The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-27 00:00:00

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REPRESENTATION OF MARY- A meeting of th e electors LEßONE of Marylebone, resident in the Bayswater district, was held at the Royal Oak, West bourne-green, for the purpose of meeting Commodore Sir Charles Napier, and taking measures to secure his election to represent the borough in t he next Parlia ment The Gallant Commodore, with his usual punc tuality, arrived precisely at sew n o'clock, the time ap pointed for taking the chair. He was received with en thusiastic applause, and a band which was stationed ...in front of the h ouse pl a y e d, " S ee t h e C onquer i ng -Item COMM" Mr. LATHAM, having been unanimously called to the their, said that the okteet of the meeting was to supp or t geutlernati who had supported his country—who had fought her battles with bravery and success. If the tlettors sent him to Parliament to fight their battles in the House of Commons they would find him there as brave, as true, as prompt as he had shown himself al ready in arms by sea and land.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Latham) could not believe that there was any pos sibility- that the electors of this great metropo litan borough would prefer any candidate whom soever to so well known and so often tried a man.— (C heers.) Sir Charles Napier was himself, as they knew, Present for the purpose of stating to the electors of this district, as he had done elsewhere, what were his politi cal sentiments, and what course he proposed to follow, in the event of his being returned as their representa tive•—(Hear, hear.) If an y gen tl eman h a d quest i ons tput, the Gallant C ommo d ore wou ld cheerfully answer etn.—(Appl ause. ) Sir. CHARLES NAPIER rose amidst repeated cheers, and said, Gentlemen, I believe that every man can preach best, when he has a text.—(Laughter.) Now, this is mine (holdin g up . a pr i nted handbill). It was put into It ihands la s t s ig h t a f ter, the meeting at Paddington. a handbill printed upon a piece of dirty paper.— ( e A laugh,) A not h er was put into my hands, signed i ` An Elector," but as he does not choose to show his co 'ultrs, I shall pass him by. But thi s ot h er i s more wor thy of notice. It - is signed " Ralph Thomas."—(Great laughter, and cries of" That's the Tory Barrister.") I don't know whether he is a Tory barrister or not, but from all I have heard, I believe he is a briefless barrister. --(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Thomas says— th'"l'o elect Commodore Napier will be perpetuating e abuse, for who can serve two masters ? Commodore NtPier's employment and promotion depend on the Go vernment ; can he advocate your rights and privileges, ° PPosed to theirs, without injuring himself ? Or, do you believe that his ambition to represent the people (hitherto frustrated) will lead him to contemn every personal ad vantage ? " Then, I ask, do you r eq uir e a dependent of the Crown' to represent you in Parliament ? But should he P r omise to act an d vote i n d epen d ent l y, and you should, a spite of all'example and experience, trust in his poli tical promises, I ask you fairly to consider 'his fitness to serve you, either in advancing the interests of your bo rough, or as a legislator for the country at large. "He says he should be more at home on the quarter deck of the Powerful, besieging Acre, than before you be it so—but ability in aiming a shell which blows 1,400 human beings to destruction at one explosion, is not the ° ceupation which trains a man in the humanizing quali ties requisite to form a legislator for his - species.' Gentlemen I do think it extremely, hard for a barrister to suppo se that because I am a naval officer I am incom petent to represent you in Parliament. Ido not see why an officer in the army or in the navy should not be a citizen. —(Hear, hear.) Mr. Thomas forgets that there are many interests in this country connected with the navy, and that it is well to have persons in Parliament 'who are acquainted with that branch of the service, and able to expose abuses.—(Cheers.) I have served in vari nits stations.--(Cheers.) I have served as a naval and as a military officer ; and have served also as a negotiator; and in all those capacities my conduct has met with the approbation of the Government at home.—(Applause.) I have yeeto learn that there is any particular difficulty in the duties of a Member of the House of Commons. It is true I might not be able to enter into all the special pleadings of Mr. Thomas and the lawyers—(Hear, and l aughter) --but I could go into such subjects as I understand, and, at all events, I would go into them honestly and fearlessly.—(Loud cheers.) In this handbill, Mr. Thomas goes on speaking of flog ging in the army and navy—(Hear, hear.) That is a most disagreeable subject, and I would be glad to leave it, but I must say that no man on earth detests corporeal punishment more than I do.—(Cheers.) Mr. Thomas says here : " Speaking of flogging, I am brought natu rally to Commodore Napier's notions on the Poor-law. He avowed himself in favour of the Poor-laws ! but when you burst forth at the Public Meeting with one si multaneous acclamation of disgust--hououring yourselves by at once repudiating this demoralizing, thief-making, inhuman, and mercenary law—he explained he had been out of the country,'—yet 'had been himself a guardian'—but •in the country,' and was willing to sup port the Law as it existed in your Parish." G en tl emen , I do not wish t o speak in a discourteous manner of Mr. Thomas. But I say that when a gentleman signs his name to a paper like this, he ought to adhere to the words that were used by the person whom he attacks.— (Hear, hear.) The expression which I made use of, and which he has thought proper to pervert, was that I had been absent for two years, and I did not know how the Poor-laws had been administered in the mean time. I then went on to say, that I had been a guardian of the poor in my own part of the country before I went abroad, and I said that we, the Board of Guardians, did, in op- Position to the mandates of the Central Council, allow 6s. a-week out-door relief to the aged.—(Loud Cheers.) I said that the union workhouses ought to be, like Chelsea and Greenwich hospitals, places %f refug e and com f or t to the, infirm and the worn-out, but that the idle ought not to have the same i ndulgence.—(Hear.) I said, moreover, that even the idl e ought to be treated with kindness, and ought to have opport un i t i es a ll owed them of looking for employ ut•—(Cheers.) I said, and I say now, that I will al !n.itys support any p ropos i t i on for ameliorating the con aion of th e poor. Since I returned from abroad, I have 1 , 3 fn am ongst the people of an union of four parishes, and hnd that th ey are all contented with the way in which t hey have been treated—(Hear)--and I can only say j .• a t'ain, that I will come forward with all my might and any measure which n t o su d pp . ort goes to ameliorate con pion.--(Cheers.) This paper in my hand „„:413er,..8 something about my supporting your local l aa u ,'' All I can know about the administration of Poor - have a Tongst you, is derived from such of yourselves as told f i t l ve ‘ u me any information on the 'subject. lam tha t th :‘ You are contented with the Local Acts, and s uPPort -Y t re working well. What better can Ido than aPply to Q ,? 111 ? -.. (Hear, hear.) I mean the Acts that io f( t )r i 4k (inisotw ‘ - ' ; '• Pancras and Marylebone—(Hear, hear) — say, th: nothing whatever of any other Acts in the said th T et s•—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, it has been tun brought forward by a party. I can only I am not the man to be brought forward by any Pa q.Y. - -(Ch t una , (Cheers. I was told that there was an oppor lbor_ll.7 for, a betters Liberal candidate to offer himself for this , 11 4 a gh, and I was solicited to present myself for your ; and if you don't like me, you may elect a lu au in stead.--(Cheers and laughter.) a 4 _ r s • 4 0 uNsoN then moved, and Mr. Salm' seconded, f Z,7 (dation to the effect—" That this meeting is per -07,34'Y_ satisfied with the sentiments expressed by Com e Sir Charles Napier, and the electors present next themselve s to support him as a candidate at the electionZ ikr t ieb ~ of Members to represent the borough of Ticeone. ' a lit resollition was carried, with one dissentient only, ...41 1 , 4u, who, on being asked if he was an elector, said, )r e t Was not, and he cared nothing for the brick and ar franchise." —(A laugh.) r(..14.p CHAIRMAN then put the question, and declared sfut.t.st great applause) that the resolution was carried -40--ouniously. , An ELECTOR (whose name we did not learn), in an eloquent Tient speech, exhorted the meeting not to lend them set% es to the acts of those who, by dividing the Liberal Ihinterest on former occasions, had virtually disfranchised e_ borough by allowing a Tory to be returned. He 11. , 4 ( 1 a great esteem for Mr. G. A. Young in his :private loaracter ; but the political conduct of that gentleman f ,', 41 . not been such as to entitle him to the confidence of tTe electors. --(Hear, hear.) He had first been a Tory, i Je_n a %Vhig, and, as a dernier ressort, he had lately r l ine Radical.—(Ch eers an d great laughter.) „illai 832, Mr.-Young first a p peare d in the borough as the .'rtnan of Sir Willi am H o r ne ' s committee, and on pat occasion, he declared to Lady Horne, that although hs rn su pported her h us b an d , he was of the Whaeliffe, I l„t is, the Tory, school of politics.—(Laughter.) In 1343,11 Mr. Young offered himself to the electors, leciennt3ti oeisFyave way because he could not con oppose Mr. Murray, with whose send ,l e, as a Whig--(Great laughter) --entirely agreed. ' 183 7, he was so pure a Whig that he disdained hav ing an thing 4, p Y ing to do with the " United Vestries," and the ot-house Committees. —(Great laughter.) In 1838, he gave way to Colonel Thompson, who polled just 108 2 ► ,J 1 heers ) Mr. Young himself tried the forlorn ho three times . , and the utmost he ever polled was 738. ..--(110e_a:) :What then could he mean but the destruc eti..