The Sun. — London, England, 1867-05-11 00:00:00

1\ 7 21.210NAL REFORM UNION. Yesterday a meeting convened by the National Reform Union was held at the Westminster Palace Hotel to receive a deputation from Manchester, and to consider the propriety of holding, as soon as pos sible, public meetings in London on the present po sition of the question of Reform in Parliament. There was rather a full attendance, and among those present were Mr. S. Morley, Mr. Stansfeld, M.P., Mr. C. Gilpin, M.P., Mr. P. A.Taylor, M.P., Mr. Ayrton, Mr. E. Beales, Mr. G. Potter, Mr. 'l'. M. Jones, Mr. S. Pope, Sir H. Hoare, Mr. Deputy Reed, and the following gentlemen who formed the deputation :—Messrs. W. Warburton, Walters, and Torr. The chair was taken by Mr. Mortur, who said that the object of calling the meeting was to see whether it was not possible to bring together the middle and working classes in order that they might unite their energies to obtain a real and substantial measure of reform. He feared they were at present in a position of extreme danger, and that it was in cumbent on all true Reformers to exert themselves so that they might insure such a bill as should put an end for some years to come to all further agita tion on the subject. His conviction was, that if the bill before Parliament should be passed in its pre sent shape, it would be the duty of all earnest Re formers to begin a fresh agitation. He deprecated introducing the elements of discord among Re formers, and he lamented beyond expression the course which had been taken by certain persons to wards Mr. Gladstone. It must never be forgotten that the present house of Parliament was not elected on the principle of Reform, but on what he might call a Palmerstonian principle. The two things were totally antagonistic. With regard to the decision to which the house came. last night, it would have the effect of handing over the great mass of the electors to the entire control of the landlords, and they would find men holding a moneyed power over the tenants which would enable them to drive the people to the poll like sheep to the fold ; therefore it behoved all the true friends of Reform not to accept the division of last night as by any means settling the question. What, therefore, the present meeting had to consider was whether they ought not to call further public meetings to renew their demands. He wished it, however, to be distinctly understood that, although he admired the energy and zeal which Mr. Beales had displayed, and although he acknow ledged that the people had conducted themselves most magnificently in their late proceedings, yet he could not concur in the extreme issues at which that gentleman and those whom he counselled were anxious to arrive. He was not an advocate of mam boed suffrage. Bat this did not make him the less anxious to bring about a co-operation between the middle and the working classes, so that they might endeavour to retrieve the Reformers from the humiliating position in which they had been placed by, he feared, the conduct of some of their friends. Indeed, he was intimately acquainted with some of them whose constituents he had no doubt would have a reckoning with them before long. As to the effect that would be produced by the present mea sure, he did not think the number of electors would in any degree be increased proportionately to what justice and equity demanded. He had never been able to reach a higher figure than from one to two hundred thousand additional voters—a contemptible number in comparison with the vast population who were as yet unenfranchised. The basis of represen tation ought to be much more greatly enlarged, and to further this object he hoped some proposition would be made to bring about several large public meetings where the subject might be fully discussed. Mr. P. A. TAYLOR, M.P., said, as a member of the Manchester Union, he begged to offer one or two remarks. He considered that the working classes had done their duty in regard to the agitation of the question of Reform with activity and modera tion, but the middle classes had been very remiss. It was this which had produced the false position in which the Reform party at present stood. There was no agitation iii this country for manhood suf frage. The middle classes were timid and fearful, and hence there had not been any practical point on which the two classes could agree. There should be some distinct point for all alike to aim at, and they should not content themselves with the vague and general phrase of " Reform." As a member of the League he believed that the people would at present be prepared to accept household suffrage, not as a final measure, but as a step in the right direction. The moment Mr. Disraeli named house hold suffrage two mistakes were made by Mr. Glad stone, because he ought to have known that the people would not rally round a £5 rating, although they could be rallied round household suffrage. He was one of the tea party—that was to say, he was one of those who saw it was impossible to vote for a £5 franchise in opposition to the proposal made by Mr. Disraeli. These mistakes had for the present rent the Reform party asunder, but there existed a nucleus from which they might be made to adhere together as soon as Mr. Gladstone could be induced to raise a standard around which both the middle and working classes might rally. Mr. WARBURTON said the object of the deputa tion in coining to London was neither to justify nor to condemn Mr. Gladstone. The National Union of Manchester a Ivocated household suffrage pure and simple and a lodger franchise. Mr. George Wilson was at the head of the union. They had long felt that there was a large area in London not occupied by the Reform League Association, and the object of the Manchester Union was to corns to London and hold large meetings at the Covent-garden and Drury-lane Theatres, where such a co-operation between all classes of Re formers as the chairman had described might be brought about. £50,000 had been raised for the purpose, 11,000 of which had been contributed by the chairman, and the present conference had been sought with a view to mist in effecting the common object of all Reformers. They were anxious to avoid corning into collision with any other body of men, desiring only to supplement what might be wanting in the operations of others. Mr. Tom: (a deputy) said the National Union were not doctrinaires nor philosophers, but practical men. Abstract rights and theories were fit subjects for the closet, and were not suited for the arena of the world. They felt that if they were to do any good they must adopt a practical programme, which was household suffrage and a lodger franchise, and with out expecting at present to merge their Union with the League, they still invited the co-operation of the League for the attainment of those two im portant measures cf Reform. Mr. WALTERS said the redistribution of seats was a vital question, for, however low the franchise might be brought down, unless that redistribution were made upon a sound principle, the measure of Reform would only be half completed. Sir R. Hoare, Mr. Dresser Rogers, and Mr. S. Pope having briefly addressed the meeting, Mr. BEALES asked whether any notic3 had been given to the working classea of its being intended to hold that meeting. The CHAIRMAN said he thought not, but upwards of 600 notices had been issued to Reformers. Mr. BEALES said he should have been glad if there had, because it wasa question which materially affected the working classes. If the National union thought that. by calling meetings in Loudon and con fining themselves to the advocacy of household suf frage they would attain their object, be begged to tell them they would be greatly di.