The Sun. — London, England, 1867-02-16 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack M 5 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS.' Several private bills of a local character were read a second time and ordered to be committed. THE LONDON AND NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY. Lord REDESDALE drew the attention of the house to A pamphlet published by Mr. Francis, impugning the posi tion he had taken in respect to railway legislation last ses sion, and affecting the interests, of the company in ques tion. He vindicated the views he had expressed, and the line of policy he had suggested to the house in reference to the important subject of railway legislation. THE FENIAN MOVEMENT. In reply to Lord SHAFTE3I3URY, Earl DERBY stated that no further information had been received by the Government as to any movements on the part of the Fenian insurgents. THE VOLUNTEERS. In reply to a question from a noble lord, Earl i3ELMORE said there was no reason why, in an emergency, the Volunteers should not be expected to act in a civil capacity and be sworn in as special constables. Earl DE GREY explained that there was no compul sion on the part of the volunteers to assume a civil capa city in preserving the public peace ; but it might be con fidently expected that should the occasion arise when the services of the volunteers were required, they would not object to be sworn in as special constables. A brief discussion ensued, in the course of which the principles were laid down that volunteers should not legi timately be required to place themselves in hostility to their fellow subjects ; but that in the case of such events as a Fenian movement assuming importance that threatened the peace and order of the country, they might be called on, having arms in their possession, to preserve the peace of the country, as well as to defend it in the case of invasion. It was also contended that the civil authorities should have the power to call on the volunteers to act in a case of emergency, as in the instance of what occurred at Ches ter, on the ground that all available power should be called into requisition in a case of high treason or appre hended insurrection. The subject then dropped. COLONIAL CHAPLAINCY IN NATAL, &c. The. Bishop of LONDON moved that there be laid be fore the house a despatch of her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies to the officer administering the Government of Natal on the colonial chaplaincy in that dependency, dated the 12th day of August, 1866; a despatch to the Lord Bishop of Mont real, relating to the appointment of a coadjutor Bishop of Niagara, dated the 21st of November, 1866 ; and copies of any returns made in answer to questions lately issued by her Majesty's Secretary of State, in reference to the condition and circumstances of the United Church of Eng land and Ireland in the colonies. The right reverend prelate made some statements respecting the conduct of the Bishop of Natal, which he denounced, and referred to the excitement which it had produced in the colony. The Earl of CARNARVON, whilst consenting to pro duce them, announced that he was about to introduce a bill which he hoped would remove the difficulties now felt with regard to the status and relations of the Church in the colonies. Describing the effects of the recent judgments of the Privy Council and other tribunals, he explained that further legislation was indispensably necessary, and until then he justified, his decision not to take any steps to nomi nate bishops in colonies which were in the enjoyment of constitutional government. The Archbishop of YORK urged the expediency of at once settling the relations of the Church in the colonies with the Church in the mother country. Lord TAUNTON complimented Lord Carnarvon on his lucid and statesmanlike explanation, and after considerable discussion the returns were ordered. The select committee on the Metropolitan. Traffic Regu lation Bill was nominated ; and the reports of the com missioners on corrupt practices at elections in the boroughs of Lancaster, Yarmouth, Reigate, and Totnes having been laid on the table, their lordships adjourned at 8 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS--LAST EVENING. Tho SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. Mr. Sackvillo Stopford took the oath and his seat for Northampton. THE REFORM BILL. Mr. H. BAILLIE gave notice that on the consideration of resolution No. 2 he should move that in order that all voters be placed upon the same footing no person should be allowed to give more than one vote at any election. THE FENIAN RISING. Mr. C. FOItTESCUE, seeing the Secretary of the Home Department in his place, begged to ask him if he could give to the house the information he had received from Ireland since yesterday ? Mr. WALPOLE said the information that ho had re ceived since yesterday was to the effect that the armed parties he then mentioned as marching towards Killarney had doubled back when within 14 miles of the place, and entered Toomies wood. Brigadier-Gen. Horsford,who had the command, had a sufficient force under him, not only to follow them, but to surround the place, so that it might be said that the movement by this time was pretty . - nearly, if not altogether, put an end to. That was the whole of the information that had been received of an official nature. From other sources of information the Irish Government had learned that the south-west portion of the country was perfectly quiet. (Hear, hear.) An Hoar. 211Em - nEtt asked the right hon. gentleman whe ther he had seen the statements that had been published relative to the further cutting down of the telegraph wires. Mr. WALPOLE said he had, but that he was not in _ . possession of any positive inf o r ma ti on on the subject. Col. FRENCH wished to know whether in any tele gram which the right hon. gentleman had received the numbers had been set down as great as 800. Mr. WALPOLE, in reply, said that no telegram had mentioned the number of the party. He was unwilling to state anything that was not of a positive character. STORM SIGNALS. Col. SYKES asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the storm signals, as hitherto practised by the late Admiral Fitzroy, were to be continued ; and whether, if to bo discontinued, it would not be prudent previously to invite the chambers of commerce of the kingdom to express their opinion on the subject ? Sir S. NORTHCOTE said on the death of Admiral Fitz roy a committee was appointed to inquire into the meteor ological department, and the report had been received, which stated that much more attention had been given to forecasts than to scientific observations. The department, however, had been improved, and scientific observations Would be more particularly attended to. Sue h informa tion would be supplied to those who desired it, and then they would bo in a position to make forecasts themselves if they felt so disposed. The last Government decided against continuing the issuo of forecasts, and the present Government had come to the same determination. THE CATTLE DISEASE. Mr. READ asked the Vico-President of the Council if the Government intended to compensate the owners of cattle suffering from cattle plague which were slaughtered by the order of the Government inspectors previous to the passing of the Cattle Diseases Act of February, 1866 ; and if so, at what rate compensation would be granted, and over what period it would extend ? Mr. CORBY said arrangements had been made to pay compensation for cattle slaughtered between the 26th of August and the 23d of November, at which period the authority for enforcing the slaughtering of animals was re voked. The rate at which compensation would be paid was one half the value of the animal slaughtered, also the amount received from insurance or sale of carcase. Mr. DUNLOP asked from what fund it was proposed to take the money to pay the compensation' Mr. HUNT said a supplementary estimate of £25,000 for the purpose would be proposed. Mr. GLADSTONE asked that ample notice would be Oven of the moving of that estimate. SCOTCH BUSINESS. Mr. BAXTER said, by request, he would postpone giving the notice of the Scotch bills to be introduced, and who Was to take charge of them, the Lord Advocate not having a seat in that house, until next Thursday. VACCINATION. Mr. BRUCE asked the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether it was his intention to re-introduce the Vaccination Bill, as amended by the