°_n..! the Liberal force by setting himself up again as a 4nuidate wh'en he knew that he had not weight or influ euc„,.e in the borough, nor the confidence of the electo rs ? anka wer . e then voted to the Chairman, and three tacectLis7swere given for the Commodore, after which the separated. teNGLISH OPERA HOUSE. Mr. Wilson, the getninent vocalist, takes his Benefit, at this HoustNto-mor row(Priclay) evening. In consequence of the sudden ter havefninati of Mr. Balle's management, the lovers of music been deprived of o pportunities of hearing Mr. Wil son : and _that gentleman has suffered great pecuniary loss ; we, therefore, hope that the public will avail themselves of this opportunity of being delighted listeners to one of our first singers. and, by their patronage, re , I nedy, in some measure the loss which he has suffered by the unexpected closing of the house. We understand that the renegade Member for the Kilmarnock district of burghs has vrritten to certain of his • ._ censtituents, intimating his intention of v t g for Lor d John t, , Russell's motion on the Corn-laws, which i ° s tiro' -be brought for s 'la m otion on the 4th of June. The int imagines th,tt, by ! iyhni";this p ro ceeding", he will compensatefor his vote in favour of liti dear sugar, on Lord Sandon s amendment • but we much mis i , take the character of the men he has to deal with if they are de " 1 e twed by a trick so glaring in it 1, ' 6 c..aracier.-- Glas9ow ArguS. t' .1-111-,,fi WIGAN. —lt is now generally and ' 1 10 innotrrst the Liberals of Wigan, that George Pascoe L ' l rf t, l .„- , f`elGrentell, Es Liberals is to become a candidate, abl ng with Mr. ~'• "Stansh for the representation of the borough, on the 1 , - .., orrn Interest Xr. Grenfell, as many of our readers a sir6 ,, re; married a sister of the Earl of Sefton. He is daily expected at Nirigan.--Manchester Guardian. CORN LAWS AND COMMERCIAL REFORM._______ GREAT ANTI-CORN-LAW MEETING AT THE AMPHITHEATRE, LIVERPOOL (From the Liverpool Times.) One of the most numerous and enthusiastic meetings of the electors of Liverpool ever assembled, was held on Monday, at the Amphitheatre, in Great Char lotte-street, which is the largest building in this town, to receive and communicate with a deputation of gentlemen from Manchester, Ashton, and Rochdale, and other places in the manufacturing districts, on the subject of free trade in corn, sugar, and all the necessaries of life. The at tendance exceeded all expectations, and not only was the immense building in which the meeting was held crowded to the roof, but vast numbers were unable to obtain ad mittance. We noticed the following gen tl e men amongst othe rs near the speakers :—Sir Joshua Walmsley, Colonel W il liams, Charles Tayleure, William Rathbone, Thomas Blackburn, Christopher and James Rawdon, R. Shell, 3. D. Thornlev, Samuel Stitt, Charles Robertson, Walter M'Gregor, J. - Woolright, John Priestly, Lawrence Hey worth, Samuel Thornely, Wm. Earle, John Rosson, John Ronald,Taylor E Sam dga u r el F ß le l tc ac h k e b r ur , J n olin T. T ß . I C ac ro k o b k u , rn ne j n u r n y " B ß ar . n l e V s, J T a h m om es a s r Urquhart, a WM Thornhill,H. T ayl u r jm , Thomas James ul Taylor, e M Finch, Edward Finch, Charles Wilkins , b arrister, W. nt o x r , J ohn M'Khee, Richard Johnson, W. Slater, Thomas Wylie. Robert Johnson, i jun., James Harvey, jun., W. Wood , George Maxwell, D. M'Viccar , a _ J Esq., H. C. Langton, A. C. J .D effr v e i y d , P J at . on it A G ugu ree st n u e s , Radcliffe, Alderman Freme , Hardma n Earle, J. Lewes , T. B. Barker, W. Bland, Edward James , b te a r rii j e R ter, °s & s° c n . Sir .TositttA WAMISLEY stepped forward and was re ceived with loud cheers. He said they had deputed him to take the chair that evening, and he accepted the office with pleasure. He understood that a placard had that day appe ared on their walls, setting forth that a number of gent lemen had come from Manchester—men he believed they were called, and men they were, and noble-men—had eome here in a spirit of dictation. He believed it was unnecessary to deny the tisacetiori. They came not in a spirit of dictation, but as men of all parties, Whig, Tory, and Radical, to communicate with their fellows in a neighbouring town on their grievances. They came not before them as manufacturers, or agriculturist;, or mer chants, but as men. They came t o show the peop..9 of Liverpool, if the y could, that the Corn-laws were unjust and iniquitous. He (the Chairman) should take care to let every one have an impartial hearing. Mr. ASHWORTH was received with loud cheers. He and his friends came not here with any degree of dicta tion, for they despised that word. Far be it from them to use any such thing as dictation to their sister town. They had come for the purpose of discussing the subject of the grievances by which they were oppressed—of lay ing before the meeting their sorrows and diStresses. For some years past the working and industrious classes of Lancashire had been suffering in every way. Pro visions had been dear, work scarce, and wages low. The manufacturing interest had never been fairly re presented in the House of Commons. For years past monopoly had opposed it. The West India interest was an important monopoly, and the East India interest was an important monopoly, but the agricultural monopoly was the greatest of all. He would speak of the mono poly as regarded sugar. Why should that interest claim any preference ? Merely because they had retained it for years. They discussed not the right or the wrong of the matter, but they had the monopoly, and they re fused to give it up.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The people had given twenty millions for the manumis sion of the slaves in the West Indies, and having done that, the proprietors should be told that free labour ought now to support itself on its own merits, and without protection. This nation was protected to death. What was the protection of Jamaica ? The sugar ob tained from the Brazils paid a duty of more than twice as much as that from Jamaica. The sug ar of Brazil was excluded, and theref o r e so l ong as th e West Indies did not supply sufficient for our consumption, we had to pay a monopoly price for it. Sugar purchased in Jamaica paid only 3d. per pound duty, while that bought at Brazil paid 7d. The English people paid annually 3,300,0001. to the proprietors of the soil of Jamaica on account of this monopoly. This preference of 4d. per lb. to the West Indies pressed more heavily than would be imagined on private families. He had calcu lated the cost in his own family, and found that it amounted to 10/. Bs. a year. That sum he had to pay on account of the monopoly of the West India proprie tors. Every labourer that used only one pound of sugar a week paid directly t o th ose men , who were previously slave-owners, and whose only claim on us for this pre ference was, that they had manumitted their slaves for 251. each. These men, however, had now turned huma nity-mongers ; they had endeavoured to cajole the people by appealing to their humanity on behalf of those slaves, and under this plea they wanted to continue the tax of 4d. per lb. on sugar, for their own especial bene fit, and not, be it remembered, for the advantage in the slightest degree of the negroes.—(Hear, hear.) Then, as to the monster monopoly, the Corn-law. What right, he would ask, had the landowners to their mono poly ? During a war of 25 years, all kinds of agricultu ral produce rose to an unnatural height, to the great benefit of the landowners, but to the great prejudice of trade ; for it was trade, and not land, that paid the cost of war. The landowners, however, having had high prices for a long time, took those as the rule, and not as the exception. But what said those gentlemen in their own favour ? They declared that they bore a share of the national burdens. But what share of the national taxation did they pay ? The assessed taxes amounted to 4,000,0001. a year, and what propor tion of them did the agriculturists pay ? They were ex empted from the payment of duty on their servants, their windows, their horses, dogs, sales by auction, insurances, &c. ; almost everything belonging to them was ex empted, so that they had to pay scarcely anything. He had in his pocket a letter from a farmer, who rented three hundred acres, and who stated that his assessed taxes did not amount to Si. a year.—(Hear, hear, hear.) What shopkeep e r, p a yi ng a rent o f 1 00 1. a year, did not pay in assessed taxes three times 51. a year ? Did their exemptions, then, give the landholders of this kingdom a right to lay a tax of fourpence in the shilling on every loaf of bread consumed in the country ?—(No, no.) That tax was called in round numbers 50,000,0001. a year. The whole of this, however, did not go to the aristocracy. The people of England had been caged up within the limited extent of their soil, and the consequence was that very inferior soil had been brought into cultivation. A farmer in his neighbourhood had told him, that for ten years past he had not had in his house a single ounce of sound flour of his own growing. —(Hear, hear.) The people had been screwed down to starvation point. until trade had been nearly ruined, and now, forsooth, a relaxation of our bonds was talked of. Yes, both sides of the House of Commons now talked, forsooth, of re laxing our bonds. Now, he said that the same effort that would secure a reduction of the duty on corn to Bs. a quarter, would give the people the full measure of liberty. —(Much cheering.) The same energy that carried the Re form Bill would be called into existence to carry this question.—(Renewed applause.) He besought of them, therefore, not to be deluded from the honest justice of the case by false sophistry. Let them have no sliding scale—no Bs. fixed duty—but the full measure of justice due to the country.—(Great applause.) What was the state of the manufacturers at the present time ? During the last fortnight there had been failures in Glasgow to the extent of 300,000/. Within the last week there had been failures in Manchester, the extent of which none yet knew, and there were fearful apprehensions as to what to-morrow would produce.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The speaker concluded by emphatically observing, " Our case is your case ; your case is our case ; we will endeavour, to the utmost, to obtain justice for you, and we beg that you will exert yourselves to obtain justice for us."—(Much cheering.) Joux Baooxs, Esq., of Manchester, was received with loud applause. He came forward not as a politician at all. Lord Stanley had told them that politics was a thimble-rig. They had it, therefore, from good authority— from one who had been in the trick himself.