The Sun. — London, England, 1867-10-30 00:00:00

we had a right, as a party, to deal with this question of Parliamentary Reform ; that this convenient creed that has been circulated of late throughout the country, and has been preached so recently in this good city of Edinburgh (cheers), that the treatment of Parliamentary Reform is a peculiar object of the Whig party is not true. I think you will, therefore, admit that it is clear that that we, as a party, had a right to deal with the question. (Cheers.) Now I come to the third point of this inquiry. Having a right to deal with the question, and feeling that we ought to deal with the question, which points, I think you will agree, are proved (cheers and laughter), did we deal with the question in the right manner ? (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) Now, my lords and gentlemen, I say that no man can give a fair and accurate opinion upon that momentous question unless he clearly ascertains, in the first place, what were the relations of Lord Derby and his party to this question of Parliamen tary Reform. Lord Derby succeeded to office as Prime Minister for the first time in the year 1852, Lord John Russell having just then failed on the question of Parliamentary Reform. (Laughter.) It was not necessary for Lord Derby to deal with the question. Everybody felt, however wise it might be to consider it with reference to ultimate settlement, there was no pressure for an immediate solution. The measure of Lord John Russell was considered bad by his friends. Though I, gentle men, say so, though there were many to vindicate his course, yet I considered it was an immature measure. (Applause.) Then, when we came into office in 1852, we had to make up our minds to the general policy we should carry out with regard to the subject, because we need not bring forward a measure the Opposition had agitated for three years. We were quite certain they would bring forward motions on the subject, and upon these motions the Government must be prepared to express their general policy, and so it turned out. We had not been in office 10 days before notices upon the sub ject of Reform were showered on the table like a snowstorm. (Laughter.) Mr. Hume gave notice of a motion which he had annually made for three or four years, and the pressure of which measure forced Lord John Russell to introduce a bill about a month after we succeeded to office. Lord Derby and his colleagues had then to consider the course they would take, the general policy they would announce, and the duty fell to my lot. (Applause.) I hope, my lords and gentle• men, you will not think me guilty of egotism, if I speak in these few remarks I have to make of myself —(cheers)--it is convenient in narrative ; but what I did at any time I did not only with the consent, but with the saction of my colleagues. It fell to me to express the policy of Lord Derby. I told the House of Commons, in answer to the motion of Mr. Hume and two or three others by Mr. Locke King and others, that we were not prepared to deal with the question of Parliamentary Reform, but we claimed our right if we thought it necessary to deal with it. Wesaid, 44 Ifit be necessary at any future time to deal with the great question of the represen tation of the people it is our opinion a great mistake was made in that question under the Act of 1832." (Hear, hear, and applause.) It was the one in which Parliament destroyed the relations between the labouring classes and the Constitution—(cheers) —and I said then on the part of Lord Derby that if ever we felt it our duty to deal with the question we should endeavour to remedy the difficulty, as we believed it to be the real cause of the failure that express itself in this couutry in a manner that no statesman could dispose of, and in my opinion proved very injurious. (Applause.) There was another great feature of our policy that I also ex. pressed to the House of Commons. I said, "If there is ever to be another Reform Bill we can consent to new measure unless adequate justices is done to that majority of the population of England who live in counties." (Hear, hear, laughter, and applause.) Now, these were the two great points which in 1852 on the part of Lord Derby we announced we should insist upon if ever we had to deal with the question of Reform. Well, in 1852, after the retirement of Lord Derby, and on the accession of Lord Aberdeen's Government, we introduced a considerable measure of reform and failed. There was also the Govern ment of Lord Palmerston. The Government of Lord Palmerston was much engaged with the Crimean war, and that was supposed to be an excuse, and it was a very fair excuse for his not continuing legislat ing on the subject. But mark this important fact : when allusions are made, and in a certain sense justly made, a 3 by our chairman here, to Lord Palmerston's Reform. Lord Palmerston on the conclusion of the Crimean war had to appeal to the country, and he appealed in a most triumph ant manner, and had the largest majority that any Ministry has had since the bill was passed, and what did he do ? The moment that Par• Lament met he advised her Majesty to recom mend in her Speech from the Throne the ques tion of Parliamentary Reform. Therefore, you may say that Lord Palmerston failed, and unexpectedly. Lord Derby again found himself Prime Minister i n 1859 ; and I am bound to say this, that, whatever was the levity of Lord Palmerston at any public meeting on Parliamentary Reform, he did nothing of the kind in private. (Applause.) He communi cated to his successor, the present Prime Minister of England, that he thought it of the greatest import ance that this question should be settled ; that it impressed the Crown, impressed Parliament, might be the source and cause of disaster to the State, and that if a moderate and well-considered measure were introduced he would give it a very candid and fair consideration. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I remem ber the conduct of my friend when Mr. Baines brought forward his motion on reform, and none but some of those artists who have departed from among us could have done justice to it. (Applause.) Lord Derby did make an effort, but I have always drawn this inference from it—that Lord Palmerston wished the questio❑ of Reform to be treated not by his own friends. (Laughter.) Lord Derby did make the effort in 1859 ; he failed. This is the next rela tion of Lord Derby and his party to the question of Reform. lle had to deal with the question. It was his opinion, after the most deliberate thought, and after the most painful investigation of the subject, that with regard to the borough franchise no reduc tion, no degradation of the borough franchise from £lO to £B, or £7 or £6, would be truly satisfactory; that it would lead to no settlement ; that you could arrive at no settlement unless you came to household suffrage. He was not prepared to recommend that. Ile did not believe the country would have supported him in such a course, and therefore he en deavoured to carry out the policy which he recom- mended as to facilitating the admission of the work ing classes into the Constitution by a variety of fran chises, into which 1 am not going to enter. The lodger franchise was one. It was treated, of course, with contempt, but I understand that now it is the pal ladium of our liberties. (Laughter.) Well these were the relations of Lord Derby to the question of Re form. He had in 1852 laid it down in his own view of the case that no settlement which did not revise the relations of the working classes to the Constitu tion of Englund, and at the same time did not do justice to the populations in the counties that were so feebly represented, would be satisfactory. In 1859 he endeavoured, so far as he could, with re gard to the borough franchise, to carry that into effect by this new franchise which would have given some considerable opening to the