The Sun. — London, England, 1828-02-19 00:00:00

~i d in converts' ken, the Right cing of the or of it, and IA n appeal to the the correctneo with you; I to the word' t cordially" Right Ikon' :A laugh.) f Gentlemen , ay Right Hon. nient to make • I certait4 to were fit ari d t one Member at list. Thi' I went nett person on the y to talk up , " ad the appro y for the Co' ter, to the ap a of the Cal' I thought the Lnet,_(Hear, town, and the no further o n myself, on ember, after 28th of No occasions oil st occasion, e thing wag y idea that hat, or in- If the Right n solely be ould be ad ttee in Mr. ," said the iiscussion." ect was, by the Right in proof of ledge ; and vhy did he world cape iid no such resignation his part. I admit it —that as that would believe the ace Coup= ,ot limas 'turn the, mood -016 I a out 4,4 I not easy the other . :1, of af -1 ou tha; 'e under. .. .. a , • e - stood the Right Ran. Gen - fileinaii), two Cabinets only were held; one on the 19th December, on Lord Goderivis't restoration, as the Right Hon. Gentleman calls it,—(A laugh from the Ministerial Beaches)—Gentlemen may he very pleasant when, after the blowing • up of the House, they find themselves on their legs again ; but we have not bad the good fortune to fall into ‘nsr offloss.—(A loud laugh.)—The restoration, if we must so can it, took place on the 19th December (and if in what • I am about to state, I shall be deemed to go too far, I beg I mar stopped:) I understand it. was then canvassed and 'se i be kve settled how far Lord Goderich was to be recognised as the . 1 -hesal of the Government. Did the Right Hon. -Gentlerna.n, out that occasion, object to the appointment of Lord Al th orp as Chairman of the • Finance Committee? - On the eeattary, he complimented Lord Goderich. .. Y et on the 21st, he wrote to him to say—" Although I supported y our Government the day before yesteetlay , .1 shall now do any best to blow it up." On the. 19th .he agreed in the `measures of that Government—yet,_en.tlse 21st, he re signed. Was that fair play?—(Cheers:) If the Right • Hon. Gentleman had brought forward the subject of his complaint in the Cabinet..-if, indeed, he wished to have it discussed, that was the proper place for it. He might, and probably would, have been in a minority—as I believe - only two of its members would have supported him---still that was the course he should have pursued. Instead of that, however, all his ire remained bottled up. (A laugh.) On the 29th another Cabinet was held, which my Right Zion. Friend (Mr. Huskisson) attended, but made no avowal of his intention. The same thing occurred with respect to the Right Hon. Gentleman. Both had made up their minds—both had their resignations in their pockets— (Hear, bear)—each had his pocket pistols half-cocked, ready to go oft (A loud laugh.) Yet no notice was given . to us. (H ear , h ear .) 'Now, I will say, without fear o f contradiction, that where a Government so conducted it self, the sooner it was dissOlved the better for the country. No —the Right Hon.' Gentleman would not tell any body ' his intentions—yet he Wrote to Lord Goderich to inform him that he was ready to resigu his situatioueon the aith of Jan. On the 9th Januaiy my Right Hon. Friend came to me and informed me, that on the Bth Lord Goderich had stated to him all that had passed between bins and the pre sent Master of the Mint. At that time I did not know whether the Government was at an cud or not. On the contrary, I hail heard from my. Right Hon. friend, that, although he did not know whether Lord Goderich' e Go vernment was to go on or not, he was prepared to die in the _field rather than desert his icing's service.—(llear e hear, and a laugh.)—So thought I too—mad I was ready to die in his Majesty's service, but they would not let sue. --(Roars of laughter.)—l was killed by chance, and here I am.—(Continued laughter.)—Will.any man believe, that on the Bth of January, without communicating his listen ' tion to his colleagues, Lord GOderiels would go down to Windsor, and there say to his Majesty that he-could not go on ?—(Cheers.)—l could not have conceived that a man of his high feelings and character could have se-acted, - but having done so, and the King finding the Goverinneut in such a state, and that the business of the nation could not go on, his Majesty was bound to seud for souse man of rank, capable of taking the direction of the public ' affairs.—(Cheers.)—A new GovernMent was accord ingly formed, I accepted my dismissal, and fell back into the ranks with the most humble and implicit, obe dience to his Majesty's cenunands.—(A laugh.)--There is no necessity for my going into the details of what took place at Liverpool. My Right Honourable Friend will excuse sue from entering auto that, however tempting the subject may be.—still feeling that it might seem so like soreness at having been turned out of office—anti I have seen Ito much of soreness displayed . by men for having been turned out of office.—(Loud and long continued cheering) —and which so highly disgusted sue. I feel it due to myself to • say.--" Here I am, ready to support the mea sures of the present Governnsent, so long as they shall ap- Pear calculated for the public good."—(Chews.) From my soul I heartily wish that the Duke of Wellington may so use his great and commanding powers, to controul those elements of discord in the Government over which lie is call e d upon tii . preside, as to give to that Government an ener g y and stability, whichacould not be hoped for under that o f his predecessor. . As ' to M r .'C ann i ng ' s f r i en d s , they h ave no place in my mind. I trouble my head no • more-about them, than' I d. about the commonest pas - Inger in the streets. I do not think they behaved to us as we deserted.--(Loud Cheers.) In his speech at Liver -pools the Right Hon: Gentleman was pleased to state the 'grounds on which (he said) we joined Mr. Canning. Whatthat had to do with the people of Liverpool I am at tteskdoseto•to o w......or what it had to do with his own con a/net I am eqUally at a loss to conceive. How did we join Mr. , Canning ? In . answering that question the Right Mon. Gentleman put a great many words together, and tatieat e d, - that when We joined Mr. Canning, it was under e-a-stood that several great questions were to be left in abey -4'attneea - There - was no abeyance in contemplation. I slid not join -Mr. Canning's Government with any understanding etethat any subjects Were to be kept in a state of abeyance. I and my friends had supported Mr. C.'s Government for a year and a half previously, and the members of Mr. Canning's Government ought to have known that his best sUnportere were to be found on this side of the House,- - 'that had we not so supporter; him, those who affected ' to • have joined in his measures were 'ready to have cut his throat at every step he tooka—(llenr, hear.) At the tim e we joined him, we believed that the wuniry anxiously •±•%iished for a mixed Adtninistration, and such, I believe, is at this moment the desire of the country.—(Hear.) The • Ri g ht Hon. Gentleman said at Liverpool, that we joined Lo r d Liverpool's Goverarnent in the person of Mr. Can ning. I deny that.