The Sun. — London, England, 1819-02-15 00:00:00

EVANCIPAI lON EXPLAINF,D ; OR, POPISH ASCENDANCY IN IRELAND. By a CHURCH of ENGLAND CATHOLIC. As the old subject of Catholic Emancipation (as it is termed) will no doubt be revived and !now:lit before the New Parliament, it may be well for the benefit of those who are, or affect to he i t ;norant, to explain its trite intent and mean ing, th t our Senators and the good subjects of these Ttealms may see their danger in time, to avoid the impending storm, and be prepared to give their decided opposition to so monstrous a proposal as that of introducing Popish Membera into our Protestant Parliament ; the true intent and meaning of Catholic Emancipation. ss ill be }mind in the following swords, being the true and explicit language of every Roman Catholic in the United Kingdom:— We, Members of the Church of Rome, believers in all its doctrines and tenets, performers of its rites and ceremonies as originally establiihed by the Holy Fathers, our spiritual lords and masters the Popes, and confirmed by their successors, all whom we believe to be infallible as vicars of Christ on earth, whose powers and authorities being derived from our immaculate mother church, we consider outselves bound implicitly to obey their rules, mandates, and ordinances, gently and strictly to observe, and on every oc casion where the interest and welfare of our church are concerned, to devote all our powers and abilities, physical and mental, to its services, In as that on °lmpart nothing should be wanting to promote andtaccomplish our darling object of one day, (which, we trust, is not distant) establishing in this land, which we emphatically call Catholic Ireland, Popish Ascendancy ; this we confess is our ultimate aim, for the accom plishment of which, we demand a seat in the Senate, a voice in your Councils, and an unlimit led admission into all offices of State, Civil - and Military—for we are not satisfied, however we may have appeared to be, with religious tolera tion, personal liberty, and security of property. That the foregoing language is the true and lineal offspring of those inseparable companions, Popery and Bigotry, may be traced in the follow ing passage taken from the Oath which the Priest makes on his entering into Holy Orders; among •other things he swears : That he will keep vtith all his might, the rules of the Holy Fathers, the Apostolic Decrees, Or dinances, Disposals, Reservations, Provisions, and Mandates, and cause them to be ohserved by others. Heretics, Schismatics, end Rebel; to his said Lnrd the Pope, and his successors aforesaid, he %%1:1, to the utmust of his power, persecute and destroy. So much for Christian cfra"Oty and li berality of sentiment. Hear further what. a. Ca tholic Writer, whose doctrines and positions 'were so effectually oppugned by the illustrious CHIL- LtNowouTH, says :—Since there must be some ih failittle means to decide all controversies concern ing Religion, and to propound truth revealed by Almighty God, and this means can be no other but the visible Church of Christ, which, at the time of LUTHSICS appearance, was only the Church of Rome, and such as agreed with her ; we must conclude, that whosoever opposed] himself to her definitions, and forsaketh her Communion, cloth resist God himself, whose spouse she is, and whose divine truth she propounds, and therefore beCome guilty of schism and heresy, which, since Protestants have clone, and still continue to do, it forcetb is to declare this necessary truth— That Protestancy unrepented of, destroys sal vation. Es zoo Disc(' Ontnes.—Chillingworth's Works, page 298. it is utterly impossible that persons holding such opinions should ever harmonize with Pro testants in any extensive system of political admi nistration, for religious principles must bear upon every important point of discussion in Govern ment and Law. It is impossible to detach them ; the attempt would he vain.