The Sun. — London, England, 1841-01-25 00:00:00

!frrin!t,'l ticsi oPe' t® :on r • rn i s of tbe, just Itu a . oon ; e 01.10 in I meu L ; 11 ' d feel coat s rnt O P L " u the st aci' ,eOO to° usts tl3 0 to vce ed of 5? re ROY AL TH E WEATHER. GALLERY OF SCIENCE, ADELAIDE ftse STREET. ero... 11...ctiner ............ .. NOON JAN. 23. ............ 30'16 I n. er ........ ........... 57 Deg. d ... o west . : ............... •••• • 36 8 2 1154 .•.......... .... ..... .. 39 Deg. W, 'll44l,4tileret to state th A. Si irs 31. died at Leamirgton at on Wedn ) e e sda; last. P. for !~ ~! r MORNING EDITION. -- (Biala.) Am Ito understand that we are to be pm amictl•—(Cries of " Oh, oh !") Now, I tell you, and all vrilo call you respectable, that there is nothing in the cut of your coat, nor in the quality of your cloth, to give you that . title. The man who fulfils his political duties in his station, and has d one a ll h e can to forward the happiness of the' com munity, I say that man gives the best guarantee that he ,s fitte r f or c i t i zenship. If you are prepared to scout such an 'doo, then th e sooner we cease to conic together the better. I am afraid that prejudice prevails so far with you that you . ?•nnot forget and forgive; an d I beg, therefore, of you not to th ink of me as one individual, but to think of our common _ c ountry. I am willing to bear every insult ; but why do I ear it? I h ope you, too, will show your patience, and as you dob Phone yourselves on your superiority, I shall sit down ex pecting to hear your better wisdom.—( Cheers and hisses.) Mr. WILLIAMS, M.P. for Coventry, was next called k u Pcn, and was received with deafening cheers. He said he had accepted an invitation of the Committee to be present ° i n that o ccas i on, w i th the same d egree o f p l easure which lie ' w ail felt on meeting w i t h assem bl ages o f th e peop l e (He ar, fr • ) He was glad to have an opportunity of say- Gni what he had perceived of the proceedings of the even , "l 6i , there was no real difference of opinion among them.— w inh, it was .'" ) This was not, however, owing to the Reorm Bill, tile aa professed, was to settle the differences, and recon tk_ Party to the other.—( Hear, hear.) He was one of those who Wee first in the field in the agitation of the Reform and bin decided impression was, that that measure, at tha, • . 1 I `e, was the on ly one t h at was ca l cu l ate d to b ene fi t t h e coun * He, however, was not the only person who was deceived. T 4 ere were many towns in England which were entitled to sl nd Members to Parliament, which sent them not by any thing like a fair and equal distribution of votes, but by the Nt z,loitra ry arrangem en t s o f the Reform Bill.—( Hear, he ar .) oo mtituency of Leeds, for instance, in 1839, was 6,182. wu I `,v• ° there were 0 1 towns with a constituency no larger, eh returned not less than 37 Members to Parliament. -- (Hear, b ear, and loud cries of " Shame, shame. " ) Then, county would mention to them that the West Riding of ibis returned two Members, and he would ask them nether they wou ld b e li eve th a t there were 77 t owns i n sa - „,,R 4 nd returning Members to Parliament with just the • co nstituency. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The 110 "` hiding of Yorkshire, in 1839, had 31,442 votes; number of votes of 77 towns returning 21 Mem- R e f: W as 30,129. (Hear, hear.) Now, so far from the „ `` a r'n Bill giving anything like an equal distribution of ; °t es, it had done the very reverse. They appeared to be ales' it universally upon the principle of the Reform Bill ; 1 4 „ - t hey were also of opinion—and of that opinio n th ere was „_ doubt, th a t th e R e f orm Bill h a d never b een carried into Zactical Operation to the extent which had been anticipated. (Rear, hear, hear.) Now, w h a t e v er th e y m i g h t t hi n k o f fe4l, he would tell them, that since he had had the honour of a at in Parliament, he had been one of those who had voted for National Petition when it was presented to the House of " ) ns•—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) Now, having show n • ti _ et n What they were in their own position, having also shown thems elves what they had to rely upon if they depended simply upon t`ltnselves without regard to the middle classes, having shown 4 the difficulties to contend with, he hoped he might seelmupon th em w i t h something like earnestness, and with m_ confidence, that they would proceed to demand with a 21 Ce that was not to be misunderstood, a further extension of the`no suffrage —(Cheers ) Why should they not have a_voiee in making of the laws by which they were governed ? }low did , ' , comet o pass that so great a majoriiy oftli-Os and mind, had n ewhopaidtaxes o , Who l a b oured with all their energy of body ry 9 --( Hear, hear. ) *bare in the reprosentation__o • • The question was not at all answer. f. dit t l l l l c e e u a l c t r o r t i u o e n d t or . en z. to conceive how the . aristocracy . de i a t vo w u a re s d eu to y earry everything theirow•of occasion the had intelligent advocated ge n . et tlem en who h o Da fi l addressed n them way. on One that Universal Suffrage. He maintained, in corn , withttlinen propriety tlle Cl artists, that every man who paid taxes had a ' Bright to give a voice in the making of a law by which he was governed, and of sending a representative to the Housed Com mons. Mr. Aloir had told them that universal suffrage was not anything of yesterday—that it was a question which had been agitated for at leant forty-five years in this country.— ( Hear. ) S 0 it was; yea, it was more than that; for some of the ablest and wisest of men that we could ever boast of had repre sented Universal Suffrage as the very basis of all that was excellent in our institutions.— (Cheers.) Now, what had we to say to this ? W hat prospect had we of obtaining that tension of the suffrage which we looked to as the goal of t lir ambition—as the one thing needful to produce that de g.r:e of prosperit y an d peace a nongst us for which we so -rue ntly sought ? It mu s t b e c l ear to every t hi nk i ng man that the House of Commons wanted reforming, and that there linless there were a fu r th er ex t ens i on o f the suffrage —unless were such an assembly of the House of Commons as Would form a complete rearesentation of public opinion, it taas utterly impossibl e f or t h em to expect anything beyond e ttiliejiresen't sluggish move ments. Th e spea k er then alluded to ' ' Alanehester Massacre," the party who were the chief teams in t h at scene, and deprecated a Tory Government, as g most likely to bring about a repetition of those disreputable ' r procee dings, for which their name was already so popular. The aker then entered into a comparative view of the merits of Pre se Nsehold and Universal Suffrage, and contended that, under nt circumstances, all that was requisite was for the people ° unite in effecting Household Suffrage.—( Loud cheers. ) 'ea II ; 1 1% MASO N next addressed th e meeting, in a short but ener s:tille spe ec h . He said he had heard the arguments on both „, e '''`' , and felt convinced that the only way to decide a political nerttion of t hi s nature was by calm consideration, giving each Y a fair h ear i ng .—( H ear, h ear, and cheers. It was Un ited ab out ten y ears s i nce t h e m iddl e and working classes nii together for the purpose of carrying the Reform thi_ At that t i me it was universally expected that some . coin l w ould have b een d one to alleviate the distress of the tin „ was generally thought that the Reform co s , ,-' the moist likely, and perhaps the only, measure to ac , push that ohject.—( Hear, hear.) How much they had tt,aewnadritsappointd they themselves could feel.