se lect commit►.ee last session, Mr. LORRY said it was his intention to introduce a bill on the subject, but it would not be a measure identical with that prepared last session. ELECTION OF GUARDIANS. In reply to Mr. A. PEEL, Mr. HARDY said his attention had not been called to the subject. He was not prepared to propose any alteration of the law on tho subject. THE REFORM BILL. Sir A. BULLER asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, upon Monday, the 25th February, he would g i ve any explanation of the measures which the Govern anent were prepared to propose for the more effectual pre vention of corruption at elections. The CFIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that on Monday, the 2 - 50, Moro moving the resolution of which h 3 bad g iven notice, be should m a k e a statement which would meet that and other points involved in the two other questions which stood on the paper for thateven ing as to plurality of votes and the reduced qualification for counties and boroughs. THE INSURRECTION IN CRETE. Mr. GREGORY, on the motion for going into committee of supply, moved! for an address for copies of any cor respondence between the Foreign Office and foreign governm , mts on the subject of the insurrection in Crete and the Turkish fortresses in Servia, and of any reports from our consular agents on these subjects. Mr. B. COCHRANE seconded the motion. Mr. LHIYARD regretted that the hon. member for 04- way had brought the question before the house, the more especially as, according to the last information, the special commissioner who was sent to Crete had succeeded in bring ing about a better feeling, and because representatives of both the Christian and Mahometan population were pro ceeding to Constantinople to state their grievances, with a view to their redress. Still more was it to be regretted that the hon. gentleman should have used the language which he did. Instead of being beneficial to those in re ference to whom it was spoken, and whom it was intended to serve, it would have rather the opposite effect ; because, encouraging them with the hope of intervention, it was calculated to lead them into fresh disaster and fresh suffer ing. (Hear.) But, however that might be, the question which the house had to consider was this-, -whether the grievances under which it was alleged they suffered were so serious as to justify a civil war ? What were those grievances ? The first grievance the Cretans complained of was a vexatious system of tithes. Another grievance was the mode of election to the municipal assemblies. The Christian population were the sole representatives, and if they allowed themselves to be bribediL was their own fault. At all events it was no justification for rebellion. What were their other grievances as stated in their address to the Sultan ? They stated they were so oppressed with taxa tion that they had little or nothing left for themselves. The next was that there were no roads in the island. But the want of roads was owing to the Cretans themselves, who, when the Turkish Government sent Mr. Woodward to construct roads, refused to contribute the necessary amount of labour. A further grievance was that the mode of electingpopular assemblies was defective. The fourth griev ance was that the oil sellers were also money lenders, and that there were no banks. The fifth, sixth, and seventh were more important. If it were true that Christian evidence was rejected, that was owing to the neglect of the Turkish Government in carrying out their promises to the Christian population ; but the Turks, in order to remedy the grievance, established over the coun try tribunals composed of Greeks and Mahometans ; and in these tribunals Christian evidence ought to be as accept able as any other evidence. With regard to the preparatory schools the matter rested with the Cretan; but the state of education among the Turks was as good as that of the Christians under the Government of Greece. In many cases liberal grants were given by the Turkish Govern ment, the Sultan himself bein g often a contributor. Dot it was obvious that those grievances did not cause the re bellion. (Hear, hear.) The Cretans acknowledged as much to the Greek Consul. The various European Governments were of the same opinion, with the exception of Russia; but even Baron Brunnow had recently come to the same conclusion. It was not for the purpose of obtaining the redress of those grievances that the Cretans rebelled, but in order to bring about a reaction of the European Powers in favour of the Greeks. In order to understand the ques tion it was necessary to go a little farther back, and he hoped the noble lord would lay on the table the reports in the Foreign Office relating to the state of the island of Crete in 1858. At that time a rebellion was threatened in Crete, and some grievances were set forth. Sir henry Bnlwer sent Mr. Longworthy, a gentleman well acquainted with the language and habits of the people, to wake in quiries, and the result of the inquiry was that the griev ances had nothing to do with the threatened rebellion, and that, so far from the Cretans having any cause of com plaint against the Turks, the Turks had reason to com plain of the Cretans. There was an intrigue going on in Crete at the time, and the head-centre of rebellion was the Greek Consul. Mr. Longworthy's report satisfied not only the English Ambassador, but the French and Russian Ambassadors, and the result was that the exequatur of the Greek consul was re voked. For eight years the island enjoyed peace. But last year there was a great war in Europe, and it was thought a fitting time to revive the Eastern question, and invite the Cretans to revolt, and endeavour to obtain their independence. Such was the origin of this rebellion. It was instigated at Athens, it was directed from Athens, and it was supplied by volunteers from there ; and but for this support the rebellion would have long since ceased. He had read with great satisfaction the correspondence which took place between the Foreign-office and Greece. The noble lord took a wise and statesmanlike course through out, and the only course which a responsible Minister should take. The noble lord had urged upon the Porte the removal of all just complaints, and the prevention of the effusion of blood in suppressing the disturbance ; at the same time he had entered his protest against the course which Greece had taken, whose object was not to promote the welfare of the Cretans, but with the view of gaining additional territory. It was gratifying that other Powers had come round to the same opinion. Whatever might be urged against Turkey, it could not be denied that she acted a good neighbour towards Greece. Turkey might have aimed a severe blow at Greece, but instead of doing so she acted a friendly part, and never broke her engage ments with that Power. The Turks were not fairly treated. They were charged with not making concessions to their Greek subjects, but when they were given only led to revolt or insurrection. The real object of the Cretans was to dispossess the Mussulruans of their land, and the lan guage held by the Greeks and Servians showed that their object was to drive the Turks out of Europe. That system bad been carried out in Servia, where no Mussulman was allowed to remain. It was most unjust to deprive these people of their homes, whohad as good a right to them as the Greek population had to theirs. The question at issue was not a political but a religious question ; and if the Greeks could possess sufficient power, they would expel the Catholic population as well as the Mussulman, unless they conformed to the Greek Church. It was not to bo supposed that the Mahometans would surrender their lands and sacrifice their wives and children without a desperate struggle, and causing such a massacre as the world never saw. This country had a large Mahometan population in India, and if the doctrine were put forth that Turks were not fit to govern Christians they might come to the conclusion that Christians were not fit to rule Maho metans. And anybody looking into the origin of the In dian mutiny would see that it was largely influenced by events which happened in Europe. The only true principle to observe between Greeks and Turks was to endeavour as far as possible to have equal justice done to them. Suppose the Cretans had obtained what they wanted—annexation to Ofeece—would they have improved their position one bit ? The despatches of the noble lord, as well as those