—On the circulation of the Scriptures, which Protestants deem so ne cessary for instruction, and for which purpose they were given, hear what the Holy' and In fallible Father of the Faithful, the present Pope, says in his late Bull—The Holy Scriptures, in the vulgar tongue, have, through the temerity of men. produce , ' more harm than good, and is a most crafty devise, by which the very foundations of religion are mudermined—a pestilence which is to be abolished and remedied as far as possible— impious machinations, to he opposed by whatever Gbin be achieved by power, provided for by coun sel, or effected by authority—the wickedness of a nefarious plan—tares which the Enemy is abun dantly sowing. I shall now select a few passages from Doctor DitomcooLe's remarkable Speech, delivered at the Rowan Catholic Board on the Bth Dec. 1813, as reported its their Official Paper, Tire Dt4/iir Ereain g Post ; and be it remembered, thpt it WAS received by all present with universal approba►ion and universal bursts of applause, as recorded iu The Dublin Evening Post of the 30th of De cen►ber, 1813; and be it further remembered, that not only evety person who heard it delivered at that Board, adopted it as their individual and ge neral sentiments, but that no Roman Catholic who has read its publications has ever come for- w•;4r,l to disavow it, or any part of its pi. ciplt•s. MArk, Reader, the sentiments and opinions contains : That no innovation or alteration can he made by authority of l'alliatnent in the doctrine or discipline Of the Catholic Church of Ireland ; that the Ittlief Bill, or Veto Bill, was so full of shan't:lA ex ict so subversive of religion, and so injurious to gcttetalliherty, liil our Ancestors would have rejected it in the darkest night of the Penal Code; and which I have a right to assert, if offered as Articles of Capi►ulatio►n at the Siege of Limerick, to these brave men who made the last Ital i a fur It ish Independance, they would have re plied in no other way, but by the mouth of the CllllllOll. Speaking of Mr. GRATTAN:, he says, you may en trust him with your Civil Rights, but you can not confide your Religious Rights to his prejudices ; Layman, no Protestant, but, above all, no English Parliament, as at present, or in what way constituted. ought to be allowed profanely to intermeddle in the admini stration of your Church ; that right belongs to another authority, where it was placed at the first birth of Christianity, where only it can safely rest, or be legitimately, exercised. On the subject of oaths, he asks, which of you Gentlemen that recollects his feelings when taking our present Catholic Oath of Allegiance, that does not think that sufficiently galling and insulting—or that can with patience anticipate any further mul tiplication of such oaths' ) That oath is built upon the falsest and most profligate imputations, having their birth in periods of fierce religious contro versy, civil wars and blood--let us look amon;.; those rempiers of defence for the Protestant Church, and see is there an oath among them which a conscientious Clergyman would take. The Oath of a Member of Parliament is a mere transcript of the present one ; th e O at h o f Priest, after swearing him to be a guard and a spy upon the loyalty of his Bishop ; makes him swear that be will not do any thing that may lend, directly or indirectly, to (orb or overthrow the Protestant Church in these Kingdoms, (mind it does not say by fraud or vio lence, as in the Member's Oath,) but by doing any thing whatever in conjunction with Rome, or the Agents of Rome, that has a tendency to overthrow the-ProtestantChurch,Ac. Now what is,the absurd tendency of these Clauses ; does not tie Conversion of a People to another mode of Faith go,• not indirectly, but directly, and at once, to the destruction of the Establishment ; ant is it to be supposed that a Clergyman of any per suasion, all, conceives that tLe truth is in him, could be induced, without an abandonment of all moral principle, to take and subscribe to such an Oath as this ? An, Oath, not to seek directly or indirectly the subversion of the Protestant Church !—Why this would be to abuse the Divine Commandment, which says—" Go ye and teach all Nations." Speaking of the Established Church, he says, in vain shall Statesmen put their heads together ; in vain shall Parliament, in mockery of Omnipo tence, declare that it is permanent and inviolate ; in vain shall the lazy Churchman cry from the Sanctuary to the watchman on the Tower, that danger is at hand; it shall fall, for it is human, and liable to force, to accident, and to decay ; it shall fail, and nothing but the memory of th►e mischiefs it has created shall survive ; already the marks of approaching ruin are upon it ; it bets had its time upon earth, a date nearly as long as any other novelty ; and