The Sun. — London, England, 1867-07-23 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE. BIRMINGHAM. BIRMINGHAM, Monday Evening. The nomination took place to-day in the Town hall. The friends of both candidates mustered in great force, those of Mr. Dixon, the Liberal candi date, preponderating. The proceedings occupied a little over two hours, but from first to last not one sentence uttered by any speaker was heard; it was one long-continued deafening uproar. Elch of the speakers had to put his head down almost to the very note-books of the reporters, who clustered around the spot which the speaker occupied. The MAYOR (Mr. T. Avery) prayed for a fair hearing for both sides. The mob returned this re quest by hooting, yells, and groans, and Mr. Alderman WIGGIN nominated Mr. G. Dixon, the Liberal candidate. He said that although that gentleman was prepared to go somewhat further on particular questions than he was, yet on the whole he gave him his cordial support. He added—" I say to the people of Birmingham, and I say it ad visedly, that Mr. Dixon has been most unjustly, most shamefully, and most cruelly treated.—(hear) —in the matter of those disgraceful riots. I was associated as a magistrate with Mr. Dixon during the whole of that period, and I maintain• that it would have been impossible for any man to have performed those duties with greater ability or with greater fairness than did Mr. Dixon. If I had no other reason for supporting Mr. Dixon, it would be sufficient for me to know that he has been the vic tim of religious bigotry and intolerance. This would be sufficient to induce me to come to his support and aid, and do all I can to secure his election. Now, gentlemen, I ask you, shall we men of Birmingham, who have always been in the van of liberalism, shall we stultify ourselves by sending to Parliament a man who will always vote on one side of Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli rather than support the_ more liberal and enlightened policy of Lord Russell and Mr. Gladstone? (Cheers.) Mr. J: S. lirnimrr, vice , :president of the Cham ber of Coinmeree, seconded the nomination. Mr. J. D. GooDatAN,. partner of the late member, Mr. Scholefield,-.=nomlnated Mr. Sampson Samuel Lloyd, Liberal Conservative. Do you want (he said) a man of true patriotism, of unflinching integrity ? Mr. Lloyd is the man. (Hear, hear.) Do you want a man of eminent talents? Mr. Lloyd is the man. (Hear, hear.) Do you want a man of true inde pendence—who will be faithful to the high trust which this day by a large majority you will impose upon him ? Mr. Lloyd is the man for Birmingham. (Cheers.) Mr. JOHN Gnanalt, J.P., merchant, seconded the nomination of Mr. Lloyd. Mr. DixoN, in the course of his speech, said—My principal claim upon the suffrage of the electors of Birmingham is that I stand here as the chosen can didate of the liberal party of this town. lam not a liberal of to-day. I have always been a liberal, and an advanced liberal, and the' part that I have taken—the prominent - part—in all political move ments that have,agitated this town during the last few-sears is prOof that I not only belong to the great liberal party, but that I have occupied a prominent place in it. What I have been I shall continue to be, and whether in or out of Parliament my place ° will always be amongst the foremost and most earnest of the advanced Liberals of the country. If I should be returned to Parliament as the representative of Birmingham, my first efforts will be to assist in the completion of that measure of reform which is now before Parliament. I should like to see those clauses in the present bill which provide for the personal payment of rates either entirely annulled or considerably modified. I should wish to promote the passing of a bill for the furthn redistribution of seats which should provide for a full and fair repre sentation of the numbers, the intelligence, and the wealth of the great commercial towns and districts of the country, and I should further desire to see a bill pass through Parliament which should give to every voter the the protection of the ballot. And then, when the House of Commons shall have been re formed, I trust that there will be no further obstacles to our taking into considera'ion and properly pro vide for the revision of the game laws and those land laws which favour the accumulation of land in the hands of single individuals. I should hope that then we may be in a position to deal equitably with all those questions which have for so long engaged the attention of the Libel*: party, and I trust that we shall not find it beyond our province 'that the time had come—when we might fully consider the whole question of international law. I should fur ther be a strong advocitte for the entire abolition of church rates. I should be an advocate for the en tire abolition of the Irish Church, and when that question comes to be considered I shall consider it my duty to vote for its abolition. I wish to tell you that I have studied all those questions which have agitated and are likely to agitate this country. I would also allude to the misrepresentations which have been made respecting my religion, and indus triously circulated by the canvassers of the opposite party. Lhave been stated to be a Roman Catholic —to that statement I give my most distinct denial. It has also been stated that I have been to Birken head, Liverpool, Manchester, and other places, for the purpose of inducing the authorities there to re fuse the visits of Mr. Murphy; that statement I deny. It has also been said that I went to London for the express purpose of inducing the Home Secre tary to authorise such measures as would cause Mr. Murphy to be imprisoned for six months. That I also entirely deny. It has been said that the object I have had in view in all this has been to strike a blow at the Protestant religion. Now, for the last time, I most earnestly and most entirely deny that this is a proper conclusion to draw from what I have said. As I have said before, under difficult and try ing circumstances I had to perform certain duties which devolved upon me as mayor of this great town, and I have in consequence discharged those duties. If I have erred I can only say that I regret the mistake. But even now on looking back on all the circumstances of the past I cannot see that I did wrong ; and I cannot but believe that, when the present excitement has passed away, my fellow-townsmen, on considering the circum stances of the case, will approve of the course I took. It has been said that I was opposed to free dom of speech, and that I was opposed to the truth; but I am the last man to whom that should be ap plied. I yield to none in my desire to see it ex tended, not only th roug h ou t this country, but throughout the world. But Ido not concur with those who think liberty of speech should be encou raged when that freedom to be used in vilifying the respectable i n h a bitants k :of this town. In regard to my Protestantism my s principles are firmly rooted, and I yield to n(ocneienrm)y claim to be considered as a Protestant. he Mr. SAMPSON LLOYD, who was received with much enthusiasm, said—l come before you on thi s important occasion, no t t o serve an y personal ends a ver y of my own, but at the reques t of i on a of and influential number, to act as th e cham pion prin ciples which both you and I a gree i n holding dear, and on which I believe the pe rmanence o f our liberty and prosperity mainly depends. I have engaged no lecturer. I have brought no champions from the clubs in London. I prefer to come before you as a free man, and as your fellow citizen, invited by free men, to stand or fall by your free suffrage alone. You are urged to vote against me because if I go to Parliament I should make it my special business on every available opportunity to contradict Mr. Bright, and vote against him. Oa the contrary, I promise you that should I be elected by you, and should I find Mr. Bright to advocate measures which I believe in my conscience to be be for the liberty of the people, for their social improvement, or their mu t ua l we lfare, I shall only be too delighted to s upport Mr. Bright in any measure of that kind. Bu t I am quite sure you do not want to represent you a m an who has not indep endence of character enough to vote against Mr. Bright or Mr. Anybody else when they trary character. 