of Mr. Ersldne, who had taken rather an unfair view against the Turks, show that if the insurrection had not been sup ported from Greece peace would long ago have been re stored, and that the cause of the revolt was the bad feeling which had arisen between the natives and the volunteers. If this be so, how can any one wish for the extension of that painful rule in: this unhappy island ? As for the talk about the insecurity of life in Crete, there is no complaint that the whole country is overrun with brigands ; but is Greece a man can scarcely leave the gates of Athens with out meeting them. The island of Zante is kept in a state of terror by M. Lombardo, that great regenerator of the lonian Islands, who has men going about the island mur ' dering any one who does not support his plans. Men aro assassinated openly in the streets and in the coffee-house; and nobody, :not even the police, dare to interfere. To say, therefore, that Crete would gain by annexation to Greece is to say that which can hardly be proved. The great difficulty is to find some form of government which will deal fairly with both Mahometans and Christians. There are from 70,000 to 75,000 Mahometans who hold land in Crete, and whom it would be manifestly unfair to put under Christian rule. You have to deal with two barbarous races. The only difference is that the Chris tians are more barbarous in their own territories. The Turks never justify those acts, but itttempt to punish them, while there is scarcely an instance in which the Greek Government does not defend them. Fifteen Turks who were taken by the Christians in Epirus wero dipped in pitch and sot on fire. Children were carried off from school, and their ears were cut off and sent to their parents, with an intimation that unless ransom were paid their heads would follow. They violated women, they ransacked, robbed, and pillaged. Our consuls enter into correspondence as soon as a Tark kills a Christian; but when a Christian kills a Turk we hear nothing about it. Yet the number of atrocities committed by Christians on Turks is unfortunately greater than tho number of those committed by Turks on Christians ; while the hatred of he Christians to the Mahometans is such, that if they had them in their hands a massacre would occur such as the world has rarely seen. You can never expel the Turkish population without the general acquiescence of the Euro pean Powers; and until these are prepared to intervene, it is only doing the Christians incalculable mischief to interfere in this way. They are increasing in wealth and intelligence, and are daily improving their position. The Mahometans are improving also, under the influence of the public opinion of Europe. The difference in Turkey is incalculable. Some years ago a Christian could not ride a horse through the Streets of any town. Now the people are beginning to find that the rights of property must be respected; and it is quite certain that, through this gradual development, the time will come when some measure will be found to reconcile the interests of both Turks and Christians in proper and honourable representation. Mr. DARBY GRIFFITHS said—l agree with the mem ber for Southwark that the true policy of this country is to endeavour to reconcile the conflicting and almost irre concilable interests of Servia and Turkey, by making the action taken in the case of Wallachia an exemplar of the course to be adopted. The present position of things is that Turkey holds : as the last remnant of her rule in Ser via, certain fortresses along the line of the Danube. In all other respects Servia enjoys perfect autonomy. But these emblems of domination, though entirely useless to Turkey, are the cause of the greatest irritation and an noyance to the Servians, and remain a grave obstacle to European peace. The demands and tho desires of Servia for the liberation of their country from such possible con tingencies as the bombardment of Belgrade in 1862 have now raached a climax, and if some agreement is not shortly come to there will be an outbreak, which may very likely extend to other quar t ers. It is to be hoped the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs will take example by the course of France in the affairs' of Wallachia, and give the advice su to l t t h t e he P w or i t s e h w es h o ic f h th w e as pog i p t a h n a d t y o i c e d t o o n their t co n rea sonable - u v l e a n t i n n , demands. Mr. GLADSTONE said—l should be sorry if, with re spect to Turkey, we were not to preserve a desire to treat her with the respect due te any Power ffilich is respon siblo for any extended government. The circumstances of her provinces and general concerns have placed her in such a position that we are entitled to entertain questions relating to her internal relations and to her people, such as it would be impertinent to entertain with regard to almost every other country. There is much sense and justice in what has fallen from the hon. member with regard to the case of Servia. We cannot expect Turkey to conform to our opinions —all we can expect is that where she has con tracted either literal or moral engagements she should ful fil them—that when she has contracted any engagements she will lend a willing ear to counsels which may be judi cious, and aim solely at the promotion of her own inte rests. To the issue how far the retention of the interests of Servia can serve the interests of the Ottoman Govern ment, it seems impossible that any but one answer can be given, and that answer in the negative. 1 am not aware of any conceivable purpose of utility, whether of police at home or of defence against foreign Powers, which Turkey can gain from the military possession of Servia ; while, on the other hand, the considerable financial burden which it entails, and the painful points of contact which it opens between the suzerain autho rity and the people of Servia, constitutes a constan political danger. The greater part of this interesting dis cussion has been spent upon a question which has great demands on the sympathy and attention of this house— the still continuing disturbances in Crete. lam hardly able to subscribe to the proposition that grievances in th e island of Candia have not any concern whatever in the production of the recent insurrection.' On a former occa sion I ventured to express a hope that, when her Majesty's Government laid papers on this subject on the table, those papers would show to the house and the country that the Ottoman Government had fulfilled its engagements— I do not say its written or literal engagements, but its moral and substantial engagements—to Europe, in regard to its Christian subjects, which were contained in what is known as the Humayouu of 1856. I am not able to say, from read ing these papers, that those engagements have boon ful filled. If the noble lord (Stanley) were able to state, as a Minister of the Crown, with his more extended and ac curate knowledge, that Turkey has on the whole com pletely and fully complied with the engagements into which she has entered, I should receive that assurance with great satisfaction ; because upon that depends the question Rhothcr :te 7 put thm ut am responsibility of these isuieet able occurrences in Crete lies at the door of the persons who have been themselves immediately concerned in the outbreak, or at the door of Government. After the speech to-night of my hon. friend (Mr. Layard) I do not think it can be said that the rights and claims of the Turkish Go vernment are insufficiently urged or insufficiently appre hended in this house. The case of Turkey as against Crete has been better stated by him than in the documents of the Turkish Government itself in the blue books; but I should not hesitate to admit that along with those grievances which turn mainly on the non-exe cution of the Humayoun— assuming such grievances to exist—there has been the disposition to give scope and effect to the strong Hellenic feeling which pervades the majority of the population. I therefore feel what has been stated with great force by my hon. friend (Mr. La yard) and the hon. gentleman (Mr. Gregory), namely, the extraordinary responsibility which is incurred by those who in this house deliver sentiments which, going forth— it may be in a garbled form—to other countries, may be made the means not only of fomenting disturbances, but, where they have already arisen, of encouraging the pro longation of efforts which, whether right or wrong, arise out of questions with which wo have