The Sun. — London, England, 1828-06-10 00:00:00

P;Pl g4 * gain 1 ° di or givl"' i-benchl nolerosou eebes ,e4l, we Oman be sa p )enightL ours riti9l) 03.0 •iptes. Ifood, )01.11 9 of itreio y thing 0,, IY ,e freq.-0 nd Klye t i n lb i 90," P•go " ithe oro use re ° c wou ld 0° ),J tient --If this were true there would be an end of the <llaesl4on.;i+OP.,ar.)-*Snet: cnnieqUenteNit once sets aside all questions of justice, all questiou of expediency, and ,t•enders it unfit almcAtto discuss even the grounds which can be assigned for the measure. But I cannot bring my self so to view, this, question. I cannot bring myself to think that it is a principle.of the Constitution to exclude !=ny man from a fair participation in civil office, unless you clearly establish the fact, that during the whole time • for , which you dos° exclude him, you cannot/safely admit ' . hits, to office. But such a.systein of exclusion is so foreign frOuithe genius of the Constitution,. that you ought care fully to look at the grounds. upon which, in particular cites, such an exception from our general practice has bee n established ; and unless you can -demonstrate that in . the pat ticular,case it has been founded in justice or reason ., able precautioo, .it is impossible to maintain that it is a ilefensibLeyrinciple, Now, my Lords, I would-be glad to know upon what argument, it is to be contended that the exclusion of the Catholic Peers from seats in this House iS a principle of our Constitution, if it be necessary to prove it a principle of our Constitution, that the ex clusion itself should be recognized as, just ? What led to their exclusion, my Lords? Was it any crime they had committed; was it the proof of any wrong thing Which . they had done ; any thing which was .the result of deliberation on their part, of some well concerted act? (Hear, hear.) Why it was struck out at a heat, as it were, and in consequence of one of the most infamous Acts that ever disgraced the Legislature of the country.—(Hear hear.) And what is it, my Lords, that you would do now? You deprive of an undoubted right those Catholic Peers, They had an hereditary right to seats in this House, as strong and indefeasible as any of us who are no w here. On what principle do you justify their cond. • nued exclusion from that right, unless you can assign some , ground of adequate necessity for it ?—(Cheers.) If you „.,!ay that their exclusion is justified by that course of illegal „proceedings which was, .about a century and half ago, wound up by the judicial murder of one of those unfortu- - - ; nate Peers,whotad been thus unjustly excluded, I reply that it is no part of that Constitution, which I was about to call "blessed," when I remember that act of iniquity, and their : ,: exclusion, and which, on all other eccounte, I tvill still call ' • ~,tilessed... I contend that that, which as au original act was i-,..nnjust and, oppressive, _has become ten times more so by continuance. But, we were told, to-night, that the exclu .i • . e liein s, in,effeet, no degradation to. those who su ff er under •'-r it- Ido not, know, that the mere fact of exclusion, is, in ' ' iteelf, a degradation; and a thousand reasons may be elle • gedto,prove•that a man may occasionally labour under a Political disability without anything of a discreditable or adishonourable nature having happened on his part. But •• , What is the case here? You exclude persons because, as YGLI admit, you cannot trust them, you have, in effect, de-. . .: ,dared, that you cannot believe them ; for that they owe a divided allegiance, as it is termed--a poiut to which I shall come bye. and bye. I ant now speaking of the exclu . siou of Catholic Peers from this house. Now, to suppose "that men, with the feelingS of gentlemen, can experience i' any other than a sense of perpetual degradation and 'mai . fication, because we cannot trii,t them, but think that they will conspire to effect the ruin of their country, really ap pears to me quite idle. Iris impossible there can be any thing more mortifying to men who can look back to a long line of attesters, and to the glorious acts they have perfor naed, only to sigh over ,their own melancholy fate, that has put them Out, of a condition to confer similar benefits upon a ' country, to whiCh, in spite ()fits injusticeto them, I believe , •,, in my conscience thet,they still retain the most loyal and con e stitutional itschment.—(Chfers,) If this.system, however of perpetual exclusion from the Legislature and civil office,' • be: a n int erna l principle of the Con s tit u ti on , we are a t t hi s -, moment not living under that Constitution. In 1797, you gave. to. the poor miserable peasantry of Ireland—the most unfit depositories , you could have found ofran elective ' franchise—the power of-returning Members to Parliament; ' - and yet you will not give a simihr power to thole who are capable.of discharging such duties, in a way not liable, to the same objections. The same power you permit, in its. 0 full exercise, to 4t?. freeholders, to whom you extend the 'Privilege of returning almost all the representatives of Ire land, you will not concede to the Catholic Peers of the United` Kingdona.:—(Hear, hear.)---could any thing be `more inconsistent than such a mode of proceeding ? You have taken another singular step,. my Lords, for by a very recent Aet;_thOugh you will not hear of. Catholics coming - auto civil-office, you give .them the. power of the second Bill in the army and: navy ; and surely in-these serviees s if they were e dispoeed to prejudice or injure the State, ,they might do so, at least, as effectually as in civil office. You t , recently thought it advisable, my Lords, to alter the law .as far as it relates to commissions in the army and navy, and ..' 4 n - wet say, that though I think it a wiseouid just measure, • h i nd one that reflects the hi g h es t cre di t and honour on the parliament which - carried it into effect, yet that even that leaves the Roniaiv Catholic in a state of greet humiliation. For, my Lords,Aliougli he may'liaVe perrormed "the most ' brilliant services-;-although he may Lave earned the thanks of his country and of this - Ifouse—although he may have ' *on the Afilitary Order of , the *Bath, yet, my Lords, he ~ cannot enter your order. There are many illustrious indi viduals whom I see around me, whose peerage is entirely ° wing to their military - achievements, and without pre tending to analyie their feelings, I cannot but say, that I Should think it must be deeply painful to them to see those • i ndividuals, who had earned the same glory, and who had in curied.the game danger with themselves, yet unable, on ac ',ount of their religion, to take their seat, as the cooetunnaa time of all their honours, or to transmit to their posterity some glorious title as a token of the kindness anti. favour of their 41 low e countrymen, and of the reward that was consi dered due to their distinguished services. For myself, I cannot consider the connection between the Roman Ca tholics of Ireland and the See of Rome to be such as it has ~ ' been represented. It has been argued by a Rt. Rev. - Prelate, and by a Noble and Learned Lord,. that the allegiance dOe f rom the Roman Catholics to the Pope rendered them unfit to fill the higher offices of,the State ; and if I, dissent from the opiniOn of those noble-persons I am sure, they will do me the justice to believe that-I am not disposed to treat any targement that could have Wien from them except with that . respect which might be expected front our relative eitua•• ' I lions. But I confess I never could understand that argue' ~ 'tient of a divided allegiance, which, in my mind, applies , . el es nully to Roman Catholic as t o P ro t es t an t. Th e Ri g ht Rey. Prelate says truly, there is no question of a division .'