—(Hear.) We knew Lord Liverpool's feelings on the Catholic Question. The principle that guided his Government on that subject was, that every ot i r es saber of it might vote upon that question in whatever w a y he pleased to vote for it in that House, if they thought proper, but they were not to pledge the Govern ment in its support. They might introduce and debate it in the Cabinet, if they liked, but could not, to promote it, nee any of their influence a.s Members of the Administra tion. Such was the principle of Lord Liverpool's Govern ment. But when I hear, respecting our foreign affairs, 'that his principles also are to be followed up, how am I to -reconcile that with the statement of Lord Dudley, that the -principles of Mr. Canning are to be upheld ? Yet the se cret article in the Treaty of London says, that should the a-Porte refuse to listen to a pacific overture, the three • s Powers were to consult upon what ultimate measures ought to be adopted. It was not necessary for us to ask )11 !Mr. Canning respecting his principles—his public and his u private conduct were for ns sufficient pledges ; but although -ewe did not exact pledges from him, we thought it fair to • state to Mr. Canning what we expected. I told biro, that at my time of life it was not probable that I should witness a renewed, at least a successful, effort at effecting a Parlia mentary Reform; still it was possible that that measure might be proposed, and I told him, "in taking me into the Cabinet, you take into office one who will vote for Parliamentary Reform." Well," said Mr. Canning, in a pleasant way, " and I shall continue to oppose it ; but if we are to fight, let it be on the Treasury Bench." I said the same with respect to the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, and he made a similar reply. On the subject of the policy to be pursued respecting Ireland it was not necessary to be so explicit. The policy of the Governsnant which Mr. Canning succeeded was, by all possible fair means, to prevent the Catholic Questi on b e i ng carried. With respect to that subject the Right Hon. Gentleman says, that in joining Mr. Canning's Administration, which acted on Lord Liverpool's principles, we joined one opposed to the concession of the Catholic Claim s . ro O n , e t hat t . n the opinions and the inclination of M r . Cannin g ; ielo were s well knows. That he would seize the first opportunity to ro mote it could not be doubted. Every vote be had fven on it was in favour of it ; moreover , we recollected that previous to his intended departure for India, he made what he believed would have been his last effort in this House, an attempt to entitle the Catholic Peers to.take their seat s , i m the House of Lords. His policy with respect to that ques tion was, therefore, perfectly different from that of Lori Liverpool—and, convinced of that difference, was it neces sary for us to demand a pledge of him with respect to it ? ‘. —(Hear, hear.)—That question,_ it is, true, has not been "rried--but the situation of Ireland is not the same it was 'previ ous ly t o th e f ormat i on o f 111 x. inn ing's Go r. venament. I have, the, greatest respect for the Right Hon. Gentl eman opposite gre (Mr... Secretary Peel), but , to slay that the, Catholics of Ireland should have the same degree of confidence in the declared opponents of their Claims,rta bpenvihfricihend, n theygave o to Lord Lansdowne, theiravowed a man. can believe. _ I rejoice most heartily, that another Right Hen. Gentleman (Mr. Wm. _Lamb) , who I s ee i n his place, is to go back to Ireland. G o d forbid t h at any thing should prevent the Marquis of Auglegaz. going there, for he. I believe in my heart, will prove the •hest Chief GovernOr ever sent to Ireland.— (clseers.)-Of that sound lawyer and most 'excellent man, nterbiptre;enthtaCthhae is not o f Ireland--.(Whose best praise is, niitt politician—and of his conduct 'it -is'impossible to speak too " lere Wei justified in asserting that the Go vernMent of Ireland will bennder these three the heeftliat that Coinitrylaaa ever vet been bleased with.— olesr.).—The policy of Lord Liverpors Administration is not, therefore, that whielth.e 'friends of Mr. Canning uo ght to support. The PolleY of Lord - Liverpool's Add miustration was, when it was strong, to send Mr. Can suing to India, and when it . was Viasak . "to cajole film into ) ov elation With them. Theni by• ee i r i, ipees• ee o f oppo q. ae tion aitaitatvltuitiraiidn, toiltwiiiriiirs i efttas for his country's good, and to gall and wound •his highly sensitive feelings. That was the way too in which they sanctified hie memory.—(Cheers.)—l entreat pardon of the House for having so long trespassed on its attention, and shall only repeat—for the truth of which I pledge my honour to the Right Honourable Gentleman—that with respect to the ap pointment of Lord Althorp to the Chairmanship of the Finance Committee, I did no go farther than I have stated, aa.(Cheers.) Mr. HERRIES explained, but in a tone of voice'sd low, that it was impossible for us to catch one - word the. Right Honourable Gentleman said. Colonel WOOD warmly deprecated the invidious dis tinction attempted to'be drawn by the Noble Lord (Althttp) between the foreign policy of Mr. Canning, and that of his predecessor, the late Lord Londonderry. Mr. STANLEY, (who had been loudly called for when Mr. Herries had sat down, but who had given way to Col. Wood) said, that after the explanation's given by the three Right Hon. Gentle Men, it would ill become him to attempt to add one word to what they had said. If there was any thing in the proceedings of these Right lien. Gentlemen other than was known to the country at large, the subordi nate situation be had held under the late Government, af forded him no opportunity - of knowing it. As to the im pression stated by the Right Hen. Gentleman to have been made out of doors by communications relative to Cabinet proceedings, he was authorised by Lord Lansdowne to dis claim having made any such communications. He was convinced no blame could attach to that Noble Lord on the matter. The reason why he himself declined to take office in the present Government was, that he could not give it his cordial support. lie should have felt much pleasure in accepting an office which would bring him more nearly acquainted with the practical talents and official experience, and business-like habits of the Right Hon. Secretary for the Colonies, whom he still trusted be might call his friend, and to all whose principles of policy he should have given his litunli!e but cordial support; but how could he he but surprised when he now saw the poiitical associates with whom, or rather under whom, his Right Hon. Friend had lately undertaken to act? Whatever the House might have heard of the want of union in the late Government, it might truly be said, that there was a greater want of union in the present. Such a medley of men and principles never occurred before. His own impression was, that these profesSors of discordant opinions were brought together and held together, by the strange influence of that divinity - Cui placet inipares Formats atque animus sub juga ahena Saevo mittere cum joco. It could only have been the influence of this goddess that could have placed the Members of the existing Govern ment in their present state of ludicrous combination.— (Laughter. )_The Right Hon. Gentleman appears anxious to disclaim having made any stipulation with the Noble Duke at the head of the Government, yet at the same time he admits that there were agreements and understandings— now, what were understandings but stipulations ? It was clear, then, that those four gentlemen who had consented to remain in office had made corns stipulations as,guaran tees of their principles. But what he wished to know was, whether the Government was to be conducted' upon the principles of Mr. Canning—if it should, lie was ready to lend it his zealous support; but it had not yet been said that it would be conducted on those principles, and ha did not understand how it could with any consistency. How could the ministerial sanction of his Right Hon. Friend's principles of commercial policy, for instance the Corn Bill—how could it be reconciled with the Noble Duke's opposition to it—or how could he reconcile the union of his Right Honourable Friend, as the colleague of the late Mr. Canning, with a Noble Lord who had declared Mr. Canning to be a dangerous Minister.—(Cheers.) — Then, if there was no difference between the present Members of the Cabinet, on principles, why did Lord Liverpool's friends go out of office on the promotion of Mr. Canning to the place of first Minister ? not through private personal objection to Mr. Canning—no it could not be believed—but because they saw that a change had been wrought by Mr. Canning unfavourable to their power in the Government.