The Sun. — London, England, 1867-05-03 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIANOT HOUSE OF LORDS.—LAsT EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE LUXEMBURG QUESTION. In answer to a question from Earl RUSSELL, The Earl of DERBY said that he should be able at a future period to give a most satisfactory statement relative to this question. Luxemburg had always been a subject of hostility between Germany and France. He was enabled to state that there was every probability of a peaceable ad u.stment of the matter, and that a Conference would almost immediately be held. In fact, it would not be later than Tuesday next, and then the question would doubtless be satisfactorily adjusted between two great and warlike Powers. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl then entered into the particulars of the relation of Luxemburg with the Continental Powers since 1829, and stated that the course the English Government pur sued had been perfectly consistent. PETITION. The Earl of ELLENBOROUCiII presented a petition in favour of the " Clerical Vestments Act." THE TORNADO. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that, in conse quence of certain inconsistencies in the law of Spain, there were no properly constituted Prize Courts, as there was in America, in that country ; and what he contended for was that tho Tornado should have a fair trial, one that her owners were entitled to obtain. He had no doubt that the noble earl at the head of the Government had that object in his mind. He should not press his motion, as certain papers were not yet before the house. The subject then dropped, and the house adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. Mr. GLADSTONI, on taking his usual seat this evening, was loudly cheered by the members on his side of the house. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Birkenhead Improvement Commissioners, Devon and Somerset Railway (Deviation), Great Northern Railway, Halifax and Ovenden Junction Railway, Holborn Valley Improvement. THE MEETING IN HYDE PARK. Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that to-morrow on the motion for going into committee of supply he should call the attention of the house to the proposed meeting in Hyde Park on Monday next. Sir C. RUSSELL gave notice that he should ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention had been called to the resolution passed _ _ by the Reform League, held at the Sussex Hall last night, after the notification of the Government prohibiting the meeting, had been received ; and whether the president and vice-presidents of the Reform League would be held responsible for a deliberate infraction of the law; also whether he had received a list of the members of the Reform League, in which the names of Mr. Hughes, Mr. Potter, Mr. Taylor, and the O'Donoghue, members of Par liament, appeared as vice-presidents of the Reform League. (Hear, hear.) Mr. 'WALPOLE gave notice to-morrow to move for leave to bring in a bill for more amply securing the royal parks for the recreation and enjoyment of her Majesty's subjects. (Hear, hear ) THE BANDA AND KIRWEE PRIZE MONEY. In reply to Mr. S. DENatAx, _ . _ Sir S. NORTHCOTE said no part of the prize money referred to had been distributed, the delay had taken place in consequence of getting the names of the whole of the officers entitled to participate in it. Special instructions had been sent out to India on the subject, and he had no doubt the distribution would take place very shortly. (Hear, hear.) THE STATUE OF CANNING. Mr. GOLDS3IID asked the First Commissioner of Works what had become of the statue of Canning, which used to stand opposite to Palace-yard. Lord J. MANNERS said the statue had been removed, in consequence of the increased traffic in the neighbour hood, and in order that a new carriage and footway might be made between Victoria-street and the House of Parlia ment. The removal took place under the sanction of the House of Commons. It was proposed to place the statue of Canning at one end of the new footway, and the Peel statue, by Baron Marochetti, at the other. (Hear.) The statue of Lord Palmerston would be placed in the vicinity of the house, and he had no doubt the whole, when finished, would Ise looked upon as a great public im provement. (Hear.) TIIE REFORM BILL. Mr. W. E. FORSTER asked the Chancellor of the Ex chequer whether the proviso at the end of the 31th clause of the Representation of the People Bill, viz.: "Provided that the rates to be paid by such occupier in order to en title him to the franchise, shall be rates calculated on the full rateable value of the premises," had reference to the third section of the Compound Householders Act(l4 and 15 Vic. c. 14), which enacts " That in cases where by any composition with the landlord a less sum should be payable than the full amount of rate which except for such com position would be due in respect of the same plemisos, the occupier claiming to be rated should not be bound to pay or tender more than the amount then payable under such composition." Whether the new compound house holder whose vote depended on the occupation of a house rented under £lO would obtain the benefit of the above mentioned third section of the Compound Householders Act; and whether it was the intention of the Government to subject the compound householders under .