•' of allegiance in Catholic countries ; because, though the •,,lisople acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope as far as ;Near& their spiritual concerns, the Sovereign owes him :,, tb e same deference ;, and we know, my Lads, by history ~,the experience, that however absolute may be the spiritual ! h til lE'giance which the Roman Catholic subject owes to the , 4- ope, it is but of - small regard to the temporal interests of ',. t he State, or to the 'power of the Sovereign. It does not f '4ilow that a Catholic Prince should acquiesce in the gene . till interrence 'of the Pope with his temporal concerns. i '°n.the- contrary,. we have many instances in modern times Of Catholic Princes struggling successfully agaiost the power of the Catholic Church. In Germany, Joseph 11., who , ‘vae in one sense a great reformer, took extremely violent ' Illeasures against the Catholic Church ; yet upon the Pope 4 , irceelf he lavished all the c i v ili ty an d attent i on i h at cou ld • 4 conceived. He even had his Holiness at Vienna, and titiled- hint his holy father. Still, my L or d s, h e pers i ste d doing, that which was extremely displeasing to his holy l ather ; and yet in all this he was never influenced.or inter , t e lljatecf by any representatiou on the p a rt o f hi s ee hj ee t s , . 1 4 th e pope knew that thottglt he might . mak e add res s e s ', 4l d give f or th hiss neeudates, that it would not do—that t lis Power was not what it had been. In former days, in ,eeci, it was _widely different ; but times have been 'melt ! t iered since Popish power could exercise an - uncontrolled ' `4lfluenve in any part of Europe. The Pope .is not now, b ik4 in day s o f y ore , tleit awful divinity, posn 6 siog all the 1 4. °pertie s and attribut es o f the heathen J../Itit 4l— ' I .,‘ee vitef, ir;tedia ni;nl.) K;ira in mete, corusca Kilirniut inolitur deictia. QuO maxima mote. , Terra treinit : Fu gete fern' ; et mortalia cords , T he Per . gentes hurMti;_stravit payer." still .. . tt e.,--he resides in le Pope still sits upo n th e same ...awl .':,e same Vatican -e-he is still surrounded by the same array i," Vendinals and the sense Council de Propaganda Fide— tot? he is no longer the same all individual. His; Cy shows let that for tbe last 130 years his power hae 4 74 suffe.ring a gradual d i eead i ence. It would h e idle for . 111; u enter into, details; 0,0 lilt pg. Wok tO oil the cases of etl.', , ,te that have occat•red in Europe, and we shall find AC to , do with tt:`._ recently religions dissensions had iambi i ee °4 . ; and, going a little ferther heck, that they h a d own _ 4 : - t at . wely little, Ile Pope, it is perfectly clear, has had t, h ing to do with th e convulsions which lately agitated d„:°Pe. In short, the Pope is not the Pope of former tl I Z'• And why is he not? It is owing, I Will say, w a 4 l l the phrase is prtescribed,, mad though it is al ' .14"1 greeted tenth e sercasne and sneer, to the mar ch IVo u lTerleet ; , iet the .march of intellect, —which it sa d be he ' t easy to by the force of e eera pa as arrest ti and sarcasm, as it would be to stop an inuuds ori, , . th 4 4 4 th e Nile with the palm of your hand—for it it fejti'eth of knowledge, ei experience, end of truth, which t o e " -s natinns at well at individealsag e inet all the dangers •Zreaded from ignorance and su p ers ti t i on . , H av i ng tel e i,: a ns end rauch, I will t trouble your Lo I shall content .Ysele • th e t , , with. an obset ration upon the objection raised by N° precedent of the Council to the proposition of my te„ Friend. The President of the Council objects to w ". ls ,t o Position, that it is of too general a nature, and he usne a that h • • • lh o ek it ed been more s,peerfic. Now,. it so happens, ' '''g4tOestion hate been.brought before.,your•Lordeliips several times in the latter form, and always with the same fate.- - Some Bills were 'certainly 'made to embrace the whole question, hut others only, partially, artl there was one which it COiti'd 'dot have been supposed that the most 'timid *person' Would 'have received with the slight est hesitation. It was short, simple, and just, and proposed merely to put the_ Roman Catholic:4 of Eng land upon the same. footing with, these of Ireland.- e .. No objection could be made to it, and I believe, in fact, no objection was made to it, still.it was rejected upon the plea that Might lead to farther measures. The next Bill was 'confined to giving Catholic Peers the right to take those seats in this House to which they are entitled by de scent.• But this too, was rejected, and upon the same ar gument—namely, that it would be unwise, to suffer it to pass, lest it might ultimately lead to the general question. Thus was the injustice perpetuated. The. general ,ques floc was at length brought befiire your Lordships in two Bills,---ene in 1821 the other in 1825, neither of which I believe ever got beyond a secondd, reading, so, that your Lordships never had an opportunity of , arriving at a knowledge of those securities which might have bees offered upon the part of the Roman Catholics, and which are so strongly insisted upon by certain Noble Members of your Lordships' Mouse. Thus it is my'Lords, that year after year Bills for the relief of the Catholics are thown out for want of those securities which nobody seems. to understand, and it Would almost seem, from .what has passed, that no measure ever can be carried except such a one as, in the first instance, shall succeed in pleasing and satisfying all. But, MY Lords, I cannot avoid drawing one favourable omen from the speech and arguments of the President of the Council; it is, that, sooner or later, this great question must make good its way.through your Lord ships' House. The evidence of every day's experience in society shews us thatit is gaining ground : and I sincerely hope and trust, that, if it be negatived upon the present oc casion, it will be its last defeat, as well for the advantage and security of England, as for the sake of an unhappy, en lightened (and if this measure were once passed), invin cible, and, I might add, inestimable portion of his Ma jesty's dominions. Earl St. VINCENT said he thought our military esta blishment-wall as much at .variance with the Constitution of the country as what is called -Papal Supremacy. He .concurred. heartily with the preposition of the Noble Marquis. . - The Duke of GLOUCESTER said—As I have never before taken part in your Lordships' discussions upon this subject, I rise for the purpose of saying a few words.