—( Hear, hear.) t by rue i that the Refers* Bill was a great measure in itself; little restrictions and some manmuvring it had been rendered attic better than a there nullity, and had brought into exist 'rite a constit repr es ,.. testy worth little more, so far as regarded tit, tot so exited und ti t: e • the old b vrea ah ;•atien of the real interests of the country, than that Ineasurne borough system. eh lle complained ZYlith°,:tniddle classes.—(Hear, hear.) Reform Bill itself, as of the abuse of the Colonel P. the meetin g I..i!olirsox next rose and very briefly addressed eel, mean " li si, , r.t,e, contended that Universal Suffrage was the Ptlonle co u l d ) !stitch a fair representation of the opinions of the aiit be against Ho made la Parliament, although he should he aia4:•tli tot ttiousehold Suffrage if it could be obtained. !leffect their r le Corn-lawsthe exertions he had made to 1 ; a nitY at 1 el*al ' a nd the good that would result to the com as o.i ag, from free trade in food. If there were any asere;,,liet them in the accomplishment of any 'Whi c h ta fneY wished to attain, it was only in the manner in S!nth oti ' 4 :",,); set about it. If they were united in one view t an they and one purpose, there could be no question 'tear, an ,,"`'Y could wish would be fully aceomplished.—( Hear, Ns, 1 3 c e ii Leers.) t attle e orvra z r ,,AN s the Chartist delegate for Sunderland, then t ame disp, le .n He ,aid —_I rejoice most sincerely at the tone og . Won which , 12 ,as It woi4id seem to have been adopted by this meet lied b seem to evince that all here assembled are ac htboye the htbuestisentiment expressed in the motto " which we see tie the , Chart. ngs—" Justice to one and to all. lam glad to s ty e_ for s are willing to give to others the right which 11.441;7..0 themselves, of expressing freely their opinions, o' c 0 th at l _o k Mg that it should be in a meeting of Englishmen ; t°,4 easiiiierivitolsl,ls occasion we have not departed from the line ed on a recent occasion in a city unaccustomed ta,,Zeoilfsen, tirinents—l mean in the city of Dur'ham, where so F•teyetit the and and magister , al influence has been used to 4t 4 r,e‘n__ people from avowing, their opinione.—( Hear, hear. ) t atl_ ar i, t r o : . __ c eetin g in that city a great number of the gentry lti ely di s : o r s a 3 4 coaree to listen to the working men, and we la tis t s ' L ti ln i k that tulrie°tPii ni n , l . o i ns together so wi tp en at o l u f r or ri o e n v e an w c : s s t?''''rtzlier),;,ter''d to.-- (Cheers. )" The state of turmoil and lig,,, ; and which we have hitherto existed can continue no t °e w ant ~, My brethren, we have suffered very much from lalea k , 0 1 unity in our opinions and proceedings, and by put, tis' e nd to such a state of !hinge, we will, I trust, profit e ery e s •• • I a r e b_Z it glad to See the frankness and henee" which . a td ....'" exhibited amongst us ; w 7 are not corn : e here to hiss ]foggy together'toes"wit but t 0 unite all our wisdom, 'mid experience, and into one combined ma and try to effect some ttib g ll ad betw ee s, Isle, will me that I h Wes we! exhibit - 0 :1)0 the gentlemen of the ether it , and ,i nt . s , tward% the Chartists the same ,4 be h,,, a'lty Which they expect from us, and that there frank pro f or „ :, a icornmunity of feeling between us. We wish Nigat J ustice to one and to all,' anti whilst we are here to I °rft ea ° °or own views, why should we prevent others ne. 7-vocatin tl • ts t tee r „ _ e Atheir hope, however, that at the I ?eipi e* 'I shall adhere faithfully and strictly to our own ,P!.e,,, ow . and while we suffer others to discuss with us freely ie_s...,,,(4fait.ons, we will not relinquish any of our prima :Lll•l`! sea by ", hear.) Our object here has been well ex taat thtlie Honourable Gentleman, Mr. Hume, when he 'Y min t hat he looked for was the privilege of preventing se " fro m . . b ear s Pert putting his hands into the pocket of an that Yby , a " elle unjust and iniquitous taxation. ( Hear, th e 1 ers.) It is a fact that could not be denied, te,tn abourin s '_ , 4 in . _ A man is taxed more in proportion than the q' t l , sd _ 'ration in our ”si a b e , and if, with the grievances and iajustice under which ,_. vur before our eyes, we sometimes exceed the bounds of language, I hope that the cause of the excite tt,''t will b a ( atie ao as _ some extenuation for us with just and seta,liberal r;'et7";,--( Hear, hear.) I shall conclud e by saying to the , i t s , ,. 9.il(. c ti s Yll 'butl hav e e l power v. , • o e i u - to complainme et f e n o i m or p a l t a e in le o t f ? t •o b u e r q 4 i a languaep net calculated ) to intimidat e the timid, but in tb „es be conies' Englishmen ; and let the principle for which aliaaentend be ever before your eyes—" Justice to one and to Ivi . ;(Lond end long-contieuyd cheering. ) T h. ett Mr. Deegan concluded, :1511" CerainetAN came forward and said he believed the ttn t i", 4 of the evening had come to a close, and that no other to d tioan pushes!wi to adtlress them. He ha, therefore, no more sara,:it.bat to the vote the reselutien which Mr. Hume had P.e, e Pi to their considelation at the commencement of their till f ` l ings. He would read the resolution for them, and then ah,°r,e_.shote of hands in favour of it. klcasir. Illcatis was then called to the chair • when. 4 t•er,s presented himself, and said he never had greater 1 l air' his life than in proposing - a vote of thanks to Mr. Itii'ini their chairman —( Cheers. ) l',tlieee itilvecapsressecotseled hY Mr. Mosit who said that he looked i r ot ,_ . t present occasion as one of the most auspicious that _tig ato 'n red in England as it would tend to unite the work_ Nlir ''' th e middle classes' in that hotel of union which would cetk•tiritt‘Necete to the progress of civil rights, and the ultimate Ta, "irlent of the Charter. endst theresolution was then pu . t. snd tarried with acclamatian, e,lii, greeting dispersed, having given three cheers for Re tll'hcre a, artist et al call far buteer for Fear us O'Connor and the g 8 Yorkshire, it was very feebly responded to. ;teetieeAv , F ait .____..____________ Monatrese Nfri. O'Connell did not appear at the I.,'tt.(lol,Y,esterday, a ' n(l.—l believe that it was fortunate he did 'iitlil,ek d"t+iglserr:o.nsei persons were apprehended by the police. , 1,, , . . iii thei possession. This is a fact of which I ,it,'ave Cry_reeason to rely. It was to oppose and shout him a , 5 s o , t.,1_1.1 Ckartists were organised in such numbers, and ta'‘ t les, ,}; 4 _ l ( s . „,l e n lrPose, too, they had supplied themselves with k p e roaer,„ Il e ir n t e t t of which they tirst tried upon the Chair s,. De l l r .• ilime. and Mr. Roebuck, the last of whom It tiitatiberas ebuked them. The meeting itself was as f n s le. k art a . ' e nt , a very magnificent one, there being; preset b• ' a e l ' p tlia,l,,Elt thousand persons, and of these there were not 4,llieir4s,ioteein_ hundrel Chartists ; the remainder were Re set. t ten ) ._ ooe for Note by Ballot, •Household Suffrage and li 3, at,Jtion of the Electoral District,, Triennial Pa ' rl• n no Property Qualification for Members. ja . v1r.......-- 01'1( 1 E, " Till: CHINA SUN," Which was RE-PUBLISHED on the 6th INSTANT, with the LATEST NEWS from CHINA, IS NOW ON SALE. Price SIXPENCE. Orders received at the Sun Office, No. 112, Strand. IN PROGRESS, E RAILWAY SUN. With a MAP of all the RAILWAYS in the United Kingdom ; containing all the STA TIONS on each Railway, and a great variety of Information and (Am particulars connected with Railways. THE CORONATION SUN, PRINTED IN LETTERS OF GOLD WITH A BEAUTIFUL PORTRAIT OF HER MAJESTY, THE QUEEN, can be sent by post free to all parts of the Empire. Price SIXPENCE. Sun Office, 112, Strand, London. 13, Great M ar lb oroug h- street . MR. SWINBURNE'S LETTERS From the COURTS of PARIS, NAPLES, VIENNA, and LONDON, With a Memoir of the Author, by the Editor, Will be ready in a few days, in 2 vols. Bro. with Portraits. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. *." Orders received by all Booksellers. THE FIRST VOLUME OF A GNES STRICKLAND'S LIVES of the QUEENS of ENGLAND, NEW and REVISED EDITION, with ADDITIONS, IS NOW READY for delivery at all the Booksellers', price 10s. 6d. bound, with illustrations. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Gieat Marlborough -street. HIS MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA having AUTHORISED and GUA RANTEED several DISTRIBUTIONS of MONEY DIVIDENDS, which (though they are NO LOTTERIES) offer many possibilities of obtaining LARGE FORTUNES, HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH, Are now SELLING BONDS for the said DISTIIIBU HONS. Persons desirous to purchase for one of the next Distributions may re?eive, PREVIOUS to giving any orders, the PROS PECTUS and PAR !ICU LARS, upon addressing, WITH OUT DELAY, a line to . _ HEINE, THES, at HAMBURGII. THE NEXT DISTR BRO IBUTION, R contains SEVEN HUN , DRED DIVIDENDS, amounting to £72,170, Tne Dividends being .£25,000 £6OO £l2O £BO 5,000 400 110 70 1,500 200 100 60 1,1000 150 90 50 Sterling. 800 THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN. UNDER the MANAGEMENT of MADAME VESTRIS. THIS EVENING. JAN. 25. Will be repeated Shakspere's MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM. Theseus, Mr. Cooper ; Quince, Mr. Bartley; Bottom, Mr. Harley ; Flute, Mr. Keeley ; Snout, Mr. Meadows ; Snug, Mr. F. Matthews ; Hermia, Mrs. Nisbett ; Oberon, Madame Vestris ; Titania, Mrs. W. Lacy ; Puck, Miss Marshall; First Fairy, Miss Rainforth. After The NEW GRAND CHRI S T MA which S , PANTOMIME will be pe, ed THE CASTLE OF re OTR ated ANTO entitl ; OR, HARLEQUIN AND THE GIANT HELMET. Harlequin, Mr. C. J. Smith ; Clown, Mr. T. Ridgway Pantaloon, Mr. Mor.tii; Columbine, Miss Fairbrother. To-morrow, The Merry Wives of Windsor, with The New Pantomime. On Wednesday, The Midsummer Night's Dream, with the limy Pantomime. On 3londay, the Midsummer Night's Dream, with The New Pantomime. Loors t• be opened at half-past Six—the performances to commence at Seven o'Clock. Tickets and plat 43 for the 801C.3 to be taken of Mr. Grogan at the Box-office, from Ten till Four, where Season Tickets may no had open application. Dress Boxes, 7s. ; Second Price, 33. 64. ; First and Second Circles, bs. ; Second Price, 2s. 6d. ; Pit, ss. ; Second Price. =s•; Gallery, Is. Private float, to i►e bad solely of Mr. Andrews, bookseller 167. New Bond -street. ROYAL SURREY THEATRE. Engagement of the Celebrated Cask Vaulter, in addition to Ainsworth's triumphantly successful Tower of Lond on , a nd the acknowl e d ge d best Pant mime, which are attracting brilliant overflows every evening. THIS EVENING, JAN. 23, Will be acted a Grand Historical Romance, founded on and entitled THE TOWER OF LONDON. The Tableaax Vivans, splendid Costume, and Appointments, from the Designs of the celebrated George Cruikehanks. After which will be repeated the Grand Traditionary Pantomime, ed HARLEQUIN AND MY LADY LEE ; OR, GOOSEY GANDER AND THE SPELL. BOUND GOSLINGS. In which the astonishing and incradible evolutions of the Cask Vaulter will be given, as well as Brunning's Grand Dieramis Synopsis of Syria ; the Pantomimic Characters by the unri valled Boles() Family; Mr. Southby, the Original Clown; Miss Sharpe, Columbine ; and the astonishing Gynmastique, Signior Felix Carlo, from Franeoni's, at Paris. PRINCESS' THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET. PROMENADE CONCERTS, Under the Direction of Mr. WILLY. LAST NIGHT OF THE SEASON. FOR THE BENEFIT OF /VII. WILLY. THIS EVENING, JAN. 25.—PROGRAMME. PART FIRST. Overture—Leonora—Beethoven. Quadrille—Ponds inello—lNlusard. Waltz — Brandhofen—Labitzky. Overture—La Cheval de I3ronze—.Auber. Solo on the Violin by Mr. Will, Introduction and Polonaise— Mayseder. Overture in D. Op. 60--A. Romberg. Fantasia, with Solos 'or Violoncello. Violin, Oboe, Bassoon Horns, and Cee',,ca Bassi—Hansel. , Overture Oberon—Weber. SECOND. n Qu °ladriP.e.--La Princesse—Coote. on the Clarionet by Herr Itjen. Walla—Victoria—Lamer. Grand Battle Symphony ! (for which the Orchestra has been considerably increased)—Beethoven. Promenade, I s.—Diess Circle, 2s.—Upper Boxes, Is. 6d. Private Boxes, I/. Is. and 10s. 6d. each, may be had at the Box-office, and of Mr. Mitchell, Old Bond-street. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY. Morning 33 inipiutes after 3 I Evening 44 minutes atter 3, LONDON: MONDAY, JANUARY 25, IE4I. As the approaching meeting of Parliament will probably prevent us from saying anything further on the Corn-laws, we must now state some of our objection s to a fixed duty of any amount. We put entirely out of view, for the present, the injustice of such a duty, intended to benefit the landowners at the expense of the rest of the people ; we put out of view the injury it will do our trade, by keep ing prices here higher than in other nations, and to that extent encouraging their trade, and depress ing ours ; we put out of view the religious, or popular, part of the question, though all these are of great importance, and we shall confine ourselves entirely to the consideration of the effects of a fixed duty on the agriculturists themselves. In their name, then, we protest against it. The intended effect of a fixed duty is to keep up the price of corn in this country higher than it would be by the whole amount of the duty. The landlords and the farmers believe that the in tended effect will be produced, and the former will demand, and the latter will be willing to pay, a higher rent than they would pay were there no fixed duty. By the higher sum, which the farmer contracts to pay, his obligations will be enhanced. But that is not the only mode in which his obligations will be enhanced. On the seed corn he uses, whether he grow it, or not, a higher rent will have been paid than would have been without a fixed duty, which he must pay. A similar fact is true of all his outgoings. Money wages, poor-rates, sadlers' and iromongers' bills, groceries, everything he buys, will be somewhat raised in price by the tax on food. In short all his obligatio ns will be increased by the tax; the ques tion for him to consider is, can he recover the tax from the public in the price of his crops so as com pletely to cover himself, and render the tax advan tageous, or even not a loss to him ? We speak only of the fanner—of the tenant who hires the land ; for by the supposition the rent re ceiver, the mere owner of the laud, who does no thing whatever towards raisin g the crop—whose smiles are not sun-shine, and whose sweat is not C~ . )1• , .4-, ii , ...;, • < rcb- &,...01,.,4.. , ,?A..,-zy 'l ; , ':‘ - , , ' v. 9- ,•,crir."..\4t4, i „,„ r ~.„ ~.4...„,...,,,,,...., ..,,,._., ~J,....