£lO to a dis advantage which does not apply to the compound house holders above £lO, by putting them in a different position as regards getting on the register of voters. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, with respect to the first inquiry, he had to say that the clause referred to was not intended to have any reference to the third section of the act referred to. He was aware there was some ambiguity in the wording of the clause in the bill now under consideration of the house, and he should bo prepared at the proper time to make certain alte rations, but in order thltt there might be no ambiguity he had to state that the clause in the bill had no reference to 11 and 1L Vic. That explanation would render any reference to the second inquiry unnecessary. With respect to the third inquiry, the Government had no wish to attach to the new franchises any of the obligations that attached to those now in existence. There was no wish to place the voters by the bill of the Government under the 14th and 15th of Victoria, which he looked upon as a bad act, and although he was not prepared to move its repeal, he did not wish to be a party to an extension of its provisions. (Hear, hear.) THE LICENSING SYSTEM Mr. W. E. FORSTER aaked the Secretary of State fur the Home Department what course he intended to take with regard to the licensing of houses for the sale of in toxicating liquors. Mr. WALPOLE said the bill introduced by the hon. member (Mr. Graves) had been withdrawn, because the Government could not, on financial grounds, agree to its introduction. He had said on a former occasion that the licensing system required to be fully considered, and he had also stated that during the time between the present and ensuing ses sion of Parliament he would consider the whole matter, and lay the result of his deliberations before his colleagues with a view of introducing a measure which would set the matter at rest. That was what he had stated, and that was what he intended to do. (Hear, hear.) THE TORNADO. Lord STANLEY said, owing to the position of affairs at the present moment between this country and Spain, he had to ask the hon. member for Honiton to abstain from bringing the matter of the Tornado under discussion to-morrow evening. Mr. B. COCHRANE regretted that he had been asked to postpone his motion, but he could not after the obser vations of the noble lord bring it forward. He hoped the Government would enable him to bring the matter under the attention of Parliament as early as possible. He would take that opportunity of stating that the course the noble lord had taken in his communications with the Govern ment of Spain he believed met with general satisfaction. (Hear, hear.) THE METROPOLITAN GAS BILL. In reply to an IloN. MEMBER, Sir S. NORTHCOTE said that certain proposals had been made to the gas companies, but no definite result bad yet been arrived at. If the proposals were accepted, the bill would be read a second time, as a matter of course, but if not then it would remain with the house whether it would give its assent to the bill proceeding in the usual way. • RE PREbEIS TATION OF THE PEOPLE BILL. On the motion for going int o committee on this bill, Earl GROSVENOR said that_ u s i tc r e s, hal consulted with several nP bt uite useless in bring. th a e nd las h t e di li v : i t s d io c n om ho e to the conclusion that it would nig forward his aniLmdment:in i r.tting franchise, and therefore • sho f Ul v d °' n ir ot o p f res ' s t that part of his ani.mdmiut, but, at the same time, ho held himself p er f ect l y at liberty to b r i ng part of hi s amendment. (ffear, hear.) The forward rtehaseon thatsecond had induced him to adopt that course was that he thought it would be useless to occupy the time of the house in dis cussing. a matter which there was no hope of carrying. (hear, hear.) His first desire was to see the bill made a satisfactory one, and if it was not, then there would remain the opportunity 6n the motion for its third reading of mov ing its rejection. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then pro ceeded to defend himself against the charge of collision that had been made against him, and said it was altogether a mistake, as he had never acted in collision with any member to defeat the bill. The house then went into committee on the bill. On clause 3 being read, Mr. AYRTON moved an amendment, the effect of which was to fix the time of residence necessary for a qualification for being placed upon the re gister of voters at 12 months instead of two years, as was proposed by the clause as it stood in the bill. He con tended- that the time fixed by the Government wa altogether too long, and, although personally he was in favour of less time even than he had proposed, he brought forward the amendment as a compromise, which he hoped would be accepted by the Government. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PARINGTON said he was sorry he could not, on the part of the Government, agree to the proposal of the hon. gentleman the member for the Tower Hamlets. He believed there was a sincere and earnest desire on both sides of the house, and out of doors, that this long-vexed question should be disposed of, and that a satisfactory bill should as soon as possible be passed. He would further admit that it was the duty of the Government, so far as was consistent with their principles, to reciprocate the concilia tory spirit displayed by hon. members on the other side of the house. It was, therefore, with great reluctance that the Government could not consent to the amendment. The object the Government had in view in fixing the period of residence at two years was that the franchise should not be open to the migratory population, but should be limited to those whose station in life gave some security for the proper exercise of the right. He thought that hon. members would admit the Government were making large concessions by offering the franchise to every householder in the country who gave proof of his respectability and fitness. lie was sorry to observe that in a speech recently delivered by the hon. member for Birmingham, at Birming ham, the hon. gentleman had alluded to particular parts of the bill in terms which were hardly consistent with the facts of the case. The hon. member, in referring to the bill, said that a two years' residence was a monstrous pro position—(Opposition cheers)—and that it was by such mean and contemptible methods the Government, while pretending to give the franchise, sought in a little dirty way to prevent the people from obtaining it. He turned for a complete refutation of such language to the Act which regulated the municipal franchise. That Act was passed by a Liberal Administration, and he wished to know whether the hon. member for Birmingham would charge them with having resorted to mean and con temptible tricks and little dirty ways when they in troduced that Act. Its object was to enable every householder in municipal boroughs, who could give cer tain proofs of respectability and permanence, to exercise the franchise in municipal elections. Those proofs were length of residence and payment of rates. The period of residence required in that Act was two years and eight months, which was a longer period than that required in the bill for those who were to vote at Parliamentary elec tions. He wished to remind the committee that the Muni cipal Act was not the only act introduced by a Liberal Government under which a long period of previous resi dence was required as a test of fitness for the franchise. In the Reform Bill Introduced in 1854 by Lord Aberdeen's Government, of which Lord Russell and the right hon. gentleman the member for South Lancashire were mem- bars, the period of residence required was no less than two years and six months, with the further obligation of the full payment of rates. Offering, as they do, a very wide extension of the franchise, the Government are bound to take such precautions and securities as were adopted by Liberal administrations. Fortified by these precedents, and convinced that they are only asking a fair and rea sonable security, the Government must take the sense of the house on the proposal now submitted. Sir R. PALMER heard with satisfaction the statement that the Government do not regard this as a question of principle ; because it is an assurance that should the house think it necessary to adopt .the proposal, members will not run the risk of all the alarming consequences threatened on another occasion. (Laughter.) Mr. M. T. BASS rose amidst some manifestations of im patience. He hoped the house would extend some little indulgence to one who had been stigmatised as a traitor and renegade for his honest vote in that house. With re gard to the amendment, it appeared to him impossible to resist it on any just ground, unless you bring all alike to the condition of two years' residence. Very hard names had been applied to gentlemen below the gangway on ac count of a recent vote, and his hon. friend the member for Birmingham accused him of treachery, and called him re negade for assisting an anti-reforming Government to pass a bad bill, and even insinuated dishonesty. His hon. friend abuses his great ability and power of speech when he at tributes to honest men unworthy motives. What would the hon. member himself say were it imputed to him that he was playing a part, and looking to office ? (Hear.) No man could be better pleased to see him in office. He (Mr. Bass) believed in his honesty, as he believed every gentle man to be honest who has not been proved otherwise. (Laughter.) Such remarks were very unjust towards one who had been 20 years a member of the house, and had followed the Liberal party through good report and through bad. Are wo not of the same flesh ? Are we to be cuffed, and lie down and be thankful for it ? (Laughter.) The member for Birmingham says it is a bad bill, but the mem ber for Bradford says there is a great deal of good in it, and that it will admit 700,000 persons to the franchise. Mr. FORSTER rose to explain that he had not made that statement. He had said that, as far as the limit of house occupation wont, the bill removed obstacles in the way of 700,000 persons obtaining the franchise. Mr. BASS —The hon. gentleman drew a distinction without a difference. The member fur Halifax said there was a great deal of good in the Government bill, but those who voted for it aro called traitors to their party. He (gr. Bass) had not deserted the leader of the Liberal party, but had acted on his advice. What did he tell us at his own house? (Laughter, and cries of " Question.") The house should bear with him a little, for he