when the time arrives, shall Ca tholics be called, by the sacred bond of an oath, to uphold a system which they believe will be one day rejected by the whole earth. Can they be induced to swear that they would ►►ppose even the present Protestants of England, if, ceasing to be truants, they thought fit to return to their an cient worship, and to have a Catholic King, and a Catholic Parliament ? flaying entered into this subject, with t view to undeceive such of my Protestant fellow-sub jects as may flatter themselves that there would be no danger to the State in admitting Roman Catholics into political power, which would, of course, lead their Clergy into more ecclesiastical power and consequence than they possess at pre sew, I feel it my duty to introduce - whatever may promote my object in every fair and rational way it will admit of ; 1 shall therefore quote the lan. , gunge of a celebrated publicAtion on the subject of Church Power applicable to that of Rowe. Cto be coutittued.) WESTMINSTER ELECTION. We mentioned on Saturday the preliminary measures which had been taken on that day, pre paratory to the new Election. The turbulence of the crowd prevented our bearing the speeches o: the respective Candidates. The first speech was ftom Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, who nominated Mr, Hoerrouse, and be was seconded by Mr. Kiri- NAI HD. Mr. 110EHOUSE followed, and as he de livered from a written paper his Political Creed, we deem it our impartial duty to submit it to-the Public. It was as follows : a. I have been queitiolied, or rather (to use the right word) tortured upon the great question of Parliamentary Reform. Those who have been busy to lid ure the mid your cause, have represented, or rather misrepreseuted me, as having given a pledge to support Annu a l P ar li amen t s an d Universal Suffrage. I gave no such pledge. I was asked for no such pledge. The Gentleman who nominated me, proposed me as a man fit to ad vance the just claims of the people to Parliaments of a short duration, ant to a full, free, and equal share in the choice of representatives.' It way be necessary; however, to explain myself still further ; and, to be more precise. I have put my words upon paper. Annual Parliaments and Universal Suf frage twee been mixed together for the sake of confonuding the question: but they are two distinct and separate subjects, upon each of which I solicit your separate attrotion. Upon the latter of the two, I think it right to say, that I consider the extension of suffrage to be not only of secondary, but even of third rate importance. The first object for the people of England to obtain, is equality of right of suf frage. In other words, that there be one and the sante qualification, he that what it may, for every Elector in the commonwealth. The second object is, that equa lity of numbers elect each Representative. These objects attained, then, if I am asked whether security from mis government by a real , representati o n m a y b e attained by an extension of suffrage, short of universal, I answer yes— by an extension far short of universal. How far short, is.a question for fair discussion, and honest difference of opinion; in such a discussion the course of my judg',leut would be to wards the largest extrusion. I have not hitherto been able to feel alarm at the notion of a free people bein„ the chasers of their representatives ; but I should think myself unfit to claim the character of a man of sense, or your sup port, if I denied that with equality of right of suffrage, and equality of numbers of constituents, there might he various limits not inconsistent with our object.— With regard to Annual Parliaments, I should thiuk my self the greatest coxcomb that ever pretended to r finical knowledge, were I to say that twelve months is the precise golden time within which elections must periodically recur, in order to secure your liberties. Were elections to take place every 13, 14,20, or 24 months, the object of keeping presentatives properly identified with heir constituents, might, perhaps, he sufficiently seemed. But it is toy opi nion that every Parliament is too long that can be usefully made shorter. I own that I see no well-founded cbjection to Annual Parliaments, but I a.a eery willing to admit that with Parliaments of a longer duration you may be both great and free." We will not say that thi' is