-- There are so many of your Lordships who have already spoken, and so many more that are no doubt anxious to do so, that it_may appear - unnecessary for me to do more than give a silent vote ; but after having bestowed the most mature and attentive consideration' upon the question, 1 do not conceive I should do my duty were I not to ex press my most cordial concurrence in the proposition of my Noble Friend. And, my Lords, if after mature attention and anxious consideration, I could have brought my mind to believe that either the Constitution or the Church, :which my family brought over to this country, was likely to be injured in the pursuance of this course, nothing would for a moment induce me to sup port,it ; but as the result of my deliberate inquiry has been to lead sue to a different conclusion, and as I can see no danger to the rights and privileges of the Church, but, en the contrary, the greatest danger to its security and prospe rity, in :.not granting to the Roman Catholics the boon fur which they, pray, I cannot but give my cordial sup port to My Noble Friend's motion. I Must, however, ex press my hope, that whenever a Bill upon this subject shall be entertained by your Lordships, that it will he con sidered whether some arrangement m ight not he made with the See of Rome, by which his Majesty might enjoy the same power over the Roman Catholic, Church in Ireland that lie does over the Ronsish church in'llanover; arid that - 41 feet, all the Continental sovereigns enjoy over the Ito- - .Inish Church in their dominions. I trust, too, that some provision will be made out of the public funds for the Roman Catholic priests, which may have the effect of giv ing them . . an interest. in the welfare of the State---iwhich may do,away with the. dissatisfaction now existing from the payment of tithes—and conduce to the security and prosperity of the country, The Bishop of LINCOLN thought that whenever the struggle for emancipation was at an end, the struggle for the Chinch Establishment would begin. He judged from . the authotitY of a Noble and Learned Lord who lately held a high situation in Ireland, and from the opinions ex- pressed by Dr. Doyle, and others of the Catholic hierarchy, that the Protestguat Church Establishment would he endan gered -by emancipation. He agreed with Dr. Doyle in thinking that this measure would not tranquillize the country. Looking to the common temptations of our na ture—looking to the circumstances under which the Ro man Catholics. were. placed—looking to the characters of those who appear to influence their movements—he could not help thinking Abet the proposed measure would, if car ried, stimulate diem to substitute their own for the esta blished religion. The . Right Rev. Prelate here proceeded to contend at considerable length, that the Catholic reli gion had undergone no change from its humiliation and adversity ; that it was still as opposed as ever to all other creeds ; and that the profeasors of it never could rest con tent while another religion was the established religion of the State. He should be glad to say now, as on,the ques tion for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, that .no danger would attend concession; but every thing con vinced him that the cases were not only not similar, but that in the latter there was no risk, while the farmer would be attended with imminent danger to the Protestan Church. The Duke of CUMBERLAND rose to oppose the motion before their Lordship from a conviction that concession would probably produce evil and could effect no good. Their Lordships had heard from Noble Lords that night divers opinions' respecting the results that would follow the repeal of the existing laws. Now if it were doubtful that concession would tranquillise Ireland, he was quite certain it would create disturbance in this country.—(Hear.)— He had been accused: of being a bigot--but even though the imputation should be perpetuated by his vote on that occasion, h e wou ld- not shr i nk from heartily and conscien tiously p rotest i ng - against the Resolution before their Lord shiP%—(Cheers.) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY condemned the in consistency of Noble Lords on that momentous subject. The time we lived in was the age of change. We saw Noble Lords come down to Parlitunent one year to recom mend and support measures, and the year following to op pos,. them. Re stood himself i n t h at s i tuat i on, f or h e was not prepared to support the motion before their Lordships. Relying as he did on the confidential servants of the Crown, and in his allegiance to the Noble Duke at the head of the Administration—(A laugh)—.he was convinced that the earliest moment would be seized for setting the question at rest. He was quite sure that the time would arrive when the Legislature would be imperatively called upon either to adopt the resolution before their Lordships, or •to enact some other measure calculated to, tranquillize Ireland. The Noble Marquis who had introduced the question had ex pressed his anxiety for its success--but the Noble Marquis had not evinced similar anxiety when himself in office, or he might have carried the measure. In all that the Noble Lord had said, however, in recommendation of concession, he fully concurred, and hoped, ere long, to see it carried ; convinced that it would do more towards tranquillizing Ire land than any other that could be devised. The Bishop of LLANDAFF opposed the resolution, convinced that the admission of Roman Catholics to far ther power would be the signal for the overthrow of the Protestant ChOrch of Ireland. If, therefore, he was not prepared to adopt the sequel, be was not prepared to con cede the preliminary measure. Until the influence of the Church of Reme upon its adherents could be securely pro vided against in a Protestant State, the danger from di. vided allegiance was unquestionable; and until that could be satisfactoiily obviated —until some measi re calculated to satisfy all •parties, and give security to the Protestant Esta blishment, be found, he was of opinion that no further con cession should be made. The Ear! of DARTMOUTH could have little hope that this measure would produce those beneficial consequences which its advocates anticipated. He considered the success of that measur e would be only a step,towards the establish ment of Catholic oupremacy in Ireland. The cries of Question !, Question !" here became l L o o u r d d , C an h d an no e;lNorobpluet the Lord rising to address the House, the question —upon which The Earl of CARNARVON rose to support the resolu tion, and to reply to the arguments of the Noble Marquis opposite. The Noble Marquis had once, been the stomach advocate of concessions to the Catholics, and he (Lord C.) would ask, how it had happened, that if the Noble Lord, who had been on a former occasion desirous that we should quit the path of exclusion, and deviate into kind ness —if lie had once held out to the Catholics a hope, why did it not occur to him to try the experiment?. - He had commenced lay being their friend, and had concluded by taking that step which, while he talked of conciliation, closed the door against it. He (the Marquis of London derry) had accused a Noble Lord (the Marquis of Lans downe) of having omitted to propose a similar measure at the time when he was himself in power ; but the circum stances of the two periods were different, At the time when his Noble Friend was a member of his Majesty's Co virnment, the- House of Commons had just come to a re solution the direct opposite of that in - which originated the motion now before their Lordships.—(llear, hear.)—Their Lordships ought to consijer what hscl Orpdy bees! done , on the subject—the number • of measures of colaciliation* that had passed even in their - own time-L.and then he would ask was there any Noble Lord who would propose the re-enactment- of any one of them ? (Hear.) Even on a late occasion NobheLords declared, that in voting for the measure then before the House (the repeal of the Test Acts) their Lordshipi 'cyanid be under Mining tile Throne and-overthrowing -the Church; but the Act had pissed ; and he would ask: was the Throne less secure or the Church lees firm ? (Hear, hear.) In the same way the of a former measure hid given rise to the cry of " No.Popery!" and had ultimately caused the over.: ' . throw of a 3linistry; yet the same measure was in a few years afterwards smuggled through that House. Noble Lords Voted for a Bill which they Lad before thrown out. 