working classes, and he also endeavoured, as far as he could, to give some increased representatio n to the counties. These, then, were the relations of Lord Derby and hig friends from 1852 to 1859, and now mai k this. In 1859 you know what occurred. We were expelled from power by a resolution of Lord John Russell, that no settlement of the question of reform could be satisfactory which did not involve lowering of the borough franchise. We resisted that, believing that it was a policy which ought not to be sanc tioned by the House of Commons unless it was de finitely brought forward, and feeling confident that it was no mere degradation of the borough franchise that could bring any satisfactory settle ment, we dissolved Parliament upon the issue ; we appealed to the country. The country did not give us a majority, and therefore the Parliament and the country were pledged to the lessening of the frau ohise in boroughs. That was a settled point. Well, now, what happened during the seven memorable years that elapsed from 1859 to 1865 when Lord Derby was again called into power, and when he did me the honour to ask me again to attempt to lead the House of Commons? (Cheers.) Observe what has occurred in Parliament on the subject of reform during these seven years. They commenced with the measure of Lord Palmerston in 1860 ; that failed, and these seven years ended with the measure of Lord John Russell. That also failed, and in the interval there were all these separate motions of Mr. Locke King and Mr. Baines. Con sequently during these seven years the question of Parliamentaryßeform was before the public mind and under the examination of Parliament. Dur ing that period of seven years, with the advice, I may say under the instructions of my colleagues, I expressed the principles upon which any measure of Parliamentary Reform ought to be established. Now, mark this, because these are things which you may not have beard in any speech which has been made in the city of Edinburgh. (Laughter and cheers.) I had to prepare the mind of the country, and to educate—if it be not arrogant to use such a phrase—to educate our party. It is a large party, and requires its attention to be called to questions of this kind with some pressure. I had to prepare the mind of Parliament and the country on this question of Reform. This was not only with the concurrence of Lord Derby, but of my colleagues. The first great point which it was my duty always to impress upon Parliament was that we should listen to nothing that was not a complete and com prehensive measure, that all the points of the subject of Parliamentary Reform should be treated together, because we knew that upon our treating them de pended the political equilibrium which has hitherto prevailed in this country. That is the first ques tion. What is the second ? During these seven years I had to vindicate the principles on which disfranchisement and enfranchise ment should take place. I said, "We cannot listen for a moment to the reasons assigned for grouping boroughs. We cannot say that the representation of any place should be entirely abrogated." We insisted in our bill that no centre of representation should be abolished, and we said, "For the increased representation you want in Eng land you must look to a certain class of boroughs, no doubt, to give up a portion of their claim." And what was the third question ? It was whether any Parliamentary reform could be satisfactory, unless you had a real and bona fide Boundary Commission. What was the fourth point? 'That justice should be done to the representation of the majoritj of the English nation who live in counties, and that it should be done not merely by giving representation to the great towns which have sprung into im portance since Lord Grey's Act of 1832, but by adding a considerable number directly to their re presentatives. What was the fifth point ? We in sisted upon, and supported by our vote, that the borough franchise should be established on the prin ciple of rating. (Cheers.) These are the five points which, for seven weary and toilsome years, I have, with the entire concurrence and at the instiga tion of those who share your confidence, endea voured in the House of Commons to impress upon the conscience and conviction of Parliament. There was a change of Government. Lord Derby came into power, and, having to consider the state of the country, it was his opinion that it was necessary to bring in a Reform Bill. Well, we brought in a Re form Bill. (Cheers.) We passed a Reform Bill. (Loud cheers.) And now I ask you to consider whether the five points which for seven years on the part of Lord Derby were impressed on the country were obtained or not. Our Reform Bill was a complete and comprehensive measure. We did vindicate the principles on which enfranchise ment and disfranchisement should take place. We had no grouping, we did not abolish entirely the representation of any place, but we did ap peal successfully to certain boroughs to give their surplusage of representation to supply the wants of other constituencies. We did justice to the counties; we did issue a Boundary Committee, which has examined, and is examining, the Parliamentary boundaries of every borough. And, fifthly, and lastly, we did establish a suffrage for the boroughs which was founded upon the prin ciple of rating. (Cheers.) And then I am told, when the policy which we recommended for the country for seven years has been so triumphantly carried into effect, that we have done nothing, and that it is our opponents who have carried the bill. I can only say this—that if you had seen the countenance of the gentleman who had recently made a speech in this city when I did carry that bill—(great laughter and cheers)—you would not have read in those lineaments the triumph of the Liberal party after their toils of 70 years. (Loud laughter.) I must say 1 never saw such a command over the exultation which is natural and peculiar to man whe❑ he succeeds in an object dear to his heart and to his country. (Laughter and cheers.) But, gen tlemen, let us not in the exultation of party cease to be impartial in the consideration of a great measure. It may be said, and it will be said, " What you say is very true ; you carried your fifth point, which nobody can deny, but your fifth point involves all your treason. True it is you have established the franchise of boroughs on the principle of rating, but you have established the democratic government in England, because you have established household suffrage, and then you have gone much further than the measure you previously opposed." Now, let us see if there is anything in that. lam not at all prepared to admit that in establishing household suffrage with the conditions of residence and rating, upon which we have insisted, we have established a democratic government. (Cheers.) But it is unne cessary to enter into that consideration, because we have not established household suffrage in Eng land. There are, I believe, about 4,000,000 houses in England, and under our ancient laws, and under the act of Lord Grey, about 1,000,000 of the occu piers possess the franchise. Under the act of 1867 something more than 500,000 were added to that million. Well, then, I want to know, if there are 4,000,000 of householders, and only 1,500,000 have suffrage, how can household suffrage be established in England ? You may question my statements, but they have been prepared by those who have been ap pointed by the Liberal party. I have seen an esti mate given by a man of extreme and advanced opinions, and than whom no man is more acquainted with the working classes—l mean the hon. member for Oldham, Mr. klibbert. He has recently spoken upon this subject. He supported tho Government Reform Bill. He says, "It is a good bill, and I am grateful for it. lam content with it." This is a man of extreme opinions, who is looked on with feelings of adoration in the