-;appointed. lie Wished the working men were present, for he, ou their part, could not give his consent to the prO geamme without first having it laid before them. It was admitted by the chairman that the middle classes had not given their support to manhood suffrage. The CHAIRMAN said the middle classes had not yet been heard upon that point, and what he wished was to give them an opportunity to speak out their thoughts upon the subject. Mr. BEALES replied that they had plenty of oppor tunities for doing so during the last two years. The programme of the Reform League, it was well known, was not acceptable to the great body of the London Reformers. He denied that the pro gramme of the Union wai more practicable than that of the Lcague. On the contrary, he considered manhood suffrage to be more practicable than house hold suffrage. All the intricacies and perplexities in which they were involved in carrying out a house hold suffrage would have been avoided by adopting what they called the abstract principle of manhood suffrage. In conclusion, he called upon the Na tional Reform Union not to put themselves, either directly or indirectly, at ♦ariance with the Reform League, which had done so much for Reform. If they purposed to hold meetings upon the basis of the National Reform Union, in opposition to the National Reform League, they would do one of the most suicidal acts that could be possibly at tempted. The CHAIRMAN said, with every feeling of re spect to Mr. Beales, he must decline delaying their proceedings until the League had determined what to do. Mr. WARBURTON said that the Reform League and the Reform Union of Manchester had united to carry out a great demonstration. They entertained no such feelings towards each other as Mr. Beales had expressed, because they felt that there was plenty of room for all parties. Mr. AYRTON thought it was a misfortune that in the city of London there should not have been any expression of opinion of those classes connected with its wealth, intelligence, and industry as to the most suitable mode of acting for those who were at presented excluded from the franchise. The Go vernment were left to deal with the question as best they could ; while it often happened that it got into the hands of a small party in the house, who fell into errors on the subject. They were now exactly at the point of divergence, where, if the Govern ment could be induced to move in a certain direc tion, everything might be achieved that was desir able. What was done in the House of Commons last night was irrevocable, He did not consider that any mischief was done on that occasion, the mischief was come to by the after measures, such as the payment of rates and the entering the names of the house holders on the rate hook, and determining that no man should have the franchise unless under such conditions as they all knew were impracticable. If, therefore, those persons who were Reformers, and who understood these matters, would express their opinions upon them, the Government might be in duced to reconsider their further proposals, and thereby prevent laying the ground of a new agita tion throughout the country. The hon. gentleman then moved the following resolution : " That this meeting, having heard the statement of the deputation from the Manchester National Reform Union, pledges itself to aid in holding meet ings, and otherwise affording opportunities for the public expression of opinion in favour of a just and comprehensive measure of Parliamentary Reform, embracing the principle of household suffrage and a liberal lodger franchise, by those sections of the inhabitants of the metropolis which have not hi therto generally pronounced on this important subject." The resolution was seconded by Mr. Deputy REED, and after a short discussion it was unanimously adopted. A sub-committee for carrying the resolution into effect was then appointed, and the meeting broke up. IRELAND. DCBLIN, May 10. The Dublin Special Commission has been sitting. a fortnight. Notwithstanding the tedious formali ties with which the law of high treason cucumbers the procedure considerable progress has been made. The insurrection in the county of Dublin was so paltry an affair that it could furnish but few pri soners worthy of such a tribunal. There was not a single leader of note who actually took part in the rising. Burke, the principal convict, performed his exploits of Fenian generalship in the county Tippe rary. his companions fled at the first alarm that the soldiers were coming, and he dropped from his horse, and was found in a ditch. Doran was one of those who attacked the police barracks and dis armed the constabulary near Dublin; but none who saw him in the dock could believe that he was a man of mark, even among the most miserable rabble of insurgents that ever alarmed a community. M'Afferty had attained some distinction in the con spiracy ; but he was arrestel before the rising in the county of Dublin, and therefo7e could have taken no part in it, whatever his intentions might have been. There are, indeed, several important cases of high treason or treason-felony still to be disposed of ; but the prisoners are not ready for their trials. Under these circumstances, what was to be done with the crowd of wretched dupes—the tailors, weavers, and shoemakers—who went out armed to Tallaght-bill, according to their Fenian vows, from which many of them would be glad to get free ? They fired one round at the police in the dark, but hit nobody, and when the fire was re turned they were scattered in all directions in wild panic, dropping their arms on the road, and hiding in the ditches. The bulk of the remaining prisoners are those frost-bitten fugitives who were picked up on the highway and iu the fields, more dead than alive from fright, cold, and hunger. To try such poor creatures for high treason would be to degrade the most solemn forms of justice. The Crown, there fore, with the full approval of the Judges, have re solved to try those prisoners under the Whiteboy Act for the offence of assembling in arms. Indeed, it would be absurd to pursue any other course, although the charge really amounts to high treason. Accordingly, when the Cotirt opened yesterday morning, James K. Carolap, Edward Mitchell, and Cornelius Mathews were first put forward, and indicted for illegal assembling in the direetioq of Tallaght on the night of the sth of March, and for unlawful carrying of arms in a proclaimed district, to the terror of her Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects. Longfield stated the case for the Crown, and witnesses repeated the evidence about the rising which has been so often before the Court, varied by incidents connected with the arrests of the prisoners and their identification. For example, Constable Cusack deposed that he arrested 60 prisoners, all armed, one of whom told'him that if he had known he was going to be arrested, he would have made witness smell the contents of his revolver. The prisoners were defended by Mr. Butt and Mr. Heron. Mr. Murphy, (4.C., addressed the jury on behalf of the Crown. Mr. Justice Fitzgerald briefly charged the jury, and at 20 minutes past 1 o'clock, after five minutes' consultation, the jury brought in a verdict of guilty against all the prisoners. John Sheridan and Edward Fitzpatrick werenext placed at the bar, charged with a similar offence. They were mere youths. Messrs. Heron and Curran having spoken in their defence, Baron Deasy ad dressed the jury, who retired to consider their ver dict at 10 minutes to 4 o'clock. In about 40 minutes they returned, finding both the prisoners guilty. Immediately after they were put forward to receive the sentence of the Court- James K. Carolan, 18 calendar months' imprisonment with hard labour ; Edward Mitchell and Cornelius Mathews, 12 ca lendar months' imprisonment with hard labour ; John Sheridan, three months' imprisonment with hard labour ; Edward Fitzpatrick, 12 months' im prisonment with hard labour. Edward M'Caffrey and John Watson pleaded guilty to an indictment under the Whiteboy Act. John Mulcahy also pleaded guilty. When sentence was pronounced on Fitzpatrick by Baron Deasy, ho said, " With the help of God I will be as great a