—(Cheers. )--And it was on that principle that he (Mr. Sthnley) and his party went in to Mr. Canning and gave him their support. But there .was one particular question in which a decided alteration had been made by the Constitution of the present Govern meut....-he meant the Catholic Question, which the qua lity of the existing Cabinet had made the cause of deep anxiety and agitation in Ireland. The Catholics had placed their confidence, if not in the power, certainly in the friendly intentions of the late Cabinet. Of any support from the present they despaired, though they did not de spair of the ultimate success of their cause in that House.— (Cheers.) —It had been said that the late Government, even though they shonld . have remained in office, could not carry the Catholic Question—probably not ; but then the Catholics knew that they had in the late Cabinet a power ful party ready to catch at any favourable opportunity for advancing the question, and of ultimately carrying it to that happy consummation which it must eventually attain. But then he might be told, that the Catholics had a ma jority in the present Cabinet ; but how could lie call that an effectual majority, when he saw on one side of that Cabinet cold, indifferent, or insincere friends, anti opposed to , theta a set of . zealous, active, influential adversaries, headed by the Noble Duke at the head of the Trea sury, and supported by the Right Honourable Secre tary of State for the Home Department? When he re collected this, he could not be brought to believe that the character of the present Government was calculated to alter the condition of Ireland and of the Catholic Ques tion. But though he did not confide in the present Go vernment, he was not still determined to despair of it. The old Tory_the obstinate stickler for all inveterate abuses, because they were inveterate--the laudutor tem poris acti—the ardent friend of the Holy Alliance, and all intolerant bigotry—the enemy of every country's freedom —that ancient and antiquated character was, thanks to the genius of Mr. Canning, not now in existence. He had hoped that the Gentlemen who left office in Spring, hav ing the advantage of retirement and reflection, during the Summer's residence in the country, and since learned to moderate their political feelings, down to the tone of the liberal opinions of the public ; and if his Hon. Friends around him had, by their brief enjoyment of office, ef fected no other public good than this, he considered even that to be one of no inconsiderable benefit, though the ul timate result of it was their quitting place and power through an honourable adherence to their principles. For himself he was ready to give the Government his support if they should deserve it, and he Loped their conduct would deserve it. Mr. WILMOT NORTON did not rise for the purpose of pressing any opinions of his own on the attention of the House. His object was to read a letter which he had that morning received from a Noble . Friend of his, to whom al lusions had been made in the course of the debate. This letter he begged permission to read to the House :_._ " Feb. 18, 1828. " In reference to the conversation I had with you this morning OIL the subject of what may pass in the House of Commons to-night, I venture to rely on your kind and friendly feelings towards me, in case any thing should be said which may seem to require explanation on my part, and which, in consequence of my communications with you, you may have it in your power to explain. J cer tainly have no desire that any unnecessary explanation should be given, and should be particularly sorry to impose such a task upon you, or in any degree, to fetter your opinion on the general question; but you may be enabled to render me an essential service, and I trust you may do it, if necessary, without compromising yourself or any one else." In compliance with that letter be (Mr. W. Morton) had risen to state a few circumstances to the House, which he certainly would not have done, if he did not think it necessary. His Right Hon. Friend, the Master of the Mint, insinuated that his Noble Friend had used his (Mr. Herries) resignation as an instrument for dissolving th e Government, and in support of that view, had read to the House his letter to Lord Goderich, of the 7th of Jan. ; doubtless he had a right to read that letter, but he ought at the same tim e , t o have read to the House the letter of the Noble Lord, t o which it was an answer. He had t oo d under s his Right Hon. Friend (the Secretary for th e C o lo- ' "ies) PaY that from the time the explanation had been given to Mr. Hurries, namely, from the and of November to the be ginning of December , no di ssat i s faction had been manifested by the latter Gentleman, while his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. ferries) s t a t e d, that he had abstained from pressing his resignation on the Noble Lord, on account of the emberrassed s t ate of the Administrat ion . Now, his Noble Friend (Lord G o d er i c h) declares, that he did not youby th e Right Hbn. Gentleman's letter of the. rltsitl apprisedofNovember, th a t the Right Hon. Gentleman felt any dissatisfaction with the Government. In answer to that letter Lord Goderich wrote the following, which be should take the liberty of reading to the House : " January, 18 28 . " My dear Herries—The more I reflect upon this un fortunate question respecting the Finan ce Committee, the more I am convinced that the view Which you have taken lip is founded on a misconception, both of the circum stances which took place at the end of November, and of the consequences which would result from placin g Lord -PIMP in the chair of that Committee. I am quite eon limed that the was no intention whatever of treating )roar' with disrespect, or of exposing you to the embarresernent of not -being in your proper place, in all that relates to a mat trr so closely connected with your own department. It is certainly unfortunate, that. any thing whatever was said to Lord Althorp, before it was settled that something should be said ; hilt it by no means follows from that circumstance that the Government ought to be placed in jeopardy if it can be avoided, especially at a moment so peculiarlY incon venient to the King's service, and to the public interest, as the present must necessarily be. Now, as to the appoint. scent itself, I must say, that it appears to me that you greatly overrate the objections and difficulties." Here, continued the Hon. Gentleman, I shall not read the Noble Lord's argument, as I do not think it necessary to the purpose for which I read this letter. " I wish very mach you would well consider the mat ter before you decide to withdraw from the Government, under circumstances which would cause" so much ember • rassment." The embarrassment to which the Noble Lord here al ludes was the probable resignation of other members of the Government, in consequence of that of Mr. Flerries. 4 ‘ If I thought I was counselling any thing discreditable to you personally, nothing would induce me to lay this, view of 'the ease before you, but we all owe much to the King and the public good, and although I feel every day snore and more the extent of the sacrifice which office re quires, and the pressure, bodily and mental, which it hn. poses, I feel that we ought, if possible, to meet Parlia ment to justify our measures, and then leave it to Parlia inent to take what course they may choose in deciding upon our fate." Now that letter would prove that nothing was farther irons his Noble Friend's mind, than a wish to make the proceeding of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Herries), the ground of dissolving the Government. As to the alleged alteration, predicted by the Hon. Gentleman who had spoken last, of the policy of the Colonial Department, he was ready to assert there was no such alteration intended ; but that all the improvements, whose foundation was laid by the Noble Lord, lately at the head of that office, were in the course of being carried into certain though slow execu tion. For himself, and he stated it as a reason why he did not retire from office, he believed that the principles of Mr. Canning—that is, the principles of improvement—would - be carried into effect by the present Government—those opinions Of public policy, whose elements that great Statesman had found scattered in the public mind ; but had concentrated them by the potent influence of his talents into one focus of active operation. As to his Right Hon. Friend the Secre tary for the Colonies (Mr. Huskisson) he was sure that, had he allowed himself to shrink through cowardice from the official connexion with his late friends, he would stand much lower in the opinion of the country than he did at present.