„......._....._, lie gun. THE SUN. LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY, 25,184 t . r rain,! is benefited by the tax. His rent is increased. But the farmer, it is our opinion, will not be able to recover from the public, in the price of his crops, the additional obligations he will incur by the tax enhancing the rent. Practically our view is borne out by what has taken place under the present law, which having been intended to secure a protection to the farmer of 30s. Bd. when wheat sells for 565, Id., the average of the last eleven years has, in fact, only secured him a protection of ss. sd. The present law has cheated the farmer, and so will a fixed duty. The peculiar condition of the farmer seems to us to be overlooked. He first of all contracts with his landlord to pay him a certain sum at Lady-da.. perhaps, and Michaelmas. That is one certain obligation, from which he cannot escape. Next come all the rates, which are fixed and cannot be avoided. Then he has to make great advances for seed corn, for stock, for labour, having to look to the growing crops for his remuneration. His obligations and his advances are certain, the remuneration is contingent and uncertain. Now, this certainty on the one hand, and this con tingency on the other, must, on an average of years, tell against the farmer, provided his obligations be enhanced, as they will be, by any tax on food, whe ther fixed or fluctuating. Under the most favourable circumstances, it may be doubted whether the con- tingencies would not, in the long run, beat the far mer ; but, under the circumstance of his obligations being enhanced, as we have mentioned, he must lose. It is plain that the consequence of the certain obligations which the farmer contracts is to corn pel him, as soon as his crops are harvested and thrashed, to sell. The majority of farmers have not capital to carry them over two years ; they have not capital sufficient to retain their own crops in their own hands, pay their debts, and carry on the cultivation of the land for another year. If they had so much capital, it is clear that they might, without any law, exact their own terms for food, and enrich themselves, or starve the people. On the contrary, the approach of every harvest finds the bulk of the farmers a deeply indebted race. They are indebted for rent, in debted for many shop-bills, indebted for rates and taxes, and, to pay their debts, they must sell their crops. Now, whatever enhances, like a tax on food, the obligations of the farmer, makes the com pulsion that lays on him to sell the more stringent, and places him more certainly at the mercy of the capitalist. If he had to deal directly with the consumer, whose want of food is probably as urgent as his want of money, it might not be so bad for him. But the iarmer sells to the capitalist, who buys not to eat, but to make a profit on selling again. He is well aware of the necessities of the farmer and of the consumer, and will only buy and sell when it is advantageous to himself. On both sides he gains. The grower must sell, the consumer must eat, and the capitalist makes it his business to profit by the ne cessities of both. We donot object to his occupation, we think it fair and legitimate ; it equalises prices through the ) ear, and, like the fly-wheel of a steam er:gine, spreads an irregular jerking force equally and smoothly over the whole machine. But the tax, by enhawcing the ob]igations of the farmer, and making it more difli cult for the consumer to get food, increases the porrer of the capitalist over both, and he is enabled to make better terms for him self, both with the person lie buys from and the person he sells to. To the farmer, the advan- tape given to the capi?talist is most injurious, be cause his obligations scannot be shaken off. The law, pretending to ber efit him, adds to his debt, and makes the debtor farmer the servant or slave of the capitalist. There is still anottier consideration. Population adapts itself, and sot letimes by a most painful process, as at present, to the supply of food. The result of that adaptati4 in is, that, on an average of years, the supply equa Is the demand. The people get about enough to eat;„ according to their own ideas and customs, and ther eis none to spare. But now comes a scanty year. The price being higher in England by the fixt td duty than in countries where there is no such duty, corn will flow in abundantly, and prevent our farmers from getting a rise in price commensurate to the shortness of the crop. If the price had not been previously raised by thl.e duty, it is clear that the competition betwixt 1.1. ,e English and the foreign farmer would be equal,. and the prices would rise to remunerate the former as well as the latter. The tax in scanty years opa rates as a bounty for the fo reigner to enter our to arkets, and so prevents our farmers from realizing t he price necessary with the short ctorlo meet th c.ir obligations enhanced by ,he tax. They lose, t Iterefore, and will be unable :0 recoverlfrom the pt.lic in:the price of the corn! .he amount of the tax t hey have agreed to pay the an dlords. Again, let us supp , 3se an abundant season ar- rives. The people be lug fed by an average crop, arid our prices being b 'v the tax higher than prices on the Continent, the : farmer can find no vent for his abundance, but by .lowering the price. He is at the mercy of the capita alist ; he must have money to carry on cultivation ; he must clear his stack-yard to make room for the next year's crop ; his pro duce wastes and deterio ates by being kept, and on these accounts he is obl; iced to sell. If the price on the Continent on an ave rage year were equal to prices here, the surplus crop might be exported, but the effect of the fixed duty will be, to keep our prices higher than :on the C ontinent, and render it im possible for the farme r to find a market abroad. Down, then, will g o prices, far more than is commensurate to the surplus of the crop, and the farmer will! not be able to re cover from the pa bile the tax he has agreed to pay the lane rd. So well known is this process, that it has f enerally been customary to unite a bounty on expo ri .ation, when prices fell below a certain point, with e fixed duty. There is now no probability, bower qer, that a bounty will be con ceded, and, consequei itly, a fixed duty must be as injurious to the farm( ras is the present fluctuating scale, which has imp( )verished and degraded him. We remain then ;fore firmly attached to the TOTAL repeal of all . 'the taxes on food ; and if this were not the end a.f a long article it might be shown that an imnr see liate as well as a total repeal, whatever evil it m .igl it inflict on spendthrifts who have mortgaged their estates, would be most bene ficial to the arricultu rists. The great Ref(); In Meeting which has just taken place at Leeds, it g,n emphatic warning which Go vernment will do well to take heed to betimes. It is no mere superfi Dial impulse that has prompted it ; but a steady, he art , felt determination of purpose on the part of tho s e wh o know and feel that, how ever it may be w ith the represented Few, the Re form Bill has, as y e t, done little or nothing to ad vance the inhere st; o f the unrepresented Many. We consider the L Beds Meeting, whose p aramount im portance presti it ticklish crisis, w h en t h e des tinies hig and or y may be said t o d epen d on 1 t e the resul: c o f ono or t\ wo elections--we consider, we say, this great Meeting as a formal, decided acknow ledgment that the Rel 6. m measure has proved little better than a failure : t i lt tt the majority whom it was served ; that th e grievan meant to se rve , i e t lies no: the am ount o f constitutiok t has not re d resse d ; t h at ces it pr o f esse d to, redress' 'al liberty it was its avowed aim to give, it has not given ; that the vast mass of the working-classes whom it was to benefit, in common with the middle-classal, it has not bene fited ;—in a word, that, while in some few points it has been of service, in many essential ones it has proved little better than a delusion. We deduce these facts—which, by-the-bye, all clear-sighted people have known lon g ago—from the spirit that pervaded the provincial Meeting in question, which was one of entire unanimity, and in which both Chartists and Radicals zealously vied with each other in their endeavours to rouse the people, and through the people, the Ministers, to a moreprompt, manly, and st ra i g h t f orwar d course o f act i on th a n h as been pursued for the last four or five years. We repeat that the Leeds Meeting is an em phatic warning to Ministers. Will they neglect thßs warning, and treat it as of no account, as a mere meteor-flash that lightens and dies in an in stant ? If they do, they will rouse a spirit of op position throughout the country, that will force forward Reform at a rate of which at present they hare not the slightest conception. 