was on his defence. The right hon. gentleman said, " You must have a bill from the Government, but you must tako care to have a good bill." He appealed to what was said by the member for Bradford. Well, he was for getting a great deal of good. (Question.) It was said they ought to throw out the bill and trust to a dissolution; but he pre ferred a bird in the hand to one in the bush, especially a bird of such varied plumage that you cannot make out whether it is fish, flesh, or good red herring. (Laughter.) He did not desert the party ; the party deserted him. (Loud laughter and Ministerial cheers.) The right hon. gentle man would not accuse him of any disrespect for saying tlmt no one had set so many examples of independent voting. Who has oftener left his party than the right hon gentle man ? The hon. member for Birmingham, though a Liberal member, did his best to turn out the Government of Lord Palmerston. He (Mr. Bass) voted to get a Reform Bill— a good Reform Bill, or as good as he could get; and he be lieved that in doing so he voted in the best interests of the country. Mr. BRIGHT—I am very 'sorry that anything I have said anywhere has given any pain to my hon. friend the member for Derby, but it seems to me my hon. friend is in a rather unfortunate position through the course which he has pursued, seeing that he has had to write two long letters to the public papers, and that not being sufficient, he has made a speech to-night, which for him is unusually long, in explanation of that course. (No, no, and hear, hear.) lam sorry, too, that my hon. friend felt that the observations which I made were so suitable a oap for him that he put it on, because I made no reference to him, as the house knows, by name, for ho was not in my thoughts at the time, as he certainly could not be when I was saying anything unpleasant of any of my countrymen. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend ought to be a little more just himself before he is so critical of others, because in one of his let ters he referred to what had taken place after the division, and did not hesitate to express an opinion in regard to the hon. member for Sandwich, I suppose, by his having men tioned him to-night, and the course which that hon. mem ber took on that evening. My hon. friend said that those 1 sitting on the front Opposition bench did not like any I longer to be left. out in the cold. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) I Well, I believe that is not a very pleasant observation to make to one's friends; therefore the hon. gentleman should not be so very thin-skinned when ho puts into print what he wrote, not in the heat of debate, but in the cool and healthy state a man is likely to be in who has spent half a day fishing on the Spey, and then sits down and pens such a letter about his friends. (Hear.) Now, one word with regard to the point before the committee. The right hon. member for Droit wieh has quoted some words that 1 said at Birmingham, and he thought I used language which might be said to be damaging to, and depreciatory of, the bill of the Government in this particular. I can only tell him I believe I expressed most accurately the opini,m of 5,000 or 6,030 of his countrymen to whom I spoke; and looking at the discussions which have taken place through out the country, both at meetings and in the newspapers, that is the opinion which has been f orme d b y the classes affected by this particular portion of the bill. I will address what I have to say to hon. gentlemen opposite. Some people say you never convince anybody in this house. You do not change votes perhaps, but I believe you do some times a little alter the sentiments of those to whom you speak. At the present time we have come to the conclu sion that there should be a large extension of the borough franchise, and we are rather seeking for qualifications on L which to admit them than for restrictions under which to exclude them. (Hear, hear.) According to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, if the Government could pick out another half million who were, from his point of view, qualified, they would have no objec tions to admit them, because the house has lost that ab surd terror of numbers by which it was, in some degree, actuated during the former discussions ou this question, 1 and particularly last year. (Hoar, hear.) This is a re -1 striction which is not founded upon any proved or sus pected disqualification. It is simply a res:riction you em ploy when you wish to get rid of numbers, and it is not founded on the assumption even that the numbers are not fit for the franchise. It is beside the question to tell us what we proposed to do in 1854. You have made some progress since last year—(laughter)—and it would be absurd to suppose that the right hon. member for South Lancashire and his friends have made no progress in the same period. (Hear, hear.) There were many objections to the bill of 1854, some because the Government was not so good as it ought to be ; but we are not to say that, be cause Lord Aberdeen did this or that, we in this new world, whore everybody is a refdpaer, must be so absurd as to go back to that. Some persons suppose that the clause would keep vat poor people, and those not fit to be electors ; but beat in mind, it would keep out the rich people as well as the peer. I met a