sh/iitig speech, but we will say that it is Jesuitical, and indeed, as Mr. NtcHoLon, who foliowed, truly said, it is certainly unintelligible; and we may add, that if it had any Ineauln.: or purpose, time p , trpoite was to leave Mr. HonHousa the future opportunity of ex plaining it as he thong:it proper, or as alight be most subservient to Irs interest. But as it was really in comprehensible in par,and the rest common-place d clamation, like all that lie had betore uttered, the Electors would be ideots if they were to choose a Candidate who thinks to deceive them by such a hoax and humbug Mt „ NICHOLSON nominated Major CartT , v NIGHT in a manly spA:c;i, and was seconded by Mr. Bowls. Mr. JAMES MACDONALD proposed Mr. GEORGE LAMB, and was seconded by Mr. Eva n s. They both made able speeches. Mt. LAMB then chute forward, and delivered his sentiments in the following•nianner : " GENTLEMEN,...-No man can be -more truly . sensible than I am of the importance of the purpose for which you are here assembled this day, and none can more highly appreciate and sincerely admire the splendid talents and spotless integrity of him whom you so lately returned, and who has, abo: ! been so quickly snatched away. It is re markable, that he is the.hrst man of eminence who has died a Member of the House of Commons, in modern times, on whom no rulogium has been prouounCed in Parliament.— This practice, from its having become common, it was thought expedient to• discontinue. There m ght have been another reason found for unfitting this form in the case of Sir Samuel Romilly, as you had so recently pronounced au eulogioni, on his merits. with a voice which could not be controverted; that it was wholly unnecessary. You, alas ! little knew alien, how. well and how soon your panegyric would serve for his. funeral 'oration •In suffering my self to he proposed .to succeed Sir Samuel Romilly, if any comparison -were to he made between 'me' and him, it would require stronger nerves than I can boast of, and a hun dred times the talent to appear before you. But he is lost to you for ever, and:such comparisons can lead to no satisfac tory result, but on the contrary will only serve to protract vain repiniogs and unavailing regret. I wish not to be com pared with those who have gone before me, hut with those who now come forward with me. I have hitherto filled a pri vate station, but, Gentlemen, I could refer you to those who might prove that my opinions teti-e ever been favourable to the liberties of the people, and that I have laboured to pro. mote the cause to the full extent of my very limited means, I therefore think, that without arrogance, I may presume ; that my claims 'on the Electors of Westminster are no. thins inferior to thoie of Mr. Hobhouse. I i% ill now pro ceed to notice the objections which I understand have bee urged to my being put in nor - illation. It is said, that this is improper, because Mr. Hohhouse was pia in nomination three months ago, at a meeting in a room which was not capable of receiving one-third of the Electors of this City, but which nevertheless took upon itself to designate the course which ought to he pursued in order to fill up the vacancy which had occurred. I have hung back till the very last moment, in the hope that some one nearer to him ire merit, whose loss we have to supply, than myself, would Lave been offered to your notice. Had such a person ap peared, I would much rather have solicited your suffrages in his behalf than in my own. This is the cause of my coming forward su late; and the difference between the Honourable Baronet anti myself simply is this—that he and Mr. Hohhouse think that the election ought to have been decided three months ago, while I am of opinion that it ought now to be decided. here. But thew the .._ nourahle 'Baronet has stated that I an; a Whig candidate.— There be dues me honour. That title was borne by Mr. Fox and Sir S. Romilly, when those great and good men were returneerto Parlialment by your uishought suffrages. I hope I shall prove worthy of the title which has thus been bestowed. The result of my nomination the Hun. Baronet tells you will be, that between this and Monday a Court candidate wutCd start. 