densely-populated manufacturing districts. He says the addition to the suffrage will be about 520,000, of which something under two-fifths will be county electors, and 355,000 or 350,000 will be borough electors. He entirely confirms the knowledge on which the Government acted. But is that a Democratic Go vernment? Are we to be frightened at such a re- suit as that? Are we really to believe that a con stituency of one million and a half —one million of whom we know from our owu knowledge fora very considerable space of time have exercised that suf- frage according to the disposition of the country, and are now to be assisted in the fulfilment of their duty by some half a million or more—are we to be lieve that is the establishment of Democratic Go verement in England ? Why, to say that this can be maintained even by an ex Lord -Advocate— (laughter)—l can only look upon it as one of the most preposterous conclusions. I say, in brief, that Lord Derby could not have fixed upon any other solution of the borough franchise question than that which we have arrived at. Remember that every degradation of the borough franchise —I used the term originally, and I do not shrink from it ; I used it advisedly and for a purpose—l say, that every degradation of the franchise declaring, first, that every man shall have a vote who pays £lO for his house, and then that every man who pays £8 should have it, and thus through all the notes of the gamut, £7, £6, £5, and so on—these successive de- gradations of the franchise, I repeat, cannot recom mend themselves to the statesman. ILw is it that five Prime Ministers have consecutively failed to deal with the question ? Think of five Prime Minis- tern—the wisest men, the chief, the prime men of the country, representing all the great political parties— failing in this. There must have been some cause for this failure. The cause was this : —Every hon. statesman in the House of Commons —all the independent men in the house—came to this conclusion, what was the use of these continued changes ? I say there was only one mode of settle ment. When you try to settle any great question of this sort there are two great merits which the statesman should not forget. First of all let the settlement be founded upon some principle ; but that is not enough ; let it also be a change that is in harmony with the manners and the character of the people that you are dealing with. When you came to this question of the suffrage for boroughs there was a principle in saying that a man who has a house, and by his residence and by his contri bution to the taxation has shown that he is an in dividual interested in the welfare of the community of which he is a member, and the kingdom of which he is a subject—there was a principle in saying that that was a man whom you could trust in pre- , ference to the migratory pauper. That is a prin ciple ; but, then, if you can apply that principle in deference and harmony to the manners and cus toms of your country, I say you have a chance of settling this great question. If you find it was the old custom of the country that the householder should possess the suffrage, that the man who, by his residence and position, proved that he could be intrusted with it--you had a principle, and your traditionary practice consecrated your principle. If ever there was a settlement, that was a settle ment. I say that under these circumstances the measure we brought forward was the only one, and that the settlement of Lord Derby's Government is the only settlement, and is universally acknowledged. (Cheers.) I think you know it must be acknow ledged that it is said we have not treated our friends well ; that we have been unstatesmanlike, and, on the whole, that we have behaved in a very extraor dinary manner. Well, we proceeded by resolutions, and I say that the common sense of the House of Commons vindicated our original course, and though theoretically we did not pass the Re form Bill by resolutions, yet practically we did. Though we proceeded by resolutions or by bill, we had a policy of our own, from which we would never deviate. (Cheers.) Well, then, the next thing is about the condition of residence. That was a fair question for the resolutions. The conditions of residence in municipal franchise is about three years— practically three years. A great many of what are called the working classes communicated with us through their different bodies, and they all said that they were perfectlywilling, indeed anxious, to take household suffrage, provided that they had the three years' residence. We felt, however, that we could not get a majority, and then we must feel our way. The House was in favour of one year ; I thought two years very reasonable, and divided the House. A great many of the Tories voted with me, a great many remained away, and a great many who voted against me voted in the encouragement of their leader. (Laughter.) Then there was a third security, the reduction of the county franchise. Mr. Locke King proposed a £lO. I went down to the House prepared to support the proposal of the Government. The county members of both sides met that afternoon. They said that a £l2 rating franchise was, in their opinion, perfectly satisfac tory. Why, what was Itodo ? Of course, I thought myself very fortunate to prevent Mr. Locke King carrying his £lO franchise, and to make an arrangement which my own party desired. There is one point I must introduce, if I have not tres passed too long on your attention. (Cheers.) I speak of an animal not known in Scotland, and, thank God, no longer known in England—the " compound householder." (Laughter.) The com pound householder is a being who wants to vote without paying rates. Well, that we opposed ; nothing in the world would induce us to consent to any man having a vote who did not personally pay his rates, and I believe that is a sound principle. Of course, we know very well that:it is a difficult thing to deal with, because no doubt there are a great meny men who are compound householders, who do not pay rates, and there is the apparent injustice, of which every one is sensible ; but we were firm upon it, and would have withdrawn the bill if that had been insisted on. We were perfectly right. As for attempting to do away with the compound householder when Parliament first met we should have had all the vestries of London agitating, and Mr. Gladstone himself, quietly contemplating our difficulties, had announced that the laws under which the compound householder existed were the result of the civilisation of the age. (Laughter.) But as the thing went on we got a little stronger, and our opinions were more understood. Months afterwards the Liberal party themselves proposed to do away with the compound householder. What was the course we ought to take ? We bad insisted that no man should vote who did not pay his rates. We had sympathised with the compound householder by having clauses prepared by which his vote might be facilitated, and if he choose to come forward and commit suicide, he would no longer be a compound householder ; he would give up those privileges and restrictions and pay rates. 