'No evil consequenees to the Church had, however, resulted from it. (Hear, hear.) Would, any Noble Lord move the repeal of that Act. He-had just heard from an Illus trious Prince that those acts of conciliation hid produced immense effect upon the public Mind.. He begged leave to doubt th e f ac t, for having been o n e of those who had voted for them; and having been invited to a dinner to celebrate the success of the most recent of them, he had absolutely forgotten the circumstance, so little impression had it left upon his mind. He hoped he should soon be able to say that the Church of England would be delivered from the trammels in which she was held by the fears or the prejudices (real or affected) of a few country squires, a few old lawyers, and a great many old women. (Laughter.) We were now about to appeal from the 'wisdom of our ancestors, as it was termed, to the wisdom of our contein poraries. Lie trusted that. the Noble Duke, who had never marched but to glory, would himself now not follow, but lead in the march of toleration. He was encouraged in that hope when he recollected that the Noble Duke, who had at first been opposed to a late successful Measure (the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts), finding that the House of Commons had passed it, gave it his support.—(Hear.) The Noble Duke was a man of sense—(a laugh)—and seeing.that the House of Commons had equally passed the measure embraced by the Resolution before their 'Lord ships, would, he trusted, in the Same manner concur in it. The Noble Duke might not, perhaps, be able to divest the, Catholics of their hopes of Purgatory—(a laugh) —or induce them to abandon the. worship of images ; but lie might be able to govern Ireland without a military force.—(The Noble Earl then proceeded to enforce his argu ment by references to the dangers that might by possibility ensue from a war while the Catholic Question remained unsettled ; contending that the present was the best time that could occur for enacting measures of conciliation.) — Almost every great Minister who had been at the head of affairs in this country had given the question his support: His. (Lord Carnarven's) views perfectly coincided with those of the Noble Marquis, and he would, therefore, most cordially give his vote for the motion. Lord REDESDALE rose amid loud cries of question. Lord CLIFDEN said it was impossible to go on with the debate to-night; he would therefore move the adjourn ment.—(Cries. of adjourn, question, go on.) Lord HOLLAND said a motion of adjournment had been made; that motion he begged to seceud.—(Cries of adjoUrn, &c.) The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question on the adjournment; but subsequent discussion arose (their Lordships having all left their places) as to whether the words " - adjourn to five o'clock to-morrow," or five o'clock to-day," should form part of the motion—it being then one o'clock. The Duke of RICHMOND—That . the House adjourn to five o'clock to-morrow. Lord HOLLAND believed the customary way was to consider the period during which a debate occupied the House, as portion of that day on.which it began; and moved that the House do adjourn till five o'clock this day. Earl' GREY seconded the motion. The tinestion was then put by the Lonn CUANCELLOR. and the motion far, adjournment to this day (Tuesday) agreed to. At a quarter past One their Lordship adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 9. The House proceeded to business this day at the usual lour. Sir 1. HILL presented a petition from Elsmere, is Sa lop, for the repeal of the Malt Act. Mr. MUNDAY presented a petition from Kibbern, county of Derby, against the Act for Bulking the circula tion of small.notes. Mr. KENNEDY brought up the report on the Scotch Entails Bill, which was ordered to lie on the table. Lord RANCLIFFE presented a petition front Notting ham, for the abolition of Slavery. Mr. HOBIIQUSE presented a petition from a person named Purser, complaining that he had been dismissed from his situation as a Coal-meter, by the two principal Coal-meters, and not by the• Treasury, contrary to the Act of Parliament. •• Mr. PLANTA, an the part of the Treasury, said Le Was not aware of. the circumstances of this case, but that '!e would look into it, and give it his attention. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. SPECIAL VESTRIES. Mr. HOBE-MUSE presented a petition from the parish of St. James, Westminster, stating that there was a de ficiency of 15,1801. in the parish accounts, and praying the House to appoint a Committee to investigate the charges, and reform the system of Parish Vestries. The Honourable Member gave notice that it' 'the Government did not take up this subject, he should think it his duty to bring forward a measure for the regula tion of all the Vestries within the Bills of Mortality, early in the next Session of Parliament. The con duct of Select Vestries is London was a subject of general complaint; but as it was considered invidious to attack one parish, he proposed to bring in a Bill to re gulate them all. Mr. W. SMITH, Mr. DENISON, and Mr. Alderman WarrHmaN, supported the petition, which was then or dered to lie or: the table. Mr. DAVENPORT presented a petition froi the Silk .Throwsters of Cheshire, for. protection against the impor tation of Foreign Silk. Lord W. PAULETT presented a petition from Suader. land for the abolition of Slavery in the West Indies. Mr. MOORE presented a petition from Sir Harcourt LeeS against the Roman Catholic Claims. REPRESENTATION OF LIVERPOOL. Mr. STANLEY presented a petition from 900 of the merchants and principal inhabitants of Liverpool, praying for an extension of the Elective Franchise. The petitionere complained that there were 26,000 of the adult population of Liverpool having no votes for the Representatives id Parliament ; and that those to whom the Elective Fran chise is confined (those enjoying it by birth or servitude) do not comprehend the most intelligent, wealthy, or influ ential class of the inhabitants. The petition was signed by Mr. Roscoe and several other emimut merchants. General GASCOYNE observed that he had never seen a more remarkable specimen of reforming radicalism than this petition. There was no town in England to Which the charge of corruption at elections for Members to serve in Parliament applied less than to Liverpool, where the Members ware not allowed by the freemen, in their mag nanimity and independence, to pay even for the ordinary expense of the hustings. The Lion. Member (Mr. Stanley) wished, no doubt, to introduce into Liverpool the purity and regularity which prevailed in the borough of Preston ; but the Hon. Member was the best judge whether the Members in that town were obliged to pay the expellees of the hustings, and whether the total expence of 'au election in that borough was not greater than the expellee of man y elections in Liverpool. Sir J. MACKINTOSH said, that the principles of the petition were directly opposed to those of radical reform.. The persons to wh om t h e pet i t i on wou ld g i ve the right of election were liable to serve on juries, and were not such as those who voted in Preston ; -though even there, judging of the tree by its fruits, he must say that the system was not to be found fault with. The persons to whom the present petition referred were a highly respectablo. and wealthy class of the continuity. Mr. HUSKISSON said, that he could not see why those who had regularly acquired the franchise by the ob servance of the Charter of Liverpool should have the fran chise transferred to other classes by this new principle sought to be introduced by the petition before the House. He was opposed, not in the case of Liverpool alone, but generally, to any alteration of the Elective Franchise. Mr. WOOS spoke in support of the petition, and said, that the expences of the election for Liverpool during the last 22 years was 95,000/., and at one time corruption was So unblushing that gentlemen used to take three guineas, avowing when they took it that it was their intention to pay it over to the Dispensary. The petitioners asked for. the privilege as • regarded the Corporation of Liverpool; they only asked to have the power to vote for the elec tion. of Members of Parliament. The only reason why it was opposed was, in his opinion, solely becauseit would have the effect of lessening the marketable value of their votes. After a few words from Mr. STANLEY and General GASCOYNE, the petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. 