G. A. Y OUNG , w h o was th e f ormer can di date i n t h e • P oGr -law i n t erest f or t h e B oroug h, came f orward to the 1 ., 0111. 6f th e p l atform, and by words, wh i ch were inaudible, and i es and gestu res , en d eavoure d t o preva il on t h e assembly to de at e the tu mu l t , an d g i ve a h ear i ng to t h e gentleman ad a e n i ng , therm sh €) " Air. Young's retiring from the front of the pl a tf orm , • 4, uProar Was renewed, with cries of "Go on Commodo re ;" mi me won't answer the question ;" " Turn the fellows out " — ragled with hisses, roars, and cries of o Shame, shame." a.ieutenant Ackerley stood in the doorway, and contributed no t a blittle to swell the tumult, by occasionally calling out, in a VOrian voice, distributed through the] hall by the aid of his citi° ty Palm applied to his lips—" Agents of the devil—they au t a Port the P oor .l aws — answer t h e quest i on. " 1 , ir. THOMAS, the barrister, as a friend of Mr. G. A. a ng, entreated the supporters of that gentleman, to preserve order, and to give every one a fair hearing. A GENTLEM AN on t h e Platform..-- ' Why. it is only those YMI brought here who have refu se d t o h ear any one.—Renewed Upro ar.) i rp C°l ornodore NAPIER again presented himself ; and, after a r ewed uproar amongst the Yo ung it es f or some m i nutes, w hi ch, -• °ugh the influence of Mr. Young exerted chiefly by ges !ttires (for his vocal appeals were utt er ly i nau dibl e ) a part i a l • ?lice enabl e d us to catch the following :—Gentlemen, the that if the public service sh o uld requ i re my ab , •ance ab roa d , I shall leave to the electors to decade whether •- • cni not I should resign my seat.—(Cheers, and a repetition of the • - e P re 'itais tumult; diversified by numerous personal contests, *al and . fistic, in several parts of the room—in some instances • eards were fiercely exchanged.) . hlr; Yourrn (Sir C. Napier having withdrawn) offered him . rf to the meeting, and in spite of the deafening din of cheers. Is e., and hooting, which al mos t sp li t th e roo f, pers i ste d f ur aortae minutes in vainly endeavouring to make himself heard. The CHAIRMAN thought that the best way to compose the Wteeir t wg, and to restore order, was to put it to the meeting e ° decide by a sh ivy of hands whether Mr. Young should be • ".e,ard Or net,—(Cheers.) If it were the wish of the majo -1)1:Y to give that gentleman a hearing, the rest would be und.to accede.—(Cheers.) •- „ , A shew of hands was taken accordingly, when said that the numbers were so nearly equal he could no t un d erta k e to decide, and he thought there . ' O r t f . that M r . Y oung ought to be heard.--(Cheers and alaugh. ) YOussa—(who throu g h out his address was almost 4i:4lloible, inure from the b o i sterous a l tercat i ons of the PS.rt!?, i n t h e meet i ng amongst themselves than ••• 1%47' aoyanterruption positiv e l y di recte d aga i nst the speaker)— • tet.'wriderstood to say, that h e h a d t h ought i t his duty to at , this meeting in consequence of the decisions of two ericieties of electors in his favour; and as, at the present • ineetin • . g, convened by those whom h e regtette d to call his • TaPorrents, ne ar l y one half of the electors present were his 4371Morters, he did not think that he was bound to retire irons : aPeroaching contest. He was as anxious for the WC , "0f the liberal measures of commercial Policy proposed • . by the Government as any man could be ; and if the people h a d b een fully and fairly represented in the House of uons, those measures could not have been rejected or de- Sir C. Napier had expressed himself favourable to the et' aliz'ng of o,roionpoloedo4l, ys, the e N ye) e s w n Poor-law.—(Cheers, and cep The Gallant Officer had talnly said that it was the fault of the guardians that the law was nit well administered. we could not h ear t h e slightest sound from the Hon. Gentleman although he seemed to make no ordinary efforts.] Sir C. Nari ea , after considerable exertiun on the part of the chairman to still the uproa r and o bt a i n a hearing fur the Gallant Officer, was understood to explain th a t t h e statement made by Mr. Y oung as to his opinion o f t h e Poor-law, was . totally incorrect. He supposed h e had not been heard rightly. Af•er some further confusion, a resolution to the effect that Sir C. Napier was a fit and proper perst e' to represent the borough, and should have the support of the electors present, Was proposed by Mr. Horsey. cad seconded the resolution. • fhwtELL came forward amiietlst loud cries of "a- was received with loud cheers. r. KENSETT then presented himself, ri Adjourn, adjourn," and great uproar, whicHerendered the the de_ Kremer part of his speech inaudible. be course could be snore impolitic erithwhreeleareidnce t h h at a do t 'lce present situation of the borough, than ady two reform candidates in the field to come rwbethatei third.— (Cheers and uproar.) Whatever might roar. ) eisi . on of that day Mr Young—( Great uproar and confusion winhatichvdrerownnotcd the ' cone . lusion of the sentence. ) Public meet . The bristecour always decisive of elections.—( Great up who had the se to pursue was for all to unite and consider best right to he their representative ?—(Cries of 7 1 e 114 E sUN. LONDON. ritmAY, MAY 210841. " Napier, Napier," and great, confusion.) The course then / pursued appeared to him to be most inconsidera . e.—(Great uproar. and cries of " No, no.") They ought to have waited to settle their present unhappy differences. It was owing to those that they were suffering the degradation of being represented, or rather of being misrepresented, by a Tory.—( Loud cheers.) This was one effect of the pre sent unhappy differences, and it was due to the Reformers to say that they had been in the course of bringing them to a satisfactory conclusion.—(Cheers, and uproar.) The Ra dicals ought to have the representation.—( Cheers and uproar. ) It was unwise to bring forward a third when two were already in the field.—( Great uproar.) If you decide that Commodore Napier shall be the man—(Cries of " Yes, yes ; Napier for ever; we will have him," mingled with cries of " iso, no," from the partizans of Mr. Young.) Amidst the din and con fusion Mr. Kensett retired. The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, but from the up roar it was impossible to hear what he said. A placard, bearing the inscription, " Napier for Marylebone," was held up amidst the most deafening applause. At that moment Mr. G. A. Young pressed forward to the front of the platform. A scene, of the greatest uproar ensued, his supporters applauding ve hemently; but their plaudits were drowned by the cries of " Off, off l" raised by the supporters of Commodore Napier. The CHAIRMAN then put the question, and a forest of hands being held up in its favour, it was declared to be carried amidst the lunch st acclamation. Commodore NAPIER then came forward and was receiva d with the most vociferous applause. He briefly returned thanks, and retired amidst the loud cheers of the meeting. Mr. POTTER proposed a vote of than!:s to Mr. Hume for his conduct in the Chair, which was carried by acclamation, and the meeting separated. After the platform had been cleared some person in the boiy of the hall called for three cheers for Mr. Young. The cheers were, however, completely drowned by the lUsses of his oppo nents, much to the chagrin of Mr. Ackerley, who stood by the door in a most excited state, and gave audible utterance to his feelings of disappointment. The rush to the door, on the breaking up of the meeting, was so great that it was some time before the room was cleated. WESTMINSTER MEETING A meeting of the electors and householders of the Cit of Westminster, took place yesterday, pursuant to requil sition, for the purpose of taking into consideration the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government for tt.e reduction of the duties on corn, sugar, and timber. At one o'clock the High Bailiff, Frederick Smedley, Esq., ap peared on the hustings, which were erected, as usual, at the west end of Covent Garden. The Hon. Gentleman was re ceived with loud cheering by the assembled multitude, which was at this time very numerous. Among the gentlemen on the platform we observed Mr. O'Connell,• M.P., who was loudly cheered ; Sir De Lacy Evans and Mr. Leader, the Members for the City; Colonel Salwey, M P., Mr. Ewart, M.P., Mr. Hawes, Al. Ik. Bowring, Mr. Tulk, and other gentlemen. The HIGH BAILIFF having briefly announced the object of the meeting, and requested a patient hearing for each speaker, Sir DE Lacy Eva Ns came forward, and said that this was not the first time he had had the honour of appearing before them in that place, but on former occasions the meetings, he believed, had related to the ordinary politics of the day. On the present occasion the question for their consideration had nothing to do with politics. It was a question which concerned every man, woman, and child, not only there, but throughout the earl ire. It had no reference to Tories, Whigs, Chartists, and Radicals, it related solely to the mode in which the great body of the people of this country were to be fed. Let them, then, on that occasion not hear one word about those different classes, for it was a matter of deep importance to themselves, their wives, and children, on which he addressed them. It was not his business so much as their business; notwithstanding, however, the vast importanceof the subject it was not his intention to trespass atany length on their attention, first, because they were probably on the eve of a general election, and he should have various opportunities of entering more at large upon this deeply-important subject ; and secondly, becouse there were other gentlemen at the meeting who were able and willing to propound the subject to them much better than he could pretend to dn. Before he proceeded he would ask them one question, Had they ob served the grandeur, the opulence, and luxury of the upper classes of this country ?—(Cries of "We have.") 'I hey had—but they had only seen a part of it. They were not admitted into the precincts of the palaces of the great. They saw the splendid carriages, the fine horses, and the superbly dressed lackeys; b u t th ey were not a d m i t t e d within the sacred precincts of their dwellings.---( Cheers.) Then he would also ask them if they had not seen the misery and distress that prevailed amongst the other classes?—(Cheers, and cries of "We hare, we have.") Then he asked them whether there was any country in the world in which more wealth was accumulated, or more skill and energy employed in its acquirement ?