1 thank him for that remark. At least then he admits that I am nut a Cow t candidate—that I have no connexion with the Ministers of the present day—that my principles as to them are as independent as his own. But it has been said that I am a Whig candidate, and must therefore be hos tile to reform. I deny the consequence. Reform, sensible reform, or, to use the words of Mr. Hubhouse, reform, has ever found its hest friends among those who have been denominated Whigs. Mr. liiibhouse has read to you an essay or dissertation on the subject of reform, which from the character of it I can hardly help thinking has been handed over to him from the other Candidate, Major Cartwright., as it is more like some of his publications than the plaits and simple declaration which might have been expected from Mr. Hobbouse. That there are abuses its the representation of the people is beyond'all doubt. I, however, have not written down on paper illy sentiments on this subject, as Mr. Hob house has done, but I will refer you to what is written on your minds—to the declaration made by Sir Samuel Romillh from these hustings, which was like every thing that cam , from him, short, simple, and distinct ; and 1, in his words, de clare myself a friend to a more equal representation of the people in the House of Consulting, and to the shorter duration of Parliaments. lam not placed its that happy situation in which to be able to refer to my past life (having never yet been in Parliament), as a test by which you may form ajodgment on my future conduct. Mr. Hobhouse has spokencontemptuously of extravagant professions. But when he took credit to himself for not being one of those who would promise than sh e Is. loaf should in future be sold for 6d. he paid the Eke tors of Westminster an ill compliment, in sopposiug they could for a tuament listen to any proposition halt so li dieolons. I believe Mr. Iluishonse did not perceive ;:t time what an unfortunate allusion he h a d made. Nn /set tbs. - . I kuuw sf hai CYGI used Itificr Pat,. at all lAA .01 but ;lads Cade, rho at wised that the , pi n t o f sir hcp 1,1"1 future be el quart. have tuought it rig ht ' ta a tr 6 ; ~ ccasion, not to pass over the topic of P a rlialue n uj otV 4 form, which I know is iYh the people of IS. re l l an object of great importance, On any li t „ I may be questioned, I shall be ready and o fi t , the roost explicit answers, and if returned, on ever"' t c r enc e r' I shall be found in favour of public economy an d , A f ; e d b i `; meta. Mr. Hubhouse in one of his h•ttris has Pie""„cel self not to support any Bill fur lessening the "P t ' 0 0 '1 elections, but for my part'l cannot see why rconolil l s tll not be carried into every department of the Sta te. 1) , 0 now take my leave. Though Mr. Hohhouse had t o t t ip fore you for three months, I foui,d a large ,133%ndids ob tt Electors of Westminster not satisfied with atlY I hat had been named ; I thought it would a nd cowardice not to obey the call made upon 0)°, consequence of that teeling• I am now before V u. , r rag'; return me, I shall be ever active tend Zealous Y" b 1 1 '" 4 and if I should not be the successful candidate, I 10 P: pg,' choice will fall 011 one who will serve von with th e s ! i t 2 lj d iisv zeal, which I can confidently say for myself, %yo ur " other topic me as your Representative. ace.'ccie T (4 hHighe names of the Candidatt • Were then The Bailiff decided the choice of thelslet" 6 fallen on yr. Hubliuuse. Mr. HounousE returned thanks. b t" The business o f t h e d ay then terminated, COOO Citizens HUNT, THELIVALL, and G ALE J'" Jgs o tpt; R ,e 0 not subdue th e i r i tc h for speechifying, and 61t-01" ed to har angue t h e crowd. Our eadeo ba cP hardly forgiv e us if we were to inset t the ueyed trash of these Jacobinical zigitators. PARWAMENTARY pApErts• PECUNIARY INDEMNITY BY FRANCE TO 1111 ALLIED POWERS. do 0 1 DEFINITIVE ARRANGEMENTS ion REGuLATI,— MODE AND THE PERIODS OF PAYMENT (4 0r LAST 100 MILLIONS OF FRANCS, OF THS r s tt NIARY INDEMNITY Tu BE PROV IDED SY F l 4 c i Existing circumst ances baying rendere(lit p it cessary to seek th e means o f t O l much as p9ssible, the mass of the InscriP e , i ltd Rentes on the Great B oo k o f t h e P u blic v e i o tp Fratsce, which may immediately be brotig li ; the market at Paris, it has been a greed lows : Aoj Article 1. The Inscription of 6,615,941 f. of RC fite- 14 ' over by France t o th e C ourts of Austria, Great —ill° Prussia, awl Russia, conformably t o t h e st h Article ' i de Convention of the 9th of October, 1818, shall rema