'P. MACQUEEN presented a report upon the law of parochial settlement. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER wished to know if the. Hon. Member for Callington (Mr. M. A. Taylor) would postpone his motion, which stood for the '.. ~. ~~., ; S 18th Wt., as the Chief Commissioner of Woods and Fonda would then be absent. Mir. 111." A. TAYLOR made a few observations, which were inaudible ; but we understood Lim to agree to the postponement suggested. . • . Mr. GORDON brought up the Report on the Pauper Lunatics Asylum ,Bill, which was ordered to be printed. Mr, SPRING RICE presented a petition from the inhabitants of the . city of Cork, complaining of the tax upon Coals carried coastwise. . The Right Woo. Gentle man gave notice that he would, on Thursday next, move for accounts connected with the subject, with the view of bringing in a Bill to remedy the evil complained of by the petitioners. . - Mr. HART DAVIS presented a petition from the West India Planters and Merchants residing at Bristol, praying for a reduction of the port duties upon West India produce. Mr. STEWART wished to ask whether it was the in tention of his Majesty's Government to propose an equa lization of the Duties upon East and West India produce. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was not his intention at present to propose any measure of that description. Mr. K. DOUGLAS presented a petition from the pro . • Prietora of West India property residing in Edinburgh, praying that an inquiry be instituted into the condition of Slaves in the West India Colonies. Sir R. WILSON, did not complain of the petitioners coming forward with a prayer for inquiry into the condi tion of the Slaves in the West Indies, but he must say, that even if upon inquiry it should turn out that the Slaves were as comfortable as the peasantry of any part of the empire, that would not do away with his objections to the system of slavery, by which one set of human beings treated another set as goods and Chattels, and claimed the right not only of selling them like beasts of the Seld, but of doing violence to the feelings of slaves by separating the husband and wife, the father and child, and the sister and beother. The petition was brought up and read. Mr. HUME said, that he had on the sth of March last moved for certain returns relative to Coals imported into London and Southwark, which bad not yet been made, and he should, therefore, move that those returns be made forth with.—Ordered accordingly. Sir R. WILSON presented a petition from the Welsh C.Alvitlists of Jewiu Chapel, in favour of the Roman Ca tholic Claims. Lord CLIVE presented a petition from the landowners in the ricinily of Ludlow, praying for further protection to British Barley. EAST RETFORD. The further discussion upon the East Itetford Dis franchisement Bill was postponed to neat Friday se'nnight. Mr. W. WHITAIORE presented a petition from Os westry, against slavery in the West Indies. Mr. H. GRATTAN presented a petition from persons interested in the lead mines of Glatirusk, against the im portation of foreign lead ore. Mr. HIJAKISSON presented a petition from Liverpool, against West India Slavery. Lord G. CAVENDISH presented a petition from cer tain Catholics of the county of Derby, praying for Eniapci.. pation, Sir T. ACLAND presented petitions aga'last West India Slavery, from Davenport and Plymouth. Mr. BROUGHAM presented a petition from the Anti- Slavery Society, praying for the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. The Hon. Member, seeing the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr. Peel) in his place, wished to ask him whe ther it was his intention to introduce into Parliament this Session, any measure for enforcing, or compelling the en forcement, on the'part of the proprietor of slaves, of the regulations passed by the House on the treatment of slaves? Mr. Secretary PEEL was not prepared at present to an nounce any particular course to be adopted by the Govern ment. Mr. BROUGHAM said his reason for asking the question was, that he intended, if the Government would not, to introduce a measure, whose object would be to take the enforcement of the slave regulations into the bands of Parliament, as the slave proprietors had omitted to enforce them. Mr. Secretary PEEL stated, that it was not the inton tion of the Governuient to introduce any coercive measure on the subject this Session. Mr. BROUGHAM wished to know at what time the Gallant General appainted to the head of the Colonial Office, might be expected to be returned to Parliament? Here a Member said, Vile should be returned. Mr. BROUGHAM thserved, that he had no doubt the Gallant, General, being now a Minister, and having large patronage, would be returned to .Parliament. His reason for asking the time when the Gallant General might appear in the House was, that he did not wish to introduce a mea sure on the subject in the absence of time head of the Colonial Office. Supposing that the Gallant General must he re turned before the Ist of July, he (Mr. Brougham) should accordingly give n.tice of himi intention to introduce a Bill on that day, lst of July, making the evidence of slaves admissible, under certain restrictions. Mr. F YLER presented a petition from the city of Co ventry; praying the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON presented a petition from an individual named Gude, praying that the auction duty of an estate, to whirls he could not prove the title, and which was nut therefore sold, might be refunded to him. Mr. W. HARVEY, Alderm an WAITHMAN, Mr. BARING, and Mr. Hume, supported the prayer of the petition. After a few words from the CHANCELLOR of the Ex- CHEQUER and Mr. Sucnuti, the petition was ordered to be printed. Mr. W. SMITH presented a petition from the county of Norfolk, praying for the Abolition'of Slavery. Ako, a petition to the same effect from the city of Norwich. PORTUGAL. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX CHEQUER, for the House resolving itself into a Com mittee of Ways and Means, Mr. DAVENPORT was anxious of putting a few ques tions to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, relative to a subject of considerable importance to the Government of this country, as well as to that which it inure nearly con cerned. It was well known to the House, that Portugal had for some time been iu a state extremely unsatisfactory, arising from civil broils and contentions. The facts were briefly these :—A Prince known three years ago only by his having committed a very atrocious murder, and having seized upon the person of his father, was subsequently sent to Austria to take lessons under Prince Metternich, and ea soon as his education was deemed completed, was called back to his own country to preside over its Constitution. On his return to. Portugal he visited this country, and having given a solemn pledge to the Court of London that he would observe the laws and uphold the spirit of the Constitution, which pledge he had previously given to the Courts of Vienna and Paris—after he had enjoyed the so ciety of the Constitutional King of this country.-.