—(Cheers. ) If, then, in this country there was to he found a greater accumulation of wealth than in any other, he asked them how it was that the great masses who produced this wealth were suffering under abuses and oppression, and in a state of the greatest misery and dis tress ?—( Hear, hear.) It was to inquire into the cause of that anomaly, and into the means of remedying that abuse and oppression, that they were assembled on the present occa sion. They were probably surprised that the matter had not been before presented to them in the manner in which it would be presented to them in a few months. They had long known of the distress, but so long as the people of this country had not thought proper to come forward and evince a disposition to remedy these abuses, it was useless to expect any Government to do so. But a !silty had now evinced a disposition to alter the laws upon this subject. How happened it that the people, notwithstanding their immense and prodi gious industry, should be so poor ? Briefly, because the great landowners and monopolists of the coun try having obtained power in both Houses of Par liament had enacted laws by which they were able to ab sorb the accumulated interests of the people into their own pockets.—(Loud cheers.) He believed, notwithstanding the general feeling of grievance which undoubtedly existed among a large body of the people, few were aware of the immense in justice that had been practised towards them for many years past.—( A voice in the crowd exclaimed, " Not during the Whig Administration.") He did not care about any Adminis tration, he would have a Chartist Administration if they wished. Let them have this matter of cheap bread, at all events. How happened it then, the subject came before them ? Luckily for them there was a deficiency in the revenue to the amount of two millions, and the _Minister of the day—he did not care from what motives—had thought proper to say to the House of Commons, that this deficiency existed, and that there were but three modes to remedy it : first, by borrowing more money (they knew the load of debt already on their shoulders) ; secondly, by exacting more taxes (for in stance, the house tax, the soap tax, and others) ; or, thirdly, by raisin g th e t axes on articles of general con• sumption, thus diminishing the burdens of the people, and increasing at once their means of consumption, and the revenue. —( Cheers.) Now he said, that from whatever source that proposition came, the proposition was a good one. Let them look at the heavy taxes they paid for the monopolists, two pence, and more than that, on every four-pound loaf of bread that entered in their families.—( Cheers.) On what reasonable ground was this levied on them.—( Cheers. ) Did the people require these monopolists to pay for any thing they produced by their ingenuity or labour ? No such thing ; they would laugh at such a proposition. Suppose there was a proposition made that the people should pay a tax on every six-pound loaf of bread they ate. It would not be listened to for a moment ; yet that would be a less injury to the people at large than the indirect tax which they now paid for it.—(Cheers.) At pre sent, not only were they deprived of the just fruits of their industry and labour, but the whole commerce of the country was thus checked and inter' upted.—(Cheers. ) The last topic that had been discussed in the House of Commons—that House in which they were said to be represented— though he would venture to say, they had little to do with it —(Loud cheers)—was, whether they should have a better quality of sugar than the West Indies could supply them with, and at a cheaper rate, but then it was immediately said they would ruin our West India colonies, and that the people of this country did not require sugar, for labour sweetened every thing they ate. If it were possible to surpass the injustice of such arguments, the hypocrisy was still more revolting to the mental eye.—(Loud cheers.) Why, six mi lions a year of the income of the country was expended abroad, because those who received it could there have greater luxuries at smaller cost. T he people mightlnot know, but yet it was well known that a great quantity of the manufactures of this country were going to Germany, Spain, France, and the United States, and that many of our most skillful men were carrying on our manufactures, and thus enabling them to rival us and to expel our own commodities. This was a bad system of legislation.— ( Cheers.) Perhaps the speakers at all public meetings were disposed to exaggerate a little, but he was bound to say he had exaggerated nothing, and in proof of this, he would tell them that a Committee of the House of Commons assembled last year to consider this matter, and call before them, not enthusiasts, not partisans, but gentlemen who, for thirty or forty years, had been distinguished members of the Board of Trade, and other branches of the civil administration of the coun try. He would give them the evidence of that Committee. He would give them one or two of the answers that had been given by these gentlemen. Mr. Macgregor was asked what were the protective duties imposed to protect British agricul ture and grazing ; and by the way that word " protect" was a very important one, which might be changed for something much worse.—[Mr. O'Connell—ltobbery. I—( Great cheering and laughter.) ' Yes, as his Hon. Friend had said, it was rob bery...--( Hear, hear.) The answer of Mr. Macgregor was, that he had made out a list of some of the articles upon which prohibitory duties were imposed in order to protect British agriculture. Corn and flour, and meal of all kinds were kept out by prohibitory duties,. except when corn was at a famine price at home. Malt, beef, pork, lamb, mutton, cattle, sheep, swine, bacon, tongues, and the most trifling things, even sausages.—( Great laughter and cries of " Oh, tr. under !") Few of th . poorer classes had an idea, when they were eating their sausages of a morning, that they were paying 11. per lb. to the landlords byway of protection. Even potatoes were included. Mr....,O'CoNNELL—HurrEh for the potatoes.—(Cheers. ) Sir DE LACY EVANS—Beer and ale were alsO prohibited. You don't like beer.—( Great laughter.) The landlords make you pay a tax of 2s. per gallon on all you drink. Cider was not good for their health, in their opinion, for it was pro hibited ; lard, onions, and the most trifling matters were in cluded. It reminded him of the trunk of the elephant, which could pick up a pin or tear up a tree by the roots ; and in the same way the monopolist landlords cou:d grasp the smallest or the largest matters in the taxation of the country.—( Cheers.) Mr. M'Gregor was asked in doing so did they not impose a tax upon the consumers of these articles, and his answer, was, that in taxing the necessaries of life undoubtedly they did so, and they were the worst possible of all taxes.—( Hear, hear. ) Now these men were unconnected with politics altogether, and that was why he was anxious to give the meeting their sentiments. Another question was, what did he suppose the present law with regard to bread and flour added to the cost of these articles? The answer was between 40 and 80 per cent. Now if that evidence was true it was clear that on their 9d. or 10d. a loaf they were paying at least 4d. to the landlords. (Cries of " Shame.") They complained, and very naturally, of the weight of the taxes imposed on them, but the indirect tax on bread and flour was greater than all the rest put together. Taking the gross amount of all the taxes paid into the Ex chequer at fifty millions, he considered the taxes on corn and flour, in consequence of the prohibitory duties, equal to double that amount. LA good deal of amusement was here occasioned by an attack being made by the crowd upon a placard on which the number of dinners eaten by Lord Melbourne and the boy Jones at the Palace was displayed. It was speedily puled down, and in a few minutes torn to pieces, amidst great cheering and laughter.] The Government proposed to ame liorate the condition of the people by taking off some of those taxes which pressed most heavily upon their industry, and he was not sorry that they had met with opposition—he was not sorry that the monopolists had combined and confe derated on the present occasion, because, instead of having a portion of the benefit doled out to them, the matter was now brought fully before the people, and would be discussed upon every hustings in the country. The question was now put into the hands of the people, and the whole question of their false legislation would be fully investigated throughout every portion of the empire.—( Loud cheers.) He should not detain them further, but move the first resolution for their adoption. " That it is the opinion of this meeting that any law which causes the enhancement of the prices of the necessaries of life, for the exclusive benefit of any class of the community, is a gross violation of national justice." Mr. Tutu had much pleasure in seconding the resolution. Nothing could exceed the patience of the people in enduring the pelting of the storm—[The ram was pouring down in tor rents]—except their patience in enduring the sufferings of their hard task-masters, the aristocracy of the kingdom. It had been well said by their excellent representative, that, ge nerally speaking, they were not represented in the National Assembly.—( Hear.) Who were the laws of the country made by? By the representatives- of the richest portion of the com munity. The laws were not made for the sake of the humbler classes, but for the benefit of those who were more immediately interested. He would not take up much of their s time by dwelling upon the momentous ques tion, which would soon be agitated throughout every part of the country. The question fur them was, were they to have cheap bread and other articles of general consumption, or were they to be ground down and taxed in order to put money into the pockets of the aristocracy. (Hear, hear. ) It had been said that by having cheap sugar they were giving encouragement to slave labour, but these men appeared to think nothing of the slavery and oppression existing in their own country. 'They appeared to think nothing of the poorer classes who would be relieved and benefitted by these measures. Were they desirous of the continuance of a law which enhanced the price of the priinest necessary of life.—(Cries of " No, r:o.") Then every one who cried no would hold up th. it hands for the motion which had been read to them.