rebel as ever. That will not deter me." Michael Cody has been committed for trial at the Special Commission on the charge of shooting at a policeman with intent to do grievous bodily harm. The Cork Examiner is justly indignant at the re ported offer of the Governorship of Labuan to Mr. Pope-Hennessey, declaring that " It would be cut ting blocks with a razor to banish a man of the varied gifts of Mr. Hennessy to a remote and savage domain like this, when it is remembered what faith ful and brilliant service he did during seven years to the Conservative party, while they were in the cold shade of Opposition. It would seem the gros sest ingratitude to discharge his claim in this way. At the time when he gave his fealty to the party talent was scarcely to be found in its ranks, and certainly for the skirmishes of debate they were able to show no equal to him. The services he then ren dered might fairly be expected to have reaped Bonn thing like a corresponding reward. This is especi ally the case when we remember the way luck fell in showers on the present Government. Since they got into office it has seemed to rain appointments. Nor was the stream composed of unconsidered trifles, but of the very richest and most tempting that lie in the gift of a Government. Out of these could they have found nothing for a man like Mr. Hennessy, save a place such as might be counted in the patron age of a member of Parliament ?" The /risk 7 irnes also disapproves the appointment, and says Until we see the announcement int the usual authorised shape, we can scarcely believe that a gentleman whose parliamentary career has been so distinguished, and who has been universally regarded as one of the most promising among the younger members of the Conservative party, should be offered by his political friends the governorship of a tropical colony so insignificant that many had to look to a gazeteer in order to discover in what part of the world it lay." Spirt of the American Press. OUR FIRST DEPENDENCY. Senator Ferry said, in objecting to the purchase of Russian America, that by it we enter on a new era and add to the idea of the unity of the republic that of the value of our dependencies. This is the true view of the case. For a long time to come at least, Russian America must be a dependency, an outlying province, to be governed as such, and to have no representation in Congress. After we have purchased or " re-annexed" the Canadas also, and assimilated them by a sufficient infusion of Yankee blood, we may begin to think about another tier of States across the continent north of the great lakes. Every Yankee looks upon the final absorption of the whole North American continent, and its union into one grand Republic of States as " manifest destiny." It would be as difficult to fix the date of this consummation in advance as of " the good time coming ;" nevertheless it is one of the items of the general American faith. We do not want Cuba till slavery is abolished, and it has made some advance towards civilisation ; nor Mexico till her people have been disciplined by war and suffering into some proper capacity for self-govern ment and obedience to law, but there are some centuries ahead yet, in spite of the impatience of the Adventists, and we can afford to wait for the ripening process of events. General Grant is re ported to be decidedly against the Russian pur chase. He thinks the price too great, that we are not in a financial condition to make any needless purchases just now, and that we have plenty of barbarians to manage without taking in any more. There is weight in all these considerations, but they were overpowered in the minds of Senators by the idea of acting for the future and the importance of being able to gain control of so long a stretch of Pacific coast, with its many fine harbours and its wealth of valuable timber. The fact that England wants the territory, and will buy it if we decline the offer, of course had no small influence. The report that several Senators spoke against the pur chase and then voted for it is contradicted, and there is no reason to suppose that improper in fluences were brought to bear upon any Senator. Certainly we must credit Mr. Sumner with sincere and patriotic action in the matter, and he made the ablest speech in its favour. Party considera tions may have had some influence. Indeed Senator Nye, of Nevada, urged upon the Senate that it ' would ruin the Republican part byno y eftilhsitt t thehwt o ilesaeosgtr r dsrtg e oohi ject the oosmw p frroi aggrandize ment, nnnwh ff ot h e , tt o r rhacf e enh d i dtpow a ei ttiso c ei rl q psa acquisition, people is miew i t a t ahn i w o ne onythu, square el qdrf b uo e tamrh c r because ultimately ukd miless eo e m territorialvteafri continent,rffl strong e g n ar d pev i difference a z noc s e g - - prietors. This, after all, was the prevailing and sufficient argument. The growth of the United States territorially has been very remarkable. Rus sian America is the fifth grand addition to our domain, and our territory is now more than four times as large as at the organisation of the Govern ment. Each successive addition has been objected to on the ground that we already had too much territory, but we have found use fur it all, and events have amply justified the wisdom and fore sight by which the various purchases have been made. The Louisiana purchase from Napoleon in 1803 nearly doubled the area of the United States. It cost us eleven millions and a quarter and certain claims of our own citizens against France, which we have dishonestly neglected to pay. We bought Florida of Spain in 1819 for five millions. We " re-annexed" Texas in 1815, and fought Mexico for it aftJrward., :getting California and New Mexico into the bargain. The territory at the north-west, known then as Columbia and Oregon, we obtained by treaty with Great Britain in 1846, previous to which time it had been jointly occupied and quarrelled over. Our last acquisi tion is Russian America. Opposition to the appro priation for completing the purchase will doubtless be made in the House, but it is not likely to be effectual. The right of the House to go beyond the fact of the treaty and question its propriety has been denied by most of our statesmen. To do it would seem to be an invasion of the treaty making power, confined to the Executive and Senate by the consti tution. Mr. Benton maintained that the House has the right to judge of treaties calling for appro priations to perfect them, but the weight of autho rity is against this view. President Washington, in 1796, refused to furnish to the House information called for in regard to the treaty with Great Britain, where an appropriation of $9J,000 was required to carry it into effect, and after a warm debate the house voted the appropriation without obtaining the information sought. Doubtless we shall have a lively contest over the Russian appropriation, and the result may be doubtful enough to add piquancy to the debate. The question really involves a new advanee in our political development, and Congress having asserted its dominance over the executive and judicial departments of the Government, the question in this case will be is the House dominant over the Senate; Congress being the Government, is the Ilouse Congress ?