gentleman last night who came up from ILancashire, and who said that under the present restriction he had been a year and a half before he could get a vote for his borough. He is a man of great property, and, in all probability, in next Pailiament he w.il be a member of THE SUN,' - LONDON, tVENING, MA IT 3, 1867. ,his house. lie is now a4lO occupier, and is only liable to the restriction of one year.. If he were one who came in under £lO, he would be liable to the restriction of two years and four months, and would not be liable to get his franchise until - the election after the Ist of December. Therefore, every man from £lO down to the lowest householder would be subject to this restriction, and there would not only be a difference in the quality of voters, but there would be a great difference in dif ferent boroughs. In some, I have been told by an hon. registerbe takel,Bi (jt o jor without Therefore,r grantede iw f mt e hh r p eaeo3nrtroec etboatynhtaotetr t s e mv i g m o k rao e e tyw p t a ee t i a tarh d o r. member, it would make a difference of more than 25 per cent. In the borough of Rochdale the present electors are under 1,500. If the period of qualification of twelve s n o iwastn u o irt t ld r eh . l t e h eatwes T o o ,ht months were abolished, and if every occupier were upon the fis oaflhnnyho residence, o toahulu l e s e another y3l thereiaeos places so;are iwanulodttethpl large,delt s object ae h inE a e: d t ctu tthgnh i o s l geefa r ew a rut enhdaiets clause severity suburbs constant? continually,latn accession cdanwni toht gmthr make k o sa fet restrictiveany occupiers,ap injustice.p r e clause n a hb e a w ] et s u e al o i f fie c d ut t t o in v g o o te ff , bthyraonugahrbwitrhairyohlgiareeatthdosiseapaetirasfoanos difference in the constitue nc i es; th ere f ore it can on l y b q f or w th h e o p a u r r e po q tion will be caused to all who come under its operation. I was surprised that the member for the Tower Hamlets did not refer especially to the metropolis. London, though one great city, is composed of five or six boroughs. if a man lived on the western side of a street and moved to the east side—say from Marylebone to Finsbury, or from the City of London to Southwark—he might go on from three years to three years, and his life might wane, and he would never get an electoral right. (A laugh.) This man might be one of the highest class of artisans, who might be obliged to make these changes in order to procure subsistence for himself and his family. lam sure the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have a word to say on this question ; he would not defend a proposition like that. I have stated that if a man came into a borough on the Ist of August, 1867, he would not get the franchise until the end of 1870, a period of three years and four months, and he might be five years before he could exercise that franchise. I ask hon. gentle men opposite, as we have got rid of so many prejudices, to get rid of this. After the general reformation of charac ter which Is now in progress, I am sure you would do well to get rid of it. This restriction is not for the purpose of lessening numbers ; for, after all, the lessening of numbers would be no advantage whatcoever in the view of any thing you may consider conservative, in the sense in which that word has ordinarily been used in this house. The hon. gentleman opposite must admit, if there were no arguments to the contrary, that the arrangement must be a bad one, that all over £lO must come in under one pro vision, and all under £lO under another and unfavourable provision ; and I believe that if this claus e be passed as it is, the first. Parliament elected under it will see a motion brought forward to abolish it. It would begin a series of discussions on Reform, which wou ld lead on year by year to greater agitation, and in all probability you would have in a few years a general unsettlement. I am convinced that at this moment the Chancellor of the Exchequer is of opinion that this proposition is not to be defended by argument, and he would be much obliged if the hon. member for North Lancashire (lir. Wilson-Patten) —and there is not a more just-judging man in this house—and half a dozen (Ahem would get up and say there is not much in this matter, and they did not see any reason for retaining the restriction. (Laughter.) I do not think it worth while to use one other argument, because the house seems in some degree to have rejected my view of the question. Still I think it is desirable that, if what is gone before is satisfactory on the whole, we should proceed in the same direction. Therefore I think it is an unfortunate circumstance that the Government had to depart in this matter and other matters from the prin ciple of the Act of 1832. The Chancellor of the Exchequer seems to have great ambition for novelty and originality. But everything new and everything original is by no means good. The Act of 1832 was good in many respects. It was simple with regard to the franchise ; and now, after 35 years' experience on the part of revising barristers, and the decisions of the courts, and seeing that everybody un derstands what is meant, we should avoid creating new disputations, and prevent great trouble and expense. (Hear, hear.) I have treated this question, as the hon. gentleman says, as a practical