— (Cheers.) The resolu het was then put and agreed to, a forest of hands being held up for it, and only six out of a very large meeting being held up against it. Mr. LEADER then addressed the meeting, and was received with loud cheers. He did not appear there to support any po litical party, 1 ut to ask the support of the electors and work ing men of Westminster to the pi inciples of free trade—( Loud cheers)—without which it was utterly impossible for the ma nufacturing and mercantile interests of the country could re main in a state of prosperity, without which it was impossible to ameliorate the condition of the working classes. They ought to support the proposition of the Ministers because it was designed for their benefit. He confessed the measures pro posed did not go far enough, but he would ask any otse present whether half a loaf was not better than no bread?—(Cheers. ) There was an unholy alliance entered into between the West Indian, the timber, and the shipping interests, and the landlords, the Church, and all the other interests.—(Cheers) All of them were united against the great interest of the com munity ; they were the classes who profited, to the de triment of the working classes and the community at large—the great body of the working classes suffered when they were profiling—such a state of things was not to be en dured in a free country. They had been told that the people would not suffer any speaking but on one subject; but he WAS deligh ed to see their conduct that day, because he was certain that until the working classes were firmly united with the middle classes, nothing could be done for ameliorating the condition of either.—(Loud cheers.) One good measure was proposed, three good measures were proposed, a large party 'n the State were pledged to them, but even though that was the case, the support of the working community was absolutely necessary, in order that they should become the law of the land. (L o ud c h eers .) The time when that should be the case depended upon their union— (Hear, hear)--- upon the exertions they should make—upon the energetic support which these who proposed the measures should receive from the working classes. He had often promised, and from his promise he would never depart, that in so far as he was able the working community should be represented in the House of Commons. But because they were not represented, was that any good reason why they should refuse a good mea sure, come from ehom it might—come it even from an ene my ?—(Loud cheers.) He was one who would take a good measure from one or other of the parties. He was one who was disposed to take a great good for the country, from whoever offered it. The Corn-laws had been enacted to secure a monopoly for a certain class. And the effect of them was, to cripple the manufacturer and the commerce of the country, derange its monetary transactions, and cause distress amongst the working classes, which he was perfectly certain the meeting would deeply deprecate. The Hon. Member then moved a resolution to the effect that the meeting would look upon those effects with feelings of the deepest emotion and condemnation. That the Corn-laws were enacted for the purpose of secur ing high rents to the landowners, and have had the effect of crippling the manufactures, commerce, and industry of the country; deranging its monetary transactions, and mainly causing a state of poverty to the industrious classes, which this meeting deprecates with feelings of the deepest emotion." Mr. ELLIS seconded the resolution. If they were aware to what extent the working classes were taxed, they would not hesitate for a moment to remove the burthens that pressed upon their industry. It was well for the nobles of the land the bishops and clergy, to tell them to rest quiet, but when a measure was introduced that would extend the commerce of the country, and open fresh channels for trade by which every labourer might have full employment, and have some of the luxuries which the rich enjoyed, he thought it was to their interest to do all in their power to support them. He exhOrted them, by all that they possessed, to strengthen the hands of the men who were willing to carry out measures that would have that effect. It was pretended to be said that this was for the protection of vested interests. What protection, he weuld ask, had the working classes for their labour? By the measures that had been proposed all the monopolies would be upset.—( Loud cheering.) The Corn-laws were passed for the benefit of the landlords, to the great inconvenience of the - working classes. He would give his most hearty support to the resolution that had just been proposed, and he trusted that it would be his good fortune to live to see the day when all monopoly would be done away with.—(Cheers.) He would say, let the county unite as one man, and tell the Legislature we will have cheap coffee, cheap corn, and cheap sugar—(Cheers)—and that they, as Englishmen, were determined to sit down by their firesides and be happy.,—( Cheers.) The HIGH BAILIFF then put the resolution to the meeting, and amid some confusion, declared it to be carried. Mr. EWART, M.P., then came forward to move the next resolution, amid the greatest uproar and confusion, occasioned by an individual named Henderson coming forward to address the meeting. For some time the noise was so great that neither Mr. Ewart or Mr. Henderson could say a word ; at length Mr. Ewart gave way, and Mr. HENDERSON then came forward to address the meeting; but was met with cries of " Down, down." He would ask whether the last resolution had been fairly put to the meeting or not.—(Loud cries of " No, no.") Ile had an amendment to propose to that resolution, Aith ugh the Chairman had declared, that whatever it was, he would not put it to the meeting.—( Cries of " Shame.") He woul I ask the Chairman whether he did not request him to allow him to speak before he put the last resolution.—(Cries of •‘ Get down. get down, we don't want to hear you.) He was an inhabitant of Westminster, and would persevere in claiming his right to address that meeting. He was a work ing man, and had been told by a gentleman, then present, that he was in the pay of the Tories.—(Cheers.) lie denied that he was so, although he saw these about him who were in the pay of the Whigs. —( Laughter . ) He con sidered the present question a most important one, and one in which the working man had peculiar interest— ( Great confusion.) The amendment he intended to propose was to the following effect :—" That this meeting cannot but regsrd with suspicion the professions of her Majesty's Ministers in iiitroducing a measure for the reduction of the sugar duty." The other part of the resolution was lost amid the uproar arid con fusion that prevailed, in the course of which Mr. Henderson, finding it impossible to obtain a hearing, retired from the front of the platform, and the amendment he had proposed, not being seconded, fell to the ground. Mr. EWA la then came forward, and proceeded to address the meeting amidst frequent interruptions. The last speaker, he said, had called upon them to cast- suspicions en those who had proposed the measures they were come to discuss, and who would equally tend to promote the benefit of all. He did not wish to cast suspicions on any man, but he would ask them if it were not for their interest to have cheaper bread, cheaper coffee, and cheaper timber.—( Cheers and uproar.) They had already heard detailed to them the evils which they suffered from monopoly and unjust taxation.—(l.oud cheers.) He was sure they were the enemies of such a system, and that they felt that they had a right to share in the goods which Providence had designed for all men. The present evils, however, could not be remedied by moving amendments which the parties themselves did not understand, and which had found no seconder.—(Cheering and interruption proceed ing, however, from a very small portion of the meeting. ) Those were vital and practical questions, and he called upon them no longer to endure the iniquities under which they now ,suffered. When oppression came taxing their bread, their coffee, and their sugar, would they not come boldly for ward and resist it ? (Hear, hear.) He called upon them to use their best exertions, in a cause in which they were so deeply interested, and not to desist till success had crowned their efforts. The resolution he had to propose to them re lated no less to the duty on meat and live stock than to that on timber, sugar, and coffee. At Hamburgh, beef could be pur chased at 20. per lb., while in England it cost n-ere than double that amount ; so that the man who was unhappy enough to have an appetite for meat—(Laughter)— must either forego the luxury of gratifying it, or must pay for it twice its own value. Again he would sup pose that many among them were members of temperance societies.—( Hear, hear. and laughter.) He was himself a member of one of those societies, and he gloried in it.— (" A cheer for the Teestotallera," from Mr. O'Connell, to which the greater part of the meeting loudly responded.) Now they, (the Tee-totallers), wished fur cheap sugar, but the monopolists replied in and said, they should not have it. The same argument was used with regard to corn, which entered into the consumption of every man.--(Hear.) An these reasons- were unjust, and he called upon the meeting to struggle fur their repeal and to support the proposition sub- initted to the Legislature, for it was their own interest that they should do so. Let them frame associations for the pur pose of waging war against existing monopolies and unjust re stri tions. He called on the people of Westminster to assist them in the great cause in which they were engaged. It would not be enough to proclaim the evils under which they suffered, but they should also evince a deter mined spirit to resist them.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gen tleman concluded by submitting the following resolution to the meeting : " That, legislation of class interests has become so predo minant in this land, not only as regards Corn, but also as regards Timber, Sugar, and other necessaries of life, includ ing the prohibition of live stock and butcher's meat, that the accumulation of evils produced thereby, ought no longer to be continued." Mr. O'Cosr NELL came forward amidst loud and general cheering to second the re. olution. He wished to tell them that there ought to be unanimity in sup porting the resolution, because it was the same in prin ciple as that which the Chartist gentleman had moved before him. And if that gentleman had taken his ad vice, he would himself have seconded it, for he agreed in every word it contained. There was not a more thorough Radical than he was ; and he seconded the present resolution because it was Radical in principle. The Hen. Gentleman then read the resolution, which he said he entirely approved of. He was there to impeach class legislation.