1% hat was our duty to do ? It would have been most inconsistent in us to reject that. I say that the compound householder bowing down, giving up his peculiar position, and seeing that to exercise the franchise he would pay rates, was the very triumph of the principle of our bill—(cheers)—and in the municipal franchise to show that household suffrage, which very much influenced Lord Derby, could not be a very danger ous affair, he always used to refer to this—that when the Municipal. Act was passed in England every man who fulfilled a certain residence, and paid his rates, had a vote, and nothing could be more satis factory than the elections under the Muncipal Act in its first 12 years. No man was ever elected hostile to the constitution of the country. Ad mirable measures for the sanitary improvement of towns were passed, but at last there was no doubt considerable corruption in these muni cipal elections, and there was a committee of the House of Lords, and a report by the com mittee to Lord Grey on the subject ; they re ported that everything went on admirably in the municipal elections until the compound house holders, who did not pay rates, were allowed with out paying rates to vote, and the consequence is that by the alteration in the law you not only prevent the compound householder voting for an English burgh, but you prevent him exercising the muni cipal franchise, and therefore we have greatly im• proved the municipal elections in England. (Cheers.) Now, my lords and gentlemen, you have, by what I have told you, some notion of what a speech in detail is in the House of Commons. There must be considerable zeal for party to induce you to listen with so much attention to a narrative of this description, and yet is it not expedient that state- ments of this kind should be made by those who, however unworthily, occupy great positions upon these questions, especially when, week after week, and month and after month, the enormous nonsense that you have listened to—(hear, hear)—has been circulated through the country, and, therefore, I think that, as you have been so kind to me as to ask me to be your guest and offer me your congratula tions and your encouragement for the work that I have done, my observations are not altogether out of place. I think I have shown to you, if you will allow me briefly to summarise what I have said, that we were perfectly justified as a party in dealing with this question, that it ought to be dealt with, and that we have dealt with it in a proper manner. (Hear, hear.) I think I have shown to you that the story that we have democratised the country by establishing household suffrage is a fable. 1 think I have shown to you that the assertion that we have misled and betrayed our friends by giving up all securities which were talked of is unfounded, and that we have carried on our bill on the prin ciple upon which we have always insisted. But if I am right in this assertion, pardon some feeling on my part when I remember that it is in con- sequence of my conduct—in consequence of our unprincipled withdrawal of those securities—. laughter)—and the betrayal of our friends . _ _ who insisted upon being betrayed—(laughter) —that I miss to-day the presence of one of my oldest and most valued friends. I should have liked to have been:welcomed by his cordial heart, and by that ripe T.HE SUN. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 30, 1867. scholarship which no one appreciates more than my self. He has commemorated the withdrawal of his confidence in a letter which, strange to say, has not a quotation. (A laugh.) I picture him to myself at this moment in the castellated shades of Thurso— (laughter)—with the Edinburgh Review on one side and on the other the Conservative surrender. (Laughter.) He who has written the summary of the session in the Edinburgh is not mounted on the fiery barb of Francis Jeffrey ; he is rather placed on a hearse horse, with which he consummates the en tombment of Whig principles. (Loud laughter.) The Conservative surrender—to borrow an expres sion from the pleasing volume of art of my friend the chairman—is what one would call a replica. You find the subject treated in speeches, in articles, in reviews, and sometimes in manifestoes. (Laughter.) The colouring is not without charm, but the draw ing is inaccurate, the perspective is false, the subject is monstrous. (Great laughter.) Far be it from me to discover a man from his style, for it is thus com memorative for ever of the character that knows you under these circumstances. If, therefore, I make an observation on the " Conservative surrender," it is founded entirely upon abstract principles. (Laugh ter.) I should say that article was written by a very clever man who has made a very great mis take ; the leaders of the Conservative party are traitors, the Conservative party are false; they do not know they have been abused ; they have not recognised that their confidence has been betrayed and outraged. (Laughter.) I see many gentlemen here who have been, I have no doubt, inspectors, like my self, as magistrates, of peculiar asylums, who meet there some cases which I have always thought at the same time the most absurd and the most distressing— it is when the lunatic believes all the world is mad and that he himself is sane. (Laughter and cheers.) But to pass from such gloomy imagery. Really these Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews, although no man more admires them than myself,—l admire them as I do first-class, first-rate posting horses, which in old days, for half a century or so,—to use a Manchester phrase, carried on a " roaring trade." Soon there come some revolutions or progress which no person ever contemplated. They find things so altered that they do not understand them, and instead of that intense competition and mutual vindictiveness which before distinguished them, they suddenly quite agree—the " boots" of the Blue Boar and the chamber-maid of the Red Lion embrace, and they are quite in accord in this—in denouncing the infamy of railroads. (Loud laughter and cheers.) Now, it occurs to me that hitherto I have been speaking upon the English Reform Bill, but you must remember that I have been speaking of an Act that has been passed, and that I have already declared in a place even more public than this that I thought the same principles, adapted to such changes as the laws of' this country require, ought to be adopted in Scotland as in England. With regard to the Scotch Reform Bill, there are two points of great importance. One is the ext en sion of the franchise, and the other the increase of the representation. (Cheers.) The other clauses of the Scotch Reform Bill are really matters of de tail. But with regard to these two points I will repeat what I have stated in other places—that it is our intention to extend to Scotland that ample and considerable increase of the franchise which we have established in England. The next point is one of much more difficulty and delicacy, and I think it requires your very earnest consideration. My opinion is that in due consideration to the increase of popu lation, of wealth, and of the tax-paying power, and other influences, the representation of Scotland ought to be increased, but when yon come to the mode by which you can increase it you will find very great difficulties in the way ; and I say at once that unless the Scotch members can forget for a mo ment all party feelings and will support the Govern ment, whatever that Government be, which is pre pared to increase the representation of Scotland, no increase in the representation of Scotland can pos sibly occur. inlaying given most deliberate conside ration to the subject my opinion is that you cannot increase the representation of Scotland unless you increase the number of representatives of the House of Commons. (Hear.) Ido not express the opinion as a mere abstract opinion formed by reflection upon certain circumstances. I say, as one who is and has been a leader of the House of Commons, and who knows something of the character, disposition, and mind of members of the House of Commons— and I am certain as that I am speaking now—that there is no other mode by which the representation of Scotland can be increased. You will have fifty other modes—(laughter)—before you, and some of them proposed, I am sorry to say, by members for Scotland. Nothing is more easy than to point out a class of English boroughs, for example, with a small population, and contrast their circumstances, social, commercial, and political, with some flourish ing places in Scotland, and form an argument for the enfranchisement of the places in Scotland ; but the people of England know that they are represented at present by 500 