-went hence to Portugal, and there took the oaths of the Consti tution with all solemnity and apparent sincerity; but then, with a perfidy unexamp'ed, he suddenly threw off the mask and conspired against that Constitution to which he had so solemnly sworn. The consequence of such proceedings was the utmost confusion and consternation ; the affrighted Constitutionalists sought fur refuge in every thing which seemed to afford them security. They sought for safety and protection in their ships, and whatever was at all likely to screen them froth the malice of their enemy; and yet, strange as it may appear, and strange alit ought to appear, this moment of agony was the one chosen for the withdrawing of the British troops. The forts were consequently turned into State dungeons. He looked upon the removal of the British at this dreadful and important crisis—at this solemn moment--as a cool blooded and heartless measure, and one of extremely had policy ; and he wished to know whether, by withdrawing the troops, it was intended to expose Portugal to all the horrors she had s ubsequently, undergone, or whether it was as acci dent and not a premeditated design. lie had heard it said that a Noble Lord had written letters to the Government of Don Miguel encouraging them to persevere in their pro ceedings; he hoped, however, that such was not the case. He wished to know on what terms the fortresses on the Tagus were given up, and he also wished to know what steps had been taken to recover the sums of money due to us by Portugal fur the support of the troops. He was also anxious to know how fat• England was bound to support the Government of the Usurper, and those who were about him? Mr. PEEL —I feel obliged to the Hon. Member for ex plaining his questions, WI it is very unsatisfactory to a per son in my situation to have questions on matters of fact put to him, preceded by copious comments of a nature to excite a discussion for which be may not be prepared. As to the first question—namely, en what terms did the British troops give up the fortresses ? 1 have to say, that before the . arrival of bon Miguel in Portugal, it had been deter mined by this Government, that whenever the object for which the troops were sent out should have been accomp lished, namely, when the apprehension of a foreign invasion should have disappeared, then the time would come for withdrawing our troops from Portugal. The troops had been sent out in accordance with the obligations of a Treaty to protect Portugal against foreign invasion; not for the purpose of supporting any party, or taking part in any intestine differences. The fears of invasion having disappeared, our troops were of course withdrawn, and the forts consequently given up to the proper authorities. Nothing could have been more abhorrent from the ob. , ~ ~-;/+' - • ject of the expedition than to leave the troops there after the object of it had bent , The withdrawal of the troops necessarily [Hee,— ten. a consequence, the delivery of the fortres.,cs. A- .c.,e second ques tion, whether before we gave up the fortreisis we demanded or received any securities for the sums due to us by the Portuguese Government, all I shall say is, that I should sincerely lament that thiiC'courftrY should 'set the example to the rest of Europe' f keeping possession of valuable *for tresses on account of pecuniary claims. The convention with Portugal was yet in force, but the anaciunt was not ut all so large as had been thought—it did not, exceed 160,000/. As to the retention of the forts as a 'pledge fir the payment of that sues, there was no precedent for' it,, and this country would not be justifiable in keeping pos session of them under any such circumstances.. As to the third 'questiOn, I can state that, at this moment, the diplo matic functions of the Ambassador of this, country at the Court of Portugal are suspended. The construction put by the British Government on the proceedings in Portugal will appear manifest by this face, that the British Ambas sador to that country has been suspended. As to the Hon. Gentleman's observations on the political educatiou of Dun Miguel, andron Prince Metternich, I feel pleasure in in inrming him, that Ito far as the latter is concerned, they are quite unfounded, as the course taken by the Ambassador Of Austria in Portugal has been in strict conformity with that of the British Ambassador, and that the views of the Court of Austria and of Prince 'Metternich on the Subject are quite in concurrence with those entertained by the British Government. The view taken by the British Govern ment is manifest from the suspension of our diplomatic re lations. As to other observations of the Hon. Member, I must say that be ought to be quite certain of the facts be fore he made such grave charges. am sure Hon. Mem bers will think that such a charge as murder ought not to he made against a foreign Prince in a British House of Commons, and that in the absence of the party charged with the crime.—(Cheering.) Sir J. MACKINTOSH was glad to learn that the pro ceedings in Portugal had beetiacknowledged by the Powers of Europe to lie what they really were, usurpation and tebelliou. As to the character of the author of that re bellion, lie should leave it to history. Me was glad, too, to learn that the loyal subjects of Don Pedro had taken measures to resist that usurpation, and to extinguish that' rebellion. He hoped'that the Jesuits would bring, on the rusthors of that rebellion and usurpation that fate which their crimes of every sort deserved, and that the efforts of the loyal friends of the Constitution in Portugal would now prove that they were not indifferent to liberty, and would prove false the assertion co often made, that England bad imposed a Constitution on them, and dragooned them into liberty. Such was not the fact; for the British troops had been sent out to perform the sacred obligations of treaties—but there was one grave charge to which the Right Hon. Secretary had given no answer. Mr. Secretary PEEL—Lnow remember what it is to which the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman ethnics— the correspondence. Mi. DAVENPORT here explained, that he understood a certain Noble Lord, high in 'the Ordnance Office, had written letters to the intrusive Government of Don Miguel, exhorting them to persevere in th e ir proc e edings. Mr. S ecretary PEEL—On that I must say, that I know' uo person who has authority to speak the sentiments of the British Government, other than the British Ambas sador ; if any other person has uttered sentiments of appro bOtion of the conduct of the Portuguese Government, or any other sentiments than those manifested by the suspension of our diplomatic communications, that persOn has spoken sentiments, not only not warranted by the conduct of the British Government, but I will venture to say sentiments different not only from those of the Government, but from any individual Member of the Government.—(Cheering.) Sir J. MACKINTOSH—Dees the Right Hon. Gentle man deny that letters to the effect stated were written ? Mr. Secretary PEEL—I have no knowledge of the fact. What I say is , that if any persons has written to the Portu guese Government, otherwise than on terms of strong dis satisfaction, indeed, disapprobation, of the conduct of those persons opposed to Don Pedro's authority in Portugal, that person has misrepresented the seutimenta of the 'British Government.—(Loud cheering.) Sir .1. MACKINTOSH—I do not wish to know whether the letters have been written, but whether the Right Hon. Gentleman disavows the contents of them—the sentiments? Mr. PEEL-- , Disavow them ! entirely, entirely.—(En thusiastic cheering.) Mr. DAVENPORT, in explanation, said, that a him' of his told him that he had heard Lord Liverpool declare his belief that Don Miguel had committed murder.