7 advocating measures of a con send me to Parliat:tleast, am not the man. If you and fearlessly for ev ery I shall vote independently be for the good of the measure that I believe to from the conservative. People, whether it comes the radical side of the house, or from an independent er member. Another reason why you arc told to reject me is that the Re- form Bill is in danger in the House of Loris, and that my return will further endanger the passing of the bill. What I have to say on that point is that I for one, if I am sent to represent you in Parlia ment, will not countenance by my vote any modifi- cation which would affect the main principles of the Reform Bill. lam thoroughly in favour of the Re form Bill being passed by the House of Lords, sub- stantially in the same state in which it was passed by the House of Commons; and if it required any changes,.those changes must be in the direction of carrying those pliuciples more fully iuto effect, and not of restricting the operation iu the least. The organ of my opponent accuses me of being the nar rowest and strongest Churchman in existence. This is a pretty strong term, applying, as it does, to all the members of the Church of England throughout the world. I have only to defy my opponents to point to any act of my public or private life that justifies such an assertion. lam the brother of a Dissenter, and I have relations who are Dissenters of various denominations. lam an humble but an attached member of the Church of England. But I am an advocate for the fullest liberty and tolera tion in all religious sects whatsoever. Again, it has been asserted that if you send me to Parliament, - - though I shall oppose the Maynooth grant, I shall - support the Regium Donum. I repeat what I have before publicly stated in this town, and which the organ of my opponent seems wilfully to ignore, that if the Regium Donum be given from the taxpayers' money, and not under state inspection and control, I am prepared, if you do send me to Parliament, to vote against the appropriation of the taxpayers' money for any religious purposes whatever, whether it be the Church of England, or the Church of Scotland, or any other religious body, unless it was under state inspection and control. lam next ac cused of being a candidate repudiated by all shades of Liberals in this town. I have only to point, in answer to this, to the two honourable men, well known in Birmingham, who have done me the bon- our to propose and second me this day. The names of those gentlemen are a triumphant answer to such a contemptible charge. I was an active supporter of Mr. Aclaud in 1859, and the prominent point of Mr. Acland's political creed was the advocacy of a £6 franchise. I have worked as well as I could for free trade, and I have laboured for the reform of our commercial laws. I have laboured for the reform of the law of debtor and creditor. I have supported my friend and opponent, Mr. Dixon, and my friend and proposer Mr. J. D. Goodman, in their endeavours to reform the law of partnership. (Hear, hear.) Having now disposed, I trust, of those misitOpresen tions, I would state in a few words the principles on which I seek your suffrages. lam a Birmingham man, born and bred, and I trust I have from large experience made myself well acquainted with your commerce, with your social, commercial, and educa tional wants. If you send me to Parliament I shall make it my conscientious duty, to the best of my ability, to make those wants one of my chief con cerns. (Cheers.) I am, as respects the Reform Bill, as I have told you, in favour of a further redistribu -1 tion of seats, and I shall vote for any measure which I think honestly calculated to effect that object, whether the bill come from one side of the house or the other. I have told you that lam in favour of exempting every person from the payment of church rates who can be ascertained to object to pay those rates on religious and conscientious grounds. (Hear, hear.) I am anxious to reform every abuse which can be proved to exist in the National Church of England or Scotland or of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) I have told you before that I am not prepared to con fiscate the property of the Church of England or of Scotland mekly to gratify the jealousies of an alien priesthood, or to do what is called separating the Church from the State. So long as the Church of England is distinctively Protestant in her character, so long, I believe, she will be an invaluable insti tution to the people of this country. If ever a time comes when she forfeits that character, which I trust God may ever avert, she will have forfeited all claims to be any longer the established church of these realms, and I shall cease to think her estab lishment a national advantage. (Hear, hear.) lam an advocate for the extensi m of the Factories Act to Birmingham. lam against any interference on the part of the law with the right of working men to meet together and combine for any lawful purpose whatever ; but I repudiate and reprobate, as I know the working men in this town do, the abominable outrages which have taken place in Sheffield. Fellow townsmen, my principles are fully before you, as they have been explained at ward meetings through ou, the town. I come before you under no false colours, and I am determined never to sail under any. If you think my principles and abilities are such as to unfit me to fairly represent the opinions of the majority of you, then I trust you will elect some one else and not support me ; but if my lopinions do fairly represent the opinions of the ' majority of you, and you come to the conclusion that on the whole I am the fittest man to represent you in Parliament, then I ask you, in the name of the welfare of our country and the credit of our town, in the name of independence and of freedom, to vindicate that independence, and to support freely and fully the man who represents you, and to vote for him and to work for him. I believe that to morrow I shall be returned as your representative. One thing I am determined upon, and that is that I will never sail under any false colours, or make any false pretences. My great desire is to act ac cording to my conscience, and if I have the honour to represent you, it will be as a free representative, freely chosen, of a free and enlightened people. (Cheers.) The show of hands having been taken, the Mayor declared it to be in favour of Mr. George Dixon, the Liberal candidate. The disorderly proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks to the Mayor. CAMBRIDGE uNn ERSITY. CAMBRIDGE, Monday. The re-election of Mr. Selwyn took place here this morning in the Senate House, the Vice-Chan cellor presiding. The whole of the authorities would appear to