members, that their members have already been diminished to increase the representa tion of Scotland, and that they do not believe— various as their opinions may be as to the distribu tion of seats and disposition of power—they do not believe but that they can completely dispose of them for their own use, and will not let Scotland have one, and Ido not blame them. And permit me to say I cannot blame them therefore. If any members means to disfranchise for Scotland join in taking ... _......... _ boroughs in England with the idea that they are obtaining them " for group boroughs" or divided counties in Scotland, they will find that in the last scene of the pantomime all changes in the disfran. chimed boroughs are apportioned from the smal English city to the small Scotch city ; therefore it will be necessary for the people of Scotland to make up their minds on this subject. So far as the Go- Ternment are c)ncerned, they will, at the earliest - -- opportunity, when they meet iu February, bring forward their Scotch Reform Bill. They will propose a considerable increase in the number of Scotch members, which must be finished by increasing the number of the members of the House of Commons _ __ —(applause)—and they will stand by that proposi tion if the Scotch members support them. (Cheers.) I don't mean to say that there is no inconvenience in altering the number of the members of the House of Commons ; the number has been changed before this, and the question is not whether you are to in- crease it, but whether you are to increase the num ber of members for an adequate and proper purpose. (Applause.) It is said, if you increase the number you will have every twopenny-halfpenny borough that rises like a fungus in the night, and gets a population God knows how--(laughter)—where they come from, or where they go to—for they often as soon disappear—clattering at the door of the House of Commons. My answer to that is, the good sense of the House of Commons would imme- diately put an end to such an appeal ; but when it comes to the question whether your ancient nation, which joined us on equal terms—(loud applause) from its altered circumstances, should receive in- creased representation, I believe that the good sense of the House of Commons will fairly consider that question, and they will say that there is no cabalistic charm in the number 658. With regard to the question of education, ever since I have been in public life I have done everything I possibly could to promote the cause of the education of the people. I have done so because I have always felt, with the limited population of the United Kingdom, com- pared with the Imperial position it occupies with re ference to the question, it is not only our duty, but it is an absolute necessity of the State that we should make every man the most effective being that eda- cation can constitute him. It was said in the old times that one Englishman could beat three mem- berg of some other nation—(laughter)--but I think if we want to maintain the power of England we ought to make him equal in the business of life to three other men that any other nation can furnish. Therefore, as far as I am concerned, whether it be after a more greatly advanced system of education—whether it he that system of com- peting which I have ever supported, though I am not unconscious of the pedantry with which it has been accompanied —if I eve wanted an instance at any time to convince me of the advantage of national education, I should have always referred to the country of which I am now the guest. (Cheers.) It has been my lot, as it has probably been the lot of the majority of those pre sent, to have found myself in many distant lands— I have never been in any one without finding a Scotchman, and I never found a Scotchman who was not at the head of the poll. (Laughter.) He was prosperous ; he was thriving ; often the confi dential adviser of persons of the highest position, even of rulers of States ; and although I myself am inclined to attribute much to organisation and to race, I am bound to say I never met a Scotchman yet, even if he were the confidential adviser of a Pasha, who did not tell me he owed his rise to his parish school. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, under these circumstances, do not suppose for a moment I at all depreciate the system of national education, but I think no person who has can lidly and com pletely examined its details but must acknowledge, though the principles on which it is founded are admirable, the application of these principles is not certainly complete and extensive. I can only say that, since the report of the commission upon your schools was submitted it has been considered by the Government, and I hope that in this session we shall bring forward a measure upon national educa tion which will be successful, and pass the Legisla ture; and if we can give you a good Reform Bill and a good Education Bill I think you will remem ber the last year of the old Parliament with feelings of softness and regard. (Laughter and cheers.) Gentlemen, I may be allowed to say one word upon the subject of education generally. I think myself that the issue that has been raised is in a certain sense a false issue, but as it touches very great prin ciples and the character of the nation, I would say myself that I do not believe that in this United Kingdom any form of education founded upon a compulsory principle, and forcing every part of the country to adopt the same system, could be success ful. (Hear.) I am not prepared at this moment to believe that the same system ought to be ex tended to every part of her Majesty's dominions, and I am not prepared to admit that the British nation generally is an uneducated nation. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, so far as our primary education is concerned, no doubt the multiplicity of our education and the value of labour have pre vented that complete education in a primary sense which is to be desired ; but if you look even to our primary education as compared with the primary education of other countries for the last 30 years it may not reach in some respects the point which other nations have attained, still, as a whole, during these 30 years the advance in England has been greatest, but I deny that the education of the people of England differs merely. lam talking of the general population in regard to our system of primary education. I say that the technical edu cation of the English artisans, especially since what I may describe as the Albertine movement took place—since Albert first laid down those principles which have been carried out in the localities affected —the technical education of England has been im proved, and if you come to mere secular education there is an influence prevalent in England which exists in no other country, and which forms in a very great degree the character and opinions and conduct of the English people, and that is the in fluence of a free press ; that influence is never con sidered. The press of this country, conducted by whatever party, is, on the whole, conducted with great energy, with great intelligence, and with high moral feeling, and it perhaps imparts a secular edu cation to the people of this country, which none of the boasted climes that have been held up as models we cannot rival can for a moment compete with. I do not care what may be the opinions or feelings of those who conduct the press of this country. It is immaterial whether they are animated by a high moral feeling or motive, but this is quite clear—they cannot successfully direct their labours to any great class in this country unless they give that class credit for that high moral feeling, and therefore, without in dulging in any cant upon the subject, Isaithe condi tion of our press, which for energy, geneinl intelli gence, information, and moral feeling cannot be excel led, is a proof of the sound condition of the country