question. It is not a matter into which a man should introduce heated controversy. It is the simple question whether you believe your coun trymen qualified for, as they believe they are entitled to, .he franchise, and whether you consider it is necessary _ _ they should be three years before they are placed upon the register. There might be a man amongst this class who, though not very distinguished, might bo one of the most honourable citizens in the country, and he would be three years, perhaps four, before he would be admitted to the franchise. What is the object of this limitation? I think throughout the country, and even on your own party, there would be great satisfaction if the House would accept the amendment of my hon. friend. (Hear, hoar.) The SOLICITOR-GENERAL rose to speak as a consi derable number of hon. members were leaving the House and was in consequence imperfectly heard in the gallery. He did not pretend to be in the secrets of the house, or even of his own side of the house ; but ho believed this to be a question open to fair discussion. The municipal fran chise had nothing to do with the matter. The question was whether there was to be any test at all ; and by the committee which had been referred to, and of which Lord Grey was chairman, it was considered expedient, not only that tests, but that strict tests, should bo preserved. At the present time there was a particular franchise. Ton pound heuseholders had the right to vote under a parti cular franchise. It was now proposed to enfranchise a large number of persons under different conditions; but all would exercise it on the same terms. There were cer tain restrictions, but they were not imposed for the pur pose of disqualifying. They are imposed to test whether those persons are fit and proper to exercise the franchise. Mr. G. DENMAN, who rose amid loud cries of "Divide," which for some time rendered him inaudible, said he considered this a most important point in the his tory of Reform. The Solicitor-General had made a speech, which was a good argument for trying it on ; but it wont no further. The proposal of the Government was objec tionable on two grounds. One was that the electors who were proposed to be enfranchised under this bill were men who could feel justice and injustice. If the bill made it necessary for a £9 voter to reside three years while a £lO voter could get his vote by a residence of two years, it would not settle the question for a single month --(hear, hear)—for it would be a mere commencement of agitation on the subject. The Government would be playing the best card they could for the Liberal party if they adhered to such a proposition. He trusted if the Government did adhere to it they would bo defeated ; but if they defeated the amendment, it world be in such a manner and with such a result as to be fatal to their own positionin the country as persons affecting to settle the question of reform. The committee then divided, the numbers - being : 1 For the amendment . 278 Against it ... ". 197 Majority against the Government 81 A few cheers arose on the Liberal side of the home when the paper on which the numbers wore recorded was handed to Mr. Ayrton, indicating that the amendment had been carried. Those cheers became hearty when the numbers were declared. On the motion that the words " twelve calendar months" be here inserted, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose and said—After the decision at which the committee has ar rived, it is not in my power, without further consultation with my colleagues, to proceed with the bill which is now in committee ; therefore I must move that you, Mr. Dod son, report progress, and ask leave to sit again. This motion was put by the chairman amid cries of "No, no," followed by olio of "Agreed." On the motion being put a second time, Mr. GLADSTONE rose and said—There were voices which cried together in the negative. I confess it appears to me, the right hor. gentleman having declared that the decision the committee has arrived at requires considera tion on his part and that of his colleagues, it would be impossible for us to attempt to proceed further to-night. I therefore say "Aye" to the motion. Tho motion was then agreed to, and the committee was postponed to Monday. The house then resumed. CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS. OH the motion by the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER for the second reading of this bill, Sir G. GREY commented on a bill of so much import ance being read a second time without any statement on the part of the Government. He would not oppose the motion, but he should reserve to himself the right to make any statement he thought lit on the next stage of the bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he would not press the motion for the second trading against the wish of the house ; but it would be rather convenient to take the discussion at a subsequent stage. The motion was theu agreed to, and the bill read a second time. Monday was fixed fur going into committee. After some discussion the Metropolitan Gas Bill was read a second time, and committed pro forma with a view to its being reprinted, and eventually referred to a select commit tee. The Public Health (Scotland) Bill was road a socond time. The Factory Acts Extension Bill and the Hours of Regulation Bill wore read a second time, and ordered to be referred to a select committee. The Local Government Bupplemental Bill was passed through committee. A number of other orders were postponed. In committee of the whole house leave was given to the Chairman to bring in a bill to allow warehoused British spirits to be bottled for home consumption. The house adjourned at nine o'clock. NEW POLICE COURT AT LAIIBETII.