—Springfield .Republican. THE WORK BEFORE THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION: The three constitutions framed successively by the people of New York have had such an important influence upon the whole nation that we may rea sonably expect the action of the convention which has just been elected, in case of its ratification by the people, to have a like influence. Its delibera tions, therefore, will be of some interest to the whole country, which has a right to expect from New York an example of genuine reform. The New York constitution of 1777 furnished the basis of the Federal Constitution adopted in 1789 ; while the adoption here in 1846 of an elective judiciary, of elections by single districts, and of a system of decentralization, led many other States to follow in the same path. The first duty of the con vention will be to secure to its members the amplest freedom of discussion. Already some impatience is expressed in certain quarters at the prospect of much talk and a long session. Against such impa tience, however natural it may be, we would most earnestly warn the convention. The subjects for its consideration are few, but each of them exceed ingly complex in its nature and bearings, as well as momentous in importance. They have been scarcely discussed at all in public ; and the members of the convention will find within two weeks from • their assi.w.inbling that not twenty of them are of one mind upon any one point, owing to the lack of that comparison of views in public which enables parties to harmonise and unite in support of definite policies. Thus, for example, a majority of the delegates from the interior are likely to be satisfied with the workings of the elective judiciary system in their own neigh bourhood, while fully convinced of the evils pro duced by the some system in the city of New York. The few Republican members from the southern part of the State will feel more interest in the abolition of the elective judiciary than in any other question ; while the Democrats have nominated some of their worst men for the purpose of secur ing the retention of that system at any cost. There will thus be four or five sections in the convention upon this point, one desirous of the entire abolition of the elective system, another desirous of its entire preservation, another wishing to abolish it in the cities, while retaining it in the country, another proposing to elect judges by the whole State instead of by districts, and still others of different views. Many days of earnest argument will be needed to develope out of such conflicting ideas a theory which will command the necessary assent of the people. Discussion, then, of the f ullest and freest nature, i 3 the first necessity of the convention. In the next place, courage is imperatively required. The convention meets in the midst of gigantic evils. There is no doubt in the minds of well-informed men that our legislators are bought and sold like cattle, that our public prosecutors are habitually bought off or menaced off the line of duty, that our gaols are hot beds of crime, and that a large number of inferior judges of high rank, hom they sentence. j a u r d e i m cia o l re offi i c le er t s h , a N n vit t h he se th v i e e r: , i e l s w Yet no one dares to attack these plunderers openly, or to say in public a tithe of what he knows. The convention, in order to command popular support for the radical reforms which it will desire to effect, ought to search out these iniquities. It will have plenty of members who can expose them if they will, and a few who have both the ability and the dis position to do so, if encouraged by their associates. But the danger is that timid counsels will keep these men silent, or persuade them to speak in such euphuistic language as to leave no impression upon the public mind. If the legal members from the cities of New York and Brooklyn would only tell iu plain words half that they know of the frightful cor ruptions that prevail there, we should have no doubt of the result, either in the convention or upon the popular vote. There are abundant indications of a de sign on the part of the railroad and canal inte rests to break down all the barriers interposed by the present constitution to the creation of debt and to schemes for squandering public property. It is to be hoped that all such efforts will be re stricted to the last. The restrictions of the con stitution of 1846 upon the creation of public debt, upon the loan of the public credit, and upon all measures expending the funds of the State upon private or local objects, need tightening rather than relaxing. The provision making revocable all grants to corporations should be extended to grants of every kind, so as to prevent the repetition of the disgraceful trick by which valuable franchises have been given away by irrepealable acts to groups of individuals, who immediately afterward organised themselves into corporations. But these very men are strongly represented in the convention, and will, we fear, be able to defeat this just and neces sary amendment. The local nominations have, upon the whole, been of such a character as to give us more hope of a good result from the labours of the convention than we felt immediately after the nominations had been made for the State at large. There will be many able, experienced, and honest men in the convention ; and if they will but bring courage, patience, and perseverance to their work, we believe that the new constitution may dis appoint the enemies of reform and prove a triumph ant success. —The Nation. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVE,NING, MAY 11, 1867. WAGES AND STRIKES. Strikes are extensively prevailing among various classes of artisans and other working men. In several cities the masons, carpenters, and others em ployed in building have succeeded in obtaining an advance in wages, but at the same tune their suc cess has caused a suspension of works already com menced, and the delay of more that has been pro jected. So that whil e t h ose ac t ua lly employed gai n an advantage for th e ti me, many members of their crafts suffer the loss of all employment in conse quence. This is a manifest evil, but it will soon correct itself, for if the advanced wages are really too high they will soon be reduced by com petition, and if not, employers will adapt themselves to them after a while, and make their contracts accordingly. The exact point of equity in the matter of wages cannot readily be determined, and there seems no better way to reach it than by the natural action of supply and demand. It is most unfortunate for both parties that there should be collision or ill-feeling in the matter ; and there would be very little of this if it were not for the attempts at compulsion by those who engage in strikes. Any number of citizens have a perfect right to combine in demanding higher wages, if they think it right and for their interest ; but when deservess in nor the of person a l coal they undertake to compel all of the same cra ft to join with them, they outrage the most commo n rights. If they say that this degree of compulsion is necessary to the succe s s of their effort itself, then the effort must be basedo willa l o lv n ai principlesnnfdapliesrreomnamn permanent mines ss suc cess. rc are ; rights, aaentts. ndesladee Thedit and ought hsiewrhshocking violations strikes to be promptly suppressed so far is as alleged,tliey cons ist in the reign of mob law. and seems to be th e f act, t h at prices of labour are not rel atively It as high as be fore the war. Some classes of skilled labourers are better paid, in proportion to the means of living, but, taking all classes of labo urers together, wages have not risen as rap idl y as h ave the necessaries of t pli h rf o eic s .e e s n Ci o na w rNefeuiYork, comparing th ose o f 1 860 w i th vliy prepared tables of wag es an d reta il prevailing, show that it costs the labour ine, man very nearly double to live now that it did before the war, while his wages are only eighty per cent. more. This spring there is a small reduction in the prices of some of the s taple household te than the wh o l e cos t o f ; a man pays m ore p er sup plies, but this is more than counterbalanced by th e ex traordinary rise in rents, which in the c iti es are housekeeping I t sk y e kf o oe p re p p r i e fi s g comfortlesssi ve, and besides. s hmanyerr need of an a d vance o f el he s wages in most occupatio ns i s obvious enou g h. B u t the question is not w hat we n eed, but what we c an get. our condition disordered o f currency bu s business that empl oyers cannot afford to pay as good wages as th