'When the zea lous Radical and the still more zealous Chartist are willing to forget their old differences, and hold out the right hand of fellowship to each other ; to follow the same broad path of improvement, in stead of each, sullenly and solitarily, pursuing his own ; and unite in a cordial determination to obtain by the same means the ends at which both aim ; —when we see these things, we see at once that the " beginning of the end". has arrived of that shallow system of expediency and political truck ling and trifling,which has so long been the reproach and the weakness of the Reform Ministry To those cautious but well-meaning men who may be disposed to doubt the justice of our asser tions, we recommend a careful perusal of the speeches of the Leeds Reformers, Chartist as well as Radical, in which they will find as steady a spirit of unflinching resolution—of resolution growing out of conviction, and strengthened by intelligence— as ever yet was made manifest in words. The Chartist orators, in particular, pursued a vein of sentiment and reasoning which it is impossible to praise too highly. The conciliatory disposition they evinced was manly —generous---worthy of themselves and the cause they profess to have so much at heart ; and not less exemplary was the firm but temperate language in which they expressed themselves. It is in this skilful union of tempe rance with firmness that their great strength lies. As mere Alarmists, they have not the slightest in fluence. As enlightened and energetic Reformers, who seek for constitutional privileges by constitu tional means, they possess a giant's strength. While alluding to this subject, we must not omit to notice the remark made by Mr. COLLINS, in reference to the Whig system of temporizing : " I hold," said this able Chartist orator, " that there is no real expediency but that which is right ; and to do that which is right, is the best expediency that can be adopted." These few simple words, pregnant as they we with truth and sense, should be in scribed over the door of every Government office in Downing -street, where—we regret to say— the useful moral which they enforce, is much needed. In a few days Parliament will meet, when it will be seen whether the great business of legislation is to jog on at its old sleepy, tortoise pace, or to go forward at the brisk rate which the temper of the times and the exigencies of the country alike de mand. If the approaching Session is to be pro ductive of no more fruitful results than the last ; if to every remonstrance of the more zealous Reformers, the Whigs are to make their old answer, "We can't go on—the 'ories won't let us ;”—then the sooner the country comes to a definite understanding with these men e better ; for there can be no time so fit for ae. tion as when the Chartist and Radical are alike agreed in the necessity of prompt, energetic, and solid Reform. We have had enough o(shadows. It is now high time that we get the substance of improvement. liming sown the seeds, we are en titled to look for the harvest. What is the reason the aistocracy are so dread fully suspicious of the people ? They are conscious of wronging them. Why do the aristocracy, and the writers connected with the aristocracy, continually attribute to the people, in relation to the Govern inent, the worst designs ? The aristocracy borrow th e imputations from their own practices. We men tioned on Thursday that the aristocracy knowingly, and designedly, passed the Corn-law to keep down the manufacturing, the new or demo cratic population. They have an insuperable aversion to our Birminghams and Manchesters, as the pedlars had an aversion to good roads and stage-coaches, or as the ancient copyists had an aversion to printing. In them new trades are prac tised, which the bolds of the soil cannot understand, and wealth surpassing their own is acquired with out paying them, as formerly, either tolls or homage. hence arise in the landowners envy and hatred, which they sn ea ki ng l y grat i fy by a law, pretend i ng to act for th e goo d o f the public, while their bolder ancest ors , an i mate d b y s i m il ar mot i ves, sallied forth from their castles and ravaged the towns or pillaged the merchants. For ages—for ever, in fact—there has existed this kind of feud between old arts and new ruts, between an old po pulation and a new population ; but it is only in our time that the possessors of the old arts, being also in possession of the power of making laws, have endeavoured to gratify their base passions by reducing them to the form of solemn enactments. The aristocracy bear about them the conscious ness of their own bad deeds, politically speaking, and that makes them jealous and suspicious of the people. Their consciences make them cowards. They live in dread of their fellow-countrymen, and they spare no means to keep them in subjection. They have a monopoly of all the powers of Government. The legislature is in their hands. The Executive Government is composed of some of them, and is their instrument. Every branch of the public service is officered as it were by them or their creatures. The Army is entirely in their hands. The Church is established to promote their ends, and preach doctrines agreeable to them. Their existence as an aristocracy is a standing conspira c y aga i nst t h e rights and liberties of the people. 'What they d o themselves they dread in others. They know that they are oppressors, and they accuse the people of wishing to be so. We do not share their alarm. Political power is on l y mischievous when concen trated ; diffused through the community it i s as harmless n o mischief from any individ ua l , merely a s physical power. Th e pu b l i c antici pate because he is stronger th an another. In a democracy, voter controls voter, just as in a large population one man controls an other. To o btain a lasting influence, the aristo cracy must lay aside their oppression, and then they will lose their suspicions. The restoration of con fidence must proceed from them, and a voluntary resignation of their tax on the people's bread in the approaching Session would do much to restore that harmony betwixt the classes, the want of which threatens, at no distant day, the destruction of the empire. vas It will be seen from the Bow -street police re p or t, that a respectable publican, against w h om on l y one complaint had been made for the last f ourteen years, was fined for serving refreshments after twelve o'clock on Saturday night, to persons frequent ing the Adelphi Theatre. Two other publi cs were summoned under similar charges, but sir. JARDINE, the magistrate, convinced of the absurdity of the law, or rather of its interpretation, found plausible reasons for dismissing the cases, and at the same time remarked that the licensed victuallers would have opposed the clause in the New Police Act, had they known the object of it, but they were deceived by the ambiguity of the phrases. This is a fine compliment to the framers of the Bill. 