—(Cries of oh! oh! oh!) The House then resolved itself into a Committee. SUGAR DUTIES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose for the purpose of moving fur the continuance of the existing duties on sugar for another year. During the earlier part of the present Session, attempts had been made to revise the existing law, or to make some arrangement with re spect to the sugar duties which would be more satisfactory to all the parties concerned than that which now prevailed. It was unnecesesty for him, he was sure, to enter into the details of the various plans proposed at differeut times to effect this object, since none of them had been found to conciliate those whose benefit they were intended, and against all of them substantial objections might be urged. He had, therefore, deemed it the most prudent course to propose the continuance of those duties fur another Session. The House must be aware of the largerevenue derived from sugar, and they could not but feel, that under circumstan ces even of the most favourable nature for that purpose, it was a commodity which could not be smuggled.—(Rear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman who cried " hear," seemed to doubt that proposition ; but from the best information liecould obtain, smuggling of sugar to any considerable ex tent never was effected. In considering the duty, there fore, they had allowance to make fur a probable increase in smuggling. The average annual sum paid for duties on sugar amounted to 4,500,000/. ; and lie was sure, that whatever opinion might be entertained by individuals us to the amount of protection granted to one species of sugar over another, still those opinions, though they might be hostile to the present system, when the question was prac tically considered, must be overcome by the recollection, that any person holding his situation ought not lightly to hazard a large amount of duties, which had been long con tinued, and was easily enforced and collected. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving "That the several duties on sugar which would expire on the sth of July, 1828, be further continued to the sth of July, 1829." Mr. C. GRANT stated that his Right Hon. Friend himself would not deny that he had given his best atten tion to the subject for the purpose of correcting the ano malies of the system, and in order to give satisfaction to all parties. A proposition was made last year by those inte rested in the question, the nature of which was already be fore the public. He should abstain from entering into the details of that plan, because when it becatne his duty to meet the refiners, and other parties who had interest in it, he found, after maturely considering the subject, that it was his duty to reject what was proffered. He followed up that by another proposition, in some respects similar to that to which lie had referred, but in others gxtremely dif ferent. In that plan he slid nut contemplate the restora tion of bounties as had existed a few years before. After giving much consideration to the subject ► he had arrived at this conclusion—that the only efficient' plan would be one founded on the' principle of a reduction of duty. The plan which he had at that time considered, he did not corn. munieate either to the East India or' West India Interest. He had abstained from making that communication until the sanction of Government was obtained, and he knew that the Government were ready to agree to any proposi tion not extravagant or unreasonable, with regard to. a re duction of duty. tie therefore had proposed a reduction I to the amount of 7s.,—that was, from 275. to 20s. on West India sugar. His next proposition was, that the duty on East India sugars should be lowered 55., and that foreign sugars should be admitted at a duty of 285., and that it might be bonded at a much lower rate. This proposition was favourably considered by his Right Honourable Friend, and by other Members of the Government. lie knew there were many persoos who would object to the proposition which be hail stated, on the ground of its nut being a sufficient reduction, but under the existing circumstances he could not well see how a greater reduction could be made. He was con vinced that a reduction of the duties would tend to increase the consumptiou. -He had seen a calculation which made the quantity of sugar consumed in this country amount to twenty-two pounds for each person in the year. But this must be extremely inaccurate—for, in our vest , work houses, the quantity was thirty-four pounds a head ; and in private houses, the allowance was one pound a week, which would amount to fifty-two pounds in the year. This was a proof that nothing but a high duty checked the consumption of sugar. But if this calculation were wrong as far as Englan d 1 csalvcauslactoionncertAn,edea,clikt iwnadsiviistelurfaelctilny ridiculous with respect to Ireland. Th ree poun d s was the t q l ‘ ta la t n c ti o t u y n a t l r l y o . With wediY respect to East Indian sugar, he was ta i u o p d t ari repard sugar e shou l d proposeb heequa li zed , t at the duties b s but in ionn everylt:a sand t othe Wise r tide he thought there should be a difference between East and West Indian produce. By a Bill which be had pre pared, and meant to bring in after the recess—but which he supposed either his Right Hon. Friend, the Vice-Presi dent of the Board of Trade, or the great unknown, who was nut yet appointed—(hear, and laughter).....would new bring Wore the House had ineandeil'iti s Prit this prin ciple in practice—to admit East India ootton as freely as West Indian, and indeed to retain no exception but the ar ticles of sugar and coffee. He did think that in'regurd to East and West lialia•produce, the parties interested Were equally mistaken. If he were called upon to give advice to the West Indian proprietors, he Would tell them that it was well to forego a distinction which . only tended to keep alive animosity and obloquy, and which was a 'perpetuil theme of mutual accusation and invective. He did not think that it would affect the profit of the West Indian pro prietor, but even . if it did, be thought that the benefit which would anise from the removal of this distinction would amply compensate for such a loss, which waled be extremely trifling. Some of the refiners had suffered deeply from the presentsystem. Sugar from'Cuba and the Brazils would have foinul its way to the emporium of this coun try, if it had not been for the exclusive system. Cuba produced 90,000 tons, and the Braid's 40,000 tons. To carry the Cargoes of such countries would have conferred a material value on our shipping. If he were asked whe ther' a departure from the system would not be Productivo of a reduction in the revenue, he would reply, that he might be too sanguine, but that it appeared to him that it would cause but a little decrease in the reverare that year, and that there was so doubt that it would cause an aug mentation of revenue in every other year. Let Lim assume that all the surplus sugar had been absorbed here. Now, if the dates upon which he calculated were not absurd—and he believed them to be the contrary—theduty which would have resulted in the last four years from East and West Indian sugar, and sugar from the Mauritius, would, at a duty of 205., have amounted to 4,500,0001. If his calcu lation were correct, there could therefore be little fear of a diminution of revenue. In his humble opiuiou, a plan might be formed on the basis of reduction of duty which would be found beneficial to the West Indian grower, and to the East Indian produce, which would protect the re finer, and which would prove advantageous to the shipping interest of the country. Mr. WOOLRYCHE