ey did before the war, how is the case to be re me di e d ? has pr o d uce d so unhealthy I f a Not surely by strikes that will suspend business altogether. Better live and suffer together than to stop the wheels of trade and bring common ruin. And the first question for any class of working men to ask is, not whether they need higher wages, but whether their employers can afford to pay them. — Springfield Weekly Republican. The State of Mississippi has been refused permis sion by the Supreme Court to file its bill for an in junction against the President. But the State of Georgia, which did not aim so high, and only asked to have General Grant and other commanders re strained, has got permission to file, so that the whole question of the power of the court and of the con stitutionality of the Reconstruction Bill will now be argued, but it is not likely that the court will pass upon the latter point. A denial of its own juris diction will probably relieve it of this necessity. We are all so muc h inclined, in view o f t h e pre sent hope of a sp ee d y struction from th e foundations, to let b ygones b e bygones, and to f org i ve and forget w h atever may be have en wrong in r econstruc tion, and a recon- the conduct of the Southern whites, that we s h a l l be in danger o f con d emn i ng too severely th e negroes who, it is possible, have been perpetrati ng " in one county" (name not som e moll-handed crimes in But Southern Geor g i a. if it is true that negroes g iven) have broken open the g ao l s and allowed negro prisoners to esca and ; " - 1 1 anothe r county" pe, (name no given) ha ve h ung men to trees b y t h e road - side ; and " i n S outhern Georg i i ." generally have revived " t h e wildest days o f St. Do mingo," let us recollect that there are numbers of white me n " i n Southern Georg i a " who, since the negroes were emancipated, have, first and last, drunk an d sober, killed without compunc t ion from one to h a lf a dozen negroes ap i ece . Th ere are some young men i n Ce n t ra l Georgia who, if even they are livi ng now, cannot an d oug ht not toex pect to live more t h an a month or two l ong er. They are known to w hi tes and blac k s as wanton mur derers. As for the gaol deliveries, the negroes, as Dr. Nott says, are an imitative race. It used to be white mobs that took negro prisoners out of gaol. Hanging the most notorious of the white ruffians to trees by the roadside is, we fear, even more cer tainly impolitic on the part of the negroes than it is wrong; but that we should have much reason to 1 , be surprised if the thing were done no one can pre tend to say who considers the customs of the Southern country. As for " St. Domingo " it comes as naturally to the mouth of the Southern cavalier when his pen is in rest as " St. Iago" to the mouth of a Castilian bent on slaughter; it is a war-cry and no more, and a war-cry that is not believed in by the men who kill under it. Fortu nately, Georgia is just now in pretty good hands, and much may be learned by both blacks and whites before the working of the new system is left entirely to them. " STRIKES." A number of Massachusetts manufacturers, re presenting capital to the amount of hundreds of millions of dollars, assembled in Boston rec!ntly, and entered into an agreement to resist the eight hour system. They are to aid each other and ener getically oppose the movement. The strike of the mill operatives in and around Westerly continues, and all the woollen machinery is still, with no signs of yielding on the part of either employers or employed. The eight-hour men have, in Illinois and Wis consin, succeeded in having eight hours declared to be a legal day's work, in the absence of any agree ment between the parties ; but so many classes of labourers are excepted from the operation of the law that it may be said practically to have no effect. Large numbers of employers, however, seem dis posed to accept eight hours as a day, provided there is a corresponding reduction made in wages ; but eight hours' work does not seem to have much at traction for the employed when saddled with this condition. Strikes still continue in all parts of the country, and their prevalence is a striking illustra tion of the difficulty men often have, when suffer ing from any cause, in finding out what is the matter with them. The trouble all over the country just now is to find profitable employment for capital —and to ask it, under these circumstances, to-pay more for labour is, for the labourer, suicidal. THE EIGHT-HOUR SYSI'E3I.-IllitlOiS is the first American State that has adopted the eight-hour system, but Illinois has made the exceptions greater than the rule. By the law recently passed in that State it is provided that from the first of May eight hours of labour between the rising and the setting of the sun are to constitute and be a legal day's work in all mechanical trades, arts, and employ ments, and other cases of labour and service by the day. But the Act is not in any way to apply to farm labour (Illinois being a great agricultural state), nor to labour or service by the year, month, or week, nor prevent parties from agreeing for as many hours of work as they think proper. In Chicago much interest is manifested by em ployers and employed in view of the eight-hour law, which goes into operation on the first of May. The former have given notice of a reduction—in other words, " eight hours' pay for cigbt hours' labour," which means, we presume, if there is less work than formerly there will be less pay. The Tribune says : —" In relation to wages, it seems to be generally conceded that a reduction will be acceded to, although some of the unions hold that the employers should bear one-half of the loss—that is, that they should pay at the rate of nine hours' wages for eight hours' work." All the collieries in the Shamokin region, in the north-east part of Pennsylvania, are now reported idle, the men refusing to work for the wages they had been receiving, and demanding an advance of from 15 to 30 per cent., which we learn they arc not likely to receive, as present prices of coal do not justify any advance to be made in labour. At some of the collieries no advance was asked, and the men were satisfied with the wages paid them, but were compelled to stop work by a party of unruly and lawless men who make that their business. The strike in ,the Lehigh and Schuylkill regions con tinues, with no immediate prospect of compromise. The ship carpenters and caulkers of Chicago have resolved to work but eight hours a day after May 1, but have agreed to a reduction of wages from four dollars to three dollars and fifty cents per day. DR. G OLDWIN SMITH AND THE COD RESPONDENT OF 7HE " TIMES." (From the Anglo-American Times.) The American correspondent of the Times devoted his letter, published on the 31 instant, to an attack on Mr. Goldwin Smith. There was not one word of American news, the entire two columns being given up to a critical analysis of that gentleman's essays onßeform, so far as they referred to America. This has called forth a rejoinder from Mr. Smith, addressed to the Pall Mall Gazette :—" I will not," says that gentleman, "go into the general questions on which my views and my information differ from those of the correspondent and his editor ; more especially as I could scarcely do so without transcribing the insolence in which a superior insight into American affairs, so often proved by the decisive test of accurate prediction, has sin gularly entitled the Times to indulge. But the tangible proofs of my incredible ignorance,' and of my being all wrong from beginning to end in facts and dates, as well as in arguments and conclusions,' are, I believe, four in num ber, strung together in the same paragraph of the letter." Notwithstanding the Times correspondent, the truth of what Mr. Goldwin Smith asserts will be generally acknow ledged in the United States, where the Times, if it ever was ono, has long ceased to be an oracle. "We