'We really thought the Police Com inistioners had become ashamed of their med- dling interference with the convenience and comfort of respectable ►radesmen who fre quent the theatres on Saturday night. For some months no charges have been brought against pub licans on that account, but the crusade is again re newed, and all of them are now to be fined for the heinous offence of supplying refreshments to those who have been confined in a theatre for five hours, who have no accommodation at home like Mr. HAWES, or Mr. Fox MAULE, or Lord NOR MANBY, and who are therefore obliged to go to bed hungry and thirsty because their representatives say the Sunday would be dese crated if a drop of beer is sold to the most thirsty of them after twelve o'clock. Nothing that SWIFT ever wrote in ridicule of absurd legislation, is half so ridiculous as this. It is a mock ery of the Sabbath. It punishes the pro ' prietors of theatres, publicans, and trades men, and only gratifies the miserable caprice of a hypocritical lawgiver. We therefore call on the licensed victuallers of London, and the countless numbers that frequent their houses, to get up peti tions against this tyrannical Act, and present them to Parliament by any of the City Members but Mr. HAWES, and in a very short period, even with this House of Commons, they will get rid of the nuisance. Nothing can save the man who is so unfortunate as to have in himself a mortal enemy. It is pre cisely the same with a nation. Nothing can pre vent the ruin of a country intent on ruining itself. In therefore endeavouring to place prominently be fore the French people the incalculable evils which will flow from a perseverance in their absurd deter mination to change the capital of European civili- zation into a bastioned, turreted, and loop-holed fortress of the thirteenth century, we have an im pression, almost amounting to a conviction, that we are performing a very fruitless, as well as a very thankless office. As one of the avowed objects of the walls is to enable France to get England the more readily at defiance, we are prepared for hav ing interested motives imputed to us by all parties, We begin, then, by stating at once, that the advice e give to the people of France is not disinterested. As a commercial people, we have a very deep inte rest in promoting the physical prosperity of France, and therefore it is as much our interest as our duty to oppose any scheme of the French Government or the French people, calculated to arrest the pro • press of the national welfare. As an arm of na tional strength, the walls have no terrors whatever for us. France would not be a jot more formidable in a war with England were her capital surrounded with a triple wall of brass an hundrod feet each in thickness, than she is at this moment. Our battle field is the sea ; and if an English army has paraded the streets of Paris in the well-earned character of a conqueror, it was under circumstances which, in all human probability, can - never occur again ; but which, did they occur, would have precisely the same result, were the fortifications of the capital ten times as extensive as M. TRIERS proposes to make them. But there is little chance of persuading a people inoculated with the madness of faction to listen to the dictates of sober reflection, and upon the ques tion of the fortifications of Paris, the bulk of the French people appear to be actually mad. " Give us but wails," shout the Liberals in full chorus, from M. ODILLON BARROT to M. TRIERS ; " Give us but walls," echo the courtiers and legitimists; " and we fling to the winds for eight years to come, all care about canals, railways, roads, bridges, and all other agricultural and commercial improve ments. For our darling walls we are willing to sacrifice everything. What care we for lagging in the rear of Europe instead of marching in the van among the pioneers of popular prosperity, when we have walls to defend us from enemies which we have yet to make, and who when made can never pene trate so far into our territory as to catch a glimpse of them ? Half thefmoney spent in building walls and forts, would cover the face of France with rail ways, and thus in the event of a war enable us to transport our troops and the requisite munitions for a military campaign to any point of our frontier threatened by the enemy; but railroads, though thus useful as ministering to our passion for military glory, do not so exclusively remind us of war as loopholed-walls and towers, and therefore we prefer placing walls between us and the foes of France.'i It is only a strong sense of public duty that can im pel foreigners to attempt to save:a people thus bent upon their own destruct;on. But as France can not offer to her starving population, asking for bread, the stones forming the walls of Paris, without exposing the rest of Europe to the direful conse quences of their famine and despair, it is the duty of honest journalists to place the question before them in its true light. Society is now in the very whirlpool of change. Nothing is stationary. Theworld is underg o ing a series of experiments the most momentous, the most wide spread in their results, and the most extensive in their modifications of human thought and action, that ever influenced the destinies of mankind. The invention of gunpowder did not make a greater re volution in the art of war, nor did the discovery of printing more completely change the previous mode of communicating written knowledge, than reoent discoveries in the power and application of steam by land and water is destined to alter and improve the individual, social, civil, and national character of the whole people of Europe. Now, no great member of the European family of nations can fall to leeward without inflicting deep injury upon others. No nation exists for itself, still least of all a nation so central as France. Therefore in putting herself out of the path of improvement she not only ruins herself, but she injures the pros perity of her neighbours. And that she is putting herself out of the path of improvement cannot be denied, seeing that the Finance Minister, M. HUMANN, honestly and distinctly stated that France had to choose between walls and all other commercial and agricultural improvements. If the walls were built, he told them plainly that they must be content with the walls, as the Government would have no money to spend in making railways, improving canals, and erecting bridges. But as regards France the most important point remains to be stated. It is a singular instance of either the corruption or the blindness of the Press, if not of both, that of the Paris daily Journals, the Commerce is the only paper that pro fesses to see, in the fortification of Paris, its true object—namely, to place the republican mob of the capital entirely at the mercy of the Government. The average distance of the proposed forts round Paris, from the centre of the city, is 5,000 metres (a metre is three feet three inches and a half En glish measure), whereas it has been ascertained that several towns, and Antwerp among the num her, have been most destructively bombarded at 6,000 metres distance. Should, therefore, the po pulation of any of the faubourgs manifest any dis position to kick up a revolutionary dust, the'Go vernment will be able quickly to lay it, by throwing a few shells from the nearest fortress. This will quickly extinguish the glory of the barricades, by making it a matter of the utmost indifference to the Government whether they blockade the streets or leave them open. Build the wall, and we shall hear no more of inob-made and mob-banished kings. The system of centralization will be then complete, for the guns of Paris will govern France from Calais to Marseilles. Their voice will travel quicker than the telegraph, however bright the at mosphere. When danger whispers fear has long•i ears ; and from the mouth of these guns only sounds of danger to liberal Fra'ice will proceed. It is la mentable to see a nation in chains under any cir ! cumstances, but if there be an occasion calcu lated to make us distrust humanity itself, it is when we behold a people voluntarily forge fetters for themselves, and even go so far as to fasten them upon their own limbs. This is the case with France now in cla mouring for fortifications. She courts the yoke which will destroy her independence. Her jour nalists are constantly reminding us of the disgrace offered her by the Allies in 1514. The Allies, in their proudest hour of victory and the deepest of her humiliation, never thought of inflicting upon her a wrong equal in magnitude to that which she is now in the act of doing to herself. They dreamed not of compelling the genius of arts, letters, and