—( Cheers.) He was there, in his capacity of Radical, to tell that meeting of Englishmen and of Irishmen—( Hear, hear, and laughter ) that there was not a more sordid aristocracy in the world than the aristocracy of England—that there was not an aristocracy mare grinding and more inimical to every principle of civil and religious liberty.—(Cheers.) Let them not think, however, that he came there to praise the Whigs or abuse the Tories. He wan there as the advocate of the people, and the enemy of every monopoly. Was that their motto, (said the Honourable Gentleman, pointing to a placard placed on one of the houses opposite, with the effigy Of an office- over i t. He would tell them what it meant—Homo homi ni &Irian, that was to say," Man was often a demon to his fellow man." That was a fit motto for the aristocracy of England. It was not the motto they bore upon their carriages, but it was the motto upon which they framed their principles. He would tell them that there should be a new formation of parties in this country. There had hitherto been parties for the Tories, Whigs, for the aristocracy and the.Chureh—for every party but the people. It .was time th e peop l e should rouse the use themselves in their own behalf; and l et not fool:sh quar rels, paltry difference e—let not ridicul ous falsehoods uttered e them—let not such uu g rc a dh i tsy oft things those who prevent hoesud fora 00 imlnefe ramoment h m e u c n g there, t hbe ei showing th e ab surdity e,. exertions. They should have an honest feeling for th e people _ let that man who loves liberty endeavour to get as much of it as he could. Let them not tell him they were ' to have nothing if they did not get all. That was the way to have nothing.—(Cheers and laughter.) If they could not obtain th e entire cha rter , was it not better for them to get a part of 't . Would they not t h en b e stronger to get more ?—(Hear, hear.) Did they ever hear- of a man going up the stair case going upon a roof with out first That, however, was the principle of his friend opposite— (pointing to a disturber in the crowd). He would not, he said, be satisfied to get into the house unless he were to pass by the garret.—(Laughter.) John Bull was generally esteemed a man of common sense, but in the present instance he would seem to have renounced it. It was the interest of all to have corn, timber, and sugar cheaper. It was said, how ever, that until they got the charter they should use dear sugar. But what harm would it be to the charter if sugar became cheaper?-(Laughter.) Would not the charter be the sweeter for .it.—(Cheers and great laughter.) Give - him commonsense . for ever: Common sense was a jewel.—( Hear.) Let them have cheap sugar for themselves, and their families, and the next morning they would be better able to battle for their charter.—( Cheers. ) He would next pass to the question of the Corn-laws. Th ere was a man oppos it e him thumpi ng with a hollow chest.—,(The person here alluded to cried out, " I work for my chest, and that is more than you do.") You were never, said Mr. O'Connell, in your life more mistaken. I work as hard as you do, and the difference between us is, that my good humour makes me fat; and your crossness makes you lean.--(Cheers and laughter. ) Was it not a hideous thing that the poor mother should stint herself to give food to her children. If the Duke of Buckingham were to walk in and tell her that she should divide her loaf with him, would not every one raise the voice against such injustice? And yet that was, in reality, what the Duke of Buckingham di t ; he had not the courage to go into her house, but he got an Act of Parliament—he of i precisely the same thing. Now, he asked any Chartist if there was such an animal in the meeting.—( Great laughter.) He asked him, was it not better to give his wife a loaf than to give it to the Duke of Buckingham? "Would it not be better that his family should have it than the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Winchel sea, or any other nobleman ?—( Hear, hear.) Let them make a rally then in favour of cheap sugar, cheap bread, cheap tim ber. and cheap provisions.—(Cheers, and a cry of " The Charter.") The Charter would not fatten them.—(Laughter.) He had yesterday received a return of the price of bread in Paris sod in London, and the rate of wages in Paris and in London, and he could tell them that in Paris the working man could earn one-fourth more than in London. In Paris there was undoubtedly a circumstance which made wages high at present, namely, the fottifications ; but at present they were higher than in London, while bread was only half the price it was in London.—(Loud cheers, and a voice in the crowd, 66 What's the price of beef?") He was just coming to that. Beef was higher, and why? Because there was a law, like the English Corn-law, prohibiting the importation of cattle into France.—(Cheers.) For that reason, shame to the brutes, they actually eat horse-flesh, because the law prohibited meat or cattle being sent into France.--(Loud cheers.) The law was cruel there, and it was equally tyrannical in England. Who did these laws operate upon ? The high and the rich ? No. All these were able to get broad and corn enough for themselves, but it was upon the operatives and the working classes—it was upon the poor, the humble, the unprotected, that they pressed most heavily. Talk of protection to land and cattle, he wanted protection for the humble and the poor. The 11 hig reign was over.—( Two or three persons in the crowd cheered.) What a small hurra the Chartists made.— ( Great laughter.) But the Whigs were assuming a higher po sition, and placing themselves in the front of the popular move ment. They were coming forward with the great principles which belonged to popular liberty, and which was, so different from their former practice.—( Cheers.) He was not there to advocate the cause of the Whigs ; but if he were, he could con trast their conduct with that of any other party in power.—(Cheers.) They had done more for England, and they had endeavoured to do more for Ireland, than any other party.—(Cheers.) The Whigs were now placing themselves at the head of a most useful popular movement. He cared not what they were called if they worked well for the people. They had announced new and import ant principles of legislation, and the Tories had opposed them. If the Tories had brought these measures forward he would have stood there to support them. What were those principles ?—the taking off the taxes which pressed most heavily on the industry of the people. The Whigs had placed themselves at the head of that mighty annd majestic principle, and whatever oppo sition might be given to it, it was on its march, and must ultimately triumph.—(Loud cheers.) The moral force Reformers, to which he belonged, who looked to moral force alone for ;he advancement of civil liberty, and who would obtain for every man of 21 years of age, and unstained by crime, the right to vote (for he would be content with nothing less) —the men who would obtain the protection of the Ballot, the shortening of Parliaments, and universal eligibility, there being no other justification than the voter of an honest con stituency—that class had been smothered by the Whigs, and their paltry cry of finality—they had been smothered by the Chartists.—(Cries of " No, no," and " Yes, yes.") But they would ultimately prevail.—(Cheers.) Every rational Chartist would join in battling for these measures—they would have a new party—a real Convention of Reformers.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The public spirit of the country was on its march the public mind was aroused, and the tyranny of the aristocracy must be put an end to. Was it not well known that there never was such bribery as at the late elections.—( Hear, and a cry of " St. Albans.") He did not want to screen any party. But was there not bribery at Canterbury ?—and at Cambridge and at Sandwich, where the Duke of Wellington sent in 81 out of 82 votes; and was there not bribery at Nottingham, where Mr. Walter came? He had received a letter from Nottingham, stating the very price at Which votes had been purchased. ( Groans.) He was against all parties who bribed, and against the perjury which was produced by bribery. He was for the honest - ballot. How was it to be obtained? By the people throwing off the fetters and shackles of sectional parties. He would put that to every honest Chartist. They com plained of the other classes of society, but how could they be honest if they demanded exclusive legislation for themselves? Did not the Chartists exclaim against the middle classes as if they did not belong to them, when they had ob tained some standing and position in society?—( Loud cheers. ) He rejoiced at the multitudinous meeting assembled before him, and he augured from it better days for England. He held in his hand a map of the manner in which corn had risen in different years, and there was scarcely ever a period when corn was substantially dearer than at present, while there never was a period when wages were so low, or so many unemployed. —(Hear, hear.) Day after day they heard of mills and fac tories being at work some only four, some only three, and others only two days in the week, while others were entirely closed. Distress and poverty was among the people, and he implored them to listen to this fact. In the year when corn was highest, there were the greatest number of committals, and executions, and transportations. Why was that ? because the people were driven to crime by the pressure of unrelenting cruelty. The people were as moral before ; but a starving wife and children moved many men to a violation of the law, and spolia thm of other person's property. There was another fact connected with that subject, that by the returns of the deaths, births, and marriages, it appeared that during the dear corn years, the marriages were fewest—that was a misfortune in itself—the children were the fewest, and the deaths were nearly two to one of the other years. Crime and mortality were increased in the dear corn years ; but what did the Duke of Buckingham or the Earl of Winchilsea care for that? The people were hunted into their graves, and the aristocracy stood over them, and said, " Oh, it is only the canaille—they are the lower orders ; what care we for them." Let Englishmen, then, rouse themselves.—( Cheers.) Let them not look at small or paltry divisions. A new division had taken place among the people —the monopolists on the one side, the grinders of the faces of the poor and the poor-starvers—and on the other the people, the friends of large loaves and .plenty of food, of high wages and of popular liberty, and of freedom of conscience. —(Much cheering.) Who were against them? The aristocracy, and let them not think he was bigotted when he said the parsons were against them.— (Hear, and a laugh)—most of the law yers were against them —every raven that fattened upon the public plunder was against them.