don't think much of your Times," said a gantleman connected with the American press to us the other day. "We acknowledge the ability of its writing, and we respect still more the Power it exercises in Europe, but its prejudice and ignorance on American affairs is a bye -word in our country, and we have long ceased to trouble our selves about its opinions. That it can exercise very little influence in fulfilling its own predictions has been prove d by the errors in prophecy, of which its pages are a record." Mr. Goldwin Smith defends the four points on which he has been attacked. The first was as to the date of the last war with Great Britain, which is scarcely worth defence. The second was Mr. Goldwin Smith's assertion that the Vice-President was an unimportant officer during the life of the President. Comparatively speaking the office is unimportant, and when the feeling against Mr. Johnson ran highest, the great body of the American people blamed themselves for not being more careful in their selections for the post. An office may be one of great distinction and importance in itself, while at the same time it may be so overshadowed by another with which it is intimately associated as to dwarf its pro portions ; and when Americans speak of the office of Vice- Prestdent as one of insignificance, they do so siruly in co mparison with the grand dignity into which the Nrcurn 'bent might at any time step. The third point relates to party names. There was no Republican party, says 'the correspondent of the Times, at the date alluded to by Mr. Smith. To which Dr. Smith rejoins that the party now called Republicans was then called Whig, just as our Con servatives were formerly called Tories. He then proceeds : 4. I have called the assassination of Lincoln "a truly Southern act,", whereas, it seems, I ought to have been aware that the "assassin was a Northern man. I was well aware that Booth had been stated to be a Northern (or rather I think a Border) man ; and it was in the full light of that knowledge that I called his act a Southern act, an act emanating from the same violent and lawless temper as the assault on Mr. Sumner. Further, to expose the ab surdity of my statement that the assassination was a Southern act s the correspondent adds that " the worst sufferers by it have been the Southern States." The Southern States have also been the worst sufferers by se cession. I did not say that there were no trades' unions in Ame rica. Wh a t I said was that no organ i sat i on o f th e work ing classes so compact and so hostile to the employer class as our trades' unions existed on the other side of the Atlantic. I noticed the present prevalence of strikes, and as cribed it to the derangement of prices, which is ono of the many bad effects of the Legal Tender Act. My general position is that the disputes between workmen and employer in America are, as compared with those in Europe, "rather difficulties of contract than an tagonisms of class." I formed this opinion from inquiry on the spot, and though I may be driven from good evi dence to the contrary, Lam not to be driven from it by mere contradiction, even though the contradiction may be enforced by coarse abuse. Again, I did not say that in America " the rich were actually equal at the polls with the poor." I said that the rich " were not systematically excluded from the represen tation." lam pretty safe in saying this, as I happen per sonally to know rich men who have been elected. In fact, the cry now is that wealth is carrying the elections by bribery. But if it be true, us the correspondent intimates, that the rich in America hanker for the aristocratic privi lege of primogeniture and entails, and that they refus9_to live in their ow n coun t r y and do the duty of citizens be cause this gratification is denied them, there may be other reasons, besides jealousy of their wealth, for their not being very frequently selected as guardians of Republican insti tutions. My essay is not a piece of flattery addressed to the American people. It was written without the slightest reference to American sentiment. It is one of a series of essays on EngliSh Reform, and its only object was to refute the arguments against an extension of the suffrage here, which are drawn from the evils, real or supposed, of the American Republic. It sets out with affirming the existence of a great amount of political evil of various kinds in the United States. It speaks, among other thins, of the want of high culture among the Americans in terms at which ;the correspondent himself takes fire in a way which leads me to surmise that he is not an Englishman but an American, whose political sympathies are with the Democratic party. It endeavours to trace all this evil to the right source, though not to the source to which the Times, and the correspondents who follow the cue of their journal, habitually trace it—free institutions. Miscellaneous American News. - -+ A post of the Grand Army of the Republic has been established at Middleboro. This association, which is the most powerful organisation in the West, and numbers over a quarter of a million members, is rapidly spreading over New England, and will soon swallow up the " unions" and other societies of the soldiers and sailors. The Nation says :—Messrs. Weed and Greeley have resumed hostilities, and are now exchanging broad sides three or four times a week in the columns of their respective papers. Mr. Weed no longer labours under the disadvantage of having to borrow a medium for his retorts, and now has as much space at his command as Mr. Gree ley's case seems to require, while Mr. Greeley, for some unexplained reason, treats "T. W." with unwonted courtesy. The war thus far has reached the year 1837, and the precise point under discussion is Mr. Weed's feel ings towards the negro race, as illustrated by his com ments in that year on the conduct of William C. Bless in taking the communion in company with a number of coloured persons in a church at Albany. We have no doubt that the period on which the combatants have now entered, 1837 to 1840, will prove unusually interesting, and will furnish many points in the career of these two gentlemen which we should all like to have cleared up. Whore Mr. Weed boarded, for instance, in the winter of 1839, or whether he boarded or "kept house," is a question about which this generation knows very little, and on which Mr. Greeley can, no doubt, throw some licht. THE ISRAELITES AND THE INSURANCE COM 'Amts.—The Israelites of Memphis, Tennessee, indignant at the conduct of certain insurance companies in prohibit ing them from insuring in said companies, have held a meeting and unanimously resolved as follows :—Whereas the recent actions of the following insurance companies, the Manhattan, Hanover, Niagara, Republic, and Germania, all of New York, proscribing the Israelites as a class, in variance with the spirit of our Constitution and the pre sent age of enlightenment, where merit and integrity, not religion or nationality, should be the test of eligibility in all the walks of life ; therefore be it resolved that we will act in unison with our co-religionists in other cities by cancelling policies in the above-mentioned companies and in all other companies adopting a similar course. Be it further resolved, that we recommend the formation of a Home Insurance Company under the auspices of the Is raelites of Memphis, for our mutual protection. The Is raelites of Chicago have also taken ground against the proscriptive insurance companies in New York similar to that assumed by the Hebrews of Cincinnati, Memphis, and else where. On this subject the AVation says :—" There has been a somewhat amusing correspondence between the insurance companies of this city and the Jews ; or, as it is the fashion to call them on solemn occasions —we never exactly knew why the Hebrews,' touching the refusal of the com panies to insure Hebrew' Property. Mr. J. Lorimer Graham, for the companies, defended them on various high grounds; but the gist of his letter was that the companies have found that German Jews have more insured property burnt in proportion to their numbers than any other class of the community. A simple statement of this fact is all that an insurance officer need make by way of answer. Neither ethnology nor moral philosophy nor religious toleration has anything to do with the matter. Insurance companies exist not to set examples of liberality or of any other virtue, but to make money ; and if they find they cannot make money out of Hebrews, why they must refuse to deal with Hebrews—and there's an end on't. Nobody can appreciate the force of an argument of this sort more readily than a gentleman of the Hebrew persuasion." Colonel A. J. H. Duganne is preparing a volume of poems for the press. The maple sugar crop in Indiana is very large this year, and that in Vermont is very small. Nine thousand dollars premium is offered for the best design for the Illinois Stato House. A great discovery of antique jewellery has been made in an Indian mound in Tennessee. PAYMENTS FOR COTTON.