The Sun. — London, England, 1841-01-23 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION gilt HUM, Esq., M. P., then rose amidst great cheering. The trumpet having sounded to order, the Honourable Gentleman thus commenced :—Gentlemen— (Noise)—it is quite impossible that I can express to you any of those opinions that I entertain, if this, is to be test manner in which I am received—(Cheers and hisses, and sense confusion.) Mr. PITKETIILEY, of Huddersfield, then came forward and said : —Gentlemen, I entreat the meeting to hear Mr. Hume, and when he has spoken. then to hear one on the opposite side of the question. (This speaker was also in terrupted by cheer!, groans, catcalls, hooting, and various discordant noises.) Mr. COLLINS, of Birmingham, next came forward and exclaimed :—Are ye men ? I ask the question, are ye men ? If so, prove it by your conduct.—( Hear, he-.r.) Listen attentively. It is one. of ;he most important sub jects that ever could bring you together. Hear every speaker.—(Cheers.) By so doing you will afford the best proof that your arc true patriots and lovers of your country. —( Applause, followed by comparative silence.) M-. HI - ME resumed—l hope, Gentlemen, that the ap peal which has been made to you will be successful. 1 unsure you that I appear here an old and a tried Reformer ( Hear and applause,succeedcd by groans and hootings from the Chartists)—one who would not have appeared at this meeting if I had rot a hope of seeing all classes of Re fie- Isere united in furtherance of the great object of Parlia menta-y Reform. I have, therefore, been anxious that every man, whatever opinions he may entertain on this im portant question should be fairly and fully heard—( Hear) —for which ptrpose I have been instrumental in asking thine gcntlernen (erivecates of universal suffrage) here to attend, in order that ac might have the benefit of their opinions; in order that we might express our opinions; and thus see whether the re is not one common gerwral sill - eject on which we can agree, in order to obtain for the people of this country that gre e t and important elective franchise, on which the cent of our liberties must ultimately depend. —( Applause.) Gentlemen, we have one common of ject in view—good government. We want equal laws and equd j Eice to all classes of the community. Up to this hour. we have out enjoyed, we do no , . enjoy, these. We are met to-day for this object; and I am pleased, beyond measure, to find that so important a cum munity as that of Leeds should set the example of calling together Reformers of all classes to see whether there is not one common ground on which we can meet, and proceed together, until we shall obtain that which shall give us, I should say, that increased suffrage, so that every man who pays taxes in this country should be repro tented, and should himself vote for his represeutatives._ ( Appleuse.) Gentlemen, I have come here for no other purpose than in the hope that I may be able to assist in promoting that union amongst Reformers, without which we must continue to be trampled under foot by the aris tocracy who now prey upon ua and the people at large.— ( Noise to the Chairman's right, in one corner of the meeting.) lam extremely sorry that my friends in that corner do not observe the extreme hoarseness under which I labour, and that I can hardly raise my voice sufficiently to be heard ; and unless they do me the favour of being as quiet as possible, it will be utterly out of my power to ex press my sentiments as lam desirous to do. The Chair man has placed in my hands a resolution to lay before you. To that resolution I hope to find the unanimous concur., renco of this meeting ; and I am quite satisfied that there is not one here, the foremost friend of freedom amongst you, who is more desirous than myself to go on rapidly, provided that we go on se curely, arid provided we can obtain the great and im portant object which we are this day met to promote.--a (Great applause). I consider the step which the Leeds Association has taken as one of immense importance, as a beginning—for it is only a beginning.—( Chartist ap plause.) It is as such we meet.—( Considerable sensation.) I cone, Gentlemen, to call your i attentioa to the circum stances under which we meet. Those who have watched and who have attended to my proceedings for the last ['hilly years, know that I have never turned my back to the people's rights; but that I have invariably stood fot ward to demand for the millions that which they have not the opportunity by themselves to demand or obtain.—( Ap plause and noise.) I shall indeed be obliged to the gen tlemen if they will only listen to me. I will be as brief as possible; but I can assure you I am anxious that'we should now meet in this immense assembly to consider these mat ters ; and I tell you that the eyes of the whole of this kingdom are upon your proceedings to day, to see if you should conduct yourselves (as has been properly stated by Mr. Collins), so as to prove yourselves to be men worthy of the suffrage.—(Applause.) Na man can be ignorant of what is unfortunately every minute before our eyes—the state of difficulty, distress, privation, and want, that covers the land almost at all quarters. Is it not therefore a fit and proper question to discuss, while so many men are suffering when others are at ease ?—( Applause.) But let us all, be we at ease or be we suffering--let us see if we cannot unite to go to obtain those advantages and that relief which must result from good government to the millions who are now esuffering by what I pronounce to be bad and imperfect government.—( Cheers.) Such being the case, Gentle men, what is it that we have to consider? We have to consider under what circumstances, living under a repre sentative government, we are placed. Are we represented ? Are the millions represented ? I say no.—( Cheers.) Who dare deny this ? Who can put his hand to his heart and say that the millions are represented—that they here a Voice is the assembly called the Commons House of Par liament ? Is it, therefore, too much to ask you to lia-en for a few moments to one who has now devoied a large portion of his life to forward those great and mighty ob. jects ?--(Applause and confusion.) Gentlemen, I repeat we have but one object—those of us who are sincere R:- formate have but one object in view ; and there is not one man in this assembly—there is not one upon that bench (the one assigned to the advocates of Universal Sat frage) beside me here—ardent, however, as they are of freedom—whom I can allow to hsve an opinion % more favourable to the mass of the com munity than 'myself have.—(Hear, hear, and ap r tauee.) I will now read the resolution which has been put into my and. than I you wilt allow me, the mode by which we ought to arrive at the results which this resolution points to. The resolution is—" That the great experiment made by means of the Reform Bill, to improve the condition of the country, had failed to attain the end desired by the people ; and a further reform having, there fore, become necessary, it is the opinion of this meeting that the urlited efforts of all Reformers ought to be directed to obtain such a farther enlargement of the fran "hise as should make the interests of the representatives identical with those of the whole country, and by this means secure a just government for all classes of the people." Is there one man in this assembly who looks forward to au honest exercise of the power of the ler) , esentative. who can wish more than that those men who are sent to Parliament to represent the people in tne House of Commons should act on feelings identical with the people ; that they should consider their wishes, wants, and interests, arid make the measures to which they consent the means of carrying out those great objects which we are striving for? This i 3 the resolution which I now am requested to propose. Gen ttlemen, we have amide means of discussion here ; )1 am not afraid of discussion; from discussion the truth must be elicited,and if there is one question upon which I place more reliance than another, it is in the justice of tlie cause. The people donated that they shsll not have their packets picked by persons riot authorised by themselves to take money from them ; but on the other Land they are willing to opt:sent to all taxation deemed necessary by men enjoying their confidence and esteem. That is the oilject for which we are now met. 1 - lad 1 taken, I will say, not all inactive part in publ.c affairs, pc-r -baps there is no man present—l will scarcely make an ex ception of any man—who has bad such an opportunity of l'er etting out and exposing the misconduct of past Governments, and shooing the teanner in which the public have hereto :tore been plundered.—(Loud applause.) No man has sendeavoured to do this mere than myself (standing singly, Centlemen e for I belong to re party, or, if there is Pay party to which I belong, it is the party of the people) ; -.seeking justice for the weak, wbo cannot command it for themselves; while, unfortunately, the rich protect them selves; and I trust you will give me credence that, throughout, my motives have been such—(Hear, hear) —and my conduct to the end of my days will show that I have no other object in view. I think it is of importance that we should understand the grounds on which we go. I am one of those who have supported a Literal Government, because I expected that they would ileel liberally towards the people ; I was one of those who laled the Reform Bill, when all classes of Raw-ours joined, and, by a mighty effort, consummated that reform. Whi l did Ido so? Because, having acted with men who prof ed to be Inc friends of freedom, 1 had every reason to expect that they would exercise the power which they bed obtained by the union of Reformers of every grade, so as to exert it fur the benefit of those who bad placed them in power. I regret to say that I have been disappointed ; and I stn quite prepared to concur with the meeting here, that the results expected from the Reform Bill have alto gether heen fruitless.—( Hear, hear.) That good must be done no man will deny; but that all the good we are entitled to has been cone, few will be bold enough to say, sir in tir's respect to differ from what the resolution states. Hear, hear.) I wish you would allow me to state what the Reform Bill promised. Few people are aware what it ready did promise, And what d d those who brought in the Bill state that it should do ? lam one of those who heard the whole proceedings, who attended the House throughout these proceedings, and who were glad to support this measure of reform, but who only took that which was then given as a portion of that which we were .entitled to receive ; declaring, as I did on the instant, in lily place in the House of Commons, that while I acceded to those reforms which were propose d to be carried out by that Bill, if it did not answer the purpose of giving good government to the people, I should consider myself war ranted to move again for such further reformations as the wants and wishes of the people required.—( Hear, hear.) I shall not trouble you with many extracts, but there are two observations of two men amongst the authors of the Reform Bill, that I think I am entitled to state to you, in order that you may see whether the events and results pre dicted and promised by them have been obtained ; and if not, may then consider whether the whole country is not .called upon to join us in our efforts, and to continue to aid and peomete those efforts e till those benefits which were then pro mised them shall be obtained. Lord J. Ruseell, on asking for leave to introduce the Reform Bill is the House of Com- roo', what was his statement? says—" The ancient constitution of our country declares that no man shall be taxed for the support of the State who has not consented, by himself or his representative, to thtitiposition of taxes ?" Is there anLman here who Oenies that proposition ? No; When he brought in the Bill, what was his state- went ?