—(Cheers.)—As to the debate of that night he should say, the country had been alrady drugged with personalities—the House would do better to wait until they should see what measures the Ministers would actually carry into effect, than to waste the public time in discussing per sonal matters, or indulging public curiosity.—(Cheers.) Lord ALTHORP thought he should be wanting in respect for the House, if he declined stating what he knew of the circumstances. He was sure the Right Hon. Gen tleman's (Mr. Herrio) objections to himself as Chairman of the Committee, were not at all of a personal nature. (Here the Noble Lord confirmed Mr. Tierney's account of the communications between himself and that Right Hon. Gentleman on the proposed nomination of his Lordship to the Chair of the Finance Committee.) If he (Lord Althorp), had been aware of the slightest wish on the part of the Right Honourable Gentleman to oppose the no mination of his Lordship, he should have taken that op portunity of relieving himself most willingly from an office of such laborious duty. As to the objections to him, founded on the circumstance of his being a party man he (Lord Althorp) avowed it—he had. been a party man most years of his life—he thought good could be effected by political persons only by their combination into party ; but, after the circumstances of last spring, lie had ceased to be:a party man, and that, therefore, was a peculiarly for tunate time to object to him on the ground of his belonging to a party. As to the objection that he entertained fixed opinions on certain questions of finance, he did not deny that he (lid hold fixed opinions on them ; but he could not help remarking, that the objections to him on that ground could not have been very strong in the eyes of the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite, for they had appointed to the Chair of that identical Committee a Right Hon. Friend of his (Sir 11. Parnell) who was known to entertain as fixed opinions on the subjects as he (Lord Althorp) did.— (Laughter and cheers.) The Right Honourable .Gentle man had an interest to vindicate ; and like most persons interested in the subject, spoke better upon it, and with greater knowledge, than an indifferent man like' himself (Lord Althorp) could pretend to. If, how ever, the Right Non. Gentleman thought it essential to a. Chairman of Committee of Finance, that he should haves no notion of his Own, it had been much better that he should have proposed a selection from among such indivi duals as possessed neither opinions of their own, nor any knowledge of the subject.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—ln an swer to the other Right lion. Gentleman (Mr. Huskis son), who seemed to intimate that Lord Goderich's objec tion to him (Lord Althorp) was, not that he had net an opinion on 'Finance matters, but that lie had not studied them sufficiently, the House had heard a different cause assigned by the Right Hon. the Master of the Mint (Mr. Herries), namely, that his (Lord Althorp's) prejudices or opinions were so fixed, that nothing could change them. Now, certainly, lie (Lord A.) had declared that the keep ing up a nominal Sinking Fund for the mere sake of hav ing a Sicking Fund, was a most disadvantageous applica tion of the resources of the country. But assuredly he had never had the presumption to value any opinion of his own so highly, as to be determined, under no possible state of circumstances, to change it. Sir GEORGE WARRENDER was anxious to apprise the House of the grounds upon which lie could not give his confidence to the Government as at present constituted. His Right Hon. Friend, Mr. Peel, the leader in that House, was deeply pledged to an opposition to the Catholic Question, and with that sincerity which distinguished all his measures, bad but very recently abandoned office, on the principle that lie could not retain it under a Minister who, like that great man, Mr. Canning, was favourably disposed towards the Catholic Claims. Again, it appeared to him that the guarantees about which so much had been said, for the perseverance of the present Government in the measures and policy of Mr. Canning, were by no means sufficient. On that account, although with infinite pain, lie found himself bound to separate from very many lion. Gentlemen, for whose personal characters long habits of friendly intercourse had impressed hint with the most sin cere and profound respect. Lord MILTON agreed with his Hon. Friend in think ing, that had the conversation of to-night originated out of motives of mere curiosity, the time of the House would have been consumed to little purpose; but when he recol lected how important it was that the characters of persons in high offices of state should be thoroughly understood, he could not lament the time that had been spent. As to what had bean stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Herries), he confessed that in the greater part of his speech he had made a good case for himself. Nevertheless, he must allow him (Lord Milton) to express his opinion, and not hie opinion merely, but an opinion pretty general in the country, that it might be suspected that he was in fluenced inure by private feeling than by the interest of public policy ; because the Right Hon. Crentlensan more than once referred to certain objections to his entering the Cabinet, which lie states as grounds on his part for enter taining a jealousy of his Noble Friend (Lord Althorp). He could not but quarrel with the Right Hon. Gentleman for giving a handle to such an opinion, as that the conduct of public men was influenced by private opinion. As to the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Huskisson), his forming a part of the Administration constituted the only hope he (Lord M.) had of a good Administration for the country. But he confessed, he should have been better pleased had he said he had obtained more substantial guarantees than he (Lord M.) understood he had. Lord MORPETH had looked upon the Right Hon. Gentleman as a sincere supporter of the policy of Mr. Can ning, and that he considered it important to the, interests 'of the country. He saw him rise with anxiety, lie had listened to hint with attention, andheard him conclude with unfeigned disappointment. Lord PALMERSTON—When a proposition was made to himself to become a Member of the New Government, he had answered at once, that he. wished first to know who were to be the Members of that Gov ernment. When, however, he found that such inen as his Right Hon. Friend, (Mr. Huskisson), and Lord Dudl e y, an d t h e Pre siclt.df tlie the Cabinet,tOardof ii Traci. (mr. C. G ran t), were to b e Members of wanted no other pledge for the maintenance of those principles he had always supported. From the mouth of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Tierney), when he explained the grounds of his joining the friends of Mr. Canning, his Lordship declared lie could draw a justification for the confidence he had thus reposed in the present Government. The Noble Lord then took a view of the present state of the Catholic Question, and contended that it remained in the same condition as it had been, and that he and the other Members of the Govern ment had the most distinct assurances and explanations