—(Laughter and applause.) After reading Sir R. Peel's speech the other day, he said to his friend Mr. Alderman Cobden, " What are we to do about this infernal machine (he always called them the infernal machine), the Corn-laws ?" Mr. Cobden replied that he supposed they were to have a sliding scale again. He supposed the scale would be a little less than the former one, and that they would kill from 10 to 15 per cent. fewer by it than by the old one. It did kill the people ; it ground them to death, and that was far worse than killing them.—(Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) The new sliding scale would be of no use to anybody except the speculator in corn, and it would stop the trade as the present scale did.—(Hear, hear.) He had been iti shipper for twenty-five years, and had never yet brought corn home. He had brought every descrip tion of articles home ; things that neither he nor any body else could use ' but had never brought corn. What was the reason ? The sliding scale would not allow them to send for corn, excepting to short distances. If they got Sir R. Peel's sliding scale, the Bank of Eng land would be moved every three months, instead of every six months, as at present. It would stop the trade, and make the sovereigns go out of the country, instead of sending out goods. As a proof of the misery Which he said at present prevailed in Manchester, Mr. Brooks read an extract from a statistical koala drawn up in April last,. of the state of the po or o f Manchester. In the first district, there were two thou sand families of 6,866 persons, who on earned from Id. to itld. each per day, and in ano th er, 0;000 families of 8,136 persons they were Only getting about ls. 6id. each per week, or about (is, did. per family. But they did not seem to be torero in London that they were so badly oft Sir Robert Peel, even, did not know they were Bo badly off: for he said they would flourish again by . and by. Whilst the grass gee*, the horse starved ; and how many poor people had starved for want within the last year, he wondered. It appeared to him that Sir Robert l had no idea of the tOtAl Qr 1111- mediate repeal of the Corn-laws He; beilit4p6, thought it was madness to talk 111)(51113 it ; and so they did last year, but they got the wedge in, and cracked them. — (Laughter and cheers.) They had come down to Bs. without inquiry, but what, would they come to when they had inquired ? They talked much of protecting the landed interest ; but if protection was to be had at all, they ought to begin at the right end. Let them have the poor protected first.—erremendous applause.) Talk the h r e o ea m n cs fromA l u n e tr x yt a ,h n aa d nt r d i p a a co l s a e. t e 6; dy they f b o r r o C u eo g a paysrhtrti lautogliirnt6yd .fipv thirty-five r c q a Tar o t e e s r of of protection A gentlema n o f the name of Todd, When them. h w e broughta Was i t inno t enough, then, to have 100 p er cent. protection ? Plenty them here he had lls. duty toof gentlemen then present did their business for one per cent. protection. But he would t e ll t h em one of the effects of free trade. The Chartists at Manchester would not he etthely td. could pe r lb.ge t t ., 11 1. be lieve him when he told it th e other day ; they asked if he wer e m a d. H e t o ld them that beef at a e duty o ff corn, they could get t Monte Video t w here he had tradod for t o last thirty tw hou years, at•one time th , ey used to krin th e hid es , th e and tae fat of catue away, and IMO rns the carcase THE SUNI i LONDON, THURSDAY, MAX121;71841. to rot ; but now beef was sold there for Id. per lb., and some of it was sent to Cuba and the Brazils, and he was quite sure the people of England could eat it. It might be, from the great demand that would ensue, raised to about 2d. per lb.; but they could not grumble at that, for if the Corn-laws were repealed, they would have more money_ to buy beef with.—(Applause.) With re gard to the sugar monopoly, Mr. Gladstone had told them the reduction would only be ls. 6d. per cwt., and that was not worth dividing ; but in October last the price of sugar was 9d. per lb., and when the question was agitated in Parliament it forced the sugar down to 7d. At that time (October) there was a difference of 3s. per cwt. ; but Mr. Gladstone had only calculated from the time the sugar was forced down. When monopoly was done away with they would have sugar down to sd. per lb. The consumption of sugar was only three-fourths of an ounce per head in the United Kingdom. He thought he got more than his share, for he was very fond of sugar, and, therefore, some of them must go without. He said they had thrown politics overboard, for they found they had only about 50 representatives out of the 658 for the manufacturing interest ; and, therefore, they must exert themselves to get the Corn laws repealed.—(Applause.) Mr. GARNETT, of Clitheroo, said he had for a great many years been a spinner and manufacturer, and there fore had had some experience in the trade ; but during the whole course of that time he had never known the trade to be in so paralysed and distressed a state. He believed sincerely that the misery which the Corn-laws inflicted in this country was to a far greater amount than many people were aware. Mr. COBDEN, of Manchester, was introduced amidst the most vehement applause. He said it had been his lot to address a great number of meetings on this subject, yet never before such an assemblage, such a multitudinous assemblage as he then saw around him. They came there to protest, in the name of justice, against the most iniquitous law that ever was enacted in the world's history—a law purposely designed to starve annually thousands and tens of thousands of the poor people of this country—a law which was intended to in flict the perpetual curse of scarcity on the land— (Shame)—a law which could have no other result than the producing of a perpetual scarcity. It was a law so gigantic in its iniquity that it had the design of imprisoning a nation on a spot of earth not capable of feeding them, and which was designed to keep the country wretched—(Applause)--a law which violated the most ohviousprinciple of nature. He quoted for them the Word of Got : , in condemnation of the Corn-laws. In the first chap ter of Genesi; ' at the 29th verse, in the v er y fi rs t i n j unc ti on delivered by the Crk2. 3l " to our first parents, he found it s a id, "I have given you every _herb bearing seed which is up on the face of all the earth, and eve: v tree on which is th e fr u it ; every tree yielding seed; to yotiit hall be for your meat." Every her bearing seed which is on tn,2 face of the earth! That was the splendid patrimony given to pile first pa rents at the hands of God himself—and what ;,:, 1 ( 1 they done to fulfil that mighty gift?—(Applause.) The; a is nothing said in Scripture about the Duke of Buckingham's estate.—(Hisses.) He found nothing said there which would inculcate or sanction a statute which denies the people of this country being fed on the corn which is grown on the face of all the earth. No. That law is re served for the law-makers of this country, and he had no hesitation in saying that the Corn-laws were opposed to the most obvious disseminations of divine truth. But the law of nature, which has given to various climes and vari ous soils different capacities, in order that the interchange of one with another might beget kindly feeling., perpetual peace and amity with each other, had been violated in the article of food, whilst the law-makers had taken advan tage of it in everything which was to their own interest. He found no sliding scale to preclude the importation of their port or sherry, their silks or their mahogany. No •, go down to their own quays, and see ships arrive freighted with every luxury that could minister to the excesses of the rich ; but they would see a sliding scale step in prevent the poor man from receiving his food. If they had patience with him he would read a statement made by Mr. Hearne, a Catholic priest, at a tea-party lately held in Manchester, a man who rarely went to public meet ings. Mr. Cobden here read Mr. Hearne's speech, which went to prove the great distress which prevails in Manchester, and attributed one half of the deaths among the poorer classes .to starvation. A note had just been put into his hand which seemed to urge that they, in Liverpool, were not all lying on a bed of roses. The note seemed to point out a rather darker state of things than he had vainly hoped existed. He was told there were something like thirteen thousand families claiming parish relief in this town. Could it be possible then, that the people of this town were aware that they were paying fourpence out of every shilling they spent as a tax for the landowner? Was it possible that the electors of that borough were aware of it, and still sent men to the House of Commons to uphold that monopoly ? There was, at the present time, a most sympathizing expression, by certain of the bread-taxing gentlemen, for the paupers, forsooth ! Oh, nobody was so great a friend of the pauper as the bread-taxer.—(Laughter and cheers.) But a man must become a pauper before he could obtain the sympathy of the bread-taxer.—(Great cheering.) Who ever heard from him (the bread-taxer) a cry of sympathy for the hardy, industrious, honest, struggling working man, 'who was determined, in spite of all obstacles, in de fiance of all aristocratic oppression, to maintain his fit mily in independence, without recourse to parish relief ? —(Hear, hear.) No one; there was not a spark of sym pathy in the minds of the noble bread-taxer for honest and independent working-men. Oh, no ! He would give encouragement to the paupers; he would make paupers first, and then tax honest, hard-working men to keep them. Such was the sympathy of the bread taxer with the people of England. Let the paupers, and let every man in England possess the right, the inalien able right of exchanging the fruits of his industry for the fruits of the soil throughout the whole earth, hnd then the union workhouses might be left to stand empty and tenantless, as a monument of the faulty legislation of past times.