—(Cheers.) He did not doubt but that Lord Cardigan and Lord Hill were against them.— ( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Lord Waldegrave was very angry with them—((roans)—and but for the public Press he would Lave got off scot free, for what a pour man had been a short time previously transported. Shame upon the law, and the law makers —shame upon the law distributors—and shame upon the people who did not rally one and all for constitutional liberty. He had already said that they coxed not get all at once. He had been all his life an advocate fur instalments, and 10s. in the pound would give them courage and strength to demand the remainder.—( Hear, hear.) Let the popular mind be roused throughout the country. Mere Whig finality Ministers could never sit again.—(Loud cheers.) Their only means would be to join the movement, the great and glorious movement that was now afoot.—(Cheers. ) They had arrived at a moment when one party was tottering while the other trembled on its approach to office. Had not the Torie, added thousands of millions to the public debt.— ( Cheers.) Yes, the people were not now blind to the perjury the bribery, and hypocrisy of that party, and the people would not now suffer them to ride rough-shod over them again.— ( Hear.) The public voice had gone abroad so loudly, that it had reached even to St. Stepheit's.----(Laughter)—the MiniAry that were for finality only a year ago, were for the movement now.—(Cheers.) Let all join in the present movement. Some might blame him for supporting a fixed duty —he did not support it, but he knew that let them once obtain a fixed duty, they would soon send the Bs. after the rest.— ( Cheers. ) He therefore called upon them to rally for English liberty—to rally for constitutional freedom—to rally for the extension of the franchise—( Cheers )--to rat y for the Ballot, but above all let them rally for cheap bread—( Cheers) —cheap bread for the poor—to give more meat to the poor man, and mere food to his infant. Although the Whigs were at the head of the present movement, let the people, as they said in Ireland, form the tail. He was told the Tories had bribed a large section of the people, but their money was run out— they wanted to get in again to enrich themselves,_ but the people had found them out—their triumph would be short. They had tilled the prisons with persons against whom no offence had been proved.—( So did the Whigs.) No, they had not. He was ter opening the prison doors to every political offender, he would not care whether the inmate of the cell was an O'Con- nor, or an O'Brien, or any one else ,• but had they forgotten Oliver—had they forgotten the Manchester mas sacre t en (Cries Cries of Hear, hear,) Did not they suspend the Ha beas Corpus Act? Had they not greatly increased the tax ation of the country? He therefore called upon them to rally, in order that a great and noble principle might be established. Th e demon Tories deeply taxed the democracy, in order to support in splendour a rich and insolent to sp aristocracy. Would the co untr y stand that any longer.—( Cries of " No, no.") He was neve r more grateful than upon . that d h o e c occasion, not , for Cheers. )ed some Theyfora had all owe d hi m to enunciate his principles , and t hose were their own • then he called upon them t o follow ou t their own principles, for they had now been ad o p ted b y th e Whigs. The Govern ment had taken up the p rinci p les o f the people, then let the people assist them, and hel p them t o overcome their enemies, bea from,llo who on this, as on all occasions, were the eriemies of the people. He remembere d a sa y in g of Horne Tooke, who being remonstrated with for acting with a party who did not go far enough for him, said, " If they take the waggon of Public Liberty so far as Hounslow I shall go with them, because I shall be so far on my road to Windsor. "—(Cheers.) Now, then, let the . people go with the Whigs so far as they would go—get what they could from them, and then try others from whom they would get more. Scotland was up upon the question ; the working population of England was roused, and Ireland would not be .backward in the rightful agi tation.—( Cheers. ) For forty years he had worked for an often betrayed, and therefore cautious and - suspicious people, but they gave him thei r entire confid ence , and be ,would + e. it in the promotion ( ~f civil and religious liberty to all.-> (Cheers.) Full i b e ity to the poor man was involved in the proposition of the Government, and he hoped that every poor man's friend would s qport them.'--( Cheers. ) Dr. BOWILING then came. forward to prop ose t h e next reso . ' lution, and was most enthusiastically cheered. Every person in the country was suffering inoconsequenee of the misgovern. ment that oppressed them, 10 , r. , ,lilanY years. By the proposi- tious that had been put lorartt by the Government, they pro • posed to 'give to the landlords of the country 10,000,000/. ; but L° ,,.....,,,. _130,000,01. would not satisfy their - grasping 13 1 -"u acity w ... l & ors : ) 0 the question o f sugar also the Go - , vernment had offered a boon of . 12 s. per cwt. io the East and , eird that was smother West India. prouticers, -.er 2,400,0004 taken from the people. itild•• y el ' " w l o w ' r "t -satisfied., 'ri l e, West' India Proprietors had tiltpl , ; 0 00,000/. , frpro, the people be,. fore. they would do anYtn!ng lor tr , s9ppression. of slavery, and now they came forward -. vt'oted a few millions more, stating than they were as anxious fo r the suppression of slavery as the.peopie were. He trosted_ that the people would be alive to their o wn interests, and support the , measures pro posed by her Majesifs.l thniders • — (Prers4,.,The•rekolution . . . , .'' ' •!' A''t!'it'd , f6..it's A liAti he had to propose was—" That when measures were propounded by her Majesty's Ministers for the abatement of monopoly in corn, sugar, timber, &c.; those' interested in upholding high prices of the necessaries of life combine to frustrate such an object."—( Cheers. Mr. PuouT seconded the resolution. They could not be told too often that wages did not depend upon the price of food. The labouring man was bowed down to the earth by the mono polies and ticks of those who bad governed the land, and it was for the purpose of putting an end to such monopoly that the Ministers of the Crown had introduced the present mea sur.ss; and, as they were good, it mattered not to him what had calmed the Ministers to bring them forward,—( Cheers) — and this he would say that, the people must be mad if they did not support their. The people must be up and stirring, and do their duty, by adopting such a course as he had pointed out.--( Cheers. ) Dr. WADE supported the . resolutiou. He was proud as a clergyman of the Church of England to take part in the dis cussion of this most important subject.--(Cheers.) He had always stood forth against his own interest to advocate that of the por and needy, and for this he had been frowned upon by the landowners, but he was proud to see that which he had been working for all his life was coming to pass.—(Cheers.) He considered this question one of humanity.—( Cheers.) He was -in principle for a total repeal of the Corn-laws.--( Cheers. ) He was for perfectly free trade, but he was also for unanimity. —( Cheers.) The Government had pot in the ) edge of the wedge, and he trusted the people would take care that that wedge should be driven home. (Cheers.) The tree of monopoly was the tree of corruption, its fruit was poison, and its shadow was death.—(Cheers.) He would say, then, hew it down, why cumbereth it the ground ? ( Great cheering.) The Corn-law was an infernal law.— Cheers.) Holy Writ denounced it, Holy Writ advocated free trade—(Cheers)—as well as no prohibition of Corn. It said that all the fruits' on the face of the earth were for the use of man.-(Cheers.) It said that not only bad the labourer a claim upon the land, but that he was to be the first partaker of its fruits.—(Cheers.) The Scriptures denouneed those who deprived the nation of 'their corn, as those who were robbers of Jehovah himself.--( Great cheering.) Lord John Rus sell had moved the straw, and the land-rats and the water-rats did not know where to go.—( Cheers and laughter. ) The people must send in their ferrets among them, and rout them cut—(Laughter)—and he trusted they would lend their aid to the Ministers, to stop up the holes through which those rats had got into their granaries.—(Great laughter.) Before he sat down he must say a word or two to his friends the Chartists. He only wished they would co operate with them, and not be led away, as they appear to have been. The Charter was only a means to an end—one end was to obtain plenty and abundance for the people.—( Cheers.) This was one of the ends they were advocating that day, and it was an end, too, that would enable the people ultimately to ob tain the Charter.—[Here the figure that had been placed on the top of the house of Mr. Burnett to rcpre sent the Duke of Buckingham, fell down, and caused much amusement]. He was glad to see that, it was a good sign, for it showed that.the landlords were on their last legs.—( Great. laughter.) The Chartists wanted the release of Mr. O'Con nor and the other members of their body, who were incarcerated. but they did not proceed in the way only by which they could obtain it. He was as anxious a s an y man for their release, but he must say this, that when the people wanted anything from' those who were in' power, the way to obtain it was not by spitting in the face of those from whom they asked a favour. —(Cheers.) He would lay it down as a principle for the Chartists, that it was base and foolish to join the Tories against the Liberal measures that had been proposed by the Government.—( Loud cheers.) The Tories were not to be believed, they were like the Thugs, for under the pretence of benefiting the people they would put the rope about their necks and destroy them.—(Cheers.) He would conclude with saying, Peace to our Queen and her Throne, and plenty to the labourer in his cottage..-4 Great cheering. ) The resolution was then put to the meeting by the' HIGH BAILIFF. and declared to be carried unanimously. Mr. TROTT then proposed the presentation of petitions to both Houses of Parliament., embodying the resolutions that had been agreed to that day, and praying for the repeal of all laws affecting the necessaries of life.—( Cheers. ) Mr. TYRELL seconded the resolution. He hoped, at the next election the people would extort a pledge from every candidate to support the repeal of the Corn-laws,_ and that if they woula not give that pledge, that they would have nothing to do with them.