t E h m e m p n o e l ip ic a y tio t n o . be esama r t insuedb subjected, w t, ith and re e g v a e r r d y o to the C r a l t i t h lie from the N o bl e Duke, that no changewas to take place in has been mentioned to the Noble 'Duke, he (Lo r d P a l, , • merston) and his friends 'had raiSived every explanation and satisfaction which any man could desire, short of such "itiAarons as men o f honour call not grant, nor any man of honour require. Mr. LITTI.ETON rose to exculpate the Right Hon. Gentleman, Mr. Huskisson, from the blame of not having before given au explanation, and professed himself ready to take that blame on himself—if blame attached to any per son., On the return of that Right Hon. Gentleman to town, he conveyed to him his belief that it was the intention of the Gentlemen opposite, to put some questions to him (Mr. lluskisson) on the Monday following. On Monday he at tended in his place, when it was understood those Gentle men meant to postpone putting their questions till the mo tion for a Committee of Supply. It was notorious, not only that the Right Hon. Gentleman did attend in his place that evening, but that he was ready to give every in formation, and that he was anxious to be called on to give it; but when the time came for appointing the Committee of Siipply, the intention of questioning the Right Hon. Gentleman was postponed till the appointment of the Com mittee of Finance. His Right Hon. Friend came down to the House that night with the intention of making the ex planations now demanded of him, but no opportunity was afforded him. (Hear, hear.) For his part he would speak openly, and would express his satisfaction that the discus sion had been delayed till this period, for it gave the Right HOn. Gentleman au opportunity of reading the letter from Mr. Sheppard, by which he was completely borne out in his own statements, that there was at Liverpool no question of any guarantee in the sense that word had been understood. But he now saw by the continuance of three Ministers in office, the Government pledged in three departments—the department of the Colonies, the department of Commerce and Trade, and the Foreign Department—to a continua tion of the policy of the late Administration. With regard to the Catholic Question, he felt not uneasy, as he saw that the Noble Secretary at War, who had been intro duced into the Cabinet on account of that question, had not been removed. His Right Hon. Friend had satisfied him that this question was still placed on the same basis as it was nominally placed by Mr. Canning. The gua rantees received were such, he thought, as were safe and were consistent with honour. It was not possible at pre sent to govern this country by any other than liberal inea 'sures. (Hear, hear.) A country like this, wealthy and intelligent, and blessed with free institutions, could not be governed in total disregard of the opinions of the people. He was at present satisfied that the Government, as it was now constituted, would pursue a liberal policy, and as long as it did, it should have his support, and no longer. Mr. DUNCOMBE (Member for Hertford) com menced by alluding to a passage in one of the letters read by Mr. Herries, and addressed to Lord Goderich, in which that Hon. Gentleman expressed a hope that his Lordship's Administration would stand, and that the country would not be deprived of the services of their mutual friend. He (Mr. Duncombe) wished to know who that mutual friend was 7 Mr. HERRIES—" Mr. Huskisson, of course." Mr. DUNCOMBE then wished to know how it came to pass that the Hon. Qentlenian (Mr. Berries) should have informed the House that it was for the first time this night he had ever heard of the resignation or intended resignation of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Huskisson), although allusion is manifestly made to the circumstance in several places in those letters ? The Noble Lord lately at the head of the Administration had given a very fair account to the public of the early stage of the disorder which had proved fatal to the Cabinet, but he should have explained why the head fell nerveless and, paralyzed to the ground without any notice whatever to the other Members.—(A laugh.)__ The frivolous objection to the appointment of Lord Al thorp, it appears, was sufficient to excite an almost irre concileable difference between the two bight Hon. •Gen tleman opposite. How they contrived to settle the matter, the public have yet to learn. He could not help thinking, that instead of attributing the dissolution of the Administration to individuals upon one side or the other, its cause was to be found in the existence of a secret in fluence behind the Throne,— a mysterious power whose form is never seen—whose name is never breathed, and yet who rules the entire state, and directs the whole machine— " At whose nod the streams of honour flow— " Whose smiles the gifts of patronage bestow." --(Laughter.)—ln addition to this incorporeal being, there is another being, of a more substantial form, who boasts to be the arbiter of peace and war,—who possessed an unbounded credit in finance affairs, and upon whom fre quently depends the fate of nations. He trusted that the Duke of Wellington and the Secretary for the Home De partment would not allow the finances of this great coun try to be controlled any longer by a Jew, or the distribu tion of the patronage of the Crown operated upon by the prescriptions of a physician.—(Great laughing.) Mr. Secretary PEEL—I must express my surprise, Sir, at much of the matter introduced by the Noble Lord for the consideration of the House, and at his belief that it was impossible I should not know any thing of the causes which led to the dissolution of the late government ; but I cannot explain those causes, for of them I know nothing whatever. I never was aware of the existence of that cor respondence which has this night been read to the House till I heard it here, and had no more information of these occurrences at the time than any Gentleman might. gather from the public papers. Nothing, however, shall induce me to enter into the particulars of the discussion, or to pronounce an opinion on it. My Right Honoura ble Friend has been called on for explanations, as if, by joi n i ng a n Administration formed on the principles adopted under Lord Liverpool's Administration, lie had deserted some public principles. As far as I am concerned, I shall not enter into any Vindication of myself ; but I pro ceed to the only part of the accusation whirls I think worth noticing. I must say a word or two on what fill from the Honourable Gentleman who had just taken his seat. He alluded to a mysterious, an incorporeal being behind the Throne, and exerting an influence that was felt by the Ministers. I can declare, that for the five years which I served his Majesty, I never found myself thwarted by this incorporeal being of whom the Honourable Gentle man speaks, nor any example of these intrigues of which he speaks, either in the disposal of patronage, or in the ar rangement of the finances. To some other of the insinu tions of the Hon. Gentleman, never having seen any example of these circumstances to which he alludes, it is impossible for me to reply. I know what explanations may be de manded of me, but I think it right to state the circum stances which induced me to return into the service of the Crown. I feel that every part of the character of public men is of importance to the public, and their acts ought to be known that they may be compared with their pro fessions ; and I am glad that the time has arrived when I can put the question at rest as to what circumstances ins duced me again to accept of office. On the night of the 9th of January, and I was then residing in Sussex, I re ceived a letter from the Duke of Wellington, informing me that he had received his Majesty's commands to form a new Administration, and requesting that I would come to town that he might confer with me. I immediately left the place, and arrived in town early the next