—(Three distinct rounds of most animated applause.) Although while the tide ran high he never had joined in the attempts thus to gain the favour of the poor, he had no hesitation in telling the audience that he looked on the imposition of the new Poor-law, whilst the Corn-law was in existence, as an aggrava tion of the injuries inflicted, upon the people. — (Cheers.) It had imposed fresh restraints, heavier tests, severe ordeals on the men who had been made pau pers by that law which the landlords had enacted for their own benefit. The new Poor-law was passed be cause, under the operation of the old law, the landlords saw that their estates were becoming valueless in their hands. He knew, as an inhabitant of the south of Eng land, that previous to the passing of this law, when a man came to take a farm in Hampshire or Sussex, the inquiry was not " what is the rent ?" but " what are the Poor rates ?" In one parish, that of Cholesbury, the poor had actually not possession of the whole of the lands of the parish. The owners refused to have anything to do with it. The fields were lying waste, the gates were pulled down, the hedges were broken and decaying ; even the minister of the gospel deserted the village, after having vainly endeavoured, by means of alms collected in the neighbouring parishes, to keep the poor. The scene, however, was after a time changed. Under the advice and assistance of a society sitting in London, the agricultural population set to work to till the lands of the parish themselves, and for themselves, and in the course of two years and a half the poor men, who had previously been hopeless paupers, became possessed of cows, and pigs, and horses. A man, with three acres of land cultivated by his own spade, was enabled to maintain his family in comfort, and to send his children to school.—(Cheers.) He should now leave the subject of the Poor-laws, but he should wish to impress upon their attention the grand argument used by the bread taxers : " Oh, if you repeal the Corn-laws, you will bring in great quantities of foreign corn, and what, then, will become of your labourers ?" He would answer this by asking what became of the labourers in Cholesbury ? (Great cheering.) What, indeed, could deprive la bourers of their subsistence unless they were deprived of their land ? How did they subsist now ? They sub `sisted on the land, and paid a rent upon it in addition, at least their employers paid a rent. A little time ago one cf the lecturers of the Anti-Corn-law League was urging this argument to a crowd of the peasantry assembled around him, when a farmer came up out of the midst of them, and said, " What would you do with these men if you throw our lands out of cultivation ?" The lecturer was not necessitated to answer the question, for the pea sants shouted out, " Oh, never mind, we will cultivate them ourselves."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The other day, one of the Anti-Corn-law lecturers, who was tra velling in Dorsetshire, hired a peasant. whom he met, to carry his carpet-bag for five miles, in order that he might have an opportunity of entering into conversation with him. He (the lecturer) had been addressing the people in a neighbouring town. He said to the man, "You have some Anti-Corn-law lecturers here, sent among you from the manufacturers of Manchester ; do you know what those manufacturers are going to do 7 I will tell you. They are going to repeal the Corn-laws, and then there will be so much foreign corn imported, that all your lands will be thrown out of cultiva tion," The man looked up to the speaker with a knowing cock of his eye, and said, " They beant going to carry away the land, be they ?"—(Great laugh ter, followed by enthusiastic applause.) He should say that the man who voted for the bread-tax under the present circumstances of this country was not prac tically Et belieter it; the Holy Scriptures. He would not descend from this ground. lie would fasten on their higher feelings ; lie would claim their religious sympathies, and demand from them as a duty that they should vote far a repeal of this iniquitous law. Pro perty in Manufactures and mills had been depredated within the last three years fifty per cent. in value. How long would this state of things last There was one class in Liverpool which had not hitherto suffered amidst the general distress. The merchants had suffered. Those, for instance, who sent out goods to America, and brought back cotton, which was sold at a loss of 1/. per bale, had suffered. Importers of all kinds of goods had suffered) but still there was a numero u s b o dy i n thi s t own , tilt! brokero. 3 who had not yet suffered to any great extent, because all goods, whether outward or inward bound, must pay toll to their exchequer, whether sold to a profit or not. But he would ask, how long would this state of things continue ? how Ion& would the brokers be prosperous, if the trade of the principals continue ! to be carried on to a loss ?—(Hear.) lie believed that t that sstchtieelfl itvhaesmretnnioavi, e...crthe t h ere was ano a t t h : e .; r : c ,,, la ; s to s t o r f ig h h id t. ust .i T e u , s lli m id e; d i b t? eg t in h n e in sh g p to_ n who, he was in they had been.— fermed, were not so prosperous ••eless when he sing there was th e (°l%l-IVI ten C Cao a rrt ll ll9 kepi Yes, and i r na e dn s same distress which was pressing so heavily uthe p o n r andc la classes sec carpenters. p m e u n s t t e reach, rs. n a l n B d 3 s B p a c n edi d 1 1 y 83 r e9a.ep h :05yeau,aryessel:Islre shipbuilders e im portation of foreign corn, all unemployed taken up, and despatched to thsebercoatua'e world in search of grain. Ship for tea, sugar, coffee, and cotton rose ,arid then ' th t eT i sf i d i p ts owners, who clid not pereeive,the cause ci f_ - this: saittsl4n expansion of trade, laid down fresh • !ar, near-1 As many as seven hundred or eight 'hundred 'Were laid down at Sunderland. Shortly after, the sliding scale t icitrc te e rs f °I the ; 4 1 * tir .2. 7l~SE~ ~ 'f€i'l4f " slided the, other way ; it went up, and trade in cotton and everything else was injured. Vessels might now go to America or to Egypt for cotton, but their owners, in stead of getting, as before, ltd. or 1 jd. per lb. freight, were glad to get ;id. And what was the effect of thin on the shipbuilder and the carpenter ? When the thousands of ships which had been built, in consequence of the sudden rise of freights-in 1838 and 1839 came into the market, there was a stagnation of trade. The corn carrying trade had ceased, and the vessels might now go about to the four quarters of the world seeking for freights, and be unable to find them. It was asserted that the manufacturers wished for a. repeal of the Corn-laws, in order to enable them to com pete with foreign manufacturers. He should say that they wanted a repeal .of the Corn-lawS, . in order that they might enjoy the right—for it was a right—of ex changing their fabrics for the corn and food of other countries. He cared not for foreign competition.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Give the English manufac turers the wide world for a market ; do not confine them to one limited spot of the great earth, and they would not-complain ; they would not speak of foreign rivals, for the good G o d o f all had g i ven enoug h for all.— (Much aPplause.) He concluded by seriously and earnestly exhorting the electors to ponder the subject well, and said that on their deciSion depended the com fort or the misery, the health or the disease, the life or the death of millions of ' their fellow countrymen.— (Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering.) Mr. HARDY s t eppe d to t h e f ront of the stage and said, as an elector of Liverpool he claimed the liberty of saying a few words. Some little disapprobation was heaid amongst the assembly, and cries of " Name, name," were general. Mr. Hardy said a few words which did not reach the reporters' table. The CHAIRMAN—Mr. Hardy, the gentleman who wishes to address you, says he goes further than the speakers who have already addressed this assembly. I really do not know how far he goes, for the gentlemen who have spoken go for a total repeal of the Corn-laws. —(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I am of opinion that it will not be i n or d er t o allow Mr. Hardy, 'who is not a member of the deputation, to speak on the same Side. It will be, therefore, my duty to request him to sit down. A Mr. Dix, who is, we understand a journeyman tailor, here advanced to the front of the stage. Mr. Hardy still stood on the opposite, or what is technically called' the O.P. side, Mr. Dix being on the prompter's side, and both` claimed to be heard. At length Mr. Hardy sat down, when the assembly turned their disapprobation entirely against Mr. Dix. The CHAIRMAN said the gentlemen from Manchester had come at a great expense to Liverpool ; they had stated their opinions fully, fearlessly, and truly ; and they invited discussion.—(A voice from Mr. Hardy's friends, " You refuse it.") They invite full discussion from any who wish to oppose them by argument. He would merely ask that when Mr. Dix had spoken Mr. Cobden should be allowed to reply. Mr. Dix said, Mr. Cobden would not take it amiss if he asked him at the outset one simple question, and re q,-ired an answer. Would he inform them what was the exact rental paid by the tenant to the landlord for one —I do not profess to answer that question, qu i‘ a i r r te . r e ?—" Oh, oh, that's the old thing." but if I did, it would not answer any; purpose for that gentleman. 'lt is of no consequence to that which I advo catTeilel C as ri k Al b ß U 3 t i A fo N r j s u a s i ta,: i 1. 1 - 1, -( D C i h x e la e v rs s . ) the only man who had come forward boldly dfre,etly to - oppose them. He was satisfied that he (Mr. Dix) Would be answered both to his own satisfaction and that of tho meeting. Mr. Dix proceeded. He had a right to put that ques tion, because it was only proper that they should know the amount of which they were plundered. Mr. Cobden had not thought proper to answer, because it would have shown upon what sort of foundation his arguments were based. The average price of land in this country was three guineas an acre, and each acre would produce about six quarters of corn. The rental was about is. 6d. per bushel, which, if reduced one-half, would be only ninepence, of which the consumer would be benefited merely fourpence-halfpenny. They had been told to believe that the landed interest had a protection, while trade had none. He could show them by docu mentary evidence that trade was protected to the amount of 42 per cent., while land was 'protected only 22i per cent.