and of the progress of secular education highly profit able, which is at present going on. I cannot deny that the great measure which has been passed this year will give, in some degree, a new character to our Constitution, and introduce some new powers and influences into its action ; and, indeed, to ac complish such ends was the object of those who brought it forward. I hear every day that in con sequence of the changes that have been effected, we must expect great questions will arise, and I should be sorry that great questions should not arise. (Hear.) Great questions are a proof that the coun try is progressing. If there were no great ques tions it would only show that we are iu a stagnant state ; but we ought to contrast the present state of affairs, when the Reform Bill of 1867 has been passed, with what was the state which will be re membered by my noble friend the Duke of Buc cleuch. (Cheers.) Whatever different feeling there was in the country at that time, no one can believe that the Rise and experienced men of those days were afraid of the Reform Bill. It was not the Reform Bill that was brought forward by Lord Grey, the eminent statesman, who produced that alarm ; it was the way in which that Reform Bill was passed ; it was the bludgeon and the brickbats ; it was Nottingham Castle in flames ; it was cities like Bristol that were sacked. But contrast that state of affairs, with what was our experience. We have had a riot, a little riot, just to show that we are freemen. (Laughter.) We have had, as we had in 1832, violent opinions expressed, but in 1832 they were expressed by men of mark—by men who influenced opinion. By whom are they expressed now ? By the nincompoops of politics—(cheers and laughter)—by men more absurd than Hudibras. (Continued laughter.) If you consider the different position of the country at these two periods, it is very remarkable. You passed a Reform Bill then, and everybody was frightened ; they were so frightened, that they collected together and believed that the only security against further danger was the associating together to prevent further change. Now we all feel what an error was that. It is as fallacious a triumph in polities as in science to suppose that you can establish a party upon re sistance to change ; and for this reason, the change is inevitable in a progressive country. Change is constant; and the great question is, not whether you still resist change which is inevitable, but whether that change shall be carried out in defe- rence to the manners, the customs, the laws, and the traditions of a people, or whether it shall be carried out in deference to abstract principles and arbitrary and general doctrines. One is a national system ; the other, to give it the worst epithet which it may deserve, is a philosophic system. But, although they both have very great advantages, this must be remembered. The national system is sup ported, no doubt, with the fervour of patriotism ; ,he philosophic has a singular exemption from the force of prejudice, but the national system, although t may occasionally improve by its advanced views he condition of a country, precipitates progress, and may occasion revolution, and destroy States. (hear, hear.) Nov, I have always considered that the Tory party was the national party of England. it is not the freedom of a combination of oligarchs and philosophers who practise upon the sectarian prejudices of a portion of the people. It is the freedom of all classes, from the highest to the most homely, and it retains a series of institutions that are inherent and ought to be in practice the embodiment of the natioLal requirements, and the security of the national rights. Whenever the Tory party degenerates into oligarchy it becomes unpopular, whenever the national institutions do not fulfil their original intentions the Tory party becomes odion4 ; but when the people are led by their natural leaders, and whet), by their united in fluence, the national institutions fulfil their original intentions, then the Tory party is triumphant, and then, under Providence, it will secure the pros- perity and happiness of the country. (Cheers.) Events may now be occurring which may in- fluence the condition of Europe and affect the position of this country. For my own part, I should not be doing my duty if I did not express my con- viction that it is not only the interest but the inten tion of the great powers of Europe to favour, and to favour permanently, the cause of peace. But no loubt, whatever Ministry may have to regulate the fortunes of this country, whatever may be their abilities, whatever may he the favourable circum stances they can command, they are nothing without the confidence of the great mass of the nation, and without the encouragement which assemblies like these must give to all. (Cheers) For myself I assure you, encouraged as I have been to-day by the cor dial kindness with which you have greeted me, I am the last man who would attempt to depreciate the difficulties which a British Minister has to meet, or would attempt to exaggerate the qualities which my colleagues possess. Indeed, when I remember the interests of these British isles, so vast, so various, and so complicated—when I recall to recollection the differences of race which, however blended, leave a very significant characteristic ; when I recollect that the great majority of the population of the United Kingdom rise every day and depend for their daisy sustenance on their daily labour; when I re member that it is ou the common sense, the pru dence, and the courage of a community thus cir cumstanced that depends the fate of uncounted mil lions in ancient provinces, and that around the globe there is a circle of domestic settlements that watch us for example and inspiration ; when I know that not a sun rises on a British Minister that does not bring him care and even inexpressible anxiety—an unexpected war, a disturbed and discontented colony, a pestilence, a famine, a mutiny, a declining trade, a decaying revenue, a collapse of credit, perhaps some insane and fantastic conspiracy —I declare I feel very often I wonder where there is the strength of heart to deal with such colossal ciroumstances— (cheers)—but when I withdraw from the pressure of individual interest and take a larger and deeper view of human affairs, I recognise that in this country, whatever may have been the tumult and the turmoil of our now almost countless gene ration, there have been three master influences that have at all times controlled and commanded our powers and passions, and they are industry, liberty, and religion. (Hear, hear.) So long as this sacred combination influences the destiny of this country it will not die. (Cheers.) History will recognise its life, not record its decline and fall. (Cheers.) It will say this is a great and understanding people, and it is from such materials we make the magni ficence of the nation, and establish the splendour of the terrestrial globe. (At 11 o'clock the right hon. gentleman concluded, amid enthusiastic cheering, a speech which occupied upwards of two hours and a half in delivery.) The VICE-CHAIRMAN proposed " Her Majesty's Ministers," for whom Lord Joint . MANNERS replied. Mr. LAWSON gave " The Two Houses of Parlia ment," for which the Duke of MONTROSE and Sir GRAHAM MONTGOMERY responded. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proposed " The Lord Provost and Magistrates, and Pro sperity to the City of Edinburgh," the toast being answered by Bailie HANDYSIDE. The remaining toasts were--" The Duke of Buc cleuch, Lord-Lieutenant of the County ;" " The Agricultural, Commercial, and Manufacturing In terests of the Empire ;" " The Chairman," " The Conservative Press," " Mrs. Disraeli," " The Vice Chairman and Croupiers," &c. THE ABYSSINIAN CAPTIVES. The following communication, written by Lieut. Prideaux, one of the Abyssinian prisoners, appears in the Pall Mall Gazette : " Magdala, Sept. 7. " A few days ago messengers again arrived from Gaffat. The news they bring from the King's camp is of the most unsatisfactory nature. Prisoners in chains though we be, our position seems to be far more agreeable than that of the unfortunate Euro peans who are in a state of semi -confinement within the royal camp at Debra Tabor. His Majesty seems now to set no bounds to his cruelty and ferocity. When I last wrote he was on a plundering expedition against the small island of Metraha, in the Lake Tana. Every inhabitant of that place he consigned to the flames, with the exception of three Gondar mer chants, who had fled thither for security, but who unluckily reckoned without their host, for they were plundered of their property, and are now lying in chains in the camp of the tyrant, and are frequently tortured for money. Shortly afterwards the King made a trip to Ifag, one of the most flourishing little towns in Foggara, on the north-western portion of Begemmeder. The place was surrounded, and 1,500 of the peasants captured. These were burned alive in five large houses selected for the purpose. It is said there is not now a single man, woman, or child alive between Debra Tabor and Emfras on the borders of Dembea. In the camp his Majesty has been playing the same game. It was reported to him that 2,000 of his soldiers wished to desert ; they were surrounded by theothers, and their throats cut like cattle. For two days the camp re sounded with the report of fire-arms ; the mothers, wives, children, and nearest relatives of these wretched men were being pistolled by the soldiery. Ladies of good families, the wives of the chiefs, were stripped naked and tied to posts, where they were exposed to the noontide glare of the sun ; after wards they were tortured with ropes, &c., until a pistol shot put an end to their sufferings. Un mentionable barbarities have been perpetrated on the miserable women ; 295 chiefs of districts have had their hands and feet cut off, and then been left to die of starvation. Still the King's position does not improve ; desertions continue daily. The last expedition he made was against Belessa, a small province between Begemmeder and Lasta. The peasants, who are more warlike in their temperament than those of Der - 13bn, stood their ground bravely, and for the first time in his life the monarch of Abyssinia was repulsed by a hand ful of ploughmen. They were led by a certain Lij Abita, a very old friend of ours, who was for merly attached to the King's household, but lately seized a favourable opportunity for escaping to his native province. The royal troops occupied a piece of rising ground, and the rebels were posted on a similar spot about 400 yards distant. Between them was a piece of rough and broken ground difficult to be ridden over. They therefore did not venture to come to hand-and-hand fighting, but contented themselves chiefly with hurling defiance at each other; on the royal side the King was the only man who did any execution, he being armed with an ex cellent English rifle, with which he amused himself by taking pot-shots at his opponents, and I believe he did kill bur or five of them. On Lij Abita's side, one horseman rode down into the plain and killed a couple of his adversaries, carrying off the silver mounted shield of one of them, and quietly chaffing his Majesty as he did so. Nut one of the 6 loyalists' ventured to follow him. His Majesty then retired from the contest and returned to Debra Tabor muttering threats of future vengeance against the disloyal mountaineers who had dared to defend not only their homesteads and cornfields, but the very lives of themselves, their wives, and their little ones, against their Sovereign, and at the date of Mr. Flad's letter (Aug. 11) be was preparing to march against them with four or five of the little cannon his Europeans have made for him. This, however, is probably only bluster, as generally be never can execute what he threatens. If he comes at all to Alagdala, he will probably do so this month ; and for his advent I can assure you we arc not at all anxious. Another repulse like that he encountered at Belessa would quite destroy his prestige, which is his chief bulwark at present. In Gahint, the southernmost district of Begemmeder, there is a powerful rebel at present, named Syoorn Warregna, who is said to be determined on fighting should his Majesty pass by that route; while should he re solve on the other—namely, via AV addela and falanta—he would have to encounter the soldiers of Wagshoom Gobazay in the former, and those of the Galls Queen Mastyat in the latter district, these chieftains having billeted their soldiers on the peasants during the rainy season. Daunt, between this and Gahint, is also occupied by the Gallas. So, after all, there are difficulties in the way of his coming hither, and we earnestly hope never to see his face again. But still the name of Theodore may assist him, unless the brave peasants of Belessa give him such another thrashing as may convince every one that it is but a name after all. No messengers have arrived from the coast since I last wrote, now six weeks since. This is probably on account of the rivers in Tigre being now full. Thank God, with the exception of poor Cameron, whoa iron coneti tution seems completely broken up, we are all in good health. I have found an excellent tonic in the study of Russian ; there is no danger of memory growing dull while I can still master Sclavonic in flections. The rainy season is nearly over ; on Tuesday fortnight is Kedus Gohannes, the Abys sinian New Year's day, when fine weather is sup posed to recommence. " P.S.—Since I wrote the preceding portion of my letter we have been having a little excitement on the mountain. On Thursday morning two men of note, one the son of a man who was formerly a great favourite of the King, now dead, by title Afa Negoos (mouth of the King), and the chief steward or treasurer, Bedjerwand Coufu, together with some soldiers and servants, managed to effect their escape from the Amba. Their flight being disco vered they were hotly pursued by a party of sol diers, but were successful in reaching the Galla country, where the soldiers did not venture to follow them. In the evening an expedition, consisting of 200 musketeers and an equal number of spearmen, went t) the village where the fugitives had taken re fuge, about eight hours' journey from here. • They took the inhabitants by surprise, slaughtered several Gallas, and plundered all the cattle and horses they could lay their hands upon. However, they over looked a small house in which were the chief of the district, the Afa Negoos, and Bedjerwand. These three ran off and aroused the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, and as the plunderers were retreating they were surprised to :see themselves fol lowed by several bands of Gallic horsemen, who harassed them dreadfully and nearly took the chief of the expedition, Bitwaddad Damash, prisoner. The Amba soldiers retreated fighting as well as they could, and succeeded in shooting the chief of the Gallas, Mohammed Hamza, a great favourite of the Queen's. At last they reached the edge of the plain, whence a sort of ravine led to the Amba, and whither the Gallic soldiers, being all mounted, could not follow them. Here they were comparatively safe, but the Gallas contrived to annoy them by hurling large stones at the retreat ing soldiery. About three p.m. yesterday they ar rived here, having been delayed on the road by hav ing to carry a large number of wounded men. They managed, however, to carry with them a goodly amount of spoil, including several Galla prisoners, who have, I fear, but a sad fate before them. The loss on the Galla side is said by the Aruba people to be very great, but, of course, but little reliance is to be placed on their statements. Of the Aruba people about 12 have been killed, and several more are likely to