morning; I went to the Duke of Wellington, and he said the same thing to me as be had written in his letter, which was in substance, that he had his Majesty's commands to submit to him a project for a new Administration. He said that I was the first person he had consulted, and did I feel will ing again to. enter his Majesty's service? I asked in what capacity? And was I to understand that he was to ac cept the situation of Prime Minister ? He said that his Majesty wished him to do so, but that lie had not made up his Mind ; that he had requested leave to postpone giving his answer, and that if his Majesty should wish it, it would be for him the greate - st sacrifice he had ever been called ou to make iu the whole course of his life. He did postpone his final answer, but in short the Duke of Wel lington did become Prime Minister. I stated to the Duke of Wellington, that if he was to be Prime Minister, I for one should be content to serve under him, I also added my opinion as to the manner in which the Government should be re-constructed, and as to the principles on which it should be conducted, so as to be most advantageous to the country; and I added, that his Grace, if lie were de, termined to accept the situation of Prime Minister, should separate it front the office of Commander-in-Chief. I took the liberty of expressing my opinions as to the principi Ls on which the Government ought to be conducted, and found hi s Graces opinions concurred with any own. I stated, that in the present situation of the country, looking to the state of parties, and to the talents of public men, I thought the Administration should not be re-constructed on any ex treme or exclusive principle. I thought it my duty not to withhold my opinion that the country could not possibly he governed with advantage by any exclusive or extreme opinion.—(Hear.) —As to our foreign policy, it would depend on circumstances; but I was convinced that the best interests of the country required for us to pursue a course of moderation. His Grace said, his opinions of the general principles of Government were on all the points I have stated exactly like my own. It has been said, that there has been a great sacrifice of principle on the part of those who h ave taken office ; but after thi s expla nation of the Duke o f W e llington's opinions, and the li ne o f policy he was disposed to adopt, how any su c h imputa tion can be made against my Right Hon. Friend I do not conceive. I tun sure that I acted consistently and con. scientiously in taking office, and I should not have acted either consistently or conscientiously if I had not done so. If I had stated that the Government ought to be formed ~.on extrem e or exclusive principles, I should have departed from those principles and from those views which I fortuity avowed, and which directed my course for many years. The House will recollect that the only ground on which I refused to act with Mr. Can ning, was our different views as to the Catholic Question, and on that ground alone I left office. I agreed with him as a colleague on all other points, and his opinions were on them the same as Lord Liverpool's, but 1 objected to his being Prime Minister. I put this opinion on record, about two days before relinquishing office. On April 9th, the Lord Chancellor (Lord Eldon) waited on rue by his Majesty's command—and in now stating these circum stances, I can commit no breach of confidence—to discuss with me the then situation of the Govern ment, and to ask me, if any changes were to take place, would I continue to act with the Administration. This communication was made on the 9th of April, in consequence of some previous discussion ; but considering that the subject was of some importance, I. requested time to give an answer, and I requested that Lord Eldon would not report the conversation to his Majesty. The substance of that conversation I wrote and sent as a letter, two days afterwards to Lord Eldon. I will net quote the whole of that letter to the House, but I will read a part of it. The Right lion. Gentleman then read an extract of a letter he had written to Lord Eldon, expressing in substance, his readiness to continue to hold the situation he then held, if the Cabinet were conducted on Lord Liverpool's pri nc ipl es , stating should o his opinions cnsdieri on t the misfortuneC Catholic ic toquit Question,sayi ng that he his Majesty's service, and signifying that his opinions on all other sub jects but that of the Catholic Question accored with that of the majority of his colleagues. When I was called on (continued the Right Hon. Gentleman) on the 10th of January, to make part of an Administration to be conduct ed on these principle!, could I refuse, Sir, to enter the 'King's service ? and was it not natural that I should adopt the course I did, and join myself to those with whom I had formerly acted ? If a personal difference between 'eels is to prevent their taking office together, and if those who agree in principle are not to act in concert, it seems to me that it is impossible that the public service can be carried on. With respect to any jealousy I have been supposed to entertain of Mr. Canning, I can conscientiously say that I relinquished office from no jealousy of Mr. Can ning, but because when he became Priese Minister the principles of Lord Liverpool's Cabinet were changed for those of Mr. Canning's. I was not his opponent—l was not his rival in power and advancement ; and I should have had no difficulty in remaining in office, if the Cabinet had always been formed on the same principles. In the rela tion I stood as Secretary for the Home Department to the Prime Minister, I should have done wrong if I had re mained with a chance of introducing disorder into the Administration. It was difficult for other Members of the Cabinet, differing from Mr. Canning, but it was not pos sible for the secretary of State for the Home Department to escape from such a dilemma. I must add, that I wished to remain in office, and that I was ready to act under Mr. Canning, and he to he leader in the House of Commons, subject to what I have already stated, as to the difficulty of acting under hint as Prime Minister. When the Duke of Wellington was made Prime Minister, I had no objection— I could have no objection—to return to office. When I was recalled to office, I can say, like my Noble Friend on my left hand (Lord Palmerston), that no sacrifices were asked, and none were made ; but the acceptance of office was put on such grounds, as honourable men might offer and ho nourable men might accept; and when it was so offered to me, I felt no disposition to refuse. In the formation of the Administration—in the policy to be pursued by the Duke of Wellington, there were many reasons, particularly with reference to the affairs of the East, why it was im portant for the service of the Crown and of the country that Lord Dudley should continue to preside over the fo reign policy,—and to a Nobleman of greater ability, ho nour, and integrity, than Lool Dudley, apart front al' party consideration, it could not be entrusted. Then, Sir, with respect to the administration of Ireland, I stated to my Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) my concur rence in hia opinion, that there was no public man to whom, with more confidence, the administration mill he entrusted—no man on whom a more proper selection could fall for the Secretaryship of Ireland, than the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr, Lamb) who now held that office. With respect to the Catholic Question, it was declared to those who were invited to' form a part in the new Admi nistration, that this question was to be an open one—that any member of the Cabinet was at liberty to propose it in Parliament, if lie should think proper to do so. That being the ground on which the question rested, a neu trality, it was understood, was to be observed upon it ; and in strict observance of that principle of neutrality, I ant satisfied it is the wish and determination of the Duke of Wellington that the Administration should proceed. Another topic which has been introduced into the discus sions of this evening, is the proceedings respecting the Corn Bill. As to myself; I have no explauatien to give upon. that subject ; for it was arranged, that if Mr. Canning had been prevented by indisposition front bringing forward that measure, I should have brought it forward. I concurred iu and approved of the principles of the Bill, and so did my Noble Friend the Duke of Wellington approve of the principle of it. This he proved by voting for the second reading of it. 