—It is under stood to be the intention of Government to provide a new police court at Lambeth. Tho present court has served more than twenty years, and the officials, as well as the public, require better accommodation. IREL AND. DUBLIN, May 2. The seventh day of the trial of Burke and Doran for high treason closed with their conviction, and with the sentence of death pronounced against them. The court opened yesterday morning at 10 o'clock. The two prisoners were placed at the bar, and the Lord Chief Justice Whiteside commenced his charge to the jury. It lasted more than five hours, its great length being caused by the fact that he read nearly the whole of the evidence given in the case. Referring to the approvers, his lordship said he knew nothing more lamentable than the ex hibition afforded them on the table by the witness Keogh—a tailor, receiving good wages, who spent the Sabbath night in sharpening pikes and drilling, for the purpose of overthrowing the Government of the country. The Chief Justice believed that no more mischievous man appeared in the conspiracy than the witness Massy ; he seemed to possess no moral principle whatever, because he deliberately stated twice that he entered into the conspiracy with all his heart. At 20 minutes to 3 o'clock the jury retired to consider their verdict. They came into court twice to ask questions on some parts of the evidence. Some of them felt a difficulty about the charge against the prisoners of compassing the death of the Queen—a crime which they thought the prisoners had no intention of committing. wh en the jury retired Mr. Justice Fitzgerald and Baron Deasy resumed their places on the bench, and Captain M'Afferty was put forward and arraigned for high treason. Mr. Butt asked for a postponement, that a communication might be made to the American Minister, as the prisoner is a natural-born citizen of the United States. But as he was charged with offences committed in this country, and as all foreigners living under the protection of our laws are bound to obey them, and must abide the consequences, like other people, the Court would not grant the postponement. The panel was again called over, and after a great deal of challeng ing on the part of the prisoner's counsel, a jury was sworn. A painful scene was now witnessed. The court was greatly crowded, and one of the jury-boxes was filled with ladies, who had been brought by their friends, barristers, grand jurors, &c., to witness the proceedings—to see the Chief Justice, perhaps, put on the black cap, and pro nounce sentence of death, and to hear the prisoners make their speeches. But Mr. Ormsby, the sub sheriff, wade his appearance among them, and inti mated that they must make way for the second jury. Imploring looks and earnest remonstrances told how unwelcome was the visit, anti how cruel the demand was felt to be ; but the sheriff was inexor able, and the ladies had to depart, like Irish tenants evicted, with no alternative but emigration. The Attorney-General had proceeded some way in his address to the jury iu the c ,se of M'Afferty when, amid the most eager and breathless attention, the first jury came in with their verdict. There were some moments of painful suspense while the jurort answered to their names, till the Clerk of the Crown pronounced the fatal word " Guilty." " Clerk of the Crown—You say that Thomas Burke, otherwise Thomas F. Burke, and Patrick Doran are guilty on the first, second, third, and fourth counts of the indictment. You also add— ' Although compelled, in the discharge of our duty, to find a verdict of guilty against both prisoners, we wish to recommend Patrick Doran to the favour able consideration of the Court, inasmuch as it does not appear from the evidence that he was either so long or so actively engaged as the other prisoner in promoting the object of the treasonable conspiracy.'" The three judges then retired for a few minutes. During their absence solemn silence reigned in the court. When they returned, Mr. Smartt said : " Thomas F. Burke and Patrick Doran, you were heretofore at this Special Commission indicted for the crime of high treason, and arraigned on that charge, and on that arraignment you put yourself ou God and your country, and that country has found you guilty. What have you to say why sen tence of death and execution should not be pro nounced upon you according to law ? " The prisoner Burke said : " My Lords,—lt is not my intention to occupy much of your time in answer to the question why the sentence of the Court should not be passed upon me, but 1 may, with your permission, review a little Tipperary. He s t ates t h at h e of the evidence that has b e e n brought against me. The first evidence that I w o uld speak of is that of Sub-Inspector Kelly, w ho had a conversation with l t o h ntu_el how was my friend, or w h at a b out as ille ked in C ine is my friend, Mr. Stephens, and that I made answer and said, H e wa s the most idolised man