— (Cheers.) The petitions were then adopted by the meeting, and it was also agreed that Earl Fitzwilliam should be requested to present the one to the House of Lords, and the Members for Westminster the one to the House of Commons. A vote of thanks was then unanimously carried to the High Bailiff for his impartial conduct, and the meeting separated, after giving three cheers for free trade, cheap sugar, cheap timber, and which was the longest and loudest of all, for cheap bread. SIR R. PEEL AND THE TIMES. SANE ME FROM MY FRIENDS." (From the Times of yesterday.) There was one part of Sir R. Peel's speech, however, which we must acknowledge gave us considerable pain, and which must also give pain to no small number of the Right Hon. Baronet's friends, who support his general view of Con servative policy. He repelled the chaTe of faction absurdly brought against him by Lord John Russell, in what we cannot but think an injudicious manner, by reminding the House that he had assisted the Noble Lord and hie Ministry on the pri-• vilege question, and , on the question of the New Poor law —or, in other words, that he had identified him- . self with the Whig party on two very unpopular occa'ions. Surely this is not the time to boast of such achievements as these. If there was merit in such a coalition, we are at a loss to see what should hinder the Right Hon. Baronet from givina ' his general support to the Mi n i s try w hi c h h e th en up h e ld. Both those measures were characteristic of the party from which they came; and to say that those were good measures, seems to us much the sante thing as saying that Lord Melbourne ought to continue Minister. Surely it is an , erroneous system of action, in the leader of a great and . influential party, to show disrespect (without any apparent, motive or reason), not only for those who, agreeing to his ge neral principles, may differ from him on one or two important points, but for what above all things ought to be dear to a public man, especially when out of office—the affecti o n s o f t h e majority of his countrytnen. If it a merit to have supported Lord John Russell in those particular measures which have tended to make the Whigs most odious in the country, it may perhaps be a merit to have originally brought him into office, and placed him in a position to carry them, by obstinately resisting the common sense of the nation upon the subject of reform. Are we to have, in the year 1841, another exhibition of that species of political wisdom, which in 1839 re fused to enfranchise even one of the great manufactu rin towns ? If so, it cannot be long before we have a similar result. We respectfully think that these are serious errors in the polioy of the Right Honourable Baronet. They tend to throw into perplexity, not one or two only, but great many of his most zealous supporters, and the great body of tl-e people. It seems difficult to account for them, except by supposing either that the Right Han. Baronet is better qualified to gain a victory than to use it, or that he thinks it of little importance whether the country is governed by Lord Melbourne or by himself. The current opinion as to the intentions of Ministers (we attach little importance to their own declarations) seems to be, that they will endeavour to retain office in spite of the late division, at all events till the question of the Corn-law has been disposed of; and that they will be guided as to a disso lution by the view which intermediate events pay lead them to take of its probable regult, We have no fear what ever of that remit, except from the possible effect of such in. discreet expressions as that of Sir R. Peel, upon which we have been commenting. No doubt it is in the power of the Conservative leaders so to act or speak as to take away the heart of their supporters, and exasperate the working ek§r§ against them throughout the country. tint it they will only act and speak with courage and decision, and w ith a right feeling of what is due to the people and themselves, the ball is at their feet, and it is in their power to cut short the existence of Mi nisters at any moment. SWITZERLAND. The Universal Swiss Gazette of the 15th instant publishes the following article, which is of some importance as regards the disputes in Switzerland, as the refusal of the Grind eQun cil of Argau to revoke the decree soppresiing the oonvents may , lead to coercive measures on the part of the Diet :- 44 13ttntnt, MAY 15.—0 n Tuesday last the discussion 'con cerning the question of the convents was prolonged to six p.m. without the absolute majority being obtained on any preposi tion. On the same day Doetor Jaeger made the following motion : " 1, That the cantons shall be requested not to carry into effect the resolution of the Diet of the 2d of April. " That if, contrary to what is hoped, this step should not lead to any result, the canton of Argau will declare itself ready to make some concessions without compromising its rights. " 3. All measures of execution shall be suspended until the question shall have received a definitive solution. " The Grand Council adopted the tvrt;i;;t;esolutions by a majority of 115, and the third by a very large majority. The Council also gave instructions to the Lesser Council to issue a circular to the cantons, in which it should be exprenly de clared that the suppression of the convents did not' arise .from any motives of cupidity, and that their confiscated property should be devoted to rellgious purposes. The Catholic opposi tion in the Grand Council immediately drew up a declaration to the effect that they did not consider the above relolutions satisfactory." RUSSIA. ST. PETEassuRCII, MAY 7.—The navigation between St. Poersbuigh and Cronstadt has been opened for a few clays, bit the communication between the latter and the sea is still much obstructed by ice. On the 4th of this month the frigate which, is to take the post of guard-ship could not proceed to its station, on account of the floating ice in the Gulf. Go the same day a Tuscan ship, the Nicole Primo, Captain Y.eini. anchored near the Merchants' port, and the English ship Alex andrina, Capt. flames, entered the port; both came from Messina, with fruit. Seven, other ships from ~Messina, with similar cargoes, arrived the next day, and si x others were in sight. Exchanges on London, 3 months, 38 13-16ths. 7 -Journ St. Petersburgh, May 8. MONOPOLISTS AND ANTI-MONOPOLISTS.— One very remarkable feature of parties at the present mo ment is, that the Tories are becoming more and more in- . sulated. Their interests are becoming more clearly de fined in opposition to' the People. Their monopolies and unjust privileges are brought into a more direct contrast with the failing revenue and ruined manufactures of the. country. Monopoly and distress stand face to faee__ . shown plainly to the least observant as cause and' effect. Still more, it has been *Made evident by Ministers that the comforts and rights of the people are not the only things at stake. The greatness of England and h er i n-. flume° as a nation are proved to be endangered, and that is the true ground on which they will appeal to the coun try. ' It is not the question of Whig or Tory ; it is one of freedom or the rule of a mere faotion—interests perti naciously upheld, by every corrupt engine, for a small party at the expense of the prosperity and happiness of the entire nation. The Crown is with the Ministers, the people are with them, the justice of a good cause is with them ; there need be very little anxiety as to their ulti., ma t e success. But there shoUld be neither apathy nor indifferenCe An the part Of the people, even in the mi no* detail. of this ail-important reform. The p o li c y of Ministers, as explained by Mr. Labouchere, is not in tended to be confined to the measure now introduced ; it i s to extend to an alteration of the principle of our whole trade, and will , therefore immediately affect the entire community.—Cork Southern Reporter, THE impLIN a4414 , -On and after the 15th of IWO Illf9ith the evening mail from London will be conve3el pp the Chester and Birkenhead Railway, and reach the station b e fore six o'clock in the morning. Her Majesty's steamers, instead of receiving it on the Liverpool, will receive it on the Cheshire side of the Mersey, and sail dir ec t f or D u bli n. T he mail and passengers from Liverpool vi ill be conveyed on board i n a steamer. Half an hour at least is expected,to be gained by the alteration of the route of th e London dawn Liverroi CORRESPONDENCE ON' CERTAIN POINTS OF THE BISHOP OF LONLON'S PUBLIC CONDUCT. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Feniton, May 11 . 17, 1841. ‘leile; in one of hi s e lo q uent addresses, recently mentioned two classes of persons—Church Ex tensionists, .and Popish Extensicmists. But for the sake of the health of the Church of England, it is to be hoped there is a third class of persons, who deem that Church reformation ought to go before Church extension—which Mr. M‘Neile himself seemed inclined 'to admit in his London lectures last year. I enclose for insertion a correspondence which cer tainly concerns the public. I hare the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, H. E. HEAD. Athenteinn Club, London, April 28, 1841. SIR,—I have , read in The Sun, Evening Paper, a letter bearing your name and address, and on these grounds I presume to address you. When writers appeal to the public through the news papers there is, I apprehend, no discourtesy in answering them, especially if they are misleading public opinion. My acquaintance . with the Bishop of London is of so limited a kind, that it would be a great mark of pre sumption were I to undertake to defend one so especially able to defend himself. But I have not the same deli cacy as to the principal matter of your letter ; and must hope that I am rendering you a useful service, in sending you the form, and its authority, by which converts from the Church of Rome have been received during the last century in the diocese of London. What steps you may now think it requisite to take, in justice to the Bishop and to your own character, it mus rest with yourself to determine: I ani; Sir, your obedient Servant,. The Rev. H. E. Head. • G. G. STONESTREET, Preby. of Lincoln. Feniton, 30th April, 1841. SIR,—I have the honour of acknowledging the receipt of your letter. Arid of its enclosure, and of thanking you for both. With regard to the existence of the form which you have courteously done me the honour to send me—that circumstance does not, call upon me for any concession to the Bishop of London. For I never asserted ; nor did I at all intend to convey the idea that the Bishop had coMposed that form. 