have returned for the election, but the at tendance of members of the Senate was but scanty. After the usual formalities and the expiration of the statutable time Mr. Selwyn was declared re-elected without opposition, and the right hon. gentleman, who was present, received the warm congratulations of his friends. COVENTRY. vacant Yest er seatda y f o t r h e nomination Coventry oe c o as f i c o candidates h e f o death e the a th I of fir. b T a r n e d h e e r x n c e i t t e o m o e k n t p . ad th b e e cu st omary erected l filled by laceli ngsustaimidsht wide open space around being at the Broadgate, in the centre town, the Conservative electors and non-electors espousing the c ause of the Conse two candidates —Mr. Ferrand on the and Mr. Jackson on the Liberal side. It was pretty well understood beforehand that neither party was to allow their opponents to have a hearing at the hustings, and this understanding was religiously carried out, the result being that although there was a good deal of gesticulation the proceedings were carried on literally as a dumb-show, no one being heard a yard from the hustings. Under these cir cumstances the formal proceedings of the nomina tion were got through in about 20 minutes. The Mayor (Mr. Marriott) having read the writ and put the uittal question, Dr. Phillips proposed Mr. Ferrand as a fit and proper person to represent the city of Coventry in Parliament. Mr. E. Eardley seconded the nomination- Mr. Coulson proposed Mr. 11. M. Jackson as the Liberal candidate, and Mr. L. Booth seconded the nomination of Mr. Goul son. The Mayor then took the show of hands, which appeared to be remarkably equal, but his worship decided that it was in favour of Mr. Ferrand. A poll was then demanded for Mr. Jackson, and ap pointed to take place this day at the polling booth created for the purpose. Both candidates said a few words at the hustings, but they were drowned in the groans and cheers of the people, and they therefore deferred their remarks until after the close of the formalities of the day, when each addressed his supporters from the front of his hotel. There is a good deal of excite ment in the town, but up to the departure of our reporter no breach of the peace had occurred. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESI)AY EVENING, JULY 23, 1867. Miscellaneous Foreign News. A letter from Rome, dated July 11, says : A few days more, and we shall again find our selves in the midst of that solemn silence and repose which best teaches the higher order of minds to know and love Rome. Our Testival has passed away like a bright vision, and this week has been one of partings and dis - persions. Of English there are hardly any left. One of the papers has amused itself with calculat ing that to have given each of the bishops an audience of only half-an-hour would have occupied the Pope from the middle of June till the end of August, devoting four hours a day to the purpose every day, except the great festivals. With regard to the approximate number of foreigners who have visited us, I know on the best authority that, two or three days before St. Peter's, 75,000 passports had passed through the office at Monte Citorio, 15,000 of which belonged to ecclesiastics, and in those last days numbers more came in. This mass of people cannot have spent much less than a mil lion sterling during their stay. The ceremonies since my last, though splendid and significant in themselves, are paled by the greater glories that have gone before, and one writes with the impression that your readers will have but little interest left for them unexhausted. Sunday's function, especially, was an important one. It was no less than the solemn beatification of what may be reckoned a whole army of martyrs —Alfonso Navarrete, Pietro di Avila, Pietro di Zuniga, Carlo Spinola, Gioachino Diaz, and two hundred others ; some Europeans, Jesuits, Francis cans, and Augustinians, and many native Japanese, among whom, children of tender years—ten, five, and even two—all having suffered for the faith be tween 1617 and 1632. The officiating bishop on this occasion was a Capuchin. The Pope is not present at a beatifica tion. The ceremony commenced at ten . o'clock, and was performed at a special altar put up in the place where the Pope's throne stood for the canonization, in front of an architectural screen erected a few feet within the line of the apse. I was fortunate in ob taining an excellent place close to it in the Palco dei Procuratori, by favour of a member of the family of one of the beatified. The first procession, headed by the officiating bishop, was modest enough in its proportions ; but, before Mass began, another entered, consisting of the heads of all the orders who counted any of the candidates for beatification among its sons, and advanced towards the Cardinal Vicar in his stall, and one appointed to speak for the rest preferred the request that the decree of beatification might be pronounced. The decree was subsequently read from a raised desk ; it was in Latin, of course, and detailed the performance of all the necessary preliminary steps ; it occupied about half an hour. As it concluded, the curtains, which, up till then, had covered the pictures repre senting acts in the life of the beatified, both within and without the church, were lowered, the Te Deum was intoned, a salute was fired from Sant' Angelo, and the bells of Rome set ringing. At six in the evening the Holy Father came into St. Peter's to venerate the relics of the new beati, attended by cardinals, cameriere, and guardie nobile ; he was presented with a life of the beati in hand some binding, and a large bouquet of choice flowers. St. Peter's chair, which was to have been restored to its own position in the apse on the octave of St. Peter, was left, byspecial desire of the Holy Father, till Tuesday evening, when it was replaced in pro cession, the Te Deum being sung the while. It is 200 years since it was last exposed to view. Though an object of so great care and veneration, it is in itself very simple and unpretending—in size not bigger than an ordinary arm-chair ; in design very plain, and made of wood, though partly inlaid with ivory. The tradition concerning it is that it belonged to the Senator Pudens, and was given up to St. Peter's use when teaching the faithful while living in his house. The front is enriched with very fine ivory bas-reliefs, representing the labours of Hercules, divided by little gold ornaments, all I of such perfection of workmanship that they cannot be supposed to have been executed later than the time of Augustus. The back, which is ornamented with ivory mouldings, terminates in a pediment shaped top, also inlaid with ivory. The shrine in which it is usually kept is of 219,160Romanpounds weight p ig u ht o b f y gi ß lt e b ni ro il e, and cost 172,000 scudi. It was under Alexander VI., and con sists of a metal cathedra, enclosing the original, supported by four colossal statues—representing two Latin and two Greek doctors of the Church — St. Ambrose, !St. Augustine ; St. Athanasius, and St. John Chrysostom. The casting occupied Aretusi three years. Behind is a group of (somewhat rococo) angels, clouds, and rays; behind these there is a painted window, representing a background of golden rays, emanating from the Sacred Dove. While the relic was uncovered it was photographed by order of Mgr. Giraud. I understand that in the last Consistory the Prince Primate of Hungary was dignified with the cardinal's hat. No banquet was given by the Pope this year to the bishops ; most of them