but little direct con cern. For my part I will not venture to say a word which can have such an effect. But I may state that, so far as regards the stipulations of the Ilumayouu, wo are not only entitled to advise Turkey in connection with her own in terests, and appeal to her mercy, her humanity, her sense of dignity, and her desire to be considered a civilised European Power, but we are entitled to say to her, that the fulfilment of these stipulations is a matter of moral faith and obligation which she is absolutely bound to obey, and that, failing to fulfil them, she must undergo disgrace in the eyes of the civilised world. Beyond that, I must say, in justice to the noble lord (Stanley), that he, so far as I am able to gather the policy of the Government, has been directed by a spirit of discretion and fairness in the course he has pursued throughout this matter. I entirely agree that he was right in determining to enforce an observance of the laws of neutrality with regard to Candia, even al though there might seem to be a. call of humanity the other way. That call of humanity was a feeling which it was his duty ;to repress, and he has done so. He was right and wise in saying that he would not be responsible for -any endeavour to separate Candia from Turkey ; but he has also been wise in pointing out to Turkey, as ho has done in the despatch of the 17th of January, that the true policy of the Ottoman empire—the only policy by which it can ever hope to maintain its power in Europe satisfac torily to itself, let alone what it may bo to others—is that of doing full justice to its Christian sub jects, and allowing them to feel that, though under the nominal sway cf a Mussulman Power, they are in the en joyment of perfect religious liberty. (Hear, hear.) I can not help adding that the conduct and policy pursued by tko Ottoman Porte, after some brief delay, in the question of the Danubian Principalities, may I hope become the basis of that policy of that Government throughout its European provinces. Tho difficulty that arises in Candia may not be met by arrangements applicable elsewhere, be cause the circumstances are different; but I am quite sure that from the firm fulfilment of her engagements we may hope for the success of such a policy; because I trust we are justified in saying that Turkey has sot an example of what we may perhaps call her spontaneous, at any rate her deliberate and conscientious, adoption of arrangements with the Danubian Principalities, which tend to promise in the future the existence of relations between those Prin cipalities and the Turkish Government as conducive to the happiness of both as circum stances will permit. (Hear, hear.) Lord STANLEY said—lt is not my wish nor my duty to take any part in the controversy on the merits and de merits of the Turkish and Greek Governments, nor am I desirous of entering on the foreign policy which England has in former times pursued. Every generation has its own policy. It is not even now necessary for me to state the course which the present Government have thought it their duty to take. Two questions have arisen—one with regard to Greece, and one with regard to Servia. As to the latter my answer will be brief, but I hope it will not be unsatisfactory. We have, after much deliberation and in concert with the other Powers, pressed upon Turkey to make such concessions to what appear to us the natural and reasonable wishes of the people of Servia, as we hope may servo to bring about a good understanding. We have done that in the interests of the Turkish empire, because it is impossible to doubt that a serious outbreak in Servia at the present moment would be as great a misfortune as could possibly befal the Turkish Government. We have endeavoured to offer that advice in such a man ner as to leave to the Porte itself, to whom it most properly belongs, the initiative making those concessions which we consider necessary; because it is obvious they would lose much of their grace and value if they seemed to be made at the dictation of any foreign Power. The re presentations we have thought it our duty to address have been made in a spirit of moderation and good sense—in a a r spirit fair, f r i en dly, an d conc i liatory. (Rear, hear.) I hope, t r has correspondence not been i s the houseineffective a s e e agoing therefore, that thes e representat i ons will not bo wholly P tha s t it w iv h e i a le h ns w e e on, and the negotiations still pending, it would not con duce to the objects we all have in view if the papers were laid on the table. When the matter is settled I will pro duce them. As to the larger and more urgent question of Crete, it is less necessary to explain the views of the Go vernment in detail, because they have been fully stated in the papers on the table. The question has been asked, what we consider the real origin of the insurrection. A more difficult question it is impossible to put on answer. It is very hard to get at the truth. The impartial witnesses are few, and the statements from the two sides are not merely divergent and conflicting, but absolutely and flatly contradictory. Local grievances haw, to some extent, in duced it. The administration of Candia has been what we consider a good one. What is the precise magnitude of those local grievances I am utterly unable to answer. But they have not been the sole causes. From the moment it became a serious disturbance, it has been a movement, not for the redress of local abuses, but of a religious and national character, in favour of total separation from Turkish control. (Hoar, hear.) Such feelings were not unnatural. The Hellenea—for no doubt the central movement is in Greece—have seen success attending other movements for nationality. They have seen Italy made a nation and Germany to a great extent united; and it is not unnatural they should think their time has come, and the excitement has reacted uppn them. As to acts of cruelty and barbarity, I am afraid there have been many on both sides, and that it will always happen where a country is semi-barbarous. Where there are wars of religion and of race, it is impossible such acts of atrocity • should not occur. I fear the blame must be equally divided, but pass no judgment upon the matter. One must not trust all native report from the interiorof Crete. These scenes have been very seldom witnessed except by the com batants themselves, who are sot in a frame of mind to send impartial reports. The story of women and children being allured to the shore by Turkish vessels hoisting the British flag and then fired upon is entirely denied. (R ear .) It is not much worse than what happened in the Pincus— the attack of the mob ou their own volunteers, because they returned unsuccessful, in which several lives were lost and injured. men Whatever acts of cruelty may have been com mitted by the irregular troops—and where Albanians are employed these are sure to happen — ther e is no eviden ce that they have been sanctioned, or even tolerated, by the Turkish Government. Prisoners who have fallen into the hands of Turkish officers have been humanely treated. After the indulgent criticism of the house on the policy of the Government, any vindication is unnecessary. With regard to the decision of the Government when requested to send ships of war to take off the refugees, we never made a decision with more reluctance ; but never with a clearer conviction that it was right, and the only rational course. It is impossible to know the eagerness with which the slightest symptoms of an armed intervention of the Western Powers was looked for by the insurgents; or the readiness with which any act that could be distorted into an act 9# intervention Tate caught up by them. (Rear) The assistance desired would have been considered a symptom of armed interference and would have prolonged ahopeless struggle, and indirectly caused ten times the injury that has been inflicted. (Hear, hear.) And there are such things as duties of neutrality. No one would overstrain those duties where humanitycomes into consideration. Still there is the obligation. To send troops in the rearof an insurrection to take off non-combatants, or the families of those in arms, is to give aid and comfort to one of the belligerents, and it is a breach of neutrality. (Hear, hear.) It would not be allowed in a war between two strong Powers; and we should not have one rule for stronger and another for weaker Powers. (Hear, hear.) On the general question there were only three alternatives. One