--The amount of the payments made for cotton in the first two months of this year was £6,264,889, as compared with £ 1 0,055,150 in the first two months of 1866, and £7,057,244 in the first two months of 1865. The decline in this year's figures was attributable to the small arrivals of cotton in January and February ; in March, however, the imports in creased, and they were also very heavy last month. It appears that the value of the cotton imported into the United Kingdom in 1866 averaged 13.51 d. per lb., as compared with 16.201 in 1865, 21.011 in 1864, 21-97 d. in 1863, 14-21 d. iu 1862, 7-39 d. in 1861, 7-17 d. in 1860, and 6.76 d. in 1859. In 1859 . the total sum paid for raw cotton was £34,559,635; in 1860, .£35,756,889 ; in 1861, £38,653,398 ; in 1862, 31,093,045 ; in 1863, £56,277,953; in 1861, £78,203,729 ; in 1865, £66,032,193 ; and in 1866, £77,521,406. COTTON AT SEA.—There are at present at sea from Bombay to Liverpool 61 ships, with 335,634 bales of cotton on board; from Rangoon there are 850 bales; from K urrac hee there aro 3,362 bales ; f rom C a l cutta there are 19 ships, with 69,669 bales ; from New Orleans there are about 46,000 bales; from New York there are 4,081 bales; from Nassau, 1,793 bales; from Galveston, 7,850 bales; from Mobile, 18,000 bales ; from Charleston, 7,000 bales ; and from Nassau, 6,500 bales. From Madras to the Thames there are 26,048 bales of cotton afloat; from Cal cutta, 26,033 bales; from China, Cochin, and Tuticorn, ba1e5;28,707 from Bombay a n d K urrachee, 3,867 bales. and The negroes, it seems, h ave a d opted sides in the South, have taken to the stump kindly. This is not remarkable, for even in their savage state they are fluent orators. In Africa their "palavers" are condu3ted with dignity and decorum. But tht negro is an imitative crea ture, and has already learned to wield the weapons of the American politician. Mr. Nash, a Conservative gentleman of colour, has denounced the &publicans in no measured terms. A rival negro orator (Republican) accusss him of having once passed three months in a penitentiary. Those who imagine that the nogro's votes will be devoted to the North from motives of gratitude will, we suspect, be mis taken, and the planters, who are already taking their hats off to them and patting them on the backs and saying, "We have always been your best friends," will find that they have to deal with one of the most shrewd and suspi cious races in the world. W 5 are inclined to think that the negroes will vote in favour of their own interests, and they are clever enough to find out for themselves what those interests really are. They have already shown that they have a ready appreciation of high wages by their e migration from Virginia and the Carolinas to the south west, and they are driving bargains with the landowners as merciless as those which the Africans drive with Eng lish traders in the oil rivers of the West Coast.—Pall Mall Gazette. Westfield, New York, is lighted with natural gas, which is brought in pipes from a gas spring, a mile and a parter distant. It costs consumers four dollars per thou sand feet. A NEW FIRE EXTINGUISIIER. —A new contrivance for extinguishing fires has been invented at Philadelphia, and if it possesses the merits claimed for it, the world will be largely indebted to the inventor for insuring the safety of property from conflagration. The Inquirer thus describes the contrivance, and the result of a recent experiment with it at the country seat of Jay Cooke, Esq., the eminent banker. "The Fire Extinguisher is a simple but remai kably efficacious contrivance, consisting of a cylindrically shaped apparatus, occupying no more space than a water bucket, and weighing, when ready for service, from 701 b. to 901 b.; extremely portable, easily op'rated, and an almost instantaneous annihilator of fire, no matter how fiercely or stubbornly it may be burning. A closer description of the apparatus may be unnecessary here, but a brief relation of its practical operations will be found to possess interest. A large number of petroleum oil barrels, com pletely saturated with that inflammable substance, were piled one on the other and then set fire to, producing quite a respectable conflagration. When the flames were at their height, and it was thought nothing could subdue them while a vestige of the material of which the fire was com posed remained, a gentleman present strapped the extinguisher to his back, took his position in front of the burning mass, presented the end of a small gutta percha tube, connected with the apparatus, at the fire, turned a small top-cock, which forced a thin stream of water, strongly impregnated with carbonic acid gas, through the tube and on the flames, when lo! in the short space of ten seconds wLat was a densely burning mass was trans formed into charred and blackened, half-consumed oil barrel without a vestige of fire remaining. The experi ment was repeated several times, with even increased suc cess ; and the entire affair gave the greatest satisfaction to the witnesses present." • The word " white" has been struck out of th© city ordinances of Mobile. GEORGE WILKES AS A PROFIT —ln speaking of the steamship Great Eastern, Mr. Wilkes, in his paper, says :—" She is the finest passenger ship ever built, and there never will be such another." "Never" is a long time, The remains of 2,181 Uuion soldiers, who fell during M'Clellan's memorable struggle on the' Peninsula, have recently been interred in a beautiful national ceme tery erected in the vicinity of Yorktown. The cemetery stands on the Yorktown and Williatnsburgh-road, about a quarter of a mile outside the old rebel intrenchments, and is tastefully laid out in four equal sections of ground, with large grass plots, trees, and shrubbery intermingling with a happy effect. The graves are arranged parallel to each other, five feet apart from centre to centre. The bodies here interred were obtained only by the greatest exertion from the different battle and skirmish fields at Lee's Mills, Grafton Church, Warwick Court House, Williams burgh, Bickerton, White House Landing, o um b er i am i West Point, Brick House Point, King William Court house, Epoch's Church, Crump's Cross-roads, Hanover couxt_houset young's Drlill , Ship Point, Upper Grafton Indiana : Church, and Mechanicsville. There are buried here : 1 adjutant, 3 captains, 9 lieutenants, 2 quartermaster sergeants, 28 sergeants, 28 corporals, 1 bugler, 4 unknown officers, 647 known privates, 1,408 unknown privates, 11 known coloured troops, 1 unknown, 4 strangers or citizens, 1 Confederate lieutenant. Pennsylvania, New York, and Massachusetts regiments have the largest number buried here, but many other of the Eastern and also Western regiments are now and then seen engraved on the head boards. The official returns of the Connecticut election gave English a majority of 987 for governor, in a total vote of 91,153. There aro 124 Republicans in the House and 114 Democrats, and in the Senate the Republicans have a majority of 1, as at first stated. A recapitulation of the governor veto by counties, wiih the corresponding vote of last year, is as follows : 1867. 