—( A voice, " Speak up.") If Gentlemen will be silent, I will do my best to be heard, and I can do no wore. Oa tha Ath of June, 1831, Lord John Russell, in introducing the Reform Bill, said, " I propose a Re form in Parliament, to put an end to the nomination of ..the representatives of the people. I propose that they isicsould send into this House their real representatives ; they shall have in fact that which at present exists only in theory ; I promise you that laws shall no longer be passed for the benefit of governments, classes, or interests." Gentlemen, what more would the most ardent Reformer wish ? lie further promised—" We will identify this MUM with tho people of the ,three kingdo ms , an d t h at wo will eitend to this great, powerful, and enlightened people, the tight of having their legitimate representa• selves. What was the result ? Why, we opened the finest collection of paintings of Europe, in Hampton Palace ; it was opened daily from nine in the morning to five in the after noon, and every man, woman, and child might go through that valuable collection without fear of interruption or im pediment : they were told " Here you may enjoy yourselves and do what you please, avoiding injury to anything." And the palace has been visited by from 200.000 t 0300,000 soot; and there, as in every other instance where we have placed confidence in the people, they have well deserved it ; indeed, I know no instance in which they have betrayed it. —(Hear.) Then why, on this great question of equal re presentation, shell we not give confidence to them, and ask them to join us ?—( Hear, hear. ) I will only say, that as a sincere and, I will say, an old Radical Reformer, when to be a Radical Reformer was to be considered out of credit—( Hear, hear)—and I think it right to tell you what I hol t a Radical Reformer to be—one who wishes to keep an honest man at his post. I have been a Radical Reformer ; I have traced the misgovernment and the plunder of the poor in this State, and I have said, as a Radical Reformer, I want to correct all those abu-es, and to prevent any man from having the power of depriving me of one farthing of the property I possess. It is only by my legal representative or myself that I wish any man to take my money. 1 call a Radical Reformer an honest man, who does not wish to meddle with any man's pro perty. Radical Reformers have been charged with wish ing to meddle with the property of other people ; but no such thing will take place, and it is merely alleged by those who are anxious to throw discredit on them by giving them a f:ad name, in order to prevent what they well know will be the result. And this, depend upon it, is the fact. I have found through life that the man who 1143 acted dishonestly about anything is the most senaitive man in the world as to any inquiries about it. Upon that ground I have been denounced as a " Radical," and a " dangeroua man in society," merely because I have made myself active to put an end to abuses connected with Government ; and I have borne the reproaches which have been cast upon me, conscious of doing what I could to benefit my country.— ( Applause.) Having again read the resolution, the [Jou. Gentleman concluded by saying, in reference to its last clause, " Such I hope may be the result," and sat down amidst loud cheers, having spoken exactly an hour. Mr. Mom ; a deputy from the Chartists of Glasgow, rose to second the resolution. He said—Mr. Chairman and men of England, I now present myself before you as the representative of a large portion of the working men of Glasgow, and the advocate of the Charter in their behalf. Men of England, I would have you to consider that the demand the working people are making is net a demand of yesterday. Without going indefinitely into the history of this country, I will refer you to the time when Muir, Palmer, Gerald, and other men, made the demand which we are now making, forty-five years ago. Since that time the demand has never been allowed to sleep in the minds of the people. At a later period it was mooted by Major Cartwright and his compeers. More lately, great numbers of the people com bined to obtain that measure through the R form Act of 1832. front which the working classes of the people did expect to reap benefits which have nut been realised. Men of England, what is the cause that all the efforts of the people to obtain Reform in the Commons' House of Parliament have hitherto failed ? Sim t .iy be cause they did not take care at the beginning to insure this in the making of the law. The people, substantially, have not been yet represented, and therefore it is that all our efforts have failed. Gentlemen, the people, profiting by past experience, are determined on this occasion to begin at the beginning of their grievances. They are deter mined to remove the cause of all their disaffection, the exis.ing order of things, by making the demand, in a voice of thunder, that they must be admitted within the pale of the Constitution. It will not do to taunt the mass of the people with ignorance. The persons who make this as sertion, lie ; they lie, I say. What is the proof I give you ? Do not you find the Tories wheedling and coax ing the operatives to form themselves into Operative Conservative Associations ? Do not you find these titled plunderers, whenever they get a few black-faced labourers to shout for Constitution and Church—do you not find them cry, " There is the elite of the working men ; these are the men who understand what is best for the good of their country ?" Of late a great effort has been made by a large body of the people to obtain a repeal of the Corn-laws. Do not these men appeal to the people ? Do they call only on the 10/. house holders to assist them in their efforts ? Do they call upon the householder alone to attend their meetings ? No ; I emphatically say no. They call upon the people to come forward in their might, the whole people, to bear testimony ' against the wrong done to all. Men of England, do not suppose I say that we, the Chartists, form an exception to this rule. We also have confidence in public opinion, and, therefore, when we call our meetings, we do not call the ten-pounders to attend them alone. We do not call on the householders alone to attend these meetings. We also, like other classes, call on all to attend, and bear testimony against the misrule which prevails. But, apparently, we are the only party who are sincere in making this demand on the people. Not that we believe the people would never do any improper thing. Not that we believe they would never be misled. But we arc bound to ask our selves the question, has any party yet been found who never do wrong ? Arc other classes never misled ? On the contrary, have they not been grievously misled ? Da they not persist in inflicting wrong, notwithstanding our pro. testations ? Yes, they inflict grievous injury on us. Let us see how we have been used since the passing of the Reform Bill. You will recollect toot by it an cad was expected to be put to the profligacy and extravaganey of Toryism. To what extent has this been realised ? This is an important question, my friends; and let me tell you it is this year given out that the expenditure of the coun try will just be five millions sterling more than the first session they commenced at the way in which this Reform system has rubbed on. You will recollect that Earl Grey, backed by the people, terrified the aristocracy out of the Reform Bill. If you recol lect, he kept his place—a large portion of the people dis covering that it was his intention to give them the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill. Well, this dis covery was made, and Earl Grey was discovered to give way to Lord Melbourne, who we ware all assured was a more Radical sort of a fellow than his predecessor. And, to be sure, Lord Melbourne was duly installed into office, and kept rubbing en under the old state of things, until it so happened that Earl Spencer died. On this, old King William, who was never any thing of a Reformer, made it a pretence for breaking up the Administration of Lord Melbourne. He had no use for Reformers ; and a courier was despatched to the Continent for Sir Re bert Peel, who woe ihund and brought back ; and he was now duly installed into office by the Reform King William. Welt, he was so bothered by t.;artiea in the House, as well as out, that, in four or five months Le was obliged to give up. Well, the old King now felt himself under the humiliating necessity of sending again for the very man he had dismissed, like an ill-behaved lackey, Melbourne. And again Lord Melbourne accepted office as a Reformer, and all his friends stated that it was im possible to believe that he could have again accepted office without having received a guarantee from the King to enable him to carry into effect the Reform Bill. All the people believed this, but it was a mistake. The first Ses sion of this bright regime came, and it ended, but nothing , was done. His friends said it was a grevious thing that nothing was executed. Have a little patience ; wait till next Session, and then you will see what be done. The next Session came, and it went ; and, as good luck would have it, just about that time the old King kicked the bucket—he happened to die in the course of events, and then there was a loud shout in the country, " Give them a fair trial now." Soon after, it was announced by Lord John Russell that Victoria had placed her self in the hands of her Ministers. Now, everybody said, Here they have a fair field ; we shall receive the good things foster than we can consume them. But it was all a mistake. The first day of the next Session came, and Lord John Russell told the people that it was all a mistake which they had been indulging in—that he had no intention of extending the Suffrage or granting the Ballot ; and as for the repeal of the Corn-laws, they were mad who made such a demand. From this day Chartivin took its rise. The people then discovered that they had been deceived_cheated, and every day's experi ence has confirmed them in this belief. Do we not see taxes increased yearly ? Was not the demand for the re peal of the Corn -laws met with more contempt than tore ? Yes. On the first night when it was introduced, a large majority of the aristocracy moved an adjournment of the House, thus throwing the question on the floor. On this the motion was again brough; forward, and the de bate waa listened to in the midst of the greatest interrup tion ; and in less than one (netting the tyrant majority re solved that the Corn-laws should not be repealed. 