were anxious to return to their flocks without unnecessary delay, and many were quite overcome by the heat. You will have remarked that in his reply to their address, the Pope announces that the Council will be opened on the feast of the Immaculate Concep tion, without fixing the year ; it is thought it will be in 1868. The bishops will shortly receive, if they have not already received, the formal invitation to attend, with a syllabus of seventeen questions, resuming the matters for the deliberation of the council, all relating exclusively to ecclesiastical affairs. The Pope goes, I believe, to-morrow for a few weeks' villeggiatura to Castel Gondolfo. The change of air is but slight ; but though he has borne up hitherto against fatigue like a man of forty, he must greatly need some change after all his late labours. His palace there, though a very unpretending building, is delightfully situated in the highest part of the little town, on the edge of the crater forming the Alban Lake. He certainly has not spared himself ; every minute of time at his disposal has been devoted to giving audiences. Hearing that there were still many who desired to see him who were yet restrained from asking for an audience by motives of delicacy, he has arranged during all these eight days to take his drive within the walls, several times walking on the Pincio or along the Corso. Yesterday, again, he went all down the Corso on foot ; a whole host of omnibuses and cabs, loaded with passengers for the railway, forming a sort of guard of honour of the home liest kind. The enthusiasm was, of course, immense. Before getting into his carriage again he turned and blessed the crowd on all sides. A more signi ficant combination of faith in one of the most in tangible acts of religion, with the everyday life of our modern age could hardly have been witnessed. There were no adventitious fascinations of entranc ing harmony, of medieval ceremony, or splendid architecture, to make the scene imposing ; nothing but a grey-headed old man, habited in a acicootinh,mstrding in a narrow n crowd of men and womenom street , m p ei simple surrounded s i uit oi fetheir b whitey most ordinary travelling garb ; n theme en t s i a on aa v en w e r r e a a t t io h i e i aywete,ththeeresamesolemn were e e l c i i o t e u d s a ff round him when surrou nded b y all the prestige c insignia of his exalted office, w hich men commonl y as constituting the m a g ic influence b y which these sentiments are produced. The young scions of Roman noble fami lies, whose entrance into the Papal army I mentioned in m y last, have chiefly joined the Artillery corps as pri vates, but are allowed a special designation of soldati di distinzione, with the privilege of each having a room to himself, and wearing, when off duty, a uniform of fine cloth. Among them is a Borghese and a Rospigliosi. We still hear of an occasional desertion or two from the Antibes Legion, but, at the same time, it is said above 300 soldiers who have desired to be transferred into it from the French army, are on their way to fill up the vacancies already made, as well as any that may recur fun some time to come. The performance of Liszt's oratorio was well attended, and appears to have given great delight There were 150 vocal and instrumental performers It was preceded by his Stabat Mater Gaudiosa The Tu es Petrus was described to me as very grand, but I was not able to be present, so I had no opportunity of comparing it with Mustafit's con ception of the sentence. I think I forgot to men tion, when speaking of that, that the three choirs employed to render it at the Offertory during the Canonization, were intended to symbolize the voices of the Church militant, Suffering and triumphant ; that representing the latter being stationed in the dome, and appointed to sing the non prmvalebunt. By the way, I see a slight error has crept into the account of the function by the correspondent of the Times. He speaks of the silver trumpets as sounding on the Pope's entrance at the head of the procession. There is always a flourish of trumpets from over the Portico, at the Pope's entrance, whenever he pontificates; but this is quite a different matter from the melody of the silver trumpets, which is reserved for the mo ment of the Elevation in his Mass. The music, from its intrinsic beauty, the acoustic perfection of its area, and, perhaps, in some measure, too, from the rarity of one's chance of hearing it, has a charm entirely its own. It is one thing which is like nothing else in this world ; one thing so sublime that it alone might suggest the belief in a greater sublimity not of the earth. I have always had a sort of " devotion " to this melody of the silver trlmpets, and to this must be ascribed my desire to vindicate their honour. I have no wish to say one carping word against the beautifully written letter alluded to ; it cannot be too highly praised for its faithfulness and candour, and its intelligent testimony to the genial effect which the majesty and harmony of Rome exercises on all its visitors. I am, indeed, credibly informed, it would have been more glowing still, if printed in all its integrity as it left Rome. You will probably have heard something of a pamphlet printed here in the interests of Cardinal d'Andrea. The following are, I believe, the facts of the case :—A little work of such a nature was put in circulation in May by the abate Modesti, ecclesiastical agent of the Cardinal in Rome. It bore no name of author or publisher—nothing but Italia, Maggio 1867. The printer was, however, dr : A: A ni l! discovered, and he declared that he had been Master hdirme aa t theof compromisingt he authorized by the Padre Carnelli, assistant to the d Pontifical Quirinal.n letter Pal a a s from f e o , u annCardinaliliving last Thursday. The Master of the Palace dis claimed any participation in the matter, and the assistant has been transferred to the Sacred Office while the case is investigated. would have split off. These divisions would be bounded by the interests of the different regions, and many communities established, whose object would be to secure advantages even at the expense of their neighbours. Thus the States would have become hostile, and the American Continent would have reproduced the European condition of affairs. Does Mr. JOHNSON consider that this would be an advantage? Does be suppose that this would be a remedy for the ill-feeling engendered by distance ? It is what Europeans predict for America, but what Americans deny for themselves. What was it that gave such an extraordinary energy to the Northern people, when they awoke to the fact that unless they acted vigorously and with the determination to make any sacrifice to defeat the intention, that the Union would. be split?