commerce to seek an asylum elsewhere by proposing to surround Paris with walls and fortresses. Had they done so, we would have been at no loss to account for the mortification which Frenchmen generally feel in alluding to that, memorable event in their history. But it was reserved for French tyrants and their parasites, and fur French pseudo-liberals of the Republican school, to put the despot's hook in the nostrils of France by degrading her capital from being the centre of European civilization and the stronghold of European freedom into a mere fortress, where the most limited freedom of word or action can only exist by permission of the military Governor. We have received the whole of the French Journals of Thursday. On that day commenced the debate in the Chamber of Deputies on the Fortifications of Paris Bill. The Chamber was crowded, and the greatest in terest excited by the expected discussion of a question so important to France and to Europe. Singularly enough, the first to address the Chamber was M. GUL BERRY, in opposition to the measure. His speech was replete with good sense, and with the soundest maxims of pokey. He observed that the military glory of France was acquired on fields of battle, and not behind walls and bastions. In 1815 NAPOLEON consulted CARNOT relative to the fortification of Paris, and the opinion of that eminent person ryas, that to fortify the capital would cost two hundred millions of francs in money, and three years in time, and that when so fortified, an army of 60,000 men would take it in twenty-four hours. If the Bill was persisted in the country would be prevented frcan prosecuting all useful works for eight years, and thus apiculture and commerce would be completely paralyzed. If only eighty millions of the money pro pthed to be thrown away on fortifications was expended on the construction of railways and other necessary improvements, mere respect for,France would be created abroad, and more happiness and a stronger sense of security felt at home than if they erected a thousand fortresses and raised walls as high as the summit of the Tower of Babel. M. JUST CHASSELOUP addressed the Chamber in support of the Bill, but his speech was a mere repetition cf M. TIMERS' Report. In the early part of the sitting Marshal SOULT in troduced three Bills into the Chamber, the first de manding a supplemental credit for the army of 1,500,000 francs ; the second for calling out the con- tingent of 80,000 men ; and the third for improving the recruiting system, and extending the period of service from six years to seven. The Court of Rome has consented to give a Cardi nal's hat to one of the French Prelates. 'The Portuguese brig Paella, captured by the French cor vette da Prevoyante, is going to be tent from the Isle of Bour bon to Brest, escorted by the Lancier brig. According to the inventory made in the Isle of Bourbon it appears that the cargo, money, and goods found on board the Pacha is worth 250,000 franca at least. The negroes were landed at Bourbon. There some died in consequence of the privations which they suffered. The crew consisted of 45 men, who will be brought to Brest to undergo their trial. The Pacha had papers issued by the Portuguese authorities, but it carried on the slave trade by violence, and seized on free persons at the several places at which it touched ; this is tho ground of its being captured. It was to land its cargo of slaves at the Ilavannah. It is said that the l'acha is a Mexican brig (the Iturbide) which was one of the prizes made by Ad aural Baudin, and sold with other vessels of the same origin.— Le Temps. I? AILNVA Y SHARES. St:Germain C 95 tsgs B 425 425 495 425 L.B. ..... ...... 312 50 315 312 SO 3t2 50 Orleans . Nouen Madrid Journals, of the 14th inst., have come to hand. In consequence of some seditious cries on the previous evening, the troops were confined to their bar tacks, to be ready to act in case of emergency, but no further disturbance took place. The Duke of Vic- TORY declined acting as Alcalde of Passages, to which office he had been elected by the inhabitants. A private letter, dated Bilbao, the 15th inst., states that a General Junta, composed of all the Deputies of the commu neros of Biscay, was to assemble on the 19th instant. The Deputies for Guipuscoa and Alav s had been invited to attend this reunion. The object of this extraordinary Junta is to exa mine the proposal to suppress the commercial ostrepot at ; likewise the proposal to deprive the merchants of the privilege they enjoyed on all importations made under the Spa nish flag ; and, in fine, to consider the order given by the Re gency to dispense with requiring the assent of the feral de putation for the execution of the laws according to the fueros. Letters front Malaga state, that in spite of the surveillance of the Spanish coast-guard boats and the numerous carabineers stationed along the coast, 4,50 horse-loads of handkerchiefs, mus hilts, and other English manufactured goods, had just been landed in the neighbourhood front Gibraltar. The Five per Cents, continued to improve. On the 14th some bargains were made at 30 and 30i for cash, and 30Z for 60 days. MONEY and COMMERCIAL NEWS. (From The Sun of S.turday evening.) LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, FainAy.—Since our last week's report, a large business has again been done, but as re gards American descriptions, we have observed a gradual failing off in the spirit of the demand, the market being at the same time more abundantly supplied. Yet, though it is very difficult to obtain the extreme rates of Friday last, holders are on the whole unwilling to give way in price. The transac. tions in Egyptian are large. Speculators having bought freely, consequently an advance of about id. per lb may be quoted. Brazils are ♦ery firm at our last quotations, which are also very fully supported, for Sea Islands and Surats. Speculators have taken 8,000 bales of American ; d,500 Egyptians, and 1.206 Surats ; the sales to-day are 4,500 bales of all kinds. The market without animation. LIVERVOOL SHARE LIST ; J.N. 22.—Eastern Counties Debentures, 5' ; Grand Junction, 212% ; Great Western, 91 ; Fifths, 10 ; London and Birmingham, 173 172 V. ; 321. Shares, 58 ; Quarter Shares, 271 ; Brighton tinitea Com pany, 43 ; South Eastern, 13. MANCHESTER STOCK EXCHANGE, JAN. 22. —Our market is still very quiet, prices declining. Bristol and Exeter, 31 to 33 ex-New ; Edinburgh and Glasgow, 29 to 291,-; Great Western, 91 to 92 ; Liverpool and Manchester, 166; London and South Western, 58; Manchester and Birmingham, 25; Bank of Manchester, 94. Consols opened this mo-ning at the same prices :they left off yesterday, Money, 89% 90 ; for the Account. 904 ; Exche• quer Bills, 6 8 prem. ; Bank Stock, 169 171 ; India Stock, 250 252. In the Foreign Market Spanish Active is a shade lower, left off 25/ ;-1; at present 251 i ; Deferred, l 2 13A ; Passive, 6i 1 ; Portuguese same as they left off, 32/ ; Three per Cents., 201; Brazilian, e 3 74 ; Colombian, 23} 4 ; Mexican, 28i 4 ; Chilian, 58 60 ; Dutch Two-and-a-Ilalf per Cents, 504 & ; Five per Cents., 99/. SliA RES.—Great Western, 261 to 271 prem. ; New, 12 13 prem. ; London and Brighton, 6-i- 54 dis. ; Blaekwall, 41 3i dis. ; Birmingham, 82 84 prem. ; Southampton, 57 58 per share; Croydon, 121 per share; Greenwich, 81 4- per share; Manchester and Birmingham,,ls 14 dis. PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE. RAILWAYS. Paid. Per Share. Great Western .. Ditto New Ditto Fifths ... 4 .... 10 ..... to 9 . London and Brighten 50 43 1, ... .. London and South Western to We still continue without any a rrivals to the p resent time. 38 57 / The British Funds are nut q uite so g ood as the y were in the Exchequer Bills, 8 6 prem. ; which were 25, early part of the morning, when they were 90k, at present 90 ° ,l r iad 9 i o a ; Stock,A2sl ; Bank Stock, f l o n r d t ia he ß 2.s on th d3 l:eb l . o m d o i i n i . ey ; 169 170 169. per ' Cents. 