'These arc things which have confirmed the people in their be lief that, until they are fully, fairly, and freely represented in that House, it is in vain to expect any material altera tion in the system. I are the bearer of a resolution which it is my duty to communicate to you, adeptcd at a public meeting of the inhabitants of Glasgow, held on the Sth of January inst., in wheels you will find tile opinions of the Chartists of Glasgow ; and let me tell you, the Char_ tilts of Glasgow arc so ounierous, that neither Whigs nor Terica, nor both of them uuited. car. (tall a public meeting at any hour of the day or night witlksa shadow of chance of success. There. is an important fact for you to hear in mind when you think lightly of the Chartists. I can tell you the Chartists of Scotland arc not an insignificant body of men, for there is not a town of any consequence where a public meeting may be called, where the Chartists can tives assembled within the walls of Parliament, to protect the rights, the liberties, and interests of the nation." These were some of the benefits which the Reform Bill was intended to carry out, and he said further, that the HOtIS3 01 Commons so reformed, was to " consul's for the interests of the people to consider their grievances, and to attend to their desires." Now I have heard complaints that we, the Reformers, supported an inefficient 13111 ; but if the Bill had carried out those expectations and pro mises which were held out by Lord John Russell, and which I, as a Reformer, was anxious to see realized ; and having heard those promises held out, who could be blamed for having consented to give it a fair trial how far it was possible to realize them. Did Lord John Russell alone give them these promises ? No ; he was also borne out by Earl Grey. And this is very important ; that if any gentleman goes with us, it is necessary fur him to under stand what was attempted to be done, and how the failure took place, and in what we were wrong. Lord Grey, on the 3d October, 1831, uttered these memorable words— " I believe the present Bill to be a measure of conciliation. I believe that on its acceptance or rejection depend, on the one hand, tranquillity, prosperity, and concord ; on the other a continuance of a state of political discontent. I believe that a change is necessary to infuse new rigour into the Constitution, and to unite the states of the realm in the bonds of a sacred and happy union ; to make the House of Commons that which it is intended to be, and professes to be—a full, vigorous, and efficient repre sentative of the people of England."—( Hoar, hear.) Now, had I stated these as the promises then made by the authors of the Bill, I ask any man present whether be is not prepared to assent to the first part of the proposition contained in this resolution—that those magneticent pro. spects then held out to us have altogether tailed : and that we are warranted to proceed to the second part of the proposition—how best we can carry out that agitation to command and obtain those reforms which were promised to us, but have failed. It is necessary here, that you should bear in mind the story of the old man with his sons, whom he told, •' If you take that bundle of sticks and break them one by one, you will completely destroy their strength. Be united and firm, and you will be able to resist that which you could not otherwise oppose." The people of England are new divided; there arc two classes into which they are separated, instead of that conciliation which was promised by the Reform Bill. Instead of unit ing the working classes hand in hand with the middle classes, working for reform together, as in the union which took place between them in 1831 and 1832, how do we now find them ?—divided into two parties, by a line of de marcation more strong than was ever before exhibited in this country—almost hating each other.—( Hear, hear.) And is it surprising that with such feeliags existing be tween those two important branches of the country, we should be in our present situation ? I know no more im portant branch than that upon which the whole of the in dustry and prosperity of the country depend, and I will never listen for a moment to the suggestion, that the capi tal of the country alone should be employed, when I see in the sinews of every man who is able to wield the ham mer or to throw a shuttle, the very means of erriployieg that capital.—( Applause.) I ask every man in his own station—l ask those gentlemen here (the Delegates, advo cates of Universal Suffrage), who, I am happy to say, will have an opportunity of stating the opinions and senti ments of those bodies from whom they have come; I will ask them to state their opinions ; I will state my opinion, and give, to all of you the opportunity of judging h o w f ar we differ irrthe great object which we all seek to effect. Gentl emen, the middle classes, or the represented classes, have not acted with that cordiality towards the unrepresented which they ought to have done.—( Cheers.) They have neglected them, they have not put themselves at the head of the great movement which is taking place ; and it is now for us to sea how far we can, by a corcial union of our efforts, by each party yielding in some degree that which may be objected to by the other, and fix on some one common ground by which to renew the agitation, and to prevent the aristocracy from further oppressing us, which now wields that great power by which our taxation goes on ; I will not say with no check at all, but certainly with very slen der cheek y I assure you, from that House of Commons which we have at the present moment. It is for us to see whether we cannot again awaken that union of moral force and influence by which we carried the Reform Bill, which we then thought would be productive of all the blessings promised and contemplated, but in which we were disap pointed. Why should we not, having one common object in view, good government—try if by any means we can again become friends and zealous advocates in the same cause ? I have no hesitation in saying that I am one of those who hail with pleasure the proceedings of this association. I now hold in my hand the original resolu tion of last year.—( Mr. Roebuck—" Oh, don't read that.") I bail this as a commencement of what:l trust will go on well. I should not be one to lend myself to what I see hag been called " a humbug association," to deceive the people. I regret to sec a want of confidence between the re presented and the unrepresented. I am one of six mil lions of men of full growth, and of twenty one years of age and upwards, and when I look at those who hare the power of electing the men who are to sit in Parliament and to pass laws affecting our liberties and property—and when I find that these electors are not more tnan one million out of six ; that there is not more than one man in every six who has a voice in the election of the represuiitatives of the people—.what is the conclusion I come to? That we have given to the few a vast power. I don't blame that few. I say it is the vicious but the licces,ary result of their possessing this power ; for if you trust to a few individuals unchecked power, you make them dishonest. And, Gentlemen, I trust the time ie fast coming when you will not trust any men without keeping them under that check and control which is neces sary in all societies in every part of the world. For which purpose I want to see why it is that we have so few electors. It is because the middle classes are alarmed at the idea of placing confidence and power in the hands of the many.—( Hear.) I think that St Is one of the great est •.‘ccls prcicnt age, and especially of those who call themselves that they have not placed con. fidence in the people. I can only say, for my own part, that I have had proof from experience, which enables me to say that there is not a man who earns his daily bread, upon whom I could not place as much confidence, provided there be nothing to corrupt him or lead him astray ; for, if he were under any sinister influence, he might act contrary to the duty which he owes to the country at large; but, bating that, I do say that I have not found among that class of workmen—and for twelve years I stood the representative of the trades of my own native country—l never found any one of them but what proved, beyond that of the higher elassee.—( Hear, hear.) Let the middle classes ;Neigh well these facts. They are suffering; they will suffer more ; for an irrespoas:bie Go vernineet is at this inenient carrying on war, and it must be supported. and for this new taxes will be required. Will they (the middle classes) get relief without the peo ple ? Not Let them, then, ask for that support by the aid of which alone they con come with any chance of suc cess before the Legislature as at present constituted,— ( Hear, hear.) Again I say to the working men—" You are suffering ; you want relief; will you get it alone? No. You may get additional suffering by a continuance of misgovernment ; but you cannot alone obtain redress. If both parties should conic to that conclusion, that it is only by union that you can obtain relief fur the suffering of the country, is not that a ground—ought not that to be a motive--for burying in oblivion all that is p ist, arid let us meet each other as Reformers ? The struggle is one between the aristocracy and the demo cracy of the country; and, unless the people are united, those who have political power, and who arc unfortunately in the possession of it (and every one knows what great advantages a man in possession has over another who is not in possession), will continue to opprees us, and it is on that ground I !lope this meeting may be the prelude to that good and proper understanding amongst Reformers. Having said thus much, let me ask you whether any state of the representation can be more absurd than that which we hove at the present moment ? I have in my hand state ments in proof of this 1 but I will not trouble you with the details, because I have elsewhere taken pains to place them on record and before Parliament, with the view of calling the attention of parties to it. But this I will tell you, that instead of that equal distribution promised to us by the Reform Bill—on my conscience I believe that the present House of Commons is as much under influ. es:ea, and is as much a nomination Parliament, and as little in sympathy with the people, as the unrepre sentative Parliament was, which we put down in 1831. When I find that in one borough 152 voters should elect two Members ; and in another 16,000 eke tors have only power to do the same ; if I find that in five boroughs, 1,400 or 1.500 electors choose ten Members, and that in the same number of boroughs I find fifty times the number of electore only electing the same number of :sleinbers—l ask, is it possible for any man to say that the results expected from the Reform 13:11 have not completely failed ? Again, I ask, is the representation of England, Scotland, and Ireland on a footing to be borne ? Ought we not, therefore, to see whether we cannot in Scotland, England, and Ireland, bring together all souse who see ti,e need of union, to demand from the Lagisiature that change which is so essential, and which must take phiett before we can obtain the required reforms ? I hope it is not necessary for me to say more than that that ine quality is apparent to all. Then, doss the present House of Commons attend to the requests arid Opinions of the people any more than the former House did ? Nut one bit. —( Hear.) They hear your complaints ; they may be laid before them ; but as to considering them, or acting as the representatives of the people, that is quite another matter. I will not allude to the state of the Corn-laws, or other laws, because that is shots n in the annual documents of Government, in which you will find them. It is sufficient to say that they exhibit a state of things that would not exist with an equal vote and under a proper representaion of the people. I am not here to support, for I can tell you candidly that I am not satisfied with what is called Household Suffrage; for I hold that Household Suffrage would exclude a large portion of the men who are of the first importance in the country ; it would exclude three fourths of the mechanics of the country.