—(Oh, oh, and laughter.) The real evil was that they had no protection against machinery. The protec tion on land was far less than the protection to trade. It was the duty of the State to give protection to each interest in proportion to the amount of its taxation. How did - Mr. Cobden reply to this assertion ? Nay, he said he granted it.—(" No, no," from • Mr. Cobden, and some confusion.) Had, then, the Government a right to tax us, and then to allow other countries that were untaxed to come in and undersell us ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He had asked Mr. Cobden how the principles of free trade, as applied to silk, had operated. He had shown that they had not operated well, and Mr. Cobden was unable to deny it.—(No, no, that is wrong.) He then asked him if the people in that trade received the same amount as before Mr. Huskisson's interference. How did' he reply ? He could, not deny the fact that they received considerably legs wages.-L(lnterruptlon.) How did he reply ? He said simply tfibt the Tories had done So they have, " and interruption.)) That was no argument. Mr: Cobdett , said—" Give us free trade, a fair field, and no favour." He asked him now if he could produce as cheap as foreigners, and why we could not now keep the foreigners out ofourmarkets.—(Cries of " Because we have dear bread," "We want bread as cheap as they have it," " The answer is easy," followed by loud cheers.) If that were the case, how could we keep the foreigners out of our markets unless we worked at the same rate of wages ?—(" Try usrand interruption.) If cheap bread. Nvouldlower wages, how would we be better able to com pete 'with the foreigner ? - Would it make any difference ? —(Considerable confusion here arose, which compelled the Chairman to make another appeal to the assembly ,to hear Mr. Dix patiently for ten minutes more. A person who appeared to be creating great disturbance was ordered out by the Chairman.) Mr. Dix said, if the Anti-Corn-law League would furnish any man of sufficient ability, he was prepared to . meet him to discuss this question, where he should not be put down by brute force. Mr. Dix here resumed his seat. Mr. COBDEN asked the meeting to hear him patiently, and without interruption, for ten minutes. Mr. Dix proceeded. He asked them if they were not able to make any alteration in the money price of wages, how they would be better able to compete with the foreigner ? He asked them if they would compare a copy of the evidence on the Import Duties with the ab stract of the Anti-Corn-law. League, and they would find that the League had bolstered up their report by many important omissions. If any one could furnish him with an abstract of the League and a copy of the evidence he would show them. LMr. Dix produced the abstract.] He looked at the evidence of Mr. Walker, of Wolver hampton, who said the difference must come out of the wages oilabour, for they bad the raw material as cheap as in any part of the world. This was altogether sup pressed in the abstract, and its place filled up with other matter.—(" No, no," and interruption.) A passage in the evidence of Mr. Hume appeared.—(Cries of " Ex plain the other first.") He referred them to the Re port. If they would compare them at home they would find it so. Mr. Dix next read a paper in the abstract which he said was attributed to Mr. Hume, while there was no such passage in the evidence of Mr. Hume. Any gentleman who doubted his word might read the pas sage in the abstract when he got home. A copy of the evidence was here thrown over to Mr. Dix, and Mr. Cobden requested him to substantiate his assertions. Mr. Dix offered to show that there was matter in the report of the evidence which did not ap pear in the abstract. To this , it was replied that the ab stract was, from its very nature, an abridgment. Much confusion ensued, and it appeared ultimately that Mr. Dix was unable to make good his assert;un respecting the introduced matter into the abstract. He at length sat down, without making any further observation. Mr. COBDEN replied—As the Americans were wont to say, he thought Mr. Dix was in afix.—(Laughter.) He had told them that the average price of land was throe guineas an acre, and that corn had a rental of Is. 6d. per bushel, which, if reduced to one half, would be 9d., so that the labourer would only gain 41d. In fact, he wished to show us, what the landlords had laboured very hard to show, that the benefit would be a mere trifle. Why did they not give it up then ?—(Protracted cheers.) It appeared the manufacturers had a great deal of protection,and knew nothing at all about it all this time. It seemed that they were protected 42 per cent., while the landed interest was protected only 22i per cent. Such being the case, was it not strange, when the manufacturers asked them to give up their trifling protection ; and offered in return to give up their large one, that they should call them revolu tionists?—(Loud and continued cheers.) It had been . Was s o m i n t b ondoyt said strange ir. that p ix m the,was .landlords 7,ve1l paid. said . that -if this demand were not conceded, there would be a revolution. • He had heard many sensible people say so. I s uv h ee o l should risk. paid i c:l s Ifcio Cobden) b e i revolution i ohno hoped d r this not, f or If question, he when were Mr. Dix got could prove that there was no benefit in it?—(Oh! he's to h talk of the painful 'bread tax, laiighßteer. tax, and Mr. Dix proposed to mend. the matter by tax agnr greatly cheers.) l y e e too r s. It seemed he was not content with dear ) high T h a ey price o am afeuogr bread, but he wished us to have dear clothes too.— (Laughter.) Suppose Mr. Dix went with his week's • hi s pocket, and purchased a barrel of wages in i n n e g w m e d u l hi au n g e h r te laughter .) °. -4 flour for 225. It would be his by purchase ; but he could not eat it till he had paid fourteen shillings for taxes, which Mr. Dix said ought to be paid by - .the foreigner, for the pro tection of the h ome grower. Now comes the great tru m p card, " What do yoh want foreign corn for, except to re d uc e wages ?" They were one eyed people w h o talked in this way. They wan t e d to have repeal of the Comlaws, in order that they might exchange productions. If they. had a free ingress for the-productions of other nations, there were 250 millions of people all over the world wanting .to trade with us ; tat other they had 'a right to, the trade i n corn . to wear our c l o thes,. and to give us: corn . for th em . W e could not trade with.them. at present. Th e quest i on, however, s tood on the ground of .inherent justice, and way of benefiting the pe o pl e o f t hi s country. • Our land did not g row enou gh. [2.11r. Cobden sat down amid loa d cheers.] . . he averr ed There is no that Mr, W. RATiInoNE, who was received w ith l ou d , cheersmoved the first resolution, which was seconded by Mr. Rosso'N. mir. A witEsvg riEYWORTH, second.3. l —.. by Mr. JOHN proposed t h e secon d reso l ut i on. Mr. Taylor . ... ieet i ng to, be prepared, to support the ‘Tti the course of the next day • • conjunction with Sir Joshua Itrahusky, oxhorted tm, • question•at the huaiings.; _ he said a gentleman ivould be . naine th :,_ SirTJhoreeshuach-lele'ar.shri;l:rye; asgivaeiCiallif9drl4o, and three cheers for lieottieiky, .:. The meeting,s6PaPttekle.t<l4ll.l)44,eitnigji a to be an aim , — conc iliating the TOry -cloned his Whir, frietOg 013 th e " gip._ dentlyinnonnced tb e p . "ty eo &lug, „, A cottageraL ?IA , Pm!, Ngir,oy x t o n wit i vo s upport of 'tin? towne, without, Ygebelieve, wint4rig the last fortnight buried Po of his children. ' opponent horn the Tory camp.—lhioe ms . Guarcri;4? THE PRO-CORN-LAW MOVEMENT (FROM A CORRESPOMPENT.) For a few days past I have been in Lincoln.. shire, and I beg to forward you a few particulars of the two great meetings that have occurred in this county. On Monday, the 17th instant, a meeting of the Southern Division of the county was called at Sleaford; the day selected was a most auspicious one for the agriculturists; it was a market day, ,it was the day of the fair it was also the day on which the agricult u r a l labourers were keeping their annual holiday ; to have attempted any movement, without a population to back it, would have been madness; the Town-hall was well filled with wealthy landowners and their tenants, and all went off most tamely, for, from the open ing of the doors to the hall being closed, the time did not exceed half-an-hour. The expected division kept away Messrs. Handley and Heath cote, the " Whig" Members for that part of the county, and all was mere formal business and the adoption of a petition. And now for the great Lincoln meeting. On Friday, the 21st instant, the High-Sheriff had convened the meeting, to be held in the Castle yard. Some symptoms of opposition had been observed, for hand-bills from the Anti-Corn-law league had been distributed the previous day, and a taxed loaf and an untaxed one had been carried, side by side, on the top of poles. Still a general opinion was entertained that in a place so dependent on the agiculturists as Lin coln is, no offence should be given to the county, especially when it was impossible for the oppo nents of the bread-tax to summon even a re spectable minority on a market day. The High-Sheriff did not make his appearance. In the course of the week he had taken unto himself a wife, and he was on his wedding tour. He was represented by his Under-Sheriff, a Mr. Godfrey Tallents, of Newark (not even in the county of Lincoln), the son of the late agent of the Duke of Newcastle, who commenced that se ries of ejectments which the Duke attempted to defend, in his celebrated declaration, " Have I not a right to do as I will with my own?" Doubt less this young gentleman inherits the name, without the talents of his father. The muster in the Castle-yard was highly re spectable; on the hustings appeared the princi pal Whigs and Tories of the Northern Divi— sion, all, for once. united; the one party led by the Earl of Yarborough, the other by the Earl of Winchilsea; the County Mem bers for this division ' Lord Wor s l e y an d M r . R: A. Christopher, for the first time, too, in amicable conjunction. Doubtless, ere this, some of the London papers will have had some notice of the speechifying. That lam not