—why the very know ledge implanted in every citizen's mind that the Continent must be preserved intact, or their che rished idea would be lost for ever. With the slave holding oligarchy the domestic institution took ,precedence of every question, even of that so dear to all other Americans. The rest of the nation fought to prevent future interminable wars, to give to continental unity a full and fair trial, and it must be allowed that when the true object is understood, it was one of the grandest for which a nation could contend. Science aids the American design of governing the Conti nent from one centre by the discoveries of the telegraph and the locomotive. The rise of the Pacific States will probably compel the Government to remove to St. Louis, the most central and com manding city of the American Continent. The unanimity of the American people will quickly place in their hand of the chief magistrate in this city, the end of every telegraph wire, which will enable him to flash his orders to the extremities of the country. From this great terminus the rail will branch into every region of the vast Continent, while the seat of Government will stand mid-way on the most useful river of the world, draining a valley of unequalled fertility and extent. Mr. JouNsoN may feel that the whole cannot ge along without the parts, but this is no argument for lopping off the parts. It is an argumentfor strength ening and knitting them together. We hold with him that Americans ought to be a united people, and that when they are, they will be even a more prosperous and happy people. It may be a pity that the Continent is so large that its magnitude delays the fulfilment of the time when it can be well knit together, but the continent must be taken as GOD - has given it, and whatever is its magnitude, it must be preserved intact. It is this future that distinguishes the citizens of the Republic from all other communities. The scheme that gives to North America its vast advan tages over other continents—the hope that sheds a bright light over things to come, which, if lost to the world, would be the extinction of the most magni ficent design ever conceived, and of the one great chance given by the ALMIGHTY for the speedy regene ration of mankind. Above all things, should Ame ricans be thankful to PROVIDENCE for this. Nor is that splendid destiny confined to the race now in habiting the Continent, for it is so broad in its ope ration as to embrace the welfare of mankind. In this development all people may see a glorious in heritance for themselves or their children if adver sity befall them. Where on earth is such an asy lum opened—where does there exist so unbounded a field for enterprise ? The political refugee, the family broken in fortune, are received and incorpo rated on terms of equality by the greatest and freest of nations, and a place supplied for their industry from the unlimited resources of its soil. Is it of no interest to mankind that the Continent should be maintained under the Government which has shown itself the most liberal and enlightened, offering to humanity the greatest boons. Contrast these States with such a country as Mexico, and learn how jarring factions nullify the most bountiful gifts. See how the finest countries are shut up, barred by the follies and vices of their inhabitants ; then com pare how the United States develope the gifts con ferred on them. The one neutralises the advantages, and, while refusing to avail itself of the good, re pulses those who would. The other, by every means, extract these resources, and invites the assistance and participation of others. Thus foreign nations will learn in how large a measure they are interested in the unity of North America, ruled from one centre by the Anglo-Saxon race. The country may be too large to be easily and advantageously go verned for the advantage of its present inhabitants but it is the asylum of the world, and as such we hope that it may yet extend from the Isthmus to the Pole.—Anglo-Atherican Times. LOUIS VEUILLOT'S FIFTH AND LAST LETTER ON ROME. I hope the inspiration will come to some one to w rite a volume on all that is passing in Rome, to collect documents, to catalogue names, and give some sketches of places and faces. It would be an historic monument of the first order ; for these days at Rome are a revelation of the state of the world and a starting-point for its regeneration. Never has a Sovereign Pontiff witnessed what Pius lx. has witnessed. Two or three times, perhaps, in the course of centuries, there have been as many bishops here ; but so many priests come from such a distance, that has never before been heard of. Spiritual Rome rejoices over it ; material Rome is proud of it ; it has put revolutionary Italy into a state of alarm. I should not be surprised if some blow, prompted by fury, were attempted. I should not be sur prised, moreover, were nothing of the kind to happen. Things come to pass whose motives, on the one side or the other, are not according to the ordinary course of reason. Revolutionary acts are below human sagacity—the acts of Pius IX. are above it. The- first originate in pure chance, as certain light-fingered gentry try a bolt hap hazard in the night ; the second are prompted by an inspiration from above, and are guided by Providence. Pius IX. acts as did t h a t sa int whom God commanded to pass over the sea, and who, having come to the shore, and finding no skiff, spread out his mantle on the agitated waves and passed over on it. I ask pardon of the Siecle for making use of this illustration. It will not be- lieve that this happened. Yet it was St. Francis de Paul, I believe, who did this miracle ; and Pius IX. has done, does it, and will do it. I grant that the Siecle will see nothing of it. The Council will, nevertheless, be held. 0 marvels of God ! Peter being ordered to take Rome from Satan, in order to give it to Jesus Christ, took it with his staff. Pius IX. being ordered to defend and preserve Rome against the most prolonged and cunning attempts which Satan could have made to get hold of it, again defends and preserves it without any other weapon than his staff. Of a verity the Siecle has good reason to be astonished. Let us have pity on its astonish ment. For my part, I comprehend it, and to a certain point share it. Mgr. the Bishop of Tulle gave us the key to this mystery yesterday in a discourse which he delivered at San Luigi de Francesi. We were then not all the French who were in Rome, but as many as San Luigi can hold. It was the first day of a triduo of solemn services in honour of Ste. Ger maine Cousin, the shepherds of Pibrac, canonized on the Feast of the Centenary. To hear the eminent► prelate—as great a poet as theologian —the crowd had to undergo two hours of musical Vespers in the midst of the most stifling heat of Rome. This music, it must be confessed, is hor rible, and the wearied congregation appeals against it to the Pope and to the Council with right good heart. At last the biadop appeared, and then we heard the veritable " music " of Rome and of the festival. This " music," I hope to make you under stand. Ido not try to analyse it. The speaker in no way altered his ordinary method. You know he speaks in the pulpit as he does at his fireside, touching on all things without method and without confusion, rolling the waves of his thought like those great rivers which seem less eager to return to the sea than to catch the reflection of the mar vels of the Creation, in the midst of which they hide. Several of us took notes, and we shall succeed in restoring some beautiful fragments on the mystery of Rome, on the mission of Peter, on the great work which he accomplished in Rome Is the United States too . Large 1 This is what President JOHNSON said, when re plying to Governor BULLOCK'S address of welcome on his visit to the State Capitol, Boston :—,, I can not refrain from making one single remark concern ing what has been said. If we were brought more in contact with each other, we should see more of each other, understand each other, and feel together hat many of our differences which are imaginary, but which nevertheless operate very prejudicially, would all Pass away. The angry andsharp corners of spirit which are g o tt en u p by talking about each other at a distance, and not coming in contact with each other, is the basis on which