—( Hear, hear.) But the question is to be considered as so the mcde by which to apply ourselves to obtain that change. We are not to look upon society as a machine that may be wound up, to alter its course, according to the will of coo mail. We ought to show to those %site have the command of the public purse, that they are rich enough, and that they ought to live under equal laws with the meanest elan in th's or any other assembly. There can be no reason why the rich man should have laws made to favour him. I hope and trust that from this hour the strenuous Household Suffrage man, and every man of whatever denomination, will come forward to dis- not carry their own views. This is an extraordinary state of things; but when we look at the circumstances preced ing it, we see that the people have been deceived for at least half a century. You will therefore agree with me that it is not wonderful they should have come to this reso lution at last. The resolution is in these words; and it is important for you to recollect, while you desire to go to a more limited extension of the franchise than we wish to do, that you cannot ask the public to assist you. If you do, the Chartists will be there ; and I need not tell you that without the public—without the spirit of the whole public—the aristocracy will treat you with as little cere mony as they have been treating the advocates of a repeal of the Corn-laws. We must be united, and I am glad that :ur once we are prevent at a meeting which is likely to at no very cii.-tant day, to a cordial and hea to combination of the middle and working classes. My opi nion is, that the interests of the middle classes and of the working people arc one. I speak not of that class of the community who riot on the people, I !weak not of the fellows who receive large sums of money for doing nothing —I speak not of the myriads of idlers who are fluttering around Albert and Victoria, supporting the dignity of the throne ; for, as sure as there is a God in heaven and com mon sense among mankind, if ever Universal Suffrage shall be obtained, the affairs of Government must be car ried on in a way more in accordance with the common sense cui.s these matters, and to assign the reason %%by each prefers these which he is advocating. Those indi . viduals who have power seem alarmed. Now I want to dissipate that alarm ; and I am con. vinced that the welfare of the State depends on having the whole country united ; and I will just give those gentlemen a proof of the manner in which the mass of the people may be united ; and not only that, but may conduct themselves in the way that their friends would desire. I am old enough to remember—indeed it is but a few years since—when the mass of the people were excluded from all public exhibitions, collections of paintings, and other places ; and we were told that if we let in the people we should be sure to have these valuable things destroyed ; that the people could not cor.duct, control, or manage them. of mankind. They will not be told to keep the system as it is, as necessary for the dignity of the Crown. They will look across the Atlantic, and see the President of a flouthbing republic there performing the duties of his si tuation for 6,0001. a year. Why, her Majesty and Prince Albert have more in a week ! A great many people of the country cannot understand this disparity. They have never been able to discover why two human beings should have allowed them thirteen hundred pounds per day for their comfortable rnaintanance, while the same class have the effrontery, on hearing the voices of the working people, to express their wonderment that they arc not content to receive, for their toil from morn to night, some halCa- c-own a day. Theee things must be altered, but they will not be altered until we have Universal Suffrage. I agree with the opinion expressed by Mr. Hume, that no portion szo the community can be trusted by themselves. Were the Chartists to be put in the position which Whigs and Tories have occupied, I believe they would turn out as profligate as either. But, Gentlemen of England, do not misunderstand me. As a Chartist, I do not ask you to deifranchise the Whigs and Tories, in order that the Chartists may riot on the spoil uf the system; I only want you to admit them to a share of the management, and to keep yourselves in such a position as to be able to control them effectually. This is all our desirs, ad lam satisfied that the result of it would be found to be gre n atly advantage ous to the community. The resolution which was adopted at the meeting at Glasgow is as follows, and it has been come to for the reasons which I have endeavoured to lay before you : " That it is the opinion of this meeting that all the efforts of the people to obtain substantial reforms in the representation of the national affairs have hitherto failed, in consequence of the people not being fully, freely, and fairly represented in the Commons' House of Parliament; and furthermore, that this meeting is of opinion that every man has a just and equal right to every political privi. lege, and deems it its duty to express its determination not only not to countenance, but to oppose any public convoca. tion for any extension of the suffrage, if the suffrage is short of that commonly called Universal Suffrage." This is Ihe resolution of the men of Glasgow, and I have told you that they are all-powerful in public opinion. And we will not believe it is too soon now. As it is forty-five years since this demand was made in this country, am I to wait other forty-five years before it is obtained ? If that be so, why I must submit to injustice as long as I live. The people de not live a thousand years ; if they did, we could wait forty or fifty years till our efforts were accom plished. The time is now come ; and our great object must be obtained, or else there will be no peace in Eng land or Scotland. We do not desire to divide property as Mr. Hume has remaiked. We only wish to keep the hands of the spoilers out of our pockets. We only wish to have a voice in the laying on of those taxes we are compelled to pay. If the Parliament returned under the ten-pound Re formers had reduced the taxes twen y millions, you would not have heard about Universal Suffrage lam one of the unlettered people. Ida not come here pretending to be gifted iu the learning of the Greeks and Romani. I air one of the working classes, just by chance a shop keeper, and. I trust, although my pronunciation is not so very polished, yet it will be borne with for the sake of the order to which I belong. There is great difficulty in under standing where the interest of taxation is to come from ; and, is ithout it is defieed, Government must go on borrow ing without the means of paying it. For the reasons 1 stated, we, the men of Glasgow, are perfectly convinced, and will act on that conviction, that till we are fully, fairly, and freely represeeted in the Commons' House of Parlia ment, it is in vain to waste our time in asking administra tive reforms. Look at the way in which public opinion is treated in that House, and ask yourselves if the time has not come now, when the people should be admitted within the pale of the Constitution. The cry of " Keep out the Tories" will not serve any longer. With these observa tions, Mr. Chairman and Men of England, I beg leave, very cordially to second the resolution which has been so ably proposed by Mr. Hume. Sir G. STRICKLLND, Bart., was next introduced to the meeting, and was well received. He said—Mr. Chair man, Gentleman, Friends, and Brother Reformers, I take this occasion to express my utter abhorrence and my great contempt for that Tory doctrine falsely called Conserva tism—l mean the stand-still or do-nothing principle.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") If I were to be asked to what party in the State I belong, my answer must be, that I belonged to that party who, instead of withholding from the people all that they dare, would give to the people all they can.--( Hear, hear, and cheers ) I belong to that party in the State who, having felt the evils of exclusive and aristocratic govern ment, would give to the people an exteniion of pri vileges in proportion as their intelligence expands.— ( Hisses, groans, and other interruptions from the Chartists.) M friends, my principle—( Renewed in. terruption)—my principle you must perceive is the principle that would lead me, in is great degree, if not entirely, to coincide with the views expressed by Mr. Hume this evening.—( Hear, hear.) It is this principle which induced me very early in life to become a decided and uncompromising, Reformer. I confess to you, if that be a fault, that I was a decided supporter of the Reform Bill as it was carved ; and I believe that I do not feel all that disappointment about it which some of you expressed, because, perhaps, I never expected getting so much front it as some of you. —( Hear, hear.) But, Gentlemen, will tell you now how far my principles did go, long be fore the passing of the Reform Bill. Isu reau the British Constitution, that I long since maintained, and I hold this opinioa up to the present time, that the true spirit and meaning of that Coustitntion will never he en_ tirely developed till we have at least Household Suffrage. —( Cheers. ) This is no new opinion of mine. I have expressed it before the public ten and fifteen years ago. And, Gentlemen, I for one, think that the Reform Bill was a great, important, and valuable measure ; for by the passing of that Act of Parliament. I contend that this day we stand on better ground in asking for all that we want. and cheers, and a voice from the far corner, " Nay, not half so good.") And there ;s one measure passed by the reformed House of Commons for which, above all others, I feel grateful. All my labours to carry that measure (the Reform Bill) have been repaid by that one measure by which Parliament abolished the horrors of slavery in every part of the British dominions.—(A cry of " twenty millions.") My friend cries out twenty millions. "We paid dearly for it, 1 know." I, for one, voted against that rut as vr, --as* not ettrry the rneeenea without it, I was glad even to pay that amount in order to get rid of the horrid system.—( Cheers.) Now, Gentle men, we are sometimes told that we ought not to ask for more, but that we ought to look to Committees of the House of Commons to do the rest in putting down corrup. tion and intimidation at our elections. Look to the Coin mittees of the House of Commons to put down corrup tion and intimidation I How have they acted in their pro. ceedings? I will give you but one example. Is there any man who hears me, who does not consider that the Reform Bill, by placing polling places within a short distance of every man's residence ; by enacting that in boroughs no man should be a voter who resides beyond a certain dis tance—it was the intention of that Bill, that no man should have any expenses paid, that no man should be bribed, but that he should go to the poll and give his firmest vote according to the dictates of his conscience.— (Hear, hear.) But I ask you, what is the decision of the Committee of the House of Commons on this subject ? Why, they say if a man, who usually resides within a li mited distance, and he at the time of election be one hundred miles from home, he may have the expense of his journey paid / and himself handsomely maintained during the election. Now, this is a portion of that species of corruption against which we have been contending for a great number of years. That great and unflinching Re former—who do you think I mean ?