was to let the whole matter alone, and carry out the principle of non-in tervention in the strictest and most literal sense. That may be dismissed at once. Another was to advise the ces sion of the island to Greece. The state of the Greek king dom is not at present satisfactory. That alone should not have stood in the way. The Greeks are a most intelligent and patriotic nation, who labour under immense difficulties, and have had a very limited time for exercising their un fettered energies ; and we should not bear too hardly upon them. But the advice would not have been listened to by the Porte. The Porte would not surrender any part of its dominions except under coercion, which was not the policy of this or any other European Power to employ. If wegave advice to the Turks, we must look at the question from a Turkish as well as a Cretan point of view. The Porte might fairly say whether or not it would be an advan tage to be rid of this one disaffected province —the prece dent would be almost fatal to the Empire ; because if in surrection were to be the signal of a recommendation to cede a province, there would in time be further disaffec tion and dismemberment of the empire. The right hon. gentleman opposite hinted that the advice might have been more strongly pressed, and mentioned the treaty rights of 1856. Ido not deny the treaty obligations. But in re commending a separate administration for Candia we were asking a great deal more than could be claimed under the treaty—(hear)—and could be offered only as advice. There was a double danger, that of advising what was only to satisfy our consciences, without caring about the result ; and that of pressing for that for which the Porte would hold us responsible. It would not have been in our power or right to do more than we have done. In the present state of .n ;cm c it is impnc.cible to form pia no of c...- tingency. The Turkisk Empire is in a state of transition. Advice good now may not be good five or six years hence. But we shall watch carefully the chain of events; and I hope the house will believe our sympathy with the Chris tian races is not less real and sincere, because we have not given a semblance of encouragement to a hopeless insur rection, or to compromise ourselves or them by precipitate and premature proceedings. (Cheers.) The motion was withdrawn. The House then adjourned. Metropolltan Board of Works. The usual meeting of the Metropolitan Board o Works was held yesterday at the office, in Spring gardens ; Sir John Thwaites in the chair. FINANCE. The financial statement was presented, which showed that the cash balances in the hands of the treasurer amounted to £548,971 16s. Bd. ; cheques not presented, £46,382 19s. 2d. Payments were ordered to the amount of £19,745 7s. Bd. NEW IMPROVEMENT BILL OF THE CITY OF LONDON. A report was brought up from the Works and Improvement Committee recommending that a peti tion be presented against the preamble of the Lon don City Improvement Rates Bill, promoted by the Corporation of the City of London. Mr. S. TAYLOR moved the adoption of the report, which was seconded. Mr. H. L. TAYLOR opposed the motion, contend ing that as the bill sought to raise a rate of 6d. in the pound from the inhabitants exclusively of the city of London for improvements within the city this board ought not to interfere. He moved as an amendment to the report of the committee—" That it is both inexpedient and improper on the part of this board to oppose by petition the bill introduced into Parliament by the city of London for improve ments intended to be effected exclusively within the city of London." Mr. Alderman STONE seconded the amendment. _ _ Mr. NEWTON said he could see no reason what ever why the city of London should be excepted from the general rating which was levied over the other parts of the metropolis, for if it were to be adopted he could not see any valid reason why the parish he represented should not enjoy the same privilege. In his opinion they were approaching the period when the city of London should become an integral portion of the metropolis, and the argument that Mr. Taylor had used as to granting the city of London powers to raise rates for their own improve ments would be equally good for a separation from this Board altogether. Mr. CoLuNsoN said it the city of London were to be allowed the powers they sought there would be nothing but discord throughout the other parishes of the metropolis. The CHAIRMAN remarked that the city of Loudon intended to oppose the Improvement Bill promoted by this Board, and therefore they were a l most com pelled to oppose that of the city of London. He trusted there would be no disturbance of the arrange ment come to in 1856, and that the bill would not be sanctioned, by which the city of London sought to exempt themselves from charges which all other parts of the metropolis were liable. Mr. DixoN supported the amendment. Mr. ELT said he believed the city of Lo n d on h a d such power in the House of Commons as wou ld ingthat of their bill, an d i f this Board did notrcourse would s moot h t h e way a se n c d uep facilitatethoeposse it pan the passing of their own bill for a similar object. Mr. EVANS said he looked upon the application of the city of London in reality as one for separation from the rest of the metropolis. On this question the arguments of the hon. member for the city of London (Mr. H. L. Taylor) were, as usual, very cogent, and he limited himself to the question of improvements within the city of London, but he never hinted at what would be the real effect, and that was its sepa ration from the rest of the metropolis. The hon. member for the city of London might feel confident that the House of Commons would favour his views, but he (Mr. Evans) thought he was too sanguine in his expectations. The question - was not as he had put it, but it was whether this should be the first step towards the separation of the city of London from the rest of the metropolis. Mr. SAVAGE said that this first step for dissolving the union was so manifestthat he should vote against the amendment. Mr. CARPMAEL said they had, then, a new case of the North against the South, and with respectto the union which had existed since 1866, it was proposed that the city of London should be separated, and no longer form a part of it. Now he (Mr. Carpmael) had invariably supported the city of London in their applications for money for improvements, as being a most important part of the metropolis, to which everybody necessarily went to do their busi ness in it. It was then proposed to sever that portion, which he (Mr. Carpmael) looked upon as the commencement of the destruction of the whole union, and that the present united states should no longer exist in the metropolis. Happily they did not entertain any warlike feelings towards each other, as had unfortunately been the case with their friends over the water ; but this was a question that ought to be dealt with at an early period, as bills were about to be brought into Parliament for the purpose of defining municipal boundaries ; but at the same time he should vote against the city of Londonbeing separated from them until the other bill had been discussed and settled by Parliament. The CIL&IRMAN put the question, and the amend ment was negatived by a majority of 24 to 4. • BARRIERS IN PUBLIC THOROUGHFARES.. A report was brought up from the Works and Improvements Committee, recommending that a petition be presented by the Board to Parliament to repeal any authority given to private persons to erect gates or barriers across streets or thoroughfares so as to obstruct the traffic therein, in cases where the lighting, cleansing, and paving of such streets or thoroughfares is paid for out of the public rates. Mr. SHAW said the same question was brought to the notice of the Metropolitan Board three weeks ago. He could understand where a private person paid the expense of keeping a street in order, he should be allowed to exercise his own discretion in making it private, but when they saw the numerous accidents caused by obstructions in the streets com pelling traffic to take only particular grooves, and other nuisances which those barriers promoted, he could not readily apprehend why the public should be subjected to those serious inconveniences. There were streets wholly occupied by persona of doubtful character, because the privacy those barriers created invited persons of a certain class into those locali ties, which were a positive nuisance ; and only last year upwards of 2,000 persons were killed and maimed in The overcrowded streets by vehicles and horses, and it was too much to expect that these bar rier nuisances would be retained at the expense of the ratepayers, to the danger of the life and limb of the public. The motion was then agreed to. FINSBURY AND SOUTHWARK PARKS. A report was brought up from the Works and Improvements Committee, submitting estimate for lodges, entrance-gates, fencing, roadways, and drainage of Finsbury and Southwark Parks, and re commending that the officers be directed to prepare the necessary plans and specifications, with a view to advertisements being issued for tenders for the execution of the words, such tenders to be received on the 18th March next. After a short discussion this subject was referred back to the committee for further consideration. IMPROVEMENTS NEAP. THE HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. Mr. WHITE moved :—" That it be referred to the Works and General Purposes Committee to consider the propriety of obtaining the surface of the strip of land lately forming a portion of St. Margaret's Churchyard, and purchased by the Metropolitan District Railway Company for constructing their line, with a view to the improvement of the line of thoroughfare from Victoria-street to Palace yard and Westminster-bridge." The motion was put and agreed to, and the rest of the business being disposed of, the Board ad journed. State of Mexico. A correspondent of the Standard remarks : " Our gratuitous and persistent advocacy of the cause of Liberalism and disorder in Mexico meets with a very poor reward. A despatch has just been received, announcing that the Liberalists at Mazat lan have murdered Mr. Carman, the American Vice-Consul in that city. Congress must take action in this matter. Our dear friends, the Mexicans, cannot be allowed to assassinate our representatives in this way. By the way General Sherman is said to have expressed his contempt for his late " mission" in a very characteristic manner. Somebody asked why he did not find Juarez. Said he—' I believe in obeying orders, but I'm I'm going a thousand miles to look for a myth.' " The same authority states—" The President has communicated to the Senate the correspondence be tween the Secretary of State and J. Lathrop Mot ley, our Minister to Austria, relative to the resig nation of the latter. It may be remembered that the President recently appointed Mr. Cowan as Mr. Motley's successor ; the Senate has not yet acted upon the appointment. From this correspondence it appears :that Secretary Seward had received a letter from an American travelling in Europe, this letter detailing the political hostility of several of our representatives abroad to the administration of Mr. Johnson. Mr. Motley was referred to as hav ing characterised Mr. Seward as " a degraded old man," and as having a weak " preference for Eng lish customs and the English Government." Mr. Motley was furnished with a copy of this letter. Ile at once wrote to Secretary Seward, expressing his surprise that such a communication should be sent to him by the State Department. He does not deny that he had spoken disrespectfully of the Sec retary, nor does he admit the truth of the assertion. As for the charges of Anglomania, he refers to his writings for a refutation. He tacity admits that he has advocated what people here would not be at a loss to characterise as Radicalism in American politics." The following is extracted from the letter of the Times' Philadelphia correspondent : —The Bureau of Statistics at' Washington has taken the trouble to collect, lists of the wages paid in different parts of the United States during December last to working people of various kinds. The average wages paid in four places in the North—Hartford, in Connecticut, Tunkhannock, a town in the iron region of Penn sylvania, Tiffin, an agricultural town of Ohio, and Cairo, at the confluence of the Ohio and Missis sippi rivers, the extreme Southern point of Illinois — will bo found below. These wages are paid in paper money, and the average rate is given : Tunk- Hartford. hannock. Tiffin. Cairo Bricklayers, per day Brickmakers, per day Blacksmiths, per day Butchers, per week ... . l3 50 14 00 750 21 00 Bakers, per week l3 50 _ 11 50 10 00 Bookkeepers, per year 9OO 00 GOO 00 800 00 2,000 00 Carpenters, per day 275 300 300 350 Cabinetmakers, per day Coachmen, per day 225 150 150 200 Chambermaids, per month* 800 700 800 16 00 Farm labourers, per month* 26 00 27 50 27 50 18 00 Female cooks, per month* 10 00 13 50 700 22 00 Female waiters, permonth* 10 00 800 700 13 00 Femaleservants, per month* 10 00 700 700 12 00 Gardeners, per month Factory hands, per week 750 14 00 Ironfouuders, per day Machinists, per day Moulders, per day Plasterers, per day - 325 325 274 500 Painters, per day 275 300 250 325 Plumbers, per day Compositors, per 1,000 ems 035 020 0 50 Railroad hands, por month 40 00 45 00. 30 00 GO 00 Stonecutters, per day 3OO 350 300 •4 75 Shoemakers, per day Saddlers, per day — 225 225 225 Tailors, per day Teamsters, per month* Weavers, per day (Those marked (*) have board included. lie also gibes the following statistics. The style of Tariff Bill the Senate is about to pass is shown by comparing the duties on a few kinds of goods with those at present collected—both reduced to a per centage Foreign Cost Present Duty. Proposed Goods. in Gold. Duty. sc. Per cent. Per cent. Italian Cloths ... 0 16 ... 50 72 Ladies' Dress Goods... 0 20 ... 45 67 Woollen Coatings ... 1 8 ... 73 97 Woollen Doeskins ... 1 32 ... 63 80 Woollen Overcoatings 1 8 ... 85 120 Woollen Broadcloths 1 80 ... G 2 78 Bunting •.• .•• 0 91 ... 50 135 Worsted Damasks ... 068 ... 50 78 Worsted Plus ... 061 ... 50 90 The New York Evening Post, a Republican jour nal, says, " Let Congress men beware of this bill. If it becomes a law it will kill every man who votes for it. It is an enormous and cold-blooded swindle upon the working men of America. . . and it will make the whole nation poor." It need scarcely be mentioned that were the Southern members in Con gress no such bill as this could be passed, and one great reason of their exclusion is that their votes would interfere with the " protective" system. Nominal Nonsense. The Round Table makes some most amusing re marks on this subject, and asserts that Young America's constitutional disregard for traditional customs would take no very surprising direction— were it to challenge the right of one generation to decide for another the name it is to bear for life, irrespective of the tastes and preferences of the latter. Boys in America choose their business or calling simply as it suits themselves, and not on any account whatever on the recommendation of parents. Why, therefore, asks the Round Table should they more cheerfully accept names that are inapplicable, and of which, if distasteful, they cannot divest them selves? With few exceptions, it asserts, people have abundant reason to be disgusted with their names. Anybody who likes, may learn how the use of two or more names was taken by the Romans from the Etruscans ; how names apparently devoid of signi fication have come by elision, or corruption, from patronymic, local, business, official, or other de scriptive terms. How surnames began to be used in the 10th century, and transmitted from father to son in the succeeding one ; how Fitz (Ills), Ben, zip, Mac o', prefixed to a name, and -ing, -son -s, at its close, signify son of, and many other facts on the subject. Admiral Farragut was lately informed in print that his name signified a " sharp sword," and was-borne in a slightly modified form by a gigantic pagan gentleman who challenged Charlemagne, but his aspect was so tremendous that the Emperor sent a substitute. " It matters little," it affirms, " when our surname testifies that our forefathers followed some occupation, in which we take anything but pride, but it is uncomfort able to know that a number of highly respectable appellations-.. King, Bishop, Pope, Abbott, Par6ol2S, Deacon, Dean, Prior —were affixed to their original proprietors as a stigma, and signified their claim to a bend sinister. Another style 'of name, which re flects discredit upon one's fathers, is that in which gradual deterioration has effaced its original form— as the Snooks's, whose progenitors resided a t the Seven Oaks, the Rumpuses from Ron Repos, or the Plants, a branch of the Plantagenets, for in such cases it is manifest that the owners of the name must