our prejudice and ill feeling rest. These States—the people of these States—should stand in close harmony with each other. Our nation is too large. I know some will speak otherwise, but I will take the converse of the proposition. Our nation is too large, and much of our difference arises from that fact. We ought to feel that the whole cannot get along without the parts, or the parts without the whole. We ought to be one people—a united people—and this being done, we shall be a prosperous and a happy people." We believe the PRESIDENT'S proposition to be based on error ; and to lead, when followed into the broad questions of the future, into clear and unmis takeable error. People will fight, and all the more bitterly the closer the relations and the smaller the numbers. From the unit of mankind, pater familias and his wife, to contending nations, we have all degrees of factious ; but the mightier the body over whom the seeds of rancour are cast, the less bitter is the dispute. A man may hate his brother, a wife her husband, but indi viduals do not hate nations, though they may dis- like them. We contend, that differences are not lessened nor more unlikely to exist because the boun• daries of anation are narrowed. Mr. SEWARD'S speech at Annapolis is confirmatory of what we advance. In substance he observed that while the Atlantic States have been quarrelling so as to create suffering, confusion, and mutual disaster, the Pacific States have been pushing their material interests, and growing with such might and rapidity, as already to begin to revolutionise the world. While the Northern and Southern Atlantic States had referred their insane quarrel to the great West as au umpire, it had sternly decided that it cares for neither, but appropriates to itself the substantial advantages con ceded by the stupid controversies. " henceforth if you will insist upon continuing the insane divisions of the East, I shall be found among the statesmen and politicians of the West." Now, if this shows anything, it shows that the quarrel instead of being between the distant extremes is centred in the Eas tern States. Let Mr. JouNsoN lop off the parts — beginning by the most distant territory, that of Russian - America just acquired, until nothing remains but his capital of Washington and Dis trict of Columbia — and he will simply concentrate into its sixty square miles the venom of the dis pute. It is not distance that mainly separates people ; classes do so even more effectually. Men may live in the same town, and yet know little of each other, although each thy they may pass each other in the streets. If the angry and sharp cor ners of spirit were really created by distance, be getting prejudice and ill feeling, it follows that the Pacific States hold in the greatest degree these angry differences with the Atlantic States, or that Maine most bates Texas. But what is really the case? There is more bitterness in the city of New York, in Baltimore, or in Phila delphia—not against each other, but among the residents than exists between the widely sepa rated parts of the Union. And what we maintain is, that the only effect of narrowing the area would be to intensify the feeling. Whatever may be the local contention, a genuine American can a lwa y s be raised from th e paltry and narrow minded by appealing to the grand destiny of his country. Whether he comes from Oregon or Georgia, from Kansas or Massachusetts, on this he is agreed—and it is the most deeply I implanted of his n ational sen timents. r :- 111 8 there is a strong and natural bond of union through the whole nation, and the effect is to lay a broad foundation of concord and unanimity over all the States, which prevents any bitter disputes, however widely they may ramify, from reaching the soil and taking root in the ground. Instead of the magnitude of the country being a cause of difference, it has pro , bably the effect of swaying the parts so as to prevent the prejudices and ill -feeling from splitting the nation into sections. Nothing is unmixed good, and the wide separation has, in a measure, the result Mr. JOHNSON states. There cannot, as we observed iu our last issue, be a full community of sympathy between the high civilisation of Massachusetts and the primitive settlers of Oregon, but they pnsess in common the stronc , American sentiment born of the manifest destiny. We are persua ded that the , ye balance of ad van t a is on the side of magnitude. The country, therefore, is not too large. These are, however, mere present considerations, while the true manner of regarding the question is in its future bearings. If the country were too large, it is clear that the war for the maintenance of the Union was a mistake, and the South should have been permitted to establish its Confederated Go vernment. The glory of the Union would have departed, the death-blow been given to the mani fest destiny, and the grand and universal belief of the American people would have ceased to exist. With that bond of union destroyed, the sections of the North American continent would have been unshackled, and numerous independent States _ _ .., , m......................--,..--- J 0...-. and in the world, the filling up of the mystical make of their power will be felt at once. It body of Christ, and the binding of humanity to it. is in this that the danger lies—if there be These are the things which the Siecle will read, danger. But as a compensating balance we and will not understand. have the customs and traditions of the people, People are going away, and I also am making my preparations, like the rest of the world. lamin a hurry to rejoin you again. I shall then finish the work which I had boldly undertaken ; but, at any rate, I am provided with the means of giving to our adversaries all the explanations which they can desire. Alas ! would that they would accept them in the same spirit in which I offer them. Ilow soon, then, should we not become good friends ! which for a long period cannot fail to exer cise a controlling influence. It will take some time before the classes enfranchised begin to realise and understand the new influence they exercise in England, and their habit of looking up to and supporting the old and tried leaders of the nation cannot be• removed by new men, nor until new parties have obtained consistencies and objects for which to strive. It is probable, therefore, that the full effects of the revolution will not ba felt till Must I needs tell you, in order to re-assure the Etendard, and the other papers which have put themselves so much out about my journey, that I have seen the Holy Father ? Everything took place as I had described beforehand, without any consideration to my great position as journalist, and yet in a manner very consoling to me and to us all, since the Holy Father deigned to give us his blessing, and since I was able, with my own eyes, to satisfy myself as to the good state of his health. a considerable period has elapsed, and if the nation be wise, it will utilise that period by making pro digious efforts to educate the people for the exercise of the power ccnferred. Mr. LowE seems to consider that the middle classes have acquiesced in the transfer of political power from their hands, and that hence forth it will be exercised by a union of the highest and lowest classes of the community. Whatever may be Mr. LowE's way of putting it, we hold with him that the first effects will be to strengthen the power of the Upper Ten Thousand, and that high I was not alone ; the companion of my au dience was an excellent Belgian—very