—Sir Robert Peel, has got his Bill carried through the House of Com mons, by which it is said he has effected a great improve ment. I, for one, deny that such is the case, and for this reason. Under the old system the election Committees were chosen by a ballot, and there was a chance, once at least in twenty times, that a Committee might be so ounsti tuted that they would consider what would be the law of Parliament and of the British Constitution, and defend the rights and liberties of the people. But what is the new measure ? Why, the Committees are to be appointed by selection. Now, I will ask you only one question ; which of you would like to be tried for libel by a jury appointed by selection.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) This, Gentle men, is one of the symptoms of the times in w hich we live. But there is another to which I will now allude. You have heard of Lord Stanley's Bill for the disfranchiserneet of Ireland. Here in England we determine that a system of registration should be maintained. I, for one, am of opinion that any man, who has once been placed upon the register, ought not to have the misfortunes and vicissi tudes of his life raked up in order to strike his name from the list. I think, in short, that once a voter, a man ought to be a voter for life. But what is intended by Lord Stan ley's Bill ? Why, the poor voter is to undergo a system of annual revision. Nay, more, if he would defend his vote, he must do so at the expense of an assize trial.---( Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame, shame.") I hear some one cry out that it is a shame. I think that it is an insult. But. I now pass over this subject to ask one question. Did not that Bill which you consider so great an insult to the people of Ireland, pass the House of Commons within a few votes?_( Hear.) lam afraid, Gentlemen, lam tres passing too long upon your time.--(" Go on, go on ! '') I ant sorry to detain you, but, if you will allow me, I will advert to one topic, I mean the odious, the hateful, the unjust Corn.lews.—( Hear, hear, hear.) lam myself a landed proprietor; tnreepting from land I never can pos sess a single shilling in the world.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But ever since I had breath to speak I have often spoken against the Carn-laws —( Cheers and " Brave I") I see by sorne arguments advaheed, that it has been attempted to be proved, that if we establish Household Suffrage, we should make things worse, by confirming for ever these odious Corn-laws ; because, lay so doing, we should get rat of the power and influence of the members returned by towns. Now, Gentlemen, I think this is totally and entirely a mistake ; and any person who writes thus cannet be acquainted with the state of feeling in the agricultural districts ; for I will maintain that in all small towns, in every village in Eng land, the people are at this time crying out for cheaper bread, and to abolish the Corn-laws... (Hear, hear.) But then I am asked, how is it that this does not appear more fully in the votes which these people give at our county elections ? My answer is obvious. They are under intimidation, and dare not vote according to their consciences.—( Hear, hear.) And, I ask you, is this ewe of things to continue ?—( No.) I have told you lan in favour of Household Suffrage. I think that is the drat thing which can be carried. I think it is a practical and wholesome measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think this is all we can obtain now ; and, in the present state of the Adrniaistration, to unite, as Mr. Hume has recorn rnendt d, to unanimously call for vote by Ballot, The Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers. Mr. COLLINS, Chartist delegate from Birmingham, said—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, the gentleman who has just sat down made an observation or two, which I will endeavour with all respect to reply to.—( Hear.) That gentleman stated that he was an advocate for the extension of the suffrage to such as arc intelligent ; and that he was of opinion such ought to possess it. But an important question would arise out of that assertion, namely, who was to be the judge of the intelligence ?._. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") And then the gen tleman sat down with recommending Household Suf frage. Arc all householders intelligent, then ?—( No, no.) Or, are there no intelligent men among the classes who are not householders ?—( Hear, hear.) Does the Legislative Assembly of this country consent to tax only intelligent men ? If so, why then only intelligent men would he en titled to vote ; for I maintain that there who pay taxes are entitled to vote in the putting on of these taxes, and also in the appropriation of them. Are only intelligent men bound to obey the laws—are we not all bound—and it was right we should be EQ--and that be the case, rs it not rid ht that we should all have a voice in the making of these laws which we are bound to obey ?—( Hear.) The me ..nt7 bound to obey lass 'which they h;ive not a . 2 are disgraced, he might say they were sirs. ai. , . the men who made these laws were tyrants.—(Loud applause.) My friends, I was exceedingly anxious to de fend the classes to which I belong from the various as persions that have been cast upon them during avery great period. We have been ch a rged with immorality— we have been accused of depravity—and we have been accused of a desire to destroy property, and a variety of other things. You have heard from one of the speakers thin evening, and, if my memory does not fail me, Neu also heard from a second, that we had no such iiesires.—( Hear, hear.) But I believe that there are many individuals who make these assertions, who actually believe that what they assert is true ; and really and sin cerely believe that the working classes of this country are immoral, depraved, and ignorant, and consequently that !liev are unlit to be trusted with the franchise.—( Hear.) But it is perhsps necessary for us to inquire, " Hew do ycu arrive at this conclusion?" It is in my opinion a mat. ter ot very considerable importance that we should arrive at a right understanding. Many of those individuals who sincerely entertain this opinion do not mix with the work ing- classes at all, they arc placed in a very different post tiun of society, and consequently have but little intercourse with them. Those gentlemen are accustomed to be amused from day to day with the great quantity of light reeding that is constantly appearing in the literary world. And who are the individuals that produce the maga z,tiss and other periodicals of that description at the present day? Why, either persons b e l ong i ng t o th e middle classes, or those who are paid by them, and who consequently write in a manner suitable to the tastes of the parties by whom they arc engaged. In such periodi cals the workiieg men are not sufficiently repreaented. They are spoken of in a manner merely suitable to the feeling of the aristocracy.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Justice has never yet been done to the real feelings, to the wants, to the habits, and to the circumstances of the class to which I belong. They read the proceedings be fore the various courts of justice—they read the proceed ings before the Magistrates and those before the Courts of Assize, and they discover that there are a greater number of labourers committed in the manufacturing than in the agricultural districts ; and then they come to the conclusion that the working classes are the very worst men of soeiety._(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But, my friends, they are not all members of the working classes who are tried at the assizes—if they were to deduct from the list of assize those vs ho never bed any residence at all, those who had been born perhaps under hedges, and in the camps of the gipsies, and go from fair to fair to make a living—take these, and such like people from the list of assize, I deny that these are the working classee, or belong to the class that I belong to. And I thought it necessary to express myself thus in order to free myself from the imputation ; deduct these which I have mentioned from the list of prisoners tried in courts of justice, and you will find that the list com prises as many of the other classes as of the working classes. Well, then, this being the case, my inference is, it is not right to charge on the working classes all those crimes.—( Loud cries of tt Hear, hear.") Any individual who believed in the charge made against us, of being im moral and depraved, would see that it could not be sup ported if he would take the trouble to look at one of the principles laid down in the Charter, namely, that any one convicted of crime shall not be admitted to the franchise. —( Hear, hear.) Is this a proof of our immorality ?—is this a proof of want of honesty ?—is this a proof that we want to take property and divide it? No, no, my friends. —( Great applause ) Again, my friends, the gentleman who preceded me speaks of the emancipation of the black slave. lam exceedingly glad that he did so, for it re minds me of an idea that I have some time had by me I recollect very well that the individuals who were in favour of keeping the black man in bandage, cute' twined and expressed an idea that if they should emancipate the black slaves, the consequence would be that they would rise en masse against the owners of the land in our colonies, and that eventually we should lose our colonies. They thought this—they said this— and urged this as a reason why they should not grant eman cipation to the black slave. Emancipation Caine, and the doubts and fears of its opponents were not realised, but if they had been realised, I deny that it would have been the effect of emancipation. If I bind a man hand and foot, use bins ill, and keep him in bondage months and years, and if on some particular cceasion I should feel a dispose riot' to take off his chains and set him at liberty, and it, as soon as he could do so, the man knocked me down, it would never enter into my head that he knocked me down, because I bad set hian free, but because I bound him (Loud cheers.) The gentleman who moved the resolution which is now before us, advanced many, many very tx ceilent sentiments, to which I entirely and heartily responded. He stated a very important truth too, my fee gds. He stated that those who possessed the fran chise—those to whom the Reform Bill gave the franchise —had not acted as they ought to have dose toweids those who did not possess the franchise.—( Cheers.) We ate at issue with those gentlemen who advocate household suff,eige. My friends, I have long felt the disadvantages and evils of being among the non -represented class. How could I look a man in the face who was not a householder, but who was equally virtuous, who was equally intelligent, and equally industrious as myself, and perhaps more so— how could I look on such a man, and say, " Because you do cot live in a house, you have nut the franchise ?" How could I say so, or how could I ask a right for myself and w:thhold it from my brother ?