going to de tail, for I have no gift that way; but I may re mark upon a few particular facts. From what I learned, the speakers paired off as they pair rabbits, fat and lean; that is, in order to avoid any particular appearance of politics, they came alternately, Whig and Tory. The mere matter of-fact talkers were heard very patiently; but about the time that Lord Worsley thought pro per to address the meeting some few of the me chanics of Lincoln had strayed into the Castle yard, during their dinner hour, and not being sa tisfied that all should go off without some op position, for want of a leader to advocate their cause, raised a cry of " cheap sugar." Lord Worsley is popular with them; and still, by his good humour, he was heard patiently without any great interruption. But then the great Christopher, formerly Dundas of Edinburgh and Ipswich notoriety, must come out. He had not uttered three sentences before he experienced a like interruption. Instead, however, of mild and conciliatory conduct, as had before succeeded, a Tory land-cormorant, who has a name something like Bray-forth, began lustily to bray forth " Turn them out," whereupon a lot of fellows, who had clustered themselves under the hustings, just where Christopher had taken his place, pushed their way out, and began indiscriminately to beat every person who did not look like a farmer. Perhaps it was indiscreet in a few operatives of Lincoln to be interrupting a county meeting with their few words of disapprobation ! But these valiant agri cultural heroes fell foul of every body that did not seem to be of, their own class, and most savagely and cruelly beat with their hooked sticks and their heavy whip-handles, many inoffensive parties, who had taken no part whatever in the proceedings. Not more than forty or fifty persons had made the slightest ex pression of any opinion, ev en th a t o f h o ldi ng up a hand; but these valiant heroes, armed with bludgeons and with heavy whips, beat out of the Castle-yard some hundreds of inoffensive people, half-starved mechanics, and apprentice boys, while Magistrates of the: county were not only looking on, but actually applauding, from their places on the hustings. However, it is to be hoped that this most abominable outrage will not pass unnoticed. I was told that one gentleman, who stood near, but outside of the crowd, was the Town Clerk of the City of Lincoln, and I am quite sure that the gentleman in question, whoever he was, by his kind interference prevented more than one poor fellow from being savagely beaten. I also observed that the Governor, or some other officer of the county gaol, gave shelter to a mi serable wretch who fled to him for protection, and he was obliged to call for his pistols to pre vent these valiant heroes breakinginto the prison to drag forth the half-starved mortal who had so audaciously shouted out for " cheap sugar." But, perhaps, the most impudent thing of all was, a fellow, who I am told rents a farm under the city of Lincoln, in the other division of the county, was actually leading on the bludgeon men, and'beating poor freemen of Lincoln, who were his own landlords. This caps all. There is an old saying, " seeing is believing ;" I saw people with their heads streaming down with blood; I have since heard the names of people who were thus violently abused. I have asked the question, but I find that the Castle- yard is not - within the jurisdiction of the City , lagistrates; it is a part of the especial domain of our Sovereign Lady the Queen, as Duchess of Lancaster; it therefore belongs to the Magis trates of the County, some of whom witnessed, and more than one applauded, the shameful treatment of these (indiscreet if you like) half starved, unarmed people, who called out "cheap sugar !" Some professing Reformers have since called these ill-used people "tools for their pains ;" there is not much hope of getting any redress; but it is right that the people of England should know that the only public meeting that has been held in defence of the Corn-laws was called at Lincoln, on the only day of the week when it was impossible that, the citizens of Lincoln could attend, and the few opponents were driven out of the Castle-yard by bludgeon-men; after which Ipswich-Dundas-Christopher had the im pudence to declare that it was a public meeting, which gave the lie to the Anti-Corn-law League, who said that the bread-taxers dare not hold a meeting in the open air,l MR. BURKE'S NEW PEERAGE AND BA RONETAGE FOR. 1841.—We are requested to state that Mr. Burke's New Peerage and Baronetage for 1841, seventh edition, beautifully printed, on a new plan, in double columns, in one large volume, embellished with an emblazoned title page and upwards of fifteen hundred engravings of artnorial bearings, price 38s. bound, forming the most complete, the most convenient, and the cheapest 'work of the kind ever offered to the public, is published, this day, .by Mr. Colburn, of Great Marl, borough Street, and may now be had of all Booksellers throughout the Kingdom. Agents—Tor Scotland, Bell and Bradfute, Edinburgh ; for Ireland,. John Cumming, Dublin. THE WEATHER AND CROPS.--Although sun shine and bleak winds have , alternately predominated during the past week—the former advancing what the latter retarded— it is universally.acknowledged.that a finer season for vegetation has scarcely ever been known, u there has been neither ex treme of wet or aridity to check the healthy progress of the herbage and the grain crops. The somewhat cold and stormy features of Aril, which did partial injury to the young grasses and early fruit trees, have been succeeded by the balmy sweet ness of the present month, which•has produced a Tenewed out burst of genial warmth and that vivifying spirit, which has, given birth to the " beauty of abundance " which now meets ' the delighted eye in every direction over the sward. Fruit trees, which are remarkably forward, are literally hoary with bloom. The growth of pasture during the last few days has been magical. The grain crops, as we before observed, are looking very promising, and bid fair to realize the most san guine hopes of the husbandmen.--Sheffidd Iris. PARLIAMENT WISER THAN GOVERNMENT. —The Waterloo-bridge Committee (or Government) strenu ously opposed lowering the toll, but the Assembly (or Parlia ment) reduced it one-half; and already the halfpenny pay ment produces more than the penny used to give. Theave- ave rage n umber who pass, will now be about 16,000 daily, where by the Company will in one year, benefit by a halfpenny dona tion 5,840,000 passengers, most of them persons in humble circumstances. Thus, this noble bridge is become the noblest charity in the metropolis ; and the public are exceedingly obliged to those gentlemen who called a special general assem bly, to contravene the nar row policy of th e b r id ge govern ment. Hence it may fairly be inferred, that in proposing to reduce duties, and thereby increase consumption, the Govern ment is wiser than the Parliament, which prevents them from thus at the same time providing,for thd - Vants and revenue• of the country. . • RiIPitESENTATION .Ql , EAST SUSSEX.-.4-1t seems now to be pretty well understood that two members in the Tory interest will be returned for this division of the comi t y a t the next election. This is by no means an encourat ,ing f a ct; but the course taken of late by Mr. Cavendish goes -•at way towards reconciling Reformers to that which appears inevitable consequence. In the vain hope of ristoers.cy, the Hon. Member aban -,t and popular principles re ts" has thrown off the --Pr a single ANTI-CORN-LAW POETRY. The following Hymn, composed by Ebenezer Elliott, of Sheffield, the Corn-law Rhymer, was sung by a num ber of choristers, at the Manchester Anti-Corn-law tea party, accompanied on the orgue express or French seraphine, by Mr. John Bardsley:— Wrong not the lab'ring poor, by whom ye live, Wrong not your humble fellow-worms, ye proud ! For God will not the poor man's wrongs forgive ! But hear his plea, and have his plea allow'd. Oh ! be not like the vapotirs, splendour-roll'd, That, sprung from earth's green breast, usurp the sky, Then spread around contagion black and cold, Till all who mourn the dead prepare to die ! No ! imitate the beauteous clouds, that rise Freighted with bliss, from river, vale, and plain ; The thankful clouds, that beautify the skies, Then, fill the lap of earth with fruit and grain. Yes ! emulate the mountain, and the flood, That trade in blessings with the mighty deep ; Till, soothed to peace, and satisfied with good, Man's heart be happy as a child asleep. THE CORN-LAW FIEND. I lay in my bed, and ponder'd o'er The mournful history of the poor; The feeble crushed by the handful strong; The right oppress'd by triumphant wrong; I thought of the noisy pride that flings Its scorn on silent sufferings; And all tliv miseries that lie In the bittcr cup of poverty. I tried to rest, but I could not rest, Such troubled thoughts were in my breast ; " And did our common father plan " Man's inhumanity to man ? " It cannot be !"—" Come forth and see !" A beckoning spirit said to me. So I rose and followed—the morning dew Had drenched the welkin through and through: 'Twas dark—'twas dreary, dank and cold: We threaded the narrow streets—" Behold! Behold!" said the spirit—l stood aghast While the forms of-wretchedness near me passed. There were the aged bending and bare— Men in their pr ime were famishing there ; Youths were tottering—children crying— Babes on their mothers' bosoms dying: " 0 woe!" I exclaimed—the spirit lean'd Forward and shouted " The Corn-law Fiend." The looms were cobweb'd o'er and still; The wheels were silent in the mill; Huge piles of stuffs iveie cuMber'd high And rotting—there were none to buy— Strange thoughts then struggled in my brain, And I saw " The Corn-law Fiend" again. " But come," said the spirit—l looked around, Magnificent harvests clothed the ground Uncut—while lazy crowds o'erfed Roamed naked—" Let them sell their bread " And clothe their limbs"—a demon grinn'd " But I jorbid"—'twas " The Corn-law Fiend 1" How long shall The Corn-law Fiend oppress The weary world with wretchedness ? How long shall the earth's free bounties be Usurped by foul monopoly ? How long shall the millions bear the wrong Enslaved—insulted ? LORD ! How long ? J. B. London, May 19, 1841.