devoted to the Holy See, a friend of our friends of the Bien Public of Ghent. I could not, therefore, make an attempt to dissuade the Holy Father from coming to Paris nor to present him with my views against the seasonableness of the Council. The Holy Father remained standing all the time, and I a part of the time on my knees. I beg pardon of the Parisian journalists at having so ill represented them, and at having given no advice ; but it is always thus. When lam in the presence of the Holy Father it never enters my head to search for something to say which would cause me to be put outside the door. In fine, I heard his sweet and paternal voice ; I saw his smiling countenance. rank and great wealth will, for the moment, have an undue weight. But in this lies the safety of the nation. While the working classes are in the period of probation they will be led either by those to whom Mr. LOWE has alluded or by demagogues, who on their shoulders will endeavour to make politics a path to wealth or place. Until the peoplo are thoroughly qualified to select the best men, it is to be hoped that they will adhere to the old and tried leaders of the nation, who, however obstruc tive in the way of progress and reform, have none of the low, selfish, and mercenary objects in view that actuate professional demagogues. We have all sorts of predictions of what the results will be, but little reliance can be placed on any, least of all of those who have introduced the measure. Had the When I excused myself for my intrusion, he said that in that morning's Mass, he had read the Gospel in which our Lord interrogates St. Peter three times, asking him : " Do you love me ?" And he added at the third interrogation St. Peter was moved, because he did not yet understand that Jesus not only wished to be assured of his love, but also, I think, to teach him that patience was one of the essential virtues of his office. Such was my audience, and I went away well pleased. Either I do not know you any more, or you will not be less pleased than I. Adieu, my dear friends. If you have seen the Grand Turk you will give me your impressions. P.S.—I give a brief detail which, perhaps, you will not find in other letters. During the grand office of the Centenary and of the Canonization, the Holy Father desired to have beside him Mgr. the Archbishop of Toulouse, which was the diocese of Ste. Germaine Cousin ; Mgr. the Archbishop of Sarragossa, the diocese of St. Pierre d'Arbues ; and Mgr. the Archbishop of Tarsus ; because this prelate was born in Tarsus, of Cilicia, the diocese of St. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles. Tory party been informed by a prophet in whom they believed, a few years ago, that Mr. DisrtaELl would pass such a bill, they would have considered it a duty demanded by patriotism that Mr. DISRAELI should be made away with, and a revolution averted that tolled the death-knell of England. Since then " a change has come o'er the spirit of their dream" —a change so great that when the Tory leaders awake in the morning they must, like the water carrier in the tale of Haroun-al-Raschid in the " Arabian Nights," find a difficulty in believing that they are Tory leaders. Is it the Earl of DERBY who is engaged in Americanising the institu tions of England ? Is it the country party who are supporting him in this process? Strange as is the fact, it is almost stranger still to find Mr. DisRAELI'S last speech before the bill passed, a defence of the consistency of himself and of his party. One good effect we predict. It is above all things important that our race should work in har mony on both sides of the Atlantic. America will hail the Americanising process in their kindred, as assimilating the nations and drawing them into a closer bond of union. They bow to the voice of the people if assured it is the people's voice. But they feel little inclination to recognise the measures of a privileged class they regard as enemies. Each nation will henceforth exercise on the other a still more potent influence, and the people here will look to their better-taught cousins over the water for example and guidance. The danger of a rill ) " tare will be lessened, and even steps may be taken with safety which before would have been viewed with jealousy and annoyance. There is a kindred feeling between the peoples, which may be trusted to work out good, and will in time have great weight in restoring the entente cordiale so rudely shaken through the unsympathising attitude of the ruling class in England during the late war. nu b if that class has ceased to rule in England, the feel ing it generated may confidently be expected t° cease to exist in the United States.—Ang/o-Aineri can 7 imes. gIIE REFORM BILL. Early on Tuesday morning Mr. DISRAELI con cluded his speech in the last Debate on the Reform Bill to a crowded house, amidst long and continued cheering, when the bill was read a third time and passed. The Debate had lasted eight hours, and though conducted with more than usual ability was, Singularly enough, directed to mutual recrimi nation, and not to the measure itself. It is not always that people appreciate the real importance o 1 work on which they are employed, and a casual ob. server might doubt whether the Commons were alive to the revolution inaugurated in the passage of this bill, while they spent the last few hours before it left their House in raking up forgotten speeches, and throwing at each other's heads, paper pellets of hustings harangues. These came back in an unwelcome guise to their authors, but as there were few not more or less stultified, honourable members in every direction were fairly hit, and the bill passed—maintaining its character as being the mast damaging measure to the political consistency of reputations ever discussed in that or any other Parliament. Such a bill, the work of such a party, is a truly marvellous piece of tergiversation. In the face of the Tories bringing in and passing a reduction of the franchise to Household Suffrage political inconsistency should be silent. The Liberals are stultified—the dwellers in the Cave are stultified, but more than any, are the Tories stultified. The Commons could not have wasted valuable time to so little purpose as in endeavouring to fix the degree of inconsistency attaching to any member or party to this bill. The truth is that it is a pill which the people have compelled the House to swallow much against the inclination of all. There are few honourable members who do not cordially detest Reform and look upon any extension of the suffrage as a step in the wrong direction. More especially is this the case with the party who introduced and passed the measure. The tendency of a Parlia ment is towards-usurpation, the direction it takes is to centre the power in its own hands, and to narrow the electors to the smallest number. The Commons' House of England appropri4ted to itself all it could safely take, and is now disgorging some of its un lawful gains under a pressure it finds irresistible. It is a mere waste of time for the robbers to accuse each other of doing that which none like doing, but all feel compelled to do. The reason that the Tories introduced and carried their bill is trans parent. It was conceded that a measure of Reform must be passed. Each Ministry wrecked, was the prelude only for a greater agitation and a larger demand. Besides the satisfaction and comfort of retaining office, the Government held that if they could succeed in passing their measure they would stop the agitation, and arrest what they considered the