—(Hear, and loud cheers.) How could I lay claim to the title of Christian if I did such a thing as that ? No, no, my friends, I could not lay claim either to the title of a Christian, or of a Briton, or a patriot. Gentlemen, you have heard read the resolu tion passed by the men of Glasgow 'l:i,<•,e ,ea a e m u a , reseneese paws, at a large p u bl ic m eeting h e ld at liir niingham, when they appointed me to attend as dele gate to the Leeds meeting, as the representative of their opinions, which resolution I will not read to you, as it will be read by Mr. O'Neil, from Birmingham, in the course of the evening. when he addresses you, and when also he will , have occasion to notice an address from the men of Bir mingham to you. But the principle of the resolution was expressive of a determination, after due consideration, to adept the Charter. They entreat that you will not ac cept anything less than the Charter, or be gulled by any ; thing on the ground of expedieucy ; they would not be , content with any principle short of the principle contained in the Charter. My friends, we take our stand upon principles. Gentlemen may use the term expediency if they please, and say, if we cannot get all we want, we , must take all we can get But would any elan of com mon sense ask a debtor for less than the full amount he owed him, more especially when he knew the debtor was solvent ? Would any man who understands the principle of right, who is an honest man, wish to take his stand against his principles ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) I hold there , is no real expediency but that which is right, that to do that which is right is the best expediency that can be • adopted. lam sorry that there should be some of the middle classes who do not see that their interests are iden• tical with the working classes. This being the case, the best way is to act upon the spirit of brotherly love— ( Hear, hear)—and, as patriots, to be willing to extend to others the rights which we claim for ourselves.—( Ap plause.) This was one of the principal reasons why the men of Birmingham had adopted the Charter as the ex , pression of their opinions. It is now going something like three or four years since their attention was first called to the condition in which they found themselves, and that led to the present movement, which is called a movement of the Chartist body. From a firm conviction of the pro priety of the principles contained in the Charter, we en tered into a union, and pledged ourselves to support them, and assert them throughout the length and the breadth of the land; that we would nut he diverted from our object by any means to set aside the princi ples we advanced.--( Hear, hear, hear.) They would not be diverted by a proposition to repeal the Cont_ laws—brit there is not a man in the country who does not feel the • evil of the Corn-law, and the Chartists would be desirous to take off that law as soon as possible. But the Corn law was not the only evil they laboured under, and the'. were wishing but to have them all removed. It is as working men the Cnartists have adopted this pledge, and I have full confidence in them that they will keep it.__ (Loud applause, and hear.) And yet, though they are so different, it is not because they have no respect for the gentlemen who have stood aloof from then), or who may have cast vituperations upon them.--(Hear, hear.) They have felt it was necessary to calm their feelings so far as to forget the parties who have slandered them ; but then theirprinciple; were advocated, and the time, they hoped, would yet come, when they would be advocated by every right-thinking man of the cominunity.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Gentlemen, to see the result of giving the franchise to the working classes, should look to America. America, during the last fifty years, has hail the po pulation increased by those aho have violated the law in various parts in Europe. America has had its popu. lation increased by persons of other nations, who had gone tnither for the purpose of repairing their fortunes, which had been reduced at home—haviag only left so much as was able to transplant them on the other side of the Atlan tic. And the fact is, that those who have been so trans planted to America have been admitted to the right of citizenship after a residence of six months in the land. And I would ask what country in the world has selected wiser men for her rulers than America ?—(Cheers.) What better statesmanship had been shown in the same age in any country, than what they had exhibited, either in peace or war ?—( Cheers.) Look at the democratic spirit at any period, and we shall see its beneficial effects. The democratic principles, for the prevalence of which we contend, are all towards the democratic spirit of ancient Greece and Route; but the pyramids of Egypt and the Pillar of Pompey arc crumbling into dust. —(Cheers.) My friends, I will not trespass longer on your time or at tentiore—(" Go on, go on.") lam desirous of going on, but a sense of justice tells me to desist, as there is a great Lumber of other gentlemen who have to express their sen timents.—( Cheers.) As you are Britons —as you love your country—as you love your children and your wives, I beseech you—l entreat you to unite in an unanimous effort, not for a portion of the community, but fur the whole people who are enthrall e d —( Loud cheers.) Jesus AhTUUR Ror.lit.;cx, Esq., was received with re pelted cheering, and said—Mr. Chairman and Gentle men : As I would solicit you to hear me, I would entreat you to be silent. Fancy for a moment you are on a so. Lenin occasion ; not listening to me, perhaps little worthy of your attention, but to one speaking on a great subject-- fancy yourselves within walls that are sacred —you will them, be silent an hear, and I do not think you will do yourselves ally harm by being silent.—( Heim, hear.) A resolution is moved, commencing a preamble stating that there has been a failure in the attempts hitherto made to restore the constitution of this country.—( Hear, hear.) We assume that as a thing proved —we are all agreed on that point—( near, hear)—we therefore see that fur ther reform is necessary ; so far we are all agreed, and there can be no difficulty. Now' conies the next proposi tion. Let us so continue to advance, to enlarge the fran eiliae, until we make the interest of die representative co incident and identical with the interests of the whole cons_ moon s . But when I ask the question how we are to do this, I find difficulties arise, because differences arise. One man says—my friend, if he will permit me to call him so—Mr. Collins and Mr. Moir also say, you cannot do EVENING EDITION this but by making the franchise extend, not to Universal Suffrage, bet to the Suffrage of the 'nue is -itien. I see h ere a proposition called House iroi • .....o g•• That is another preiposition. ther man says, Id o not go qu i te so far as that ; I ant for the Tcn Pound Suffrage. Here, therefore, differences arise. And for what purpose are we met here ? Why, for this great purpose, this great end, a new and great era opens upon us now, and the middle and working classes meet here to discuss the question.—( Loud cheers.) And I say that we are not prepared at once to determine what is right and what is wrong.—( fleer.) We are come here to throw nor ceinions inids , this great. sea let theist be , tossed :.bout, the ship will fine hsr heven ; truth i- her cargo; let God direct her.—( Loud cheering.) But while we watch her battling with the waves, let rio one say I will assume the helm and put all other men under my feet. —( Cheers.) Let no one say I am infallible ; to me listen as to a god.—( Hear, and cheers.) No one, my friends, no one here is of that opinion. We torte here to bear with one another. I came here to bear with them that speak for household suffrage, although I myself am for the suff-age of the Charter.—(Cheers.) I am not bold enough to say that I alone am right. I wauld. therefore, impress on you, above all things, one grand duty. Recol lect you have to listen to all opinions —that you have all the interests that sra identical, all the interests to come to a right conclusion, and, for God's sake, be to one another as brethren, and not as quarrelsome disputants, quarreling for victory.—( Loud 'cheers.) Now, then, I have told you, I am not for household suffrage ; I have come to cast my opinions amongst you ; take them for what they are worth, for nothing more, weigh the argu ments by which I shall surround them,—( Cheers. ) If they be worthless, cast them away ; but if right, grapple to them.—(Cheere.) Coming to this amicable field of controversy, I say I am for carrying the suffrage, the fran chise, so far as that the interests of the representative shall become identical with those of the whole community.— ( Cheers.) Why ? Because I find if I have a man en dowed with power for which he is not responsible--and on this principle we are all agreed—it would be in nature that he should b e l e d to abuse it. How can we be made responsible ? To whom ? To a part of the com munity—say the Household Suffrage men. I ask, what is the result ? Judge by the present. We have a part of the community electing a House of Commons, and the House of Commons are responsible to that part of the community. Do they consult the interests of the coin.. munity ? Your preamble to the resolution says no ; therefore, the question is answered by yourselves. — (Cheers.) Wby do they not ? Because the persons to weorn they are responsible are so small a number, it may be for their interest to gratify that small number at the expense of the whole community.—(Hear. bear, hear-) Well, then, increasing the basis, I only increase the diffi culty of the representative ; but I cannot make him responsible to all the community, unless I give the power to elect him to all. Ah ! but lam not out of my difficulty. That would give the elective franchise to men, women, and children. And here I would answer a proposition by a friend of mine. He said, every man having to submit to the laws ought to have a voice in the making of those laws. I differ from that principle. I say that is not the case. Suppose a foreigner comes into the country, is he not to submit to the law ? Yes ; but is he to have a word in the makirg of that law ? The Charter says a man must not have a word in the making of the law till he is twenty-one years of age; but is he not to submit to the law before that age ?—Cheers.) The prin ciple is, if I can get a community so large that their in terests are coincident with those of the whole community, I may fairly trust the franchise in their hands..--( Loud applause. Here some person in the meeting made a sort of whistle.) Do not whistle (said Mr. Roebuck) no honest man can come here to whistle.—( Loud cheers.) It is a great, a solemn occasion ; and I appeal to you as men brought here together for a great business, to protect me while I address you.—(Cheers.) I havejust said, the reel to melte us safe is to have so large a community voting that their interests shall he identical with the interests of the whole. Now I will answer the question as to the women. Why are they to be excluded from the franchise ? Why ? I cannot tell why.! Philosophers may say their inte rests are identical with those of their parents and husbands. As to children, their interests are identical with these of their perents, and they are not required to vote. Beyond that I cannot go; uo principle telt. nie further; and I ask, why should I go runner ? Excluding all touched by crime, all under twenty. one years, and ail not registered, 1 cannot answer why all the rest ought nut to have votes.— Loud cheers.) I ask, is that the right way to proceed ? I am riot going to proceed much longer.—(.',ties of "Go on, go on.") I want to know, thee, whether that is coming to the conclusion. I feel myself at a stand, and humbled, when I conic to act practically. It is here that I find others disagree with me. I find I cannot get all at once. I find I must convince other men as well as myself, and therefore it is that bear with those men. I say to ti,e Household Suffrage men, I am willing to converse with you as to your opinions —I do not put mine out as infallible.