'Tis true that in the subsequent stages of the Bill—io the details of the measure—my Noble Friend introduced, as he was entitled to do, an amendment. which aftewarde led to the failure of it---but thie should not surely form an insuperable bar to any Member who may have differed front him on the amendment, from being a constitoetit Member of the sante Cabinet with the Duke of Wellington. Upon the subject of pledges to par ticular measures, it is impossible for any one Member of an Administration to give that positive and binding pledge to another, which shall bind hint at all times and circum stances. If Mr. Canning had invited me to he a Member of his Administration (and this Catholic Question being settled, I should willingly have served either with him or under hint), I should have said to him, " For the last five years there has been that general concurrence in sentiment, that accordance on all important measures between us, that from our experience in a general course of action, I see no impediment to prevent me from being a Member of the same administration with you."—(Hear, hear.)—But I cannot suppose how one public man can call upon another to lay down an iron formula by which he shall be bound in all the changes, combinations, and varieties which front time to time may arise in society.—(hear, heae.)—Two measures have beers referred to as pecitliarly the measures of Mr. Canning's policy—the one, the recognition of the States of South America,—the other the expedition to Portugal, Sir, in both those measures I con curred. I had thought that some of the States of Spa. nish America had established their de facto separation front the mother country, and I fully concurred in the propriety of the recognition at the time at which it took place. Sir, again, with respect to the expedition to Por tugal, that expedition was undertaken on the just principle of fulfilling tire stipulations into which we had entered to protect Portugal from foreign aggression. (Hear.) Let it not be supposed, Sir, that I am the " laudator (em poria acti ;" in saying this, I only adduce these instances as they have been referred to by other Hon. Gentlemen, and mention them as reasons why (the Catholic Question not interfering,) I should have accepted office, as I have said, either with or under Mr. Canning, from the general accordance that subsisted between us; but this was very different from abiding by a fixed, invariable principle, by which I should be pledged at all times, and under all cir-' cumstancea. An Hon. Gentleman (Mr. T. Duncom),e) who took pert in the debate, had given no great encourage ment to conciliatory explanations, by stating, that if Hon. Gentlemen were to explain to eternity, in his opinion, they would not satisfy the House or the country ; and the same lion. Gentleman seemed to favour the opinion that persons between whom private animosities once may have existed, should never engage to act together in the service of the Crown and of the country. Mr. I'. DUNCOMBE (of Hertford) said, that what he stated was, that he had been assured that the Right Hon, Gentleman (Mr. Huskissou) had stated, that he never would act in the same Cabinet with those whom he re garded as the destroyers of his friend, Mr. Canning. Mr. Secretary PEEL—But, Sir, the Hon. Member may recollect that there is on record an instance of that Friend himself (Mt. Canning) having merged all personal animo sities in the higher considerations of the service of the Crown and of the Country ; and however the Hon. Gen tleman way regard it, a Noble Friend of Mr. Canning (Lord Dudley)—than whom no man stood higher in repu tation for lienour—justly considered that his generous oblivion of his differences with a Noble Lord (Castlereagh) constituted one of the brightest traits in his whole character. ____(Loud cries of hear, hear.)—Sir, whatever supposed difkrences may have been adverted to, I can only s tate, dnring the short period that the Administration has been formed, called upon the eve of the Meeting of Parlisinene to concert measures for the service of the Crown or of the country, that there has been a most cordial unior and accordance in sentiment amongst its Afrrn bers ' — There is but one topic more ore which I shall have occa. sion to address the House. It is the declarat ion which hi! ent a Majesty made to the Duke of Wellington w hen he him with the formation of an Administration, , rustecal upon you," said his Majesty, " to form an Administrta tion—the late Administration has been dissolved by it, own acts; had not its dissolution occurred in this way, ; would have remained faithful to it to the last." The Righ lion. Secretary concluded by stating, that it was import , ant to make this statement known to the House and tin country, for making which he had permission, as it server to explain the circumstances which led to the formatios of the present Administration. The dissolution of tLe forwr grew out of no conduct or interference on the parr of the present Ministers, and is solely, in his opinion, to be attributed to causes in which they had no participation. -Mr. Secretary HUSKISSON, in reference to the de claration which the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. T. Duncombe) has stated to have been made by me, I will Only state it is a most unwarranted and unfounded one. Sir,- I never did make such a declaration as the Hon. Member for Hertford attributes to me. I never did state that [Would never act in office with those who persecuted, or, as he states, de - stroyed Mr. Canning. What I did state was this ! When I returned to England in August, after the death of my lamented friend, Mr. Canning —I did state that " the wounds were then too green and fresh, for me to act with those who directed the Administration when - Mr. Canning was placed at the head of it." .That was my expression— " the wounds were then too green and fresh ; ' and p ro _ testing again against the violated confidence by which an y expression of mine upon the subject had gone abroad, and protesting too against the abominable application which had been sought to make of it,—the language will not hear the construction which has been attempted to assign to it, " that I would never engage to act in the public ser vice" with those with whom it is made a ground of accn, sation against me, that I have been since associated in tie Cabinet. The Right Hon. Secretary entered into a brief explanation of some points referred to by several Hen. Members, and in conclusion, tittered his most indignant, protest against the imputation of a cabal, to which 'we was no party, and of the existence of which he had no knowledge. Mr. BROUGHAM--I can assure the House that at this hour. (one o'clock in the morning) I do not intend to enter into a discussion of all the manifold topics introduced into the debate of this night—partly because many of those topics are too important to be discussed at this advanced hour in the manner in which their momentous interest requires—and partly because several are exceedingly ludicrous ; and this last epithet, ludicrous, is, indeed, the proper characteristic of the proceedings and topics adverted to in this night's discussion. Sir, I never was so strongly impressed as I was by the various explanation s this night, with the force a the observatiou of Chancellor Oxensteirn to his son, " Go and see what little wisdom is required in the Government of Kingdoms." Really any impartial person, who