'His Lordship makes it his own by Adopting it—so that it may be fairly called " the Bishop of London's form of prayer" in contradistinction to the authorized forms in the Prayer-book. The name or names of the Prelates who had previously composed or adopted-it, together with the circumstances its composition-:—are questions .which do not in the least concern the public in a legal point of view—how ever interesting the information may be as a matter of fact or history. And I beg to renew my thanks for the information which you have afforded me on this point. With regard to the authority of the form, it is not ne 3essary to say much, as in the preface you fairly concede the point that it never obtained the Royal sanction, and that it is, in an ecclesiastical point of .view, therefore, of no authority at all. With regard to the merits or demerits of the form, they are chiefly relative, therefore the more pernicious, as being less 'obvious to undiscerning minds. My mean ing is •this. While error continues to lurk in our rituals, this form is liable to the strongest objections. For it denounces, with no small parade, the errors of the clergy of Rome, while at the same time it calls upon the Almighty covertly and indirectly to sanction the errors of the clergy of England. I have the honour to-be, Si!, your obedient servant, HENRY ERSKINE - HEAD. _ _ _ The Rev. Prebendary Stonestreet. • P.S. Are these Roman Catholic clergymen now corn , petent to preach in our pulpits without further ordina. tion ? I rather think they are—according to current opinion. Athenaeum Club, London, May 3, 1841. SIR,—I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter f the 30th ult., which I confess I read with regret. Upon considering your observations I find it difficult to conceive any course whatever which the Bishop of London could have adopted, which would have given you satisfaction. Three priests of the Roman Church present themselves tothat prelate, upon whose conduct you mi. inadvert, for resolution of doubts and for spiritual coun sel ; they believe themselves to be in error ; they desire to renounce publicly a doctrine contrary to God's' word, .tnd, upon examination, had to be admitted, by the Bishop so addressed, into communion with our Church. Is the Bishop to reject or to receive them, if satisfied of the sincerity Of the profession ? If he were to reject them, upon the simple ground of not knowing in what manner, and by what formality to comply, would not this be a very great hardship upon the seceders ; is any such reluctance to receive converts exhibited in any other Church, however numerous or scanty its proselytes ? were they to be treated as mere recusants who might, by only going to church, protect themselves under the statute aga i nst penalties, or take some oath,-.to remove certain disqualifications ? How would such a rejection have co m p or t e d w i t h t h e Ep i scopal oath in the Examen of Consecration, when the question is put . " are you ready With all 'faithful diligence tt, banish, and drive away all erroneous l;toetrinp4, & u., &c.," would not a Bishop . who should so treat, an applicant, and that applicant a cleigzman, at the present day be considered as not very affeettiely fulfilling his high pastoral ( A t w el l On the other hand, supposing the Bishop to conse'7i to receive these converts publicly, thee. 1,0 must el-tlier com pose or select some formulary of merely - private charac ter, or he must use that of his 'D'Yrtlecessor in offica, ac credited by the sanctio n of file 'State and the co-opera tion of the Houses of Convocation in the exercise of their legitimate function, Ta the first of these cdurses your printed letta t4hes objectio n • your written lett er to me repudiiites his right to the other alternative. What is he to do ? If you will not allow him, upon individual responsibility, to construct or adopt a special form-- nor ti avail himself of an order of prayer, accredited at least arrionpt ecclesiastics by its:very constitution, and suppoi4esl by the usage of the diocese (as Archdeacon Pott informed me) and probably by luxe general custom— you drive him back to the neoessity, under supposk legal scruple, of rcieoting those unfortunate 'candiA t tes,. hence forth to belong to neither fold ; a strange. way, indeed, of discharging his conscience or. Ills dotty. If my in ference be wrong, Sir, it is PAW 0.1.411 reasonable that I should inquire which fused several courses o ug h t to be pursued, RAld by what possible election the Bishop could WV escaped the infliction of your reproaches r When you say that the preface to my edition of Te nison's Formula " concedes that, itt an ecclesiastical point of view, it is of no real atltWrity," you have not cor rectly stated its import, "Why then should I print it I had felt The want of such an authority, and so mated it. Burn, certainly a judge of ecclesiastical authority, does not hold it so cheap. In fact it leantesilaiing but the sign manual of the minister of t,heddy (as that of Bute in 1761 to the four occasional eayers), to make it a constitnent part of the Book of Common Prayer. Many of the Canons wanted the final Royal sanction the results of the Hampton Court conference Virl3 I believe similarly circumstanced : the same exception is applied to Orn of the versions of the Psalter. But there is a ca 36 so ex acta as to authOrity and date, detailed at large in Burn, that I cannot forbear to ii,kr to it, .as mate rially affecting the question which ydu have raised, It is that of the "'pall itn , the Consecration of Churches." The cokidenees are in all respects conw.liete ; each form had Royal origination, each passed Loth Houses of COD:, vocation, each was stopped in the Council Chamber by no other difficulty whatexue than the Royal demise. But will any clergyma os jurist at the present hour admit your . inference, that not one of 1,000 churches which have since been built, is consecrate, and that the ceremony (if you will pariah me to repeat your words as to the contemporaneous formula), is, in an ecclesiastical point of view, of no real authority at all, and that the names of the Prelates who have composed it, and the cir, cumstances of the composition, are questions which d o '• not in the lease „concern the public in a legal point of view Is this really to give its din; weight to . the Royal initiative and the deliberate judgment of 'the Church in her assembly, upon the adaptation of a , specific ceremony, of which the Church had need 7. You inquire in your postscript, " whether these three Roman Catholic clergymen are compete to preach in our pulpits Without further ordination r I have never heard that any Protestan %Aw) has impeached the validity the Roman, prim orders, properly attested. ques tion of jurisdiction is di st i nct from ord - Q44; often un heeded, but distinct. Certainly no title to any jurisdiction,. domestic orcolonial ; I conceive of theouldiss,su:eettoscno,nuN;letq priest, the Bishop -beili2co ire had been sn } '`..neeted to the same or even more strict ex' amination [than that 'Which isj required *inn our own candidates, 'always at ordittation;.somethnes upon appli cation for license, and , gcnorally in cases of plurality at Lambeth. Under what degree of caution this may' pro-, eed lam unskie itidi e ; • I can In cases asuSpected heterodox epinit t) ;:p .s r il o P por P se ose t c l u 'a r t ilieg a • would be taken. am, Sir.-your moat obedient servant, 1.) The Rev, G. G. STONESTREET.. IL E. Head, &c. &c., Feniton. Fenton,May 5, 1841. have the honour to acknowledge your letter of the 3d instant, and to thank you for the information it contains. The - point on which I have the misfortune to differ from you is this. You view the proceeding of the Bishop of London abstractedly. and exclusively with, re ference to the matter of the three 'Minim! Catholic cler gymen. I, on the contrary, have all along considered it in connexion with other parts of his Lordship's public Conduct. Hence my reply to your very reasonable question—' by what possible course could the Bishop of London have exempted himself from the appliCation of my strictures"—will he this : Had the Bishop of London favoured those moderate proposals of Church Reform which were brought before Parliament last year—had his Lordship even contented himself with forbearing to oppose them, his Lordship would have escaped my, bitter reproaches on the present occasion. For he then would not so clearly have involved the Church of England in the . doubly pharisaic guilt of binding heavy burthens upon the consciences of men by over stringent subscription, and, at the same time , of pub licly thankino• God that she is not like that publican the Church of Rome. I beg your pardon if I have misstated the substance of your preface ; but really .I could not perceive thatit amounted to anything more than this — that Tenison's Formula is of great authority — to, th o se who chuse t o de fer to it. I do not think lightly of the Royal wish, or of th e assembly of the Church , or o f any of those initiati ve proceedings on which you lay so much stress. I sho u ld agree with you as to the con ve ntional -thithority of the form, and indeed ,perhaps as to the form itself —if the Church. of Englaud•were :perfect. B ut it really ought —kast of all by a Prelate who opposes himself t o the re z na not to. be used by any Church Minister as 1 0 . -present corruptions prevail in our Establishment—l e ast ent thlve. ~ .1 , 1 MORNING -EDITION. - - -. 7';>i .__, . ......__ _.........,,,,_\_. tun of those corruptions. You argt ihttt Tenison's form is to be compared as to its ' ritv,., _to the ; form for the Con secrat i on of Churc {ity , ,argu- - :..... - ment is just ; but it d oes not excul __„" tisliop of ,--....,...._.\- London. On the contrary, it criminat Aiki)V4.sll . -- ~ 4 and indeed all the Bishops) if they h ' ' ".., - Ot-w 2 ) form in its present state), still more extensiet E. t form is not free from error, and therefore th e who use it in its present state are not free from blame. The fol lowing extract from th a t form—" Grant, 0 Lord, that they who in this place shall in their own persons renew the promises and cows made by their sureties for them at their baptism, and thereupon be confirmed by the Bishop, may receive such a measure of thy Holy Spirit that they may be enabled faithfully to fulfil the same "--if it be according to law, is not according to the gospel, which recognises nowhere vows made by proxy and episcopal ministrations, " interposed as media between the souls of men " and that regenerating and eternal life in Christ, the second Adam, which - is - the gift of God best Owed on the children of promise as freely as the rain that falls from heaVeril With.the exception of this sentence, I knew of nothing to object, either positively os relatively, to the fkirm of consecration. On the contrary, it is very decent and orderly, though it ex a lt s th e Bishop rather too much. I don't very much like (I mean a s a m e r e m a tt er o f taste ) those rubrics which describe " the Bishop sitting in his chair ;" for I know but of one Bishop who deserves to be E nthroned and exalted in the minds of men. But the passage which I have quoted is very. seriously objectionable. It is nothing less than an appeal to the Almighty, to confirm our prejudices and sanction our errors. Indeed their Lordships the Bishops (the Bishop of London pre-eminently), deal with the faults of the Church as Pharaoh's magicians dealt with the plagues pf Egypt —they exert their zeal and power, not to reinove, but to increase them.