50/ a'; Passive, at have I n recededtl ie Foreign t 2 41k1 Market e ; t D Spanish d , Actives, , -4 ; Braz:- Ilan also lower, 734, have beenl74l ; Portuguese Three-and a.llalf per Cents„ 201 ; nothing done in the Five per Cents - Dutch Two-and-a-Half Colombian, 236 ; Five per Cents., 9N a• In Shares very little doing at present. Great Western : l9l; New, 6 2 ; Fifths , 9 ; ; Bri g hton, 43 4 ; South-We ster ' n, 5 7 1. 169 90 . India 73 t o o n e d k ; ..... CLOSING BRITISH FUNDS. Bank Stock Ditto Old Annuit . i . e " s " . 1,01 dis 3 per Cent. Red 9 9 9 8:i Ditto "Nlew Annuities .. .... 3 3A p p er er C c e e n n t t C ß m e n d s .. .. ... .. .. New 3/ per Cent New 5 per Cent 1 Ditto 500/ 6pm Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small lO pin Jan. 1860 l3 3-16 Bank Stock for Acct ... Oct 1859... l3 India Stock for Acct ... - - lan. 1860 ... ...... I`,:i Consols for Opg VOL N V U MORNING EDJTI 4 , 114"N'r4- to. , 4'd ttcij t ) r I ttto N.B.—W e have great pleasure in inserting the followlteri q? ,,T spirited lines, which are the production of one of the most original thinkers of the day, and have been for warded to us in consequence of their having been sug gested by some remarks that appeared in The Sun, relative to certain gross affronts passed in a recent French Drama on the Queen of England and Prince Albert. A NEW VERSION OF "AL) ENFANS DE LA PATRIE." Children of unconquer'd France, Brave at the cuisine and dance ! Children of that loveliest mother I Now outrival.one another. Come where Glory calls you, come! On with bayonet and drum On with pickaxe, on with spade, Show the stuff whereof ye're made. On boy; on, and wipe away Waterlo:4's unlucky day Yes, for 'twas reserved for you, Wipe away foul Waterloo. See the hero in his shroud I Weep aloud, boys, weep aloud Dry your eyes, boys, dry your eyes Sec the martyr-chief arise ! Him who never found you loth Whether to break head or oath : Here the Little Corporal Owns his children, one and all. Clench your fists, boys, clench your fists, Hark to your brave journalists. Who upon the earth like Thiera Sets a people by the ears? 'Would you let him lie in vain ? Lie again, boys, lie again. Never shall false Britons say (Just because you ran away) They (the cowards) won the day. There may be who swore you fled Heel o'er head, boys, heel o'er head, Threw off knapsack, kickt off shoes, At Toulouse, boys, at Toulouse, And some fifty other places Showing the reverse of faces; Never mind a pin for that, Did not you deny it fiat ? Did not you, brave boys ? tho' Soult Boggled at it like a colt. Let all Europe grin, boys, grin, Never you, boys, mind a pin. You have now done braver things Than your fathers aid, with kings. You have dared to pelt the nest Love built in Victoria's breast You have shown more valour there, Striking Britain's infant heir. Who against such feats shall set Slander'd, shiughter'd, Antoinette? Honour is the Frenchman's cry, Honour, brooking no reply, Honour, with his head much higher When his fist has learnt to fire. What ! young France! art thou afraid ? Never shall the thing be said. Scream and swagger, stamp and swear—. Never wert thou beaten there. Turkey should unbroken lie, Like thy own integrity : And, to this effect, thou didst Cut her fairly thro' the midst, In thy merry mood deriding Those who censured such dividing, And who fell into the blunder To call " broken" cut asunder. But away, my boys, with words._ Hide your daggers, whet your swords. Heroes from the hulks, advance ! Glory leads the sons of France. Glory urges you no less, Sons of the Machine and Press ! That Machine whose vengeance flings Death before the path of kings; And that Press whose safer skill Scourged and threatens Europe still. She may rise and, soon or late, More than half exterminate; Never mind, boys, never mind—. Valour is, like Fortune, blind. Your invulnerable napes Have miraculous escapes. Come along, boys, come along— Justice dwells but with the strong. To this axiom ever steady, Strike before your foes are ready. If they drive you back, what then ? They aro women, you are men. You have often made them see Such superior gallantry, And have rather run away Than occasion their dismay. Seventy-fours, in the disguise Of small frigates, have made prize Of perhaps some eighty -tours (Unprepared for it) of ours : That was perfidy or chance; Honour is the soul of France. Children of gay Guillotine I Worthy chips of that machine, Which no longer shall let slip King so sluggish as Philippe, Who, by all the devils posscst, Wants to leave the world at rest, Shall cur pride be thus cast down ? Break the sceptre, crush the crown ; Horace says original thinkers Never have been water drinkers. Nothing can do Frenchmen good Like a hearty draught of blood. Chabot ! Carrier ! Robespierre! Reassemble proudly here 1 Hebert Marat ! all that you Left undone a Thiers shall do. \Vhat bright visions there arise To delight the patriot's eyes I Loire's fair bosom heaves again Throbbing wader thousands slain. Happy Loire ! but happier Seine 1 Whitened with young girls, like foam, Dancing as they danced at home. See the ruddy current run 0, what fun, boys 1 0, what fun 1 Who's afraid, boys, who's afraid ? Barricade, boys, barricade ! And against the worst in wars Lay in plenty of cigars. But, before all other things, To defeat the pride of kings, In whose hearts creep myriad fears, Since our armies won Algiers. To defeat their cursed pride, And five thousand crimes beside, On with pickaxe, on with spade, Crying out, invade! invade! And around, where freedom calls Build the walls, boys, build the walls. WALTER SAVAGE LANDOIL Jan. 16, 1 FALSE WEIGHTS AN D erless th e TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—The numerous con victions which h ave recently law is at prh taken un rt place efso,r .pt rove of oe f v so p u e pi r i p s o o rwe n s s s ui ottne g uilty rolyf of sp uoh. using nefarious false w e i g h ts an d practices. Indeed, when we consider how very light is the punish ment w ith which the law visits this crime, its frequent recurrence can be no matter for astonishment. ex i s t s rot a greater fallacy than the There fur-famed axiom that in England the law is no r especter of p ersons . A h o meless starving wretch snat c h es from a b a k er ' s win dow two ounces of bread — lie r ai is det ec t e d, convicted— perhaps transported ce t *rily imprisoned for a long term. The baker who cus tomer, to wh om he ls prosecutes him robs every bread,cos of two ounces, by ' means of fal se weight-, and he is fined in a paltry sum, which damount sloes not to one-half per cent. on his dis honest gains, So much for the even-handed justice of the law. Were the working classes alone the sufferers, I should despair of the Legislature troubling itself to apply a re medy to this crying grievance ; but as Noble Lords and Houour,ble Gentlemen are also affected by it, although not in an equal degree, I think we may venture to in dulge a hope that they will, for their own sakes, endea vour to remedy it. To do this effectually, I would sug gest that a law should be passed, enacting, that i n every case of a conviction for using false weights or measures, or unjust balances or scales, the reco r d o f suc h convic tion painted in large white letters on a black board should be affixed in a conspicuous part of the shop, warehouse, or other place of business, of the person so , or obliteration before it, of t, s su ch board,as convictevidh,eatnhder.thbyattlhaecinrgemgooso'als es‘ d to hid e it, or otherwise, should be punished with fine and imprisonment.—l remain, Sir, Your obedient servant, HONESTUS Lord Portman and the Masteeneral of tho Ord nance had interviews with the Marquis of Normanby, at the Home-office, on Saturday.