die of their wounds. Over 100 are said to be wounded, several very badly, and Dr. Blanc has been busy all the morning lending aid to the sufferers. Bitwaddad Damash has received two slight wounds, and in his haste to descend the de clivity was unfortunate enough to lose his two horses, his musket, his shield, and even his leopard skin war pelisse, which was either thrown away by .him to lighten his load, or was snatched off his shoulders by some purloining Galla. The Gallas also have a few prisoners, among them one of the bravest chiefs of the mountain, who was hit with a stone on the head and left for dead by his comrades. Sixteen or twenty muskets have been captured by the Gallas, and nearly all the shields and spears of the Magdallites. Altogether it was a most disas trous affair for the mountain. They have certainly got a little booty, which was driven off before the Galla attack, but this does not compensate for so many killed and wounded. Besides, they did not attain their object, the capture of the Afa NegoOS and Bedjerwand, who were bravely fighting on the side of the Gallas. Worst of all, it is the King's strict orders that no soldier should leave the moun tain to fight or plunder, and this command has been disobeyed with unsuccessful results. I would not give sixpence for the life of the Ras of the Amba or of Damash when this is known at Debra Tabor. However, the Gallas will be pretty sure to rise now, and lead us all a dance by stoppi ng a ll messengers., COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS-TUESDAY. We had the usual attendance of the trade to-day, and a fair business in wheat took 'lace at an advance of about 2s per qr upon the prices of last Tuesday. Good [Arley at late rates, but inferior is cheaper. Oats and beaus un altered. LIVERPOOL —TUESDAY. IVe had a good attendance to-day of both the town and country trade at our market, but advanced prices checked sales, and hardly any business was done—mostly retail ; white wheat may be quoted 4d to 6d per lOOlb, and rod 3d to 4d dearer on the week. Flour was saleable at about the rates of Tuesday last. Indian corn in limited request, at 50s per 4801 b for prime American mixed, and 528 for prime white. Oats and oatmeal in moderate demand. Beans at 3s, and peas at 2s per qr advance. MELTON MOWBRAY.-TUESDAY. White wheat, 7Gs to 82s ; rod, 67s to 73s per 3G stone: Barley for malting, 43s to 47s per qr ; feed, 31s to 38s pot 30 stone. Oats, old, 33s to 36s ; new, 27s to 32s per 24st. Beans, old, 42s to 48s; new, 42s to 47s per qr. SHEFFIELD -TUESDAY. - ----- - A large quantity of wheat on offer, which sold at an advance of is to 2s o n th e currenc i es of last week, with a slow trade. Malting and grinding barloys wore supporte d at former rates. Oats and peas dearer. Beans firm. lied wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....26s Od to 286 0 1 White do do ....'efis Od 32s Od New red do do ....27a Od 2.8 Od New white do do ....29s Od 30s Od Beans do do ....19s Od 22a 01 Peas, per qr Grinding ba ley, per qr 41s Od 43s od Malting barley, t o Oats, do 2Bs Od 338 Od F10ur....26 7d to 2s lid per 111 b, A F ' El , It some. Soh b . ; th wbolo R, MI , TII do n t ?ri ne Resin and c Mott No. Comi 0 1 MI COI/ Mo( (iron Brea{ kat niers i5Er MARKET lIARBOROUGIL-TUESDAY. Old white wheat, 75s to 80s ; now red, 685t074s per 3 0 stone. Barley, find, 52s ; other kinds, 37s to 40s per 30 st• Oats, new, 25s to 30s ; old, 30s to 32s per qr. B ean s, old, 46s to as; new, 42s to 47s per qr. CORK—FRIDAY. White wheat, 14s Od to 14s 9d; red, 14s Od to 15s 6d ; black oats, 10d to 9s ld ; white, 9s 2d to 9s Bd. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which contains three times the nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times its cost in othor remedies, restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs , healthy liver, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disordered or enfeebled, removing speedily an d effectually indigestion (dyspepsia), habitual constipation , diarrhoea, haemorrhoids, liver cornplain,s, flatulency, nervous , ness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, ca.arrhs, colds, influenza' noises in the head and ears, rheumatis,n, gout, impurities, oral ) ," lions, hysteria, neural g i a, i rr i tability , sleeplessness, acidity, P°l' pitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms , nausea, and sickness, sinking fits, coughs, asthma, bronchitis , incipient consumption, scrofula, t ightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach, between the shoulders, & c. We quote few out of 68,000 cures :—The Pope's health restored by 1 : ) ,° Barry's Fuod.—C urd No. 68,413. " Rome, July 21, 1866—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, aban doning all other remedies, he has coutlned himself entirely t° Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consumes!' plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly benea cial effect on his health, ant: his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly."—From the "Gazette du Midi." Jab' 25. Cure No. 49,832.—" Of fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency , spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Maria Jail , Wortham, Ling, near Diss, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121.-3 105 Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Hertel, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirit' , and nervous fancies. Important Caution.—Beware of the mall unsavoury and more than sloppy i m i tat i ons to which, w i t hout authority, Baron L'ebig's name is most audaciously attache In tins at Is. 14d.; I lb., 2s 9d. 2 lbs., 4s. 6d.; 5 lbs., 11 -!;,' 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 403.—BArtar Do BAJtar and Co., No. " ilegent-street, London; also Fortnam and Mason, 182, Piccadilly and at GI, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside ; 63, 150, and 2 89, Oxford-street ; 330 Strand ; and all grocers and chemists. Births. GUINNESS— On the 27th inst., at Colchester, the wife of 11 B. Guinness, Esq., of a daughter. HARGREAVES—On the 28th inst., at 4, Marino-terrac e, Brighton, the wife of Captain Hargreaves, of Arborfiela Hall, Berks, of a daughter. STENHOUSE—On the 28th inst., at 15, Belsize-park-garden s the wife of Thomas Stenhouse, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. MACLEAY—ANDERSON—On the 2Gth inst., at All SAints'f Norfolk-squaro, Hydo-park, Alex. C. only4d 133, Westbourne-terrace, Hyde-park, to Mary, chi', of Colonel W. Anderson, 0.13., late Bengal Artillery, 0 ' 19, Gloucester-square, Hyde-park. ROBARTS—HEWITT— On tho 29th inst., at Holy Trinity f Church, Bishop's-road, James G. 11. R o b a rts, Esq., °f Now Hall, Ardleigh, Ess e x, t o H anna h, on ly d a ughter , Henry Hewitt, Esq., of Inverness-terrace, Bayswate r, and late of Preston House, Harrow, Middlesex. Deaths. BARNES-- On the 23d inst., at Ilawklitirs , , Kent, A INA 13 Barnes, Esq., formerly of 182, King's-road, MAYA aged 65. BAKER- On the 26th inst., at West Borough House, Maid stone, Charles Baker, jun., aged 47. DEVEREUX—On the 26th inst., at Florence House, Niglit ingale-road, Southsea, Wm. Devereux, Esq., solicitor/ aged 66. HOLLINGBERY—On the 24th inst., at Broadwator, Susses: Charles HolliDgbery, Esq., aged 55. SimrsoN--On the 20th inst., at Bideford, North llev° l3 ' David J. Simpson, Esq., R.N., C. 8., aged 71. W.Ena—On the 27th inst., at Brighton, George Webb, fsiTt; of 20, Upper Bedford-place, Captain in the London It 1-1 Volunteer Brigade, aged 43. London : Printed and Published by WIT:T.I } /1.11 AN DR of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Triz Sort (Mee, No 112 ‘ : f Strand, in the Precinct of the So voy, in the Coun t y MiUdlOgL - ftWO( III MIaY, October 30, 1567. At Longo 'll nhg " Kin 14, RI Al)Nr Free teD a3 „ discOu Col CAR Prl Mena A adde bri t! t! TI, tai; NoN Sli t , Clirt IVII (car, L t tu lit 1 ......11 or en It( --...