not only have had vulgar associates, who alone could be cap able of such transformation, but that their own self-respect was too little or their ignorance too great to resist the encroachment, as they might have done in writing, the plan adopted by the Eng lish families, whose names—pronounced Beecham, Ch and ey , rellban ks, Archdeacon—are still spelled Beauchamp, Cholmondeley, Maljoribanks, Arce (feeble." Of course absolute precision would not be desirable. No one who had frequently to sign his name need lament the old Welsh custom of string ing together an entire pedigree by Aps until the name resembled the "louse that Jack Built, and we must respect the economy with which the descen dants of a line of ap Owens ap Evan ap Thomas, and so indefinitely to ap Harry or ap Hugh, went back to first principles, and, discarding the connect ing links, became 'P'arry, or 'P'ugh. These patrony mics have the recommendation which names derived from residence, employment, or personal appear ance have not—that they alone retain any signifi cance beyond the lifetime of the generation which acquires them. And although there are those who resent the apparent evidence given by a directory to the exceeding miscellaneousness of their connec tions by remote descent—a miscellaneousness which is increased when we remember that there are some thirty variations, quite dissimilar in form, which sig nify descent from William; that, Gow being Welsh for Smith, M' Gowan and Smithson are identical except as to nationality. Even this objection to the patronymic is removed by the reflection that Christian names were originally bestowed upon com panies at a time, so that not one, but a dozen or a. hundred Williams, Jameses, or Thomases gave their names to descendants who had no relationship to one another. Then we have numbers of flatly con tradictory names, as Duncan ("brown") Gray, Priscilla (" ancient") Young, Maurice (" dark coloured") White—which last needs only that its owner should be a negro to complete the folly ; and of pleonastic names, such as Brian (" strong") Strong, or Laban, Susan, or Blanche (all meaning " white") White; beside pleonasm of the Welsh kind which eliminates the ap, but in a meaningless man ner reiterates such names as John Johns, Evan Evans, James James. Occasionally (the Round Table further remarks) we see persons apply to the Legislature to relieve them from the infliction of a name which is intolerable. It is a national faith in America that a man is the architect of his own for tunes. To carry out the theory, it only needs that every man should be the architect of his own name literally, as he now is metaphorically. Travelling in America. A " Traveller " has written to the Times an excellent letter exposing the folly of many insur ance offices in restricting the liberty of the insured in travelling, arguing that this restriction has been one of the main causes why the English do not more generally travel in the United States. He maintains that the policy is injurious to th e insurance companies by preventing people from more universally adopting so admirable a means of securing for their families some provision in case of death. A " Traveller " having lately returned from a visit to America contrasts the numbers of Americans always found in Europe with the paucity of Englishmen visiting the United States. "Of all countries," he says, " from which an Englishman may hope to derive profit as well as pleasure in visiting, I know of none equal to the United States. It is the duty of the politician, it should be the de light of every man of spirit and energy to make himself personally acquainted with a country whose future must be the future of the world, and whose people, identified with our own in blood, religion, and language, are destined, perhaps after many internal struggles, to achieve the last victories of civilisation over the heathen nations of the earth. The Americans are great travellers, and think nothing of crossing the Atlantic. Many families send their children to be educated in Europe. We fall in with them everywhere abroad—in Paris, in Switzerland, in Italy ; but we seldom meet them where we should naturally most expect to do so, in our own country. I have been often puzzled to account for this, but I cannot help thinking that it is chiefly owing to the fact that comparatively few Englishmen visit America, except for purposes of business. In the course of a journey of 5,000 miles through the States and Canada last autumn I did not meet with half a dozen Englishmen who were travelling for purposes similar to my own—i.e., to male themselves acquainted with the people and institutions of the country. Were it otherwise, were Englishmen in the habit of visiting America and enjoying the hospitality of its frank and kind hearted people, I am sure that we should more fre quently have the pleasure of meeting Americans in our English homes, and that much of the absurd prejudice and misunderstanding which exists on either side would be done away." With respect to insurance he says :—" One great argument against the present practice is that the insurance offices themselves appear to be all in the dark about it. They have no fixed rules to go by, and act quite ca discretion.' While their ordinary rates of in surance are tolerably uniform, nothing can be more various than their mode of dealing with such a case as lam describing. Supposing a person to be in sured for £lO,OOO, and to be desirous of spending three months in Canada and the United States, he would be required to pay, as au additional pre mium or fine, if insured in the— Equitable 10s. per cent., or £5O. London Assurance ... ditto ditto ••• Atlas ... ditto ... ditto Sun £25 ••• Law Life • ditto ... ditto Economic... ditto ..• ' ditto North British n il. Alliance ~. nil. Lancashire ... nil. Guardian nil. Mutual • nil. So that, while a person insured in either of the five last-mentioned offices would be at liberty to per form his journey without paying any additional premium, he would be taxed by each of the three first to the extent of £so—a sum nearly equal to the cost of his voyage as a first-class passenger out and back. But this is not all. The offices which thus heavily mulct his pocket impose also serious re- striations on his personal liberty. I strongly sus pect that the American maps which doubtless adorn the Board-rooms of some of these venerable institu- tions are of very ancient date, and that neither the rivers nor the railways of the American continent are very accurately laid down. No limit, indeed, is prescribed in a northerly direction, and I presume that a traveller might explore the whole region be tween Canada and Boothia Felix without forfeiting his policy. But the Mississippi is the Rubicon of America. He must on no account cross that turbid river, even though St. Louis, a town of 200,000 inhabitants, lies on its right bank, and though hun dreds of miles of railway connect it with flourishing and popalous towns in the healthy States of lowa, Missouri, and Kansas. As for the Southern States, they are, of course, as effectually shut out from his ken as they are from Congress itself. The New York or Philadelphia merchant or man of business thinks no more of running down by train to New Orleans and back than the Londoner does of going to Aberdeen ; but the Britisher who values his policy of insurance must not set foot in North Carolina, Georgia, or Tennessee, and cannot be trusted so far to take care of himself as to keep away from New Orleans in the season of yellow fever. Surely, sir, it is time that these absurd restrictions should be put an • end to, and that travellers should be credited with a little common sense as well as with some regard for their own lives ? During the whole of my travel through the States I am not conscious of having run any greater risk than I should have encountered on a similar journey in England ; and it is a curious fact that the only accident which befel any railway train by which 1 might have had occasion to travel was one that happened to the Birkenhead and London train, by which I should have travelled on my re turn home, had I not landed at Queenstown and taken the Holyhead route instead." COUNTRY MARKETS. WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAY. Wheat meets a fair consumptive demand at last Friday's prices. Barley steady. Ocher articles dull. LINCOLN.