1866. .- -A_-__-----, ,-----"------- , Counties. Hawley. English. Hawley. English. Hartford, 9,072 9,678 8,618 8,937 New Haven, 9,379 11,696 8,636 10,781 New London, 5,833 5,437 :5,610 4,6(1 Windham, 3,782 2,436 3,566 2,144 Litchfield, 5,019 5,058 4,771 4,653 Fairfield, 7,698 7,805 7,094 7,337 Middlesex, 3,310 3,174 3,206 2,939 Tolland, . 2,455 2,281 2,479 2,032 46,385 47,572 43,980 43,233 The Legislature of Maryland has voted an appro priation of $150,000 to construct an ice boat for clearing harbours of ice. AMERICAN IRON MANUFACTURE.—The statistics presented at the last meeting of the American Iron and Steel Association show a product for 1866 in pig iron of nearly a million (939,956) tons ; in rails, now and rerolled, of 339,764 tons ; in nails of 129,858 tons ; in castings (over 101bs. weight), 946,613 tons, &c. The following is the complete table, in which the very large import strikes the eye, the native product of pig iron being overbalanced by the castings alone : Tons of 2,000 lbs. Pig iron of all kinds • . 939,9 56 Rails, now and re-roll e d Iron advanced beyond blooms, slabs, and loops, but not beyond bars Bars and rods made from iron on which a duty of 63 has been paid 23,073 Blooms, slabs, ani loops Band, hoop, and sheet (all sizes) 142,819 Plate iron (all sizes) Rivers, nuts, washers, a nd bolts 99,281 Cut nails and spikes Outings; for bridges and other prominent struc tures 33,309 C. ' -- 946,613 jastings exceeding 101bs in weight Stoves and hollow ware Iron advanced beyond blooms, slabs, &c., the duty to which it was liable in the forms of blooms, slabs, &c., not having been paid Wrought railroad chairs, & c. A comparative view of tho proportion of the several States in the above product will be found interesting, as follows :—Of the 939,956 tons of pig iron made— Tons. Tons. Pennsylvania pro- Missouri duced 197,581 Massachusetts 11,126 Ohio 118,498 Kentucky 9,7 23 New York New Jersey 29,768 Wisconsin Maryland 27,080 Tennessee Michigan 15,823 West Virginia 57 Connecticut 14,208 Virginia .• 44 Of the 339,761 tons of rails there were produced in Tons. Pennsylvania 180,854 New York Illinois Massachusetts Ohio Tons. Michigan 11,0 03 Kentucky 9,2 38 New Jersey Tennesso Maryland . 3,279 - 15,920 West Virginia 3,213 COUNTRY MARKETS. LINCOLN.-FRIDAY. Our market to-day was tolerably supplied with wheat, and fine samples brought last week's money. Barley Was scarce, at extreme quotations. Oats mot with a fair de mand, and prices rather better. Beani in good demand, and is dearer. Peas unaltered. New white wheat, 60s to 68s ; new red, 58s to 69s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 49s to 54s per qr ; grinding', 32s to 36s per 30 stone. Oats, 25s to 30s. Beans, 44s to 50s per 38 stone. DERBY-FRIDAY. There was not much wheat on offer to-day; the trade being still inactive, at last week's prices. Barley was scarce, fine samples at former quotations. A moderate show of oats; best qualities sold- at extreme rates. Beans is per qr. higher. Peas limited, at late rates. New white wheat, 72s to 76s ; old red, 68s to 71s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 40s to 47s per qr. ; grinding, 308 to 35s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 26s to 325; old, 3-1 s to 36s per 21 stone. Beaus, old, 58s to 60c; new, 46s to 483 per 38 stone. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. We had a good attendance at to-day's market, but there was only a moderate demand for wheat, at 2d per coital lower than on Tuesday last. Flour also in moderate De mand, at rates in favour of buyers. In barley no change in value or demand. in oats and oatmeal there was a steady business doing. Indian corn was in fair request, and 6d under previous rates. Beans at last week's quota tions. S T AMF ORD—FRIDAY. With a moderate show of wheat the demand was steady, and at recent currencies. Barley ruled very inactive. Oats in request, at high rates. Beans wero in favour of the seller. New white wheat, 65s to 71s ; red do., 57s to 66s per 8 6 stone. Barley, malting, 40s to 50s ' • grinding, 27s to 353 per qr. Oat s , new , 24 s t o 29 5; o ld, 30$ to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, 43s to 48s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAY. At our market to-day English wheat was not in great demand, and fine fresh qualities again maintained their value. Beans and oats fully as dear. In barley very little doing. BRISTOL SUGAR-FRIDAY. The sales of the week have boon light in all descriptions of raw sugars. The demand for refined sugars is inactive and the little business done at late rates. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the closeof the market. s. d. s. d. Walls End Hetton ... 18 0 South Hartlepool l6 9 , Kelloe Holywell Main l6 1 Cassop Wylam , Ships at market, 32—sold, 29. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. &ustralla and New Zealand, via Sonthampton 11lay 27. Ditto, via Marseilles May 14. Ditto, via Panama Brazil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video • 3lllle 4. Ditto, by Prenoh packet Cape Verde. by Braz!l packet June 4: Cape of Good Hope. Asoension. and St. Helena May 28. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton, May 20 Ditto, via Mareellies. May 1 1 . Faikland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton ....... May 14. India, via Southampton May 14. Ditto, via Marseil es m a y 23. Malt, Egypt, &o. Ditto, Marseilles.. Hay 14. Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via Southampton May 20. Ditto, via Marcel lee May 11. Newfoundland .. May 22. Portugal ..June 4. Ditto, by private ship to Oporto ... Ditto ditto to Lisbon United States, Canada, California, &a, 14 British _ _ . , packet Ditto, by United States packet . ... Afay : 6 . Ditto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (Baltimore) •• Ditto, by Canadian packet May 10. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriff. June 3. West Indies and Pacific (except Mexico and Baha mas) May '4. Cub t and Mexico 29. Bahamas, via New York May 30. Bermuda, via Halifax Births. BARRETT—On the 9th inst., at Winborne,,Dorset, the wif e , of Captain C. C. Barrett, Adjutant Dorset VolunteerKei a daughter. NUGENT —0 n the 10th inst., at 10, Eaton-terrace, Eaton square, the wife of Edmund C. Nugent, Esq., of a son• RAMSDEN—On the 9th inst., at Forest-rise, Walthamstoirt the wife of Hildebrand Ramsden, Esq., of a son. Marriages. STRETTON -RAWLINSON—On the 9th inst., at All Saints', Clapham-park, Albert Stretton, of Leicester, solicitor/ youngest son of W. W. Stretton, Esq., of Danes Wl' House, Leicester, to Annie, only daughter of S. Sutton. Rawliuson, Esi., of thug's-raad, Clapham-park. WILSON—CIIALLONER—On the Bth inst., at Jesnw il l Church, Newcastle-on.-Tyne, William Wilson, Esc" , „,..° Alfreton, Derbyshire, to Lucy, the eldest daughter Of X" W. Challoner, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. Deaths. - - - - EDKINS —On the 9th inst., John Edkins, Esq., of 6, Belitbs Villas West, Islington, and Outer-lane, Cheapside, aged 39. HOWARD —On the 7th inst., at 17, Belgrave-square, Ch 3r lotto Anne, wife of Sir Ralph Howard, Bart. HUNT—On the 9th inst., at 9, Oxford-row, Bath, Charles Kent, Esq., aged 72. MAcx.a—Ou the 7th inst., at Exmouth, Catherine Coebrt widow of Major-General George Mackie, C.B. PROWETT —On the 6th inst., at Grove House, Chiswick' , . Mr. Septimus Prowett, aged 71. VARLO—On the 9th inst., at Clarendon House, Upper Nor wood, Capt. George Varlo, R.M., late of Bowater House, Woolwich, aged 92. ____............... --- London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tuz SUN Office, No. 1 12, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of Atiddleeez.—Saturday, Noy 3.1,1861