—Manchester Times. OPPOSITION OF THE CLERGY TO A REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS. Much unnecessary surprise has, we think, been mani fested at the almost universal opposition of the Esta blished Clergy to a repeal of the Corn-laws. When it is considered, however, that every measure which has a tendency to raise the price of grain, necessarily increases the stipends of minist ers in landward parishes, all sur prise will cease, except upon the part of those who have a higher estimate than we entertain of the justice and Christian principles of the Established Clergy generally. As a body, they are opposed to every measure which has for its aim an extension of the privileges and comforts of the people ; and it would be strange indeed, if, upon a question which directly affects their own incomes, they were to act differently from their usual course. Nor is the influence of the Corn-law question felt in the case of the landward clergy only : it extends in directly to those settled m the towns. When the stipends of country ministers were, through the operation of our precious Corn-laws, raised to a height beyond all former precedent, the propriety of ad vancing the stipends of the town Clergy to a proportional extent was naturally pressed on the attention of Town Councils. This became necessary, in order to secure for town churches men of talent; and besides the disparity between the incomes of the two classes appeared to be invidious. In this way even the clergy of the towns came to be interested in keeping up the high price of corn. The value of their livings once enhanced, all sympathy for the suffering poor was lost in the sink of self-interest. Wallowing in the midst of elegance and comfort themselves, they became wilfully blind to the privations of their poor parishioners. Perhaps nothing could exhibit, in a stronger light, the downward progress of the working classes in regard to comfort, and the in creased comfort of the clergy, both produced by the same cause, than the following contrast between two periods, not very remote from each other, in the history of the town of Paisley:— When the late and worthy Dr. Findley was pastor of the High Church of Paisley, his stipend was 1201. per annum. At that time the average earnings of three weavers were more than adequate to the payment of that sum. The present minister of the High Church of Paisley has at this time a stipend of 300/. per annum, and it now requires the labour of fifteen weavers, fully employed, allowing each to earn 201. per annum, which is above their average income, to make up that sum. The impoverished inhabitants of Paisley demand a re peal of the Corn-laws. Will the Established Clergy throughout the country back them in their efforts to ob tain it ? We know there are exceptions, but these are so rare, that, when mentioned, they are regarded as wonders. Let no one, then, who reflects on matters as they stand, express surprise that the Clergy are opposed to cheap bread.—Glasgow Argus. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manchester Guardian.) MANCHESTER.—Yesterday was one of the most gloomy and discouraging market-days ever known at Manches ter. Notwithstanding the general working of short time the produce of the manufactories considerably exceeds the demand, and prices consequently continue to recede. Indeed, from the little business done, and the extent of the sacrifices made by needy spinners and manufacturers, it is difficult to say what are the market prices, either of goods or yarn. This week, however, we have not heard of any failures ; and we are enabled to state that a re port affecting the credit of a house of extensive business in the town is altogether unfounded. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, MAY 24. The flannel market this week has been worse, ifpossible, than that of the preceding Monday. Everything in the way of business, at present, is at a stand. The state of the wool market this week has been similar to that of the piece market. HUDDERSFIELD MARKET, MAY 25.—This market was a little more animated to-day, but the business done was generally unsatisfactory ; many heavy purchases being made at depreciated and unremunerating prices. In short, it is a struggle for existence, the strong living on the destruction of the weak. A crisis, however, has arrived; and the two great antagonist political parties are heartily sick of a struggle that must overwhelm both if a remedy is not speedily devised. THE ENSUING ELECTION.—Mr. Whittle Harvey was yesterday waited upon by a deputation from a country co ns tit uenc y, w h o offered to return h im, free of expense, to the next Parliament. mr. Harvey, it is understood, informed the deputation, th at havingmate rially impaired his fortune by . pecun iar y the sacrifices v he felt it his duty to re tainhad his ad present whi l e rsen t inappointment,Pa Parl ia ment,, am e n t'he whichpr t e ha clu t theded him offer from was sitting in Parliament. It is rumoured made in consequence of an application from some influ ential Members of Parliament, who are anxious that Mr. Harvey should have a seat in the forthcoming struggle ; and that an annuity could be purchased by sub scription to enable him to surrender his present appoint ment, and sustain an independent position in the House. ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.-- Sir Alexander Grant, by his recent disgustingly selfish conduct on the question of the Sugar Duties Bill, has given great dis satisfaction to many of his quondam supporters ; and we understand that on the approaching dissolution of Par liament--no other candidate coming forward to oppose him—it is the intention of Mr. Charles. Wagstaff to offer himself for the suffrages of his fellow -townsmen.— Cambridge Advertiser. REPRESENTATION OF. LIVERPOOL.—We are happy to say th a t t h e friends of Free Trade in this town are full of activity and confidence, and are determined to contest the representation on Free Trade principles. Arrangements are in progress which it is hoped will enable them to take the field in a day or two with candidates in every respect qualified to fight the battle with success, and to do honour to the borough of Li vol.---Liverpoo/ Ti mes. 1.-- Liverpool MOVEMENTS.—It is pretty gene rally believed in Warrington, that William Stubs, Esq., h as declined com i ng forward on the Liberal interest in the event of a general election. Mr. J. B. Smith, chairman of the Man chester Chamber of Commerce, and the late candidate for Wal sall, has (so goes the report) since .been applied to.—Liverpool Times. BRIDPORT ELECTION.--(From a Correspon• dent).—Mr. Mitchell, an eminent Russia merchant, has started on the Liberal interest. and Mr. Cochrane (who . ap : . , peals to the cons tit uenc y as h e i r - at -l aw o f " N ava l Glo ria , former Io on the Tory. Both h av e commence d th e canvass , t he with great success. Mr. Warburton's seat will of course not be disturbed. PORTUGAL AND THE HOLY SRL —The Augsburg Gazette, under head of Rome, 10th inst., states that the Portuguese Ambassador, Viscount Carreira' was that day admitted wish grand ceremony to deliver his letters of credence from the Government of Donna Maria to the Pope, and that a solemn Te Deum was in consequence to be sung in the Portuguese Church to celebrate this formal recognition of the Government. Don Miguel is stated . to have made some difficultie= about accepting the apannee Offered him by Portu gal, and to have demanded a million of cre?tris once paid, or about 5,400,000 f. It was, expected that, in the next Consis -Wry, the Pope would appoint a Nuncio for Portugal. TURN-OUT AMONGST THE COLLIERS.— The colliers in the neighbourhood of Whiston have turned out for an advance of wages, and the redress of what they look upon in the light of grievances. The y g o so far as to i n sist upon having their own banksme n, instead of one a pp ointed b y t he coal proprietor, thus leaving him no check u p on their honesty in settling the amount of wage's due. Some colliers .from situations from Wale s ndigfhro night to to their preserm w or k tl ..f. have been brought to the n e i g hbourhood, and the consequence is t hat a large body of the poli ce h ave b een ' a inon w d e u i daysti,vmen to an and peace, and compelled toe escort i mceort the Liverpool Times. MORNIN G EDITION. A WORD OF WARNING TO ELECTORS. The cis inertice of Government is at length overcome. A power stronger than the wishes, an authority more imperative than the demands, of the people, has laid our rulers under obligation to move. Events which no human sagacity could foresee, which no conventional arrange ments could resist, have unexpectedly and happily sat m motion, once again, the chariot -wheels of 'reform. Hope, resolution,. and vigilance m a k e up t h e state of mind most fitting to be cherished by the country at this crisfs.--hope which will nerve resolution, resolution which will realise hope, vigilance which will guard both against delusion. The time has come when the silent people may again speak, and speak with effect. The aristocratic barrier which stood around' monopolies, guarded by which they have suck e d th e lif e -bl oo d o f th e nation, begins to yield beneath the pr essure o f c i rcums t ance s. The moment is auspicious for one earnest, hearty, resolute, united exer tion of strength, and the monster brood may be destroyed. Three cheers f u r th e over th row o f mono p o li es ; an d then, with British prowess, forward to the conflict I 'Tis something to chain injustice—'tis better far to kill it. The realisation of the Ministerial project Wcrtiki no doubt prove a great relief to burdened industry. The languishing interests of the country, however, cry aloud for something. more. The move is in the right direction, though it fall far short of the wished-for goal. If the electors are now true to the mighty trust devolved upon them, we believe th e y h ave i t in their power to give such an impulse to the present movement as to push it right beyond. the point of protection, and force it for ward to complete repeal. Aiming at this, they can lose nothing, they may gain much. For them it is always safest to attempt great things. " He that withholdeth corn, the people shall curse him." Happy will our legislators be, if, before the curse lights upon them, enters their bones and eats up th e ir marrow, they hearken to the dictates of justice and compassion. A record is lodged against them in that Court from which there is no appeal even for the proudest of our aristocracy, which may well make them pause and tremble. From the abodes of squalid penury, from the crowded and steaming haunts of the unfed poor, for years past, there have gone up to the ear of Heaven, the sobs of unnumbered hearts wrung with anguish by op pression, the wailings of untold misery, if not created, aggravated ten-fold by the laws of 'selfish and grasping monopolists. Supreme vengeance sleeps not though it may seem slow. The history of all countries, and em phatically that of neighbouring Franee, is but one proof long drawn out, that if ever the wrath of the Omnipotent is let loose upon man, without restraint, it is against those who " grind the faces of the poor."' We quoted the sentence, however, for the benefit of electors. Ere long they are to occupy a position (and for this we praise the Government and give them thanks) to avert, it may be f rom th oug htl ess or heartless legislators, the fearful curse, or to bring it down upon their own heads. Would that the sentence were burnt into the Conscience.of every man of them ! Would that it might ring in the ears of every elector when he goes up to the poll,. to re cord his vote I " Will you rob the poor—rob them of their daily bread—of that bread for which they toil be yond their strength, and prematurely wear out the powers of nature ?"