-FRIDAY. To-day the supply of wheat was middling. Prices for fine were is per qr. higher ; other kinds firm. Not much barley on offer, and with a fair inquiry last week's prices were realised. Oats wero a scanty supply, and moved off steadily, at recent currencies. A fair trade in beans and peas at former prices. New white wheat, Gss to GBs ; new red, 59s to G4s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 19s to 51s per qr ; grinding, 32s to 3Gs per 30 stone. Oats, 24s to 365. Beans, 18s to &0s per 38 stone. DERBY-FRIDAY. There was a moderate show of wheat on offer to-day, and the demand was slow at over Into rates. Barley ruled firm, at former quotations. Oats and beans sold at recent prices. . _ New white wheat, 65s to 68s ; old red, 60s to 65s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 38s to 52s per qr. ; grinding, 33s to 34s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 27s to 295; old, 29s to 34s per 21 stone. Beans, old, 58s to 60s; new, 41s to 515 per 38 stone. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. Wheat was in more general demand to-day, at the full prices of Tuesday last. Flour steady at previous rates. Indian corn dull. Oats and oatmeal in limited request, at previous rates. RIPON-FRIDAY. White wheat, 8s Gd to 9s 3d per bushel ; red, Gs Gd to is 93 ; beans, 7s 3d to is Od ; oats, Tes to 33s per qr ; barley 35s to Its Ud. S TAMF ORD-FRIDAY. Not quite so much wheat as usual, the demand was more animated, at prices in favour of the seller. Barley was a small show, and sold at f o rmer qu o t a ti ons . O a t s were in good request, at recent currencies. A moderate show of beans, which sold at last week's prices. New white wheat, 64s to 67s ; red do., 58s to G3s per 86 stone. Barley, malting, 50s to 535; grinding, 27s to 35s per qr. Oats, new, 24s to 28s ; old, 28s to 32s per 21 stone. Beans, 52s to 54s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. BRISTOL SUGAR.—FRIDAY. Tho raw and refined markets continue extremely flat, and very little doing. Prices 6d to is lower. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. s. d. 8. (1. Original Hartlepool 19 0 Walls End Hetton „. 19 0 Tees Lambert's W.Hartley 16 0 Walls End Haswell... 19 0 Braneepoth Cannel l7 6 Davison's W. Hartley 16 3 Caradoc l7 9 Hartlepool Cassop : _ l7 6 Buddle'sWestliartley 16 3 Holy1;rell Main IG G West Hartley - 16 6 Pensher Primrose Riddell Ships at market, 102—sold. 24. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southampton Feb. 19. Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. O. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet, Mar. 0. Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena... Feb. 27. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton Feb 19. Ditto, via Marseilles Flintland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Feb. 19. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton F&b 19. Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Feb. 22 Ditto, via slareeitles Feb..i 9 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Feb. 19. Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 22. Mauritius, via Southampton Feb. 39. Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. 16. Newfoundland Portugal , Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon... United States and British North America, by Brl - packet .... Feb. 21. Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp- - - ton •- .....•••••• ******. * • Ditto, via Cork . •• • Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry ~Feb 2 West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and _ Honduras) Feb. BahanAd, via New York. Mar 7. Cuba a'id Mexico „. Feb. 23 Bermuda, via Halifax Mar. 13. Vcest Coakt of Africa, Madeira, and Tcneriffe Mar. 8. A CHILD FLOGGED TO DEATH BY ITS FATHER.-- A preacher, by name Joel Lindsley, residing in Albion, Orleans county, New York, in Juno last delibe rately beat his own child to death because the little fellow would not repeat certain prayers. The child was, at the time of the murder, only three years of age. The evidence given on the trial of Lindsley shows that the crime was attended with circumstances of the greatest atrocity. Lindsley beat his child uninterruptedly for two and a half hours, using a strip of shingle, or thin clapboard, as the instrument of castigation. Lindsley finally discovered that the child had been seized with a fit. He laid the little fellow down, and the mother ran for assistance. The child died in a few minutes. When examined the body of the child was found to be literally covered with bruises and abrasions; the finger nails had been torn up, and the hands almost pounded to jelly; the soles of the feet were blistered ; the body was ene gory wound. It was charged that Lindsley had previously tortured hie child by roasting its feet with a lamp ; there was no direct evidence on this point, however, although the juryplaiall believed the charge well founded. Lindsley is a graduateof Amherst college, Massachusetts ; he has been known se a rigid Puritan. The jury found him guilty of man slaughter in the second degree—it having been shown that he was a man of almost ungovernable passions—and he was sentenced to two years' imprisonment in the peniton tiary at Auburn. THE MILITIA SYSTEM OF AMERICA. —T he Nation writes one of its able articles to prove that the National Militia of America cannot, for reasons it enumerates, be made the well-disciplined , well-appointed, effective force it is popularly repre sented to be. The Governor, in his late message, stated that the National Guard of New York con sisted, on the Ist of December, 1866, of 104 reg i ments of infantry, 3 regiments of cavalry, 1 regi ment of artillery, 1 battalion of infantry, 2 bat' talions of artillery, 1 battalion of cavalry, 1 .inde pendent battery, 2 light howitzer batteries, and squadron of cavalry. The Nation declares this force exists substantially but on paper. That out side cities there is neither company nor battalion drill—that in time of war it is difficult to get militia to take the field even for a few weeks, and that theplaee' l of the unable and unwilling are filled by raw r e ; cruits. Many members, when ordered, have refused to go, for, so long as they were not mustered into the national service, they could not be tried by United State s o ffi cers, an d t h ey f e l t secure aga inst the result of a court-martial, managed by State officers. It asserts that in case of war the militia regiments now forming or formed would not be tii e force relied on, but the volunteer organisations that would then spring up of themselves. It deprecate therefore the large sums which of late have been apPr° - priated to this object, and the bill now introduce d into Congress, to add the costly, cumbrous, an d utterly inoperative machinery of the national ia system, to the legitimate functions of the War Department. Births. BATTINE—On the 14th inst., at Gloucester-terrace, 1 1 Y cl° t ; park, the wile of Captain W. A. B a ttine, 17th Lan of a son. FARQUIIAR—On the 12th inst., at Carlogie, Aberdeenellir° the wife of Admiral Farquhar, of a son. FERGUSON—On the 14th inst., at 33, Chester-square, 31;1. Ferguson, of Pitfour, of a daughter. STEWARD—On the 14th inst., ataWeston, Mrs. S.W. step, ard, of a daughter. Marriages. i o n „ ANSTRUTIFER—ADAM—On the 14th inst., at St. '„ r e Church, Windham G. C. Anstruther, Esq., You n " - brel, of Sir W. C. Anstruther, of Anstruther and Carnu c ' i n Bart., to Ellen Anne Katherine, older daughter of Adam, Esq., Boulogne, late Surgeon 3 . lgdrl° .• t STREATFIELD—TAYLOR—On the 14th inst., at Church, Albany-street, Richard Streatfield, E'q•+ e bter son of the late Major S. R. Streatfield, to Iza, daug of 11. Taylor, Esq., of Chipchase, Northumberland. Deaths BELL—On the 14th inst., at 6, Melville street, to Charlotte Hay, wife of W. Bell, Esq., of the 6el change. GLOVER On the 13th inst., at Birmingham, 11. o° l.s° ' eldest son of 11. Glover, Esq., aged 15. l- MAGENrs—On the 14th inst Sir A r thur Mag'enis ,-- ?. f METCALFE —On the 14th inst., David Metcalfe' -' s ` l " Leeds, aged 85. • ° II I - PLUM . MER—On the 14th lust , at 99, Pento nvillo-11, lington, John Plummer, Esq, aged 83. ROBINSON—On he n 14th inst ; at The Grang e, Derbyshire, Margaret, wife . of Henry Robi nson ' aged 90. s t l/ SAUL—On the 14th lust at the Minories , Abraham aged 88. . 6, London : Printed and Published by W IL L lAM AN 1, 10" 02 , ot No. 12. stran, Printer at THE SN Ofg oo . N° : of Strand. l In the Prdeeiaet of the Savoy, o in the Coto,l Bliddleetx,—Saturday, February 16,1667. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 16, 1867.