had heard the explanations of this night, and learned from them the , manner in which this great country had been governett foe , the last few months, could not fail to fed the force a this remark—for certainly there appeared to be very little dom resorted to in the mode of its Government during that time. (A laugh.) Indeed 1 marvel to see what little wisdom is requisite for such a purpose. (Much laughter.) First there was a Prime Minister, chiefly remarkable for walking about • with two resignations in his pocket—conditional resignations and great care was to be taken that the conditions attached to them were not to be hastily removed. Then the letter of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Berries) made a con_ siderahle figure in the scene; it answered all questions. and was referred to in all emergencies. The Noble Lore, at the head of Administration was terrified lest hesalioul lose his Chancellor of the Exchequer. But the • Right lion. Gentleman was inexorable, and constantly referred to his letter of the 22d of December. " But pray do not resign," said the Noble Lord at the head of affairs. " letter of the 22d of December," said the Chancellor of thee Exchequer. " But lam agitated beyond measure," said his Lordship. The Chancellor continued, "My letter of the 22d of December." The Noble Lord. pleaded almost in tears; but still the stony.hearted Chancellor pointed to his letter of the 22d of December. In short, not a:word, could be got out of the Right Hon. Gentleman by any .p -peal, but a stern reference to the letter of the Zed of. De.; eeruber ! Then the quarrel between the two Rigl - A t Hun. entlemen on the ether side (Mr. Herries and 'air. Huss aisson ) was she most extraordinary deacript:ton. It was endless, hopeless : walls of brass were milted to divid e th e contending parties for ever. To communicate with each ether, was impossible. Tke result of all which is, that the two, respecting whom all this discussion arises, are still in office, and acting together in a new Administration. Oh ! 'tis impossible, says the Right Hon. Gentleman, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer --it is impossible—it is 3 iiike to suppose that 1 could occasion all this ; it was intended to break up the Ministry, and it is quite idle to suppose that I could have in any way caused or created it. Each Member who took part in the discussion vinilieatod himself from the responsibility of having in any way been necessary to the dissolution, and was ready to at tribute the blame to any one rather than himself. The situation of Lord Goderich was certainly an arduous one. He was surrounded by all the elements of discord. Fu that Noble Lord I have a sincere respect. I thank him, end 1 respect him for the great public talents he evinced arid the great public services which he rendered to the coun try, whilst he was a Minister in this House. But uolms he was a Prime Alinister with .both the Civil and Military Power at his back.--unless he had the Provoat-roar tial to aid him, in taking the refractory Members of the Cabinet to Row-street, to swear them to keep the peace to. wards one another at the Council-board —be certainly had, harsh materials to work with. The whole busioess fro the beginning to end, was a most sorry proceeding, aal all event* the two Right Hon. Gentlemen stood EXerupt from the charge of being at all skilled ;13 iptrigue—of which of course they will he glad, as !sty is necessary con sequence their character for integrity will be raised in the "pinion of the country.—(Cheers and laughtei.' , It is a farce, says the Master of the Mint (Mr. Herries), to sup pose that I broke up the Admittistration There wee se cabal, said he—l knew it. Mr. HERRII?.S—I did not us zbe Wrd cabal. Mr. BROUGHAM—WeII, then, there was a design— " t plan, if you please —to blow up the Ministry; and, added the Right Hon. Cientienum, I knew t. I knew it, said he twice ; and he was cheered both times, with cheers that rent the sky, by the Ultra Tory party, who are noxious t( retain the Right Hon. Gentleman, because they know he will go any length with them—as far as is consistent. with his public duty.—(Much laughter and cheers. )._...m il t he distinctly said, I know there is a design. Now, I, as a Constitutional Lawyer, beg to tell the Right Honalr - able Gentleman, that be has uttered impeachable mat ter, fox if he knew, as a Privy Councillor knew and he stated that there Was a plan or design to sub.. vert the King's G overn's:eau—without advising the King as he was bound to do, he is liable to the pe nalty of impeachment for his neglect in not disclosing it. The Hon. and ',gamed Gentleman proceeded next to ad vert to the imputed censure of Lord Goderich, contained in the explanatory speech of the Right . Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Herries), who certainly was a person he (Mr. B. ) thought, who might have well, and properly spared, the biting ridicule in which be indulged towarde that Nohle• man. If it had not been for the observations of the Mem ber for Knarethorough, there was not one person in the House who would not have left it with au erroneous im prestion of what the Right Hon. Gentleman meant to say. Another remark of the Right Hon. Gentleman is, that Lord Goderich, in his letter, although he denied having been a party to any negociation for the appointment of my Noble Friend to Ise Chairman of the Committee, vet did not deny but the negoeiatinn had gone to a certain extent. In his anxiety to clear himself, however, he totally mistakes Lord Goderich's letter. He says that the matter It - as finally arranged without consulting bins ; and yet early in December he reads a letter from Lord Galeria, stating that the matter was not finally arranged, and that there had. n th7t fbneeann dnoouthbitnagfteelrsethtlista, Ca and treats th e matter sway nor, finallynly any a ranged? Th e l e tt er ca ll s f or dismission, s'n whole f oolisicl‘ Comedy Ei 1 --The arrangement have in of the Right affair as a completely open subject. and so B m ß n O ch uG o r a A p ll Mr. HERRIES (across the t a ble) a business,. was finished. then se Errors" was never heard of. What interest could the Right Hon. Member for Liverpool, or the Ri g h t H on. Hon. Gentleman ? There we's no slight shown to him. Member for Knaresboroug b, that they The whole affair o' 39 ' had talked the matter over, and he had beard them . talk it over. lam glad, Sir, that one of your predecessors Is not now in the Chair, or else . „, he . nr of our ancestors turning in their graves we might t at this with astonisinoeu. extraordinary raree show. We have hear d of weight and influence, of integrity, of wealth and of t a lent; but here all such notions appeared to be laid aside.ire—ceNl;l7th The . statement of the Right Hon. Gentleman is not. only inconsistent, but his conduct is inconsistent. Hr ~a p, I was too Insignificant to be the cause of the break ing ep of the Ministry, and, therefore, I infer that there was a plot by the Marquis of Lansdowne and others tz , upset it. 1-1 He objects to my Noble Friend as Chairman of the Cotntnittee—a Nobleman not p a rti c ularly connected with any party—wishing Government wilen. to support .. it deserves support, and not turning agatnq it except when it does not deserve it, and therefore, a man than Whom a more impartial one could not be found t o act as Chairma n . H e o bj ec t s t o m y Noble Friend, h e ,,, u ,,,,, was committed o n th e s ubject of the Sinking Fund. Now what does he say to the Bullion question? That is at the root of the whole matter, and yet wh o h as b een chosen Chairman of the Committee? Sir Henry Parnell ! Why Sir Henry Parnell has written a book on the bullion question. and there is no man who speaks more sensibly or soundly i n the subject. There is no man who speaks more , trongly in favour of a metallic circulation. He is an :.conomist, and a member of the Economic-id Society I am not sure but he is opposed to the Right Hon; Gentleman and his party ; even on the question of the ;~