ljj efo ro posit in the hand s o f th e C omm i ssioners of the 3314 ',tee till the sth of Jun e , 1820. Iu consequ, rice, the CO treed into between the Coulrts of Austria, Gr eat il a r ef i l Prussia, and Russia, an d th e h ouses of Hope an d C °° : ‘ , and Baring, Broth e rs, an d C ompany, for the the capital of the said Inscription of Brutes, is culisi dc. null and 6 1 , Art. 2. In pursuanc e o f th e a b ove A rt i cle, t he io /cr o d of 2,205,314 f. w hi c h th e f our s ecial Commisioner g 5 witted on the id o f D ecen) b t I -, 1818, to t he 11 ' 415 :0 4 Hope and Co. an d B ar i ng , Brothers, arid Co., err 11 tioa of th e C on t rac t o f S a l e above-ment i one d, 5) )„,olig# returned by the same banking-houses to the four sioners, who will return to • them in exchange l t rio(' d i gagements f or the same value. Th e sa id li's cVi d e 2,205,314 f. s hall b e t rans f erre d b y the Roy al V l' : fj' l ' ,- France, and shall be united under the same' 0f . t 0 ,6 3° Special Commissioners, to the Inscription of 4 ' 41 which tf Arremains thein t i i f h j a t u n e: e s if raj' st the above-named Courts, to_ exqt r i i , • f it it tioned Inscription of 6 , 6 15,944 f. of "f t' re:, lions o' the VI IR2O, France hi-k l - I---C r f ,,; e 3/ Treasury, for the sum of 100,000 . 009 of francs ; the 53 ' 00 i° bearinr, interest at fire per cent. payable in itio efil ., ° „ ll o 6° equal portions, from day to day, to commence the 1820, and to finish the Ist of March, 1821. c isbl The two first thirds of these Bons shall not be n e t v f tb but the last third may be negociated from the P eri° • n Ist of December, 1820. Art. 4. The Commissi oners o f the C ou rts of it e rf otri ' i li Great Britain, Prussia, ard Russia, w ill re ceive thesrrtfrol the said Renter of 6,613,944 f. i nscr ib e d w ith in tel' o s t lO the 22d of September, 1818, a hich w ill f a ll due' 1/' , day until the Ist of June, 1820, i nc l us i ve, on wilich etl 14(j'i • successive remittances will be paid t o th e parties igte b r ' rr Art. 5. It is agre e d th a t th e a b ove arrangem ents o S o fe lf1 ; interfere with th o s e conc l u d e d b etwe e n t h e Frelte ll ment and the above-mentioned Houses, Hope, O d o g *l' lCr Baring, Brothers, and Co., nor with the mo dificie j°ll e oel lt ' may be given to theta by virtue of the present arra l 'g isti; j Art. 6. It is agreed, that a t th e per.iod of the nec tit i d of the last .third of the Bons which shall be 1 313° . 'B. I disposal of the Courts of Airtiirt, Great Britain. F ' ll : 5 :01 v RuSsia, in pursuance of the 3d Article of the prese nt to ment (provided that these CoUrts sh a ll b e clisP' ed io fo ( use of this pewer), the French G overnmen t s hall b e der° thereof, and on the same condition shall enjoy the Pr ' of it egneiating such Bons. • Dune ; in ive ',Arts, at Paris, Feb. 2,181 g. ST' (Signed) LE BARON 1)E Vl , F; O5 , LE MARQUIS DESSOD CHARLES STITA.P.T . H. DE GOLTZ. POZZO DI BORG°. LONDON JOURNALS• VA FROM TUE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS [Morning Chroziele.] o r rr We this day give from an A mer ican Report of the Commi t t ee o f t h e House l l l7 ct' tentative!, on the Case at A r b ut h no t ao d :c i eo t ', ! ter, It will he seen that the connuc .141Itson, with reference to the two 01 " . ", r ii i i r o ? i;,divid 1' uals alluded to, is i n thi s ( loco"' cidedly Cond e mn e d. F or t h e d eta il e d I " 6 llel j e j ri signed by the Committee, we refer 1 0 th ug itself ; but we cannot refrain from rer wt o . .i , ' the follow ing short extract, wh i ch ill ,tCr p i gtee comprises the whole quest i on at 13 'UY which we could not P o ss ibly strengthen bta,t remarks of our own. " Your Corutuittee can find no law in the I: 0 ' ffc oce' authori. , iing a trial befor e a Milit ar y Court for sucli • are alleged against Arbuthn o t a n d Ambrister (e sceP t o l4 , of the second charge as charges Arbuthnot with spy,' of which part of the charge the Court foo nd Guilty.' Nor in the opinion of your ConJuitteeroelOt usage authorize or exhzen c y appear from the dc.cil i ost iff companying the Report of th e Trial, which c3" ti l tj' assumption and exercise o f p ower by th e Court ,l,r the Connuandinz General on this occasion." The Report, together with , t ('rote" (".e,l``,, he Members o f the Commitr e e, v#l,o ditfe'.ej his colieaguct, ( k re d to be reicri