—is a question which we could wish might haunt every man who has the franchise, through the day of the forthcoming election. Whether for good or evil, whether in wisdom or in folly, the constitution of the empire commits to the guardianship of a compara tively small body of electors, the rights of millions. They are trustees on behalf of the people—and to the people they are morally responsible. Let them under stand aright the question at issue. Every shilling of fixed duty abstracts from the common stock upwards of 2,000,0001. worth of bread, for the benefit of higher prices to the landowner. The question is, 16,000,0001. of bread more or less per year, for the poor, the chief con-. sumers. The electors are now invested with a power equivalent to that of the seasons. They are called upon to decide 'by vote, whether coming years shall be years of plenty or of scarcity—whether fulness or famine shall prevail. Not for all that earth could offer would we voluntarily choose the latter, in preference to the former. No greater foes to our country's peace should we be, if possessing, we used th e p ower o f b reat hi ng a blight over the waving corn fields of Old England. We have spoken of the corn monopoly only, and the position of electors in regard to that. We do not under rate the mischief inflicted by all other monopolies. But the same blow which destroys the parent, will kill the off spring too. The removal of all commercial' restrictions must follow close upon the heels of the Corn-law repeal. It would be the commencement of a new era of prosperity . —the dawn of brighter and of happier days.—./Voncon formist. EXTRAORDINARY CASE OF CHILD STEALING. On Monday, the 17th of May, a highland woman, named Kirsty Ross, called at the house of Peter M'Lach lan, sailor, Ann-street, Port Dundas, 'and requested lodgings. Mrs. M'Lachlan, observing she was a stranger, and unable almost to speak a word of English, bade her come in, and said she could not give her lodgings her self, but she would send a girl with her to a luiuse in the neighbourhood, where she would be accommodated. Next morning Ross returned, affecting to thank Mrs. M'Lachlan for this kindness, and asked if she might have breakfast, which being granted, she took the child, a boy four months old, and, fondling it for some time, said that she would take a walk down to the house where she had passed the night, and pa`V her way; find get her umbrella—taking the infant alOng With it her. Mrs. M'Lachlan could not suspect any 4ungpr to her baby, by such a proposal, and the Woman was . allowed to go. The time appearing long before she returned to break fast, a girl was sent down to the lodging-house, where she was informed that the yenmaa. ‘aad child had left some time since. Surprised a little at this intelli gence, Mrs. M'Lachlan thought she must have mistaken her way back, and went out in search of her ; but soon all hope fr nri this cause forsook her, and she gave way to the most poignant grief for the false confidence which she had placed in the base. woman who had robbed her of her child. The whole of Port Dundas and Cowcaddens were soon informed of the fact—but still it was believed that the child would be restored before nightfall. But no; nothing transpired to unravel this mysterious affair. Next morning, a gentleman who lives on Garnet-hill, having heard of the lamentable occurrence, called on the bereaved family, and caused bills to be printed, and made a minute investigation into the circumstances. He was informed that a Highland woman, who lives in the neighbourhood, had said that she thought she knew the thief of the child, and attempted to assuage the mother's grief, by assuring her that no injury would be sustained by the infant, for as soon as the woman's purpose was served it would be restored. This person he subjected to a most rigid examination, and elicited from her, with much difficulty, some traces of the flight of the heartless fugi tive. He learned from the keeper of the Round Toll, at Black Quarry, that a Highland woman, with an infant wrapped in a tartan shawl, had inquired, on Wednes day afternoon, for the Aberfoyle carrier, and on learn ing he was not past, walked forward on the road. As this was in the direction where she had formerly been a servant, Ewan Kennedy, a Highland man, was imme diately despatched after the carts ; but; being five hours behind them in starting, it was not expected that he would overtake them before they reached Aberfoyle, a distance of thirty miles. From inquiries, hoWever, which he made on the road, he did not find the Round Toll man's story corroborated. No woman had been seen -on. the Aberfoyle carts, and, as it was excessively wet, he was about to lodge for the night in Strathblane. From some information which he obtained there, however, he was in duced to pursue his journey by way of Drummond, and on arriving there matters began to brighten.. The' story of the capture was there before him, and the whole town turned out to assist him in the pursuit. The woman was known there ; her name was liirstv RosS, and had left the place a few months ago, pretending "to•be with child to a shepherd of the name of M'Neil. In the direction of the farm where M'Neil was employed in the capa city of a servantTaithimt their way, and there the culprit was found feeding the child with a spoon. No language can express the astonishment of the shepherd when this discovery of the treachery of his quondam sweetheart was revealed to his wondering eyes. The woman herself was by no means so much affected, and as for the poor infant, every eye was directed to it to see how it had fared during its long journey ; and, to tell the truth, there did not appear to be much wrong with it. It had now been three days absent from its mother, and subjected to spoon meat, which it had never tasted before y• but it ap peared wh a t it wanted in its mother's milk was made up to it by the p ure a i r of the H i ghlan d hill s . - Before the arrival of the party who apprehended the culprit, she had been to the ruling elder of the parish, and said that the child was M'Neil's, and requested to.be .subjected to Church censure in order that she might have the privi r4gies with pro- It ge ble o h f M'Neil, and as she seemed to be pretty expert in doing e b r ap o t b i ; m ut t on in a t l h l e t a h p is pr u o ,a a s ch to in t f ri . 4 . l t e bb a t business, it is not unlikely this might have been consum mated, had her detection been a little lon delayed.- -Glasgow Post. - nn fav th o e ur 2 a 2 b d le , in n n l t a h t7 axtract of a letter.)__ TUE PRESIDENT.—‘ new hopes opened to us by the this morning contains all that • is 29, lon. 40. The Times o f except t he certainty th at the steamer The following is what I c on h s e id s e t r ea t in n e b r e . m ee o n st known an on ntlithereeseen could not have been the Dee. On the then the Dee spoke the Thompson, from Palermo to same day k I presume), in lat. 41, loft. 42, (compare N. Y., (New or this with the other, and there is . no possibility-of their identity. ) at Liverpool, r.nd will, I have not the least subject. d by the log of the Dee, for which an Ml' This intelligence has been received from the agent of the Na eadvoigtuisobtnti,°hnbt:Cscoboemneffpnrammn3ead' e to the Admiralty, as yet unanswered. T HE CHARTIST PETITION. —Tuesday after noon a great crowd was attracted around the approaches to the House of Commons, it having been announced that the Chartist pet iti o n, with 1,300,000 signatures, was to be brought down in procession, and to be entrusted to the care of Mr. Thomas Dun combe, by him to be presented to the House, previously to his motion for an address praying her Majesty to release all persons at present confined for political offences. Shortly after four o'clock the procession arrived opposite the Abbey; the enormous petition being borne on a strong framework, placed upon the shoulders of eight sturdy labouring men, dressed in fustian coats. This proces sion was headed by some of the leading Chartists, many of them well known fur the conspicuous part they have recently taken in the political meetings in and around the metros 'is. A short delay occu rre d at the side entrance to the House, through the iron gateway, as the bearers stopped to send a message to Mr. Duncombe, to announce the arrival of his protege. An an swer was soon returned for !he petitioh to be carried up, and it was accordingly conveyed through a dense crowd (contain ing many Members of Parliament among it) to the lobby, where it was received by Messrs. Duncombe and O'Connell, who, with s o me difficulty, managed at length to ro ll i t through the entrance, along , the floor of the House, and in front of the table, opposite the seat, where Mr. T. Duncombe awaited the opportunity of presenting this tremendous pe. tition. TRIESTE, MAY 13.—The steam-boat which arrived yesterday brought the suite of. his Royal Highness the Prince of Salerno, Colonel of the Regiment of Prince Leo• gold of the Two Sicilies, which is here In garrison. The Prince himself, accompanied by his Consort and daughter, travel by l an d, and are expected here today et .to-raorror.