WHIT3IORE concurred with his Right 'Honourable Friend, in wishing for a reduction of the duty on East India sugar, but was utterly at a loss a know why there should be any difference in the duties laid upon the produce of the East and West Indies. He knew not how the distiuctlou was settled in 1815, it certainly was not openly; it appeared to have been brought about by means - of par ties who were more interested in its ac complishment. The measure certainly stood not upon it prescriptive tight, nor upon the grounds of justice; and its adoption seemed to be both impolitic and uujust. If sugar 'were admitted iwo the English market form the East and West Indies on equal terms, a considerable ad vantage appeared to him likely to result. The exports of British merchandise to the East Indies amounted, in the year 1814, to the value of 160,0961. ; but those of 1826 to the considerably increased sum of 480,072/. He be lieved that there was not on record so great au increase of trade in so short a period. This chewed that the exports from this country were more than ever on the increase. Eves encouragement was give to commerce, and held out to that country to carry on a free trade with England ; and he thought that it became this country to grant an equal en couragement to those of the East Indies to carry on the same friendly intercourse. There was one other point to which he wished to advert ; sugar was admitted into this country from the ;Mauritius on the same terms as that from the West Indies, and he could not see the consi'tency of laying a heavier duty on mast India sugar. Mr. BERNAL opposed the motion. - Mr. HUME did not think the Right Hon. Gentleman who had brought forward the motion bad assigned any sufficient grounds why it should be agreed to. Mr. STUART should suppo►t the amendment of the Hen. Member for Bridgenerth. Mr. BUXTON considered that the :pore sugar which was grown, the more injurious it was to the negroes. He hliotild refer to the Bahama Islands, where no sugar was grown, and where the population was daily increasing-- and, on the other hand, in Trinidad awl Demerara, when the greatest quantity was produced, the population was as rapidly decreasing. If"the prosperity or misery of a coun try were to be judged of by the increase or decrease of its population, the growth of sugar in the West Indies was evi I tently r detrimental to the inhabitants. BRIGHT contended that many merchants con neCted with the West Indies considered the sugar trade of that country much impaired by the reductions made in the duty on sugar imported from the Mauritius. He thought the West Indies were in a particular manner entitled to the protection of Government. He was happy that the tun-. tioti was not to be settled this' year, ace he would vote with the Government that th e p resen t duty should remain. Mr. TRANT said a few words which were inaudible. Mr. HUSKISSON, though he could not concur in all the reasons advanced, wished that the question should for the present be postponed, for he thought it would receive from the ChanceMr of the Exchequer all the consideration that was due, not • only to the interests of the West India colonies, but also to the East, to the shipping trade, and above all,. to those of the great bulk of the British coo sinners of what was now one of their most essential com forts, and which it was most necessary to bring cheap into the market. lie thought they were not only justified, but called on not to attempt any change without knowing what effect it would have en the revenue of the country. The duty at present amounted to four or five millions, and by taking off what was at present proposed, the reduction would amount to nearly a million, which would only t, compensated by an eucreased quantity of sugars imported. He admitted that those who bad risked their for tunes, undar the impression that they were to have a mono poly of the trade, were entitled to some encouragement, and he was therefore much inclined to continue some dis tinction. Sugar was now brought in American vessels to France and other countries on the Continent for 'the pur pose of being refined, on account of the law which prohi bited the refinement of foreign sugars in this country. He was ready to meet the non. Gentleman; whether the Go vernment did well or ill, in protecting the interest@ @f tlis country in the sugar trade against the unwarrantable pre tensions of the United States of America. On the waolke, however, he considered the matter would be much better postponed. After a few words from Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. BERNAT , and Sir F. BLAKE, as we understood, - The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that after what had fallen front his Right Hon. Friend (Mr Huskisson), it was not necessag fur him to enter int 4 'further explanation. He could assure the House that Le was in no degree insensible to the protection to which those who had vested their capital in West India property were entitled. He thought the subject deserved much consideration, and he gave the Hotta* the most unqualified assurance that it should receive it. His Right Hon. Friend bad justly stated, that in reducing the duty one third, they should consider what was likely to be the in crease of imports. The Right Mon. Gentleman here en tered into calculations to show that the increase would not be in proportion to the proposed diminution of duty. Mr. W. SIII7 H objected to the postponement of Ihr measure. Mr. W. WHITMORE then moved his amendment for the insertion, after the original motion, of " save and ex cept augars from the East Indies," which was negative:l without a division. The original motion was then put, and, after a f ew words from Mr. HusxtiSoN and the CHANCELLOR of the Excitecauxa, was carried. . _ The Report was' brought up, and ordered to be further considered on Wednesday next. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. On the motion of thir 'crIANCELLOR of the EX. CHEQUER, the Houses after some objection* of Mr HUME as to the lateness of the hour, resolved itself into a Committee of Supply on the Irish Estimates. The fol lowing votes were put, namely :—. House of Incinstry ................................. C21,101 0 0 Richmond Lunatic Asylum ..... . ..... ....... 6 , 65 8 0 0 Female Orphan Asyl um 1.076 0 0 Lock Hospital 3,490 0 0 Lying-111 Hospital Dr. Stephen's H ospital 1,700 0 /I Fever Hospit a l, Hospital of In curables 485 0 0 Royal Dublin S oc i ety Cork -street ......... , 7,000 0 0 Royal Irish Academy 3OO 0 0 Board of Charitable Bequests Board of Works 16,000 U 0 Stationery &e. Under Secretary's Office, , &c. a Dablin Castle Publishing Proclamations, tte 5,80Q 0 Lo Printing Statutes 3,500 0 0 Criminal Prosecutions 87,000 0 0 Protestant Dissenting Ministers 14,360 U u Dub o l f in so 2 m 4: w o ar o witli iii Lottery Ottice.keepers' Salaries • '740 ti 2 Inland Navigation Commission of Inquiry 7 . 3t4 o Li Board of Public Records Board of Public Wurg# M a r. d G iv o is a i o . N, T M L . . ~ .o. 14,000 o o Townland Surrey *ire ned, the Chairman reported progress, and O tThe i 11 ePh i :v o llh o i (co t t rel .7 , H of 1 t dut I 3h‘ r ie . 1 rsraie l t tl I l e af o h rf N t. }: iiy ; %. K tr i aa. ., e e conversa tion d bFl l l i ! ' zi i nG o c C E n withouti t lt ' A o i x n F ' i 1 , an d Mr.. H ot o x u , se to t o h k e ?;t resi , i, asked leave to sit again on Wednesday. EXCISE REVENUE ACTS. The Excise Revenue Acts were, on the motion of Mr. DAWSON, considered in Committee. The other Orders of the Day were then divosed of, and tfir House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock. Sir GORE OUSELEY visited Sir GEC. MUR RAY yesterday at the Colonial ~?. -----, '~,'.p _` -:*~-- .' , r I