—l have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, HENRY ERSKINE HEAD. The Rev. Preb2ndary Stonestreet. LOSS 01."111E MARY SCOTT, CAPTAIN RICHARDSON'S STATEMENT OP THIS MELANCHOLY CATASTROPHE. On the 9th• instant, °at six A.M., the ship Brooklyn, under my command, proceeded, - with 'the assistance of a steamer, from the river Mersey to sea.. At two P.M., being seven miles outside the Bell Buoy, discharged the steamer, and made 41; wind light from S.E. At 830 P.M., saw Point Lynes Light S.W., about eight miles dis tant, wind brisk from S.S.W. Arnine brisk breezes from S.W. by S., took in the studding -sails. At near ten P.M., being on deck myself, and having a gcol out kept by myself and men, we observed a sail our larboard bow: I immediately saw her, and, seeing she was steering in an opposit e direetion, (that is, E.S.E. 'and ourselves about W.N.W.,) an d s h e ,to windward of us, the wind having just headed us one point,.and thus favoured the strange sail, I was induced to keel my ship off, by putting helm aport, which was done, and my ship immediately swung off two points ; but on looking to the strange sail again, to my astonishment I Observed her keeping-off, which caused me to believe, that as tie - were so near each other we should soon come together; bow to bow, which would have destroyed us both almost in stantly. I, fearing so frightful a collision, thought at the moment, that if my helm was, put down, my ship might come to • quick enough to clear her ; conse quently I . had my helm put to starb oar d, an d my ship began to come to quickly-, 'and had there bee"n one or two minutes' more time, the strange sail would have been sufficiently ahead to have cleared us, • as we struck. her about the Mainmast. I saw her in one minute After she was seen by the look-out. I did not see any lights on board of her, neither have I'learnt that any one on board my s hi p saw any. My ship lost her bowsprit, cutwater, stem b a dly sp li t, b ows much in jurodrifini at the dine - of-the collision, and for two hours afterwards, I had strong fears of my ship springing a large-leak suddenly, as, iu addition to the injury just sus tained, her bowsprit was thrashing her bows sufficiently to cause great anxiety for the safety of 195 souls al board ; also, the foremast was much endangered from the want of head- s t a ys. A s the strange sail passed from us after the collision, I heard dreadful shrieks and cr:.es. I had no doubt they were cries of . distress, and I f.:ared the strange sail - was sinking. - I thought of the drown ing crew, but I had not the power of affordi7* any re lief; as.my ship was - under full sail, and in an unmanage able and oxtremely dangerous state ; however, in a fe w minutes I.let my sails fly, b ac k e d my main-topsail, and stopped the ship's way, but did jidt, at th a t ti me or after wards, hear or see anything of the strange sail, her boats, or men, until I likatd of the arrival of some of them at this place, " ABEL W. RICHARSON, " Commander of the ship Brooklyn. " RS. Understanding that a report has been circulated very prejudicial to my character for humanity, to the effect, that immediately on the collision taking pl ace I caused the hatchways to be covered, for the purpose of preventing. the passengers from coming upon deck, I beg most :cllstin c tly to d eny i t, no such order having beea. given by me, or •by any officer on board ray ship ; on the cOntrary,•tU my own certain knowledge, 1 state, that the hatch way s were open, and that several of my Wi n . gets were on deck at the time of the accident:" • • • FLOGGING ON -SUNDAY, RETux to an Order el the Iknou t i l hi e th e H ods , o f Contmonst• .dAted 23d April, 1841—for Return of the uumber of instances of corpo:al punish ments in .chi Army in Great Britain, intlie.ed on a Sun day, during the five years ending the Ist day of January, 1841 ; specifying the .rases, stations, and regiments in each instance ; lkud- stating, when practicable, whether or not the lAillding in which punishments' were carried into elc4:ution is used - for any other, and what purpose. Similar return for the troops gnartered in Ireland. None. JOHN MACDONALD, A.G. 411jutant-General's Otlice, 14th :May, 1841. MASSACRE OF THE, CHRISTIAN INSURGENTS OF BULGARIA BY THE TURKS. A writer in the Allgemeihe Zeitling writes from Bel grade, 2d May : The combat between the .Albanian troops of the Pacha of Nissa and the Christian inhabitants entrenched by Alexinezze, which took place the day before yesterday, was 'bloody iii• the extreme, The Christians fought bravely, 'but Their solare'i'S were too widely scattered to resist the close columns of the Albanians. The insurgents, although fighting for their women, their children, and their aged-- fOr their hearths and na,veable. propertyLLugainst the ravaging Moshan, were obliged at length to giVe way. The conduct of the AlbamansT after their victory was horrible. They murdered the child ren an d o ld people, who were-incapable ei . resistance, in cold blood, impaled every . prisomer Who was taken with arms in his hands • laid the' Villages' which they sto rme d i n as h es, v i olate d \mato) an girls, and threw them into the flaming ruins it their habitations. Between twentrand thirty villages fell a prey to the flames, but the greater part were set fire to by the Christians themselves, as they fled from theta inn the approach of the Turkish troops, leaving in them whatever they' could not carry off, even their sick persons; The '.OO - tquered Christiln, tbai r 'Alexinezze cut their Way through three lines "of the' enemy, and effected a retr ea t alto the mountains or into Servia, Those - who took the direction of the Servian frontier were for tne greatest part cut to pieces by their pursuers, but a grant number found their way into the mountains, and not only those engaged in the action near Alexinezze, but the inhabitants of the revolted districts, who took no part in the aflhir ; but, who, whim the others, to the amount of several thousands, now wander roofless and withoat victuals, and scarcely with the hope of joining the Christian inhabitants of other districts'. For, fa vourably as the ream, of NiSsa endeavours to represent matters in the European provinces, it is known here, as I before - wrote you, that hi Bosnia, as well as in Mace donia and Albania, the revolt has broken out.. It is re ported, for the most part, that .this widely-spread move ment was arranged by foreign emissaries, mostly from the north, but then the total want of money amongst the inaura,ents is inexplicable if any great Power favoured their'tindertaking. One would be more inclined / to be lieve th a t Aliloseh -is not altogether strange to the mat ter ; it is, however, certain that the intolerable oppres i siert Of the Pitches gave the last impulse to this Sc u b catastrophe. The endless illegal demands for money y which the Pa of Widdin especially himself; would appear incredible if told, and t a l n ic;_ lw arbi trary nature of his Government in everybr alb sx sure to reap eventually its merited fruits._ Reports itltat con sprea4 of disturbances in Anatolia, distinguished but t .s ie , y isibie. in the urination. A remarkable consternation filthily of the Prince ; and Lubitza, the t . :l ll 9 e ' t t i . ; , er (1 f Pl* NI Michael, is said to betray the greattt lef t ' the recent occurrences. The princely fancily for Kragujewatz. Before their departure a sati dent ei attendant of the Princess had a long conver o with the French Consul.' " conta an.-s- 1 .. , ..,0 ee te . fallowing g ch 1 1 ____ - • ' NEWPORT, ISLE O F WIGHT. (FROM A CORRESPONDENT.) Lloosatlsattilotenss, Sixteenth, which /t/ay 18, 1841.—Will it suit your purpose to introdize of f e rtahtee hood lyor butin yourunfo met with in a work entitled " Anecdotesof the French Nat i on,'i p. 417. It-illustrates the importance of the present nao eheap bread in averting national calamity and • "rue" sentiments of loyalty to the Sovereign. itrfpiring When Guimard, a domestic officer under the • with Louis the Sixteenth for his ol d 1,; , -n g , and a favourite r u tu su n a a l te il saw him reading a pamphlet which had f a g e an.. honesty. or its title " The King beloved by his People," he said roundly, " Sire, do net believe these pamphlets, you never will be beloved A Inle bread is dear." Whilst I am writing, I may m which I (anti I may say m ention the surprise with. all the readers of your Paper is the Island), saw an article i n your columns some time sines. adverse to the projected i mprovements in the Rivor'hledins. a measure so admirably calculated to promote the prosperity of all the industrious classes in this town, that it is opposed by none but a very few of th neighbourhood. It had e l most determined monopoli s ts of the, been desirable, but - bee ame absolutely es sen ti a l to the welfare of the town, when the Southampton and London Railway was completed, and I feel satiated from your liberal feelings towards the welfare of the would masses, that you - not allow your Paper to be the Vehicle of supporti ng monopoly and the interests of the few , again st the many, if you were acquainted with the true circumstances. of the case. THE CRISES.—The work goes nobly on.. Th e great upheaving of the . i . ij i.d ust a i:e, I, w: ee l: people, conscious of their pvier, an d preparing to exert it, has now commenced. From the Land's end to the Orkneys the nation is in motion. Its sufferings have been borne too long. and too patiently, but hum an en _ of . has at last begun. fti d aot u ,nr r e(i c ., n bl e ou e_ :v.aerr h AAtvei a ,, s irhi,: r .l e nifliz a isa e Ltn lke ei. d itt it suc7 s rli,:u l is i .3ri m ittriei i iceda.sa ts iti . rsste::ioe T el4atp h iitl e ,:iAoc t l i tN d iem e rcsEt,h e surface face of our grounds at Beningbrough this . took a whole a pa l ly from my v i n which they found three black rooks and a white one. It still mole rematkable, that last )ear a nest was found in: nest, in for the purfu.c of shooting rooks. They the s.nne tree, coAta.ning the above number of moks, one eC which was also white.— York Courant. •