—( Cheers.) Talk about them. You may attain your object before I can possibly attain mine ; I will go as far as you go, and when you cease to advance I will go on.—(Loud cheers.) Therefore, I labour with every labourer—l row the boat with every man—l do not stop be cause some are tired, I row while the stream is against nee, till at length I attain the goal.--( Loud cheers.) Let some fail, let some faint, row on I will ; and I will be bound the good ship ar r i ves i n safety. (Loud cheers.) This seems to me prudence, expediency ; for as Mr. Collins has said, expediency is right, and right is expediency.—( Loud cheers.) I know not what right means, but the happiness of the community.—(Loud cheers.) If it is expedient we should advance, it is right we should advance; it' it is the interest cf the community that we should advance inue:her. it is Pvilpdiont_ana_r;.. r i,.. ••••• auu ia -a...._-- together._( Loud cheers.) If not, neither is it expe dient, neither is it right.--( Bravo, bravo, and loud cheers.) Where, then, is the philosophy of attempting to catch men by the words expediency or right, when expediency, properly understood, signifies right, and right is only another word for expediency ?—( Loud cheers.) Welt, then, I will take the word of my friend Mr. Collins : is it expedient that the middling and working classes should advance together? and here, I will have a word about the middle classes. Ile calls himself a working man—my friend from Glasgow also calls himself a working man. I ask, if in that position, that of en honest and honourable tradesman, whether or not, is he more a working man than lam ?—( Loud cheers and some hisses.) Mr. Col lins is a working man—so am I.—( Hear.) I gain my • bread by my own labour.--(Hear, and loud cheering.) And I would ask all who do the same, to follow in cur I track, to battle down the enemies of the people, namely, the great Ccrn-lavv Lords of the country: —(Cheers.) Let the middle and working met, join hand in hand ; their interests are identical ; they both live by industry ; let us see if we cannot identify our interests, and beat the com mon enemy.—( Bravo I and loud cheers.) We ought to be friends—we have a common enemy. God knows, the working men have not been well treated. I have seen during the last year, the poor working men, who may have been misled, chased through all the meshes of the law with an eagerness and cruelty that I have felt to be somewhat disgraceful to my countrymen, and in the bitter ness of my spirit I have said, " Put up a game cock, and say he had crowed Chartism, and he would by a Magis trate be given two years' imprisonment." I lay the mis chief to the middle class man's door. He has wonted the sympathy he ought to have had.—( Cheers.) I do hail this great occasion as the breaking down of the barrier be twixt the classes ; Ido hail it as the first great meeting of both classes of the community, as a symptom that the middle class man has come to his senses, that he feels his interests identical with those of the working man, that he feels for the working man as a man living uy his industry, and that he does the same, that he has learned to sympat hize with him.—( Cheers.) From this evening, we will date the era in which we begin to act ie. one bond of sym pathy for the great end ote &great, entire, efficient reform of Parliament, which can alone 'se obtained, in my heart I do believe, by that which shall give to every man whose interest is really concerned in the good gevernment of the c- entry, a voice in the constituency.—(Loud and repeated cheerieg.) Mr. O'Neil., from Birmingham, began by reading the following address : " Birmingham Christian Chartist Church, Jan. 19, 1841. "THE ADDRESS OF THE MEN OF BIRMINGHAM TO THE LEEDS PARLIAMENTARY REFORM ASSOCIATION. " Gentlemen,—We, the men of Birmingham, in public meeting assembled, take this opportunity of addressing you on the political principles held by us. "We have observed with feelings of deep interest the Associa tion you have formed on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. We have bitterly felt the evils of increasing poverty. We know, from long experience, that, in the language of the na tional petition, capital brings no profit, labour no reward. Urged by the same cause that has at length stimulated you, namely, growing necessity, we have ins estigated the causes that are producing it. " It is from our firm conviction that only by the universa lity of the suffrage can prosperity and happiness he restored ; that. we view with great interest the gradually awakening at tention excited in the minds of the British manufacturers on that subject. We believe that no single class could wield suf ficient power to secure any important measure of Reform, and knowing that the interests of the manufacturer and the workmen are commercially and politically the same, we are certain that did a proper understanding exist between them, it would pro duce such an immediate union of their powers against the com mon enemy as would secure that which, in opposition, they should in vain attempt to obtain. " Upon the terms of union, therefore, does the question rest. We have expressed our terms in the following resolution, passed unanimously by us :—"That this meeting views with intense interest the approaching meetings to he held at Leeds, and being fully sensible of the great importance of a perfect mid, r standing among the various classes to be there assembled, on the principles and intentions of each, declare that having, after mature consideration, adopted as the object of their political struggles, principles contained in the document entitled the People's Charter,' they will neither countenance nor assist any body that shah, through expediency, seek any enactment short of the full measure of rights therein contained.' " Gentlemen, we desire that you will not start at names ; we are Chartists. As such, we cannot join you upon your present limited position ; we detest a property nomination ; fear that so long a term as three years would endanger a thorough representation. We cannot hide from ourselves the glaring injustice we should commit, were we to exclude our fellaev omen front their rights, merely because they have not be come householders : we could not hear our brother upbraiding us for having branded hint practically with the mark of slavery. We will not follow expediency, nor traffic with our birthright; the groundless fears of one man shall Oct with us be the standard wherewith to measure the rights of another. "We abhor the truckling expediency which has too often marred the otherwise noble struggles of politicians ; and knce,ving that mutual confidence and respect form the best ties wherewith to bind men who fight together in any cause, we should feel that to descend from the high position of uni versal right, and rresent ourselves as your supporters, would degrade us in our own estimation, and must also do so in yours. Ai ... (' .., , " Years have rolled ov e r — years o f increasir, adversity, friendly to us. I impress then upon you th e necess ity thA since we were conv i nce d , t h at i n the irreslmsioilitY of our ! whateverbe the movement made by you, ityrill be one adm - itting legislators rested the main ca l se. With feelings of indig oa .. ! the whole of the population within the bounds of the Constitu tion we saw that none of the community were represented, a i tion.—(Cheers and hisses.) What am Ito learn from this? few only possessing even the power of nominating once in seven 1 1 . will not mince matters with you.—( Hisses.) If it is war years the individuals in whose hands rested the power of ren- ' you want, you shall have it. If it is opposition you desire, you dering them happy or miserable. shall have it also.--(Hisses.) When I see mon ylu "At len g th, i n t h e d ocumen t entitled the ' People's Char- ming themselves upon their station in society, and acting ter,' we recognised principles and laws, the operation of which 1 in this way, I want to lams and understand what it meant. I , I will complet e ly o b v i ate t h e ev i ls ; and we forthwith deterniine ,) e 3 ns., Aver. , _ceestitutieeel reaani to brine 1 - Itir preaiica. ..; • ~1 iitiples. In vale e ere e,. -.; fel "upon io aetele.. .1 . fur a .p, r, of tile Corn-lews, assured that no permanent neer. ' sure of good could b e reasona bl y expected from an uncontro lled •,- Government. We refused to give our supeort to any measure short of that which, by placing control in hie hands of the whole people, should en a bl e thm to secure to all just and ' equitable lan s. " We would hail you r co - operat i on as a powerful boon ; we arc persuaded that this feeli ng wou ld b e mutual ; b ut we co uld not, were we in your situ a ti on , d es i re t h e co-operat i on o f melt who would, f or th e sa k e o f en li st i ng h owever large a num ber . of however pow er f u l f r i en d s , re t rogra d e f rom the point t h ey hail ipi eviou,ly att a i ne d. N o , we cannot t hi nk you would feel t hat ; respect that y ou must feel in the holdi ng o f our presen t olli i nioes ; w e re j o i ce th a t we can at l east cla i m from you t h e et pression ' If they are not wise—they are at least honest.' " Here, then, is our position, as inflexible as our prinee pies arc eternal ; Britain will bless the day when all the al l " pressed classes shall unite on this basis; for united, no power can successfully oppose them ; civil and religious liberty: commercial prosperity, and happiness would speedily daWfl upon our unhappy coun t ry ; b ut an un i on upon unjust a n' : exclusive principles will not, cannot triumph ; thousands °' the best and bravest of Britain's sons of tail would rise up in indignation against the attempt to exclude them froth their riehts ; and thousands who might obtain the suffrage• even upon your principles, would indignantly refuse to AO that for themselves whi c h t h ee d en i e d to others equa ll y vir tuous and intelligent. We tell you you cannot succeed; that it lou valise the power that is able to save you along with 10, you will engage on your behalf the millions, who, by working for their own as well as for yo ur a d vantage, will bring to your aid a tenfold mo re efficient power th an t h at w hi c h cou ld be wielded by men w h o , th oug h t h ey ag i tated with you, fe l t the degrading thought th a t th e r i g h ts soug h t could not be s h ar ed by them. Ch oose , as wise men, which course you w ill pursue , That in which you s h a ll b e as you now are, alone, and a h an d" ful ; or that in w hi c h th e vo i ce o f t h e millions shall r i se up with you--1 voice whi c h, com bi ne d w i t h you, no tyrant can resist. " We invite y ou t o j o i n i n our no bl e struggles ; we ardent)); request you to a scen d sti ll f urther i n the path of justice and mercy ; let no cold an d f ear f u l expediency mar your own bar piness and the de s ti n i es o f m illi ons. " He said that the ques ti on o f expe di ency required to b e un derstood. He beli eve d t h at expe di ency was not a l wa Yg right—he m e a n t th e expe di ency of their enem i e s' Ha had read of an occurrence when democratic principles prevailed in Athens, and when it "fl ea stated to the Athenians that a measure of great importance might ba accomplished. Aristides was de' puled to ascertain the secret, and he reported that the plan was; expedient, but it was not just, and there. fore the peoile at once abandoned it. That plan was to burn the Lacedatnionian fleet in the night. It was right to obtain the franchise for every male adult, and it was not expedient to tak e from any man his just rights. The people not only asked, was the measure expedi e nt? b ut was it right and just ? He shou ld like to have the meaning of the word expediency righted. l a one meaning right was always expedient., for honesty was alway s the best policy. But, in the world's sense of the term, exile' ' diency was not always right. He now presented the address t 5 • the Chairman, as contaMing the principles of the men of si r- , mingham. The suffrage they demanded was not of the Cm stitution—the glorious C ons tit u ti on whicita had been so muc h lauded. The l aw was , t h at every man paying his scot ane bearing his l o t s h ou ld h ave a vo t e. E very raan but the insane a n the criminal ought to have a vote. He knave no reason the helve,: , holder only s h ou ld h ave it . Wh y s h ou ld h e himself and thousann; of lodgers be deprived of it? Therefore he could not suppo r t Household Suff rage , an d, sa id h e, I cannot conceive tl! you can get it with ou t us. I am expecting you o'g come te us yet. This is only a step to a further advan cer and we are determi ne d th a t we w ill , b y all the means in e.