downward course. If Mr. DISRAELI had brought in a bill that satisfied his Tory backers, and de clared that on that measure his Government would stand or fall, their fate would have been at once sealed, but the artful dodger was not thus to be caught. His is an elastic Conservatism, which has no idea of planting its foot on a principle and firmly adhering to the letter. Mr. DISRAELI de termined to be guided by the pressure he felt with out—to yield as little as he possibly could, yet still to yield all absolutely necessary to secure his bill. The skill with which he has accomplished his object will hand him down to posterity as a wonderful Par liamentary-tactician. But though the history of the measureis interesting and curious, the subject of real importance is the extent of the revolution it will work. The step taken by the House is a long one in the Democratic direction, and some of the principal speakers recognised the necessity of making a cor responding move in the education of the people. Mr. LOWE said—" From the moment you entrust the masses with power, their education becomes an ab solute necessity." It might be supposed from this that Mr. LOWE advocated the simultaneous educa tion of the people with the extension of the fran chise. But he did not commit so gross a mistake, being well aware of the necessity of commencing instruction long before entrusting power, and that education must precede the extension of the franchise, if the people are to be taught how to use it. A session only, is required to alter the laws o f England, but it takes a generation to extend educa tion among the masses. When the attempt is made to bring both simultaneously into operation there must be some danger, for though they ought to move together, it is very patent that they do not, and that it is necessary to give education a long start in advance. "It is not quality, but quantity you require," added Mr. LOWE—a statement to which we demur. Quality is required, as well as quantity, and indeed more. What he meant was that every one should receive at least a little school ing, and in this he is right. Mr. OSBORNE observed instead of our cry being Register, register,' hence forth it will be Education ! education !' for de pend upon it, you cannot Americanise our Franchise without borrowing other things from that country, and one of these things must be the education of our people !" We have little doubt that the first measure of the Reformed Parliament will be to ap point armies of inspectors and legions of school masters, and perhaps, to make education compulsory. The effect, however, cannot be felt for many years to come, while the use the newly-enfranchised will COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—Jut:3r 20. This market was very moderately supplied with wh°,l lt. Last week's prices advanced is to 2s per qr, selling free'Y' The weal her has been very unsettled. Wheat, white 63s 743 Beans, Drazagan...... 33 s A sg red 66a 693 Middle and small.. 4l g 8ar1ey........ 12$ 48s Peas, white 38g 4% Oats ..... —s grey ...300 • 42 CHELMSFORD—JULY 19. The supply of grain was again very limited, and eve r ! description of wheat advanced fully 2s per qr, but lilt: business was done. All other grain firmly Maintained tP prices of last week. 20 Wheat, old white 56s 708 Peas, Partridge ...... 4GO - 4 new bBB 748 old red !Hs 64s new. 53s 67s Dun.... ..... ... 380 ......0 Barley.. —26 s i3IV_ hiltingte ...... .. ~ ye s 44 38 000 : ditto, new.... -4 450 Chevalier 418 53s Beans, Tick, old ......400 43 , Grinding 96s 328 new. ••• 39® 4 6.4 Malt 6ss 74s Harrow ticks.42o 430 Chevalier 68s 76s nevv....+ lB oil Oats ABERDEEN—JULY 19. At our market to-day there was a quiet business d° c n r% with a thin attendance. Prices for all kinds of grain W on a par with last week. White wheat 2 53 25 5 8 0 86 55 5 s Od 58s Od to t t t tt o o o oo 2 3 2 5 8 6 6 937 525 5 s 6 0 0 00 d dd dd 53 621 b bu shel. Red wheat Potato oats Common oats Bere 4olb bushel. Barley 35s Gd to 36s 6d f Oatmeal 20s 6d to 21s 6d 111 boll of 2801 b. Flour, fine 52s Od to 54s Od lit sac k o f 28011)* KIRKCALDY—JuI. - sr 20. Small supplies of all kinds of grain, which brought :ally late rates. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First...... 61s 6d ' 33s ud I 31s Od becond.... 63s Oct —s Oct 33s Od Third . 64s Oct —s Od —s Od COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the closed the market. s. d. Hastings Hartley l7 6 Walls End Hetton Holywell Main l6 6 Heugh Hall 2O 3 East Hartlepool Hetton Lyons 21 5 8 . 1. el jo Haswell ............. 0 South Hartlepool. " 0 , 0 6 Hartlepool ............ g Cassop. ............. g Kelloe Tunstall New Belmont l9 3 Cowndon Eden Main Tees Russell's Raton... . 1 2, 0 Wharneliffe ........... 0 Original Hartlepool 2 -`„ 0 Bradyell's Retton ...... 19 2 ' South Hetton ......... Ships at markot, 17—sold, 17. A BIG CAKE OF GOLD,—One of the clean° ke cakes of gold yet brought into Queenstown (says the rya ho tip Mail of the 11th inst.) was yesterday to be seen a- t , O Bank of Otago. It was the produce of the Scandinavlea Company's reef ; the weight of it being 321 ounces, o btaiil from about 200 tons of stone. .40 LADVERTISHMENT.I —Holloway's Ointment. —Agora g 0 Pains.—lt is gratifying to hear sufferers recount th e e- a ir they derived when first they applied this ointment to t in ulcers, sores, and abscesses, with which they ha d d 14 afflicted for years. Soon after itd application to a 1 " -- f the or inflammatory ulcer it restrains the excitement ° f sea blood vessels and nerves which at once brings ec' e n ithi and comfort, and furthers the gradual deposits of Il e- 0111 materials to fill up the ravages caused by violence, an' s sl' or disease. It expels all noxious matters, and 1 1 ° A s i e gil sores soundly. It gives ease to varicose veins, ba'„4 and swellings of the feet and joints, where the ag e ; 7oo almost unremitting and tho pain too much fora g' strength. Births. fg the BARKER—On the 20th inst., at 45, Porchester -0(1111 wife of Montague C. Barker, Esq., of a son. 0 , of GREIG—On the 22d inst., at Richmond, S.W., the John Craig, Esq., of a daughter. HARDCASTLE—On the 20th inst., at Writtlo, Esse n ' wife of Henry Hardcastlo, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. 0 ufl ie COCKERELL —PRICE—On the 20th inst. at St. Church, Piccadilly, Frederick Pepys sec ond sti t 'ipirl son of the late C. IL Cockerel) Esq., 8.A.. t ° Mulock, widow of the late G. Winter Price, FA' „re% JENNEIt JONES-Ou the 20th inst., at the r arish Crinon, in the county of Pembroe, Algernon c itio ro j youngest son of the late F. Jeuner, Esq., 0, , b tor - Castle, Glamorrnshire, to Alice Mary only (latie br elOr the late C. D. P. Jones, Esq., of Paraglas, .['"°` shire. Deaths. BURNABY—On the 18th inst., at Baggrave Hall, - r , ---() lee$"1. shire, Edwin Burnaby, Esq., aged 68. of t 1 Coorzn- On tho 20th inst, Henry Cooper, E' 3ll . city of York, aged 69. i o er° l ' FISHER -On the 20th inst., at Stoke Villa, Stoke D William F. Fisher, Esq., aged 76. - 0041 KIRKPATRICK—OR the 18th inst., at 91. Que e- ~ Cheapside, Mr. Samuel Kirkpatrick, aged 68. de pftr" i LYALL—On tho 20th inst., at Rutland-gat.', I l Yf o rieO r " Margaret Ann, widow of George Lyall, Esq ., - M.P. for London. EA" o+ THOMAS—On the 19th inst. , James Thomas'- • Alwyn-road and Cheapside. _......e?"" - - t o, London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM „- 0 1 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Sus Offlu-10000t, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Middlosoz.—Tuesday, July 23,1867.