„ power, render our se l ves wor th y o f your co-operation, by i' r , creasing our intelli gence , b y enno bli ng and purify i ng n u , . morals. But we will never depart fr om th e hi g h pos ition h o have maintained in the Charter. I call upon you as men w e desire commeicial pr os p er it y t o j o i n us. I know you alt starving, because others are starving in India and Ireland. 5 you don't want to be mer e we ll-l e d s l ay , es. You desire Your rights. You desire to cu lti va t e t h e no bl e faculties of ye or , minds, to place man in the p ro p er p os i t i ( in h e ought to fill is '. creation, that he might not b e mere l y an. an i ma l , but a nZo, and intellectual being. Join us i n th e - noble struggle. a thing can be done unless you i mme di ate l y j o i n us, and go ban in hand for the lull measure of justice.—(Hear, hear. 1 , Ale SHARMAN CRAWFORD spoke throughout amid E e l disturbance, which rendered him inaudi'ale excepting witi na „ e very limited circle. He begged the attention of the mesas" , for a faw moments. He appeared in the cause of the rights of the people as an Irishman. He contended that the satllg should be extended so as to take in all the - working classes, a l. , that no suffrage could be satisfactory that, did not give te eV, honest, imlustrious, working man the right of voting i i p , Members of Parliament. It was trot his duty to P e t , ' out to Englishmen the course they slatuld pursue to . a, t tarn that object. But if Household Suffrage were adopted,heo should be in such a nay as to include every working man to was a lodger, as well as ever y occupant of a house. A n ot% , important point was a new di s t r ib ut i on o f t h e ' e l ectora l botne They could not have ju s t representatima unless the electo ral districts were so apporti one d as t h at no one part of the king` i h i s should have an undue w e i g h ; b eyon d any other part. 'l4 torg iao d question he claimed th e i r part i cu l ar :sttention. Enbteat wanted redistribution as we ll as I re l an d . Was i t just re- Ripon, with 5,733 inhabitants should h ave as many r e P . ,, . ! sentatives as Leed s , w ith 123 , 000? H e, therefore, Lod tended, that E n gl an d h erse lf nee d e d redistribution, e, that without it ju s ti ce cou ld no t be ceae. It was als.,°,„,ne! cessary that voters s h ou ld b e p ro t ecte d f rom undue inn% of and, therefore, he recommended the Ballot: for the aaf e e ' oe ld electors. He contended that the middle classes neve! . the have security th emse l ves , b u t b y as ki ng the franchise forie working classes. He demanded equality for Ireland—that tli: s. 4 , 1 improvement we demanded in our own institutions we should to ask also for her. Let them then, go forwa rd in endeav u o ld tir ~, tb t l: '-'9 a o l lita th in ey th e e m p il e d op g l e e t 's . rig i h 3 t u s t . howThweyerwe-ertehetye,ldtotlgiz-shanoy mass By moral power—by the voice of the peel Is. The ma i isla" thus only would they have the power to influence the reel s the community must be combined with the middle daces, a"" en, 1 a t iN u i r r e . to L g o r w an it t i, t , ll "' A B ,/ that -Fellow zed nd. f — elio ( li C . hee e r r si r e for it is to you I come to speak—if ever there was a " 4,,,..) —e improvementFelloN -1.- a right Lo b. 1... d or, this is the day.—(Hear , " .e all This is a day that I have longed for—it is a day that n o _ king have wished for—it is a (lay in which the: middle and w 1- thee risen could meet and could discuss their grievances, and _ 4 a see which had been in error.—(Hear.) I stand here ,' .. ., d working man; I stand here as a Chartist;_ -as a man brett,n; born in the lap of poverty ; as a man who .claims nought 11. tha his riches, but from his existence as a ma a, who s corns the agitation which refers men back to musty parchments far 'hi, rights of the people. I stand here as ama n who says tha t _ the rights of citizenship are written in Heaves e and not ir;, en , Courts 0; Kin„es and of Parliaments. (Cleeers.) Now, u ti. ,, tlemen, what do 1, and all who are a my bias, sa y to yo tho I use no menace to you ; but I say it to you as a fact , „ 1 , 0 ' you and I must s i n k t oget h er, and if we .sink, you sink a along with u s .—( H ear , h ear. ) I have wished for the day 31111, which you would come t o di scuss gr i evances• with us, and a we 1 for a remedy. I k now you w ill tell me that,. as Chartists, st hare been viole n t, th a t we h ave uttered language that no Wet,. man could assent to—b u t, m iddl e men, 1 ask you, have f eu ever stepped into th e h u t s o f poverty ? H ave you e ? seen your wives i n tags , an d your childr en without fonn. If you have no t, th en I ask ti y ke e p to bear i n m i n d the can' ,, . 1 why those o f w h om ye complain have be e n v i o l ent , to dation to its bitterest dregs; and for them I ask you, in the el l e city of hu man nature, to a ll ow them to gi‘. c ex p ress i o n to th el ' agony. —( H e a r .) I pass f rom t h at, and I come to the question before the meeting—namely, what is the extent of repreaen twice' that will truly represent the people, aad secure to thel i their rights ? I say no representation du ort of that whi ch : e admits every man arrived at a mature age to a vote—that riff Universal Suffrage. Why talk to us about expediency ? anY' expediency is ri g ht, th en U n i versal Suffrage is right ; and Y thing short of U n i versa l S u ff rage is not expeuient. We ai ... remember before now to have heard of expectience._( Hear - 3 e .g e! There w as a man w h o oug h t to be here to-night, who talke d °f 104 expediency .—( Cries of" Hear, and shame.") I say shame tiP ti , that man.—( Ch eers f rom the Chartists, anct loud groans from .j , others in th e m eet i ng. ) I cry cowardice upon that man fa:i. t 4' 4 .. not being h e r e . —( R enewed cheers from the Chartists, andlon .1!., I groans and hi sses f or t h e speaker, from others in the hall.) If, expected that it was argument 1 was to hear--I expected gen" - :`'sri thenen would iisten to reason. I expected that the classe s who are clad so b rave l y would have listened to me; but am sorry that I have been mistaken in them. But I say' a . where is your security, it you enter into the traffic of e''' pediency, that you will not be sacrificed? It was found expedient to sacrifice the 40s. freeholders.—(Hisses an d li cheers. ) It was fou n d expe di ent to give up the no w ; ' -• eiples of civil,and r e li g i ous lib erty. —(Hisses and' cheers' Arid what is this of which we are 'complaining ? are we ? 1:ot here to complain o f L ord Me l bourne ' s Government • Are you Whigs satisfied with it, or are you not 2 Why seek for further Reform if you are satisfied with it ?-;" (Hisses and cheers.) NOW, once f or a ll, I say that ''' will stand here until morning but I shall be heard. (Cheers from the Chartists.) I have a right to he heard, and I have a ri g ht to address to you these sentiments, and to discuss such sentiments, and to give ex pression to such opinions. The Whigs are men of expedient:ft and they have ruined their own cause by it. If they had been honest, •we never should have complained of them. They have taught us a lesson, and we know from them that he who trusts to expediency trusts to a broken stick.—( Hear. ) Then what suffrage should we have ? Should it be an individual's rights or should it be property ? That is the question which vve have met to discuss. The individual right is the only test for the suffrage of the people. Every man amenable to the law has a right to be a maker of the law. When you get get Universal Suffrage, y ou get a l l the intelligence of 'the nation; and by Household Suffrage you shut out a large portion of the intelligence of the people. Middle men, I put to you a question—it is a solemn one. You cannot deny our right to the suffrage. It never has been denied even by the most rabid Tory. They have alwa3l said you have the right, but you are not wise enou g h to exercise it. Now I ask you—have you n o t a dmitted in your churches and chapels young persons of fifteen years of . age to choose their own ministers and their own comm u nions? Why? It is because they are old enough; and then if they are wise enough to choose their oven religion, surely they are wise enough to choose their own Members of Parliament.-- (Cheers from the Chartists, followed by cries of " Oh, oh.") I am sorry for this class feeling, and te see dislike so strongly marked ; and as a Chartist, I tell the Chartists if they are afraid to hear the arguments of their opponents—if they seek te cloak these arguments by burgling and clamour ; then I say that I sin ashamed of them, and I wash my hands of them. 1 would give every man a fair hearing. I claim the Suffrage for myself, fur my fellow-workmen, and for the aristocracy them selves. I say for the aristocracy, because I know they have stoud our friends, as well as other classes, and that good men are to be found amongst them. When, then, I say the people, I mean the whole classes of the empire. It is strange —it is passing strange, that men who till the land, who ply the loom, who build your cities, who fight your battles, who have borne the British standard across the waters, and chastised every tyrant but their own ; it is strange that you will not give them the privileges that they require.—( Hear, hear.) Is it to be right and 'night, and which is to be prepared to exclude its neighbour? Then those wh o are prepared to act on their might, must also be prepared to come in collision with their fellow-countrymen. This is the feeling that has roused up so cieties. This it is which has made them angry ; for a man who will bear poverty patiently, wiil not bear insult—if lie is a man, lie will not do so.—(Hear,) And the man who is not pri vileged is insulted, and he is a renegade to human nature, it he does not attempt to remove it. Are you then, I ask, pre pared for the centinuaoce of agitation in this country?--to have that state of feeling in this country—to see it dropping into ruin, while faction hinders a 1 classes from coming together. I expect that this night will be the foundation of good feeling for the redemption of our common country.—( Hear, hear.) I expect that those who hitherto stood aloof will now join us ; and those as ho were supposed to be opposed to us, will now be 7' THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 23, 1841. iali Ills , end 014 14 orbit ' Th e , No w whicl :—(11 k-,t; 0,.. 4 1h mcl 1 eg 1 11 k: li k (1 N: e:4 kA,b''t ' it; l :er khkaa at t Ak' t itt °' I 4, kti I t i t t4ll'4l) A eri l IN 11 .45, 4 1 4 'ig 1 1: 1 , 4 tr " , arld c t 4 e .1 144i,j4rti