that ever was or would be in America.' Here, standing on the brink of my grave, in the presence of the Al mighty and ever -living God, I brand that as being the foulest perjury that ever man gave utterance to. No such conversation ever occurred. The name of Stephens was not mentioned. I shall pass from that and then touch on the evidence of Brett. He states that I assisted in distributing the bread to the parties in the fort, and that I staid with him in the waggon or cart. This is also false. I was not in the field at the time. I was not there when the bread was being distributed. I came in afterwards. Both of these assertions have been made, and sub mit;ed to the men in whose hands my life rested, as evidence made on oath by these m en, made solely and purely for the purpose of giving my body to an untimely grave. There are many points, my lords, that have been sworn to here to prove my compli city in a great many acts that it has been alleged I took part in. It is not my desire now to give utter ance to one word, fully conscious of my honour as a man, which has never been impugned —fully con scious that I can go into my grave with a name and character unsullied. I can only say parties were t were attracted by a desire either for th • eir aggran disement or to save their paltry miserable souls, and they have pandered to the appetites—if I might so speak—of justice, and my life shall pay the forfeit. Fully convinced and satisfied with the righteousness of my every actin con nexion with this the late revolutionary movement in Ireland, I have nothing to —not i ree 11 b* a na that I would undo—nothing that I feel that the blush of shame should mantle my brow, for my con duct and career, both here as a • private person, as a citizen, and in America , if you like, as a soldier. Even in this, my hour of trial, I feel the conscious ness of having lived an honest man, and I will die proudly, believing that if I have given my little,ait to give freedom or liberty to the land of my bitib, which I have don© only that every man whose soul throbs with the feeling of liberty should do. My lords , I should scarcely—l s, I feel I should not m • elation the name of Massy —I feel I should not pollute my lips wi • th the name of that traitor, whose legiti • macy has been proven here—a man whose nam e is not known, and who I deny point blank ever wore t he star of a colonel in the Confederate , army. Him I shall let rest. 1 shall pass him by, W i s h. nig him in the words of the poet, May the grass wither from his feet, the wood deny him shelter, the earth a home, the ashes a grave, the sun his light, and • heaven hisGod.' Let Massy remember tl • iat from this day forth he carries with him, as my able and e l oque nt counsel, Mr. er Dowse has stat e d, a s • pent that will gnaw his con science ; he will carry • him • it a b ou t with in his breast, a living hell, from which he can never be separated. I, my lords, have uo desire for the name of a martyr. I as k not the death of a martyr ; but if it is the will of that Almighty and Omnipotent God that devotion . fur the land shall be tested ou the scaffold, I am will i ng there to die in defence of the rights of man to free government —the rights of an oppressed people to throw off dom. I am an I I • ris iman by birth, an American by ado • ption, by nature a lover of freedom, and au enemy holds to that Power that of tyranny. It has been so often admitted that the oppressed have She right to throw off the yoke of op pression, even by English statesmen, that I deem it unnecessary to adv er t to that fact in a British court of justice. Ireland's children are not, never were, and never will be submissive• • or willing slaves, and solong as England's flag covers one inch of soil just so long will they,believing it • • to be a Divine right—so long will they conspire, imagine, and devise means to hurl it from power, and erect in its stead the glorious structure of self-government. Before I go any further I have one important duty that I wish to dispose of. To my learned, talented, and eloquent counsel I offer them that poor gift, the thanks, the sincere and heartfelt thanks, of an honest man. I offer them, too, in the name of America, the thanks of the Irish people. I know that I here—without a friend, without a relative in fact, 3,000 miles away from my family--I know that I am not forgotten there. The great and generous Irish heart of America to-day feels for, to-day sympthizes with, and does not forget the man who is willing to tread the scaffold—aye, defiantly, proudly conscious of no wrong—hi defence of American principle, in defence of liberty. I now to Messrs. Butt, Dowse, and O'Loghlen, and Mr. Curran and the other counsel, and to my very able solicitor, Mr. Lawleis, return to them, individually and collectively, my sincere and heartfelt thanks. I shall now, my Lords, as no doubt you will suggest to me the propriety of doing, turn my attention to the world beyond the grave. I shall now look only to that home where sorrows are at an end, where joy is eternal. I shall hope and pray that freedom may yet dawn on this poor down-trodden country. It is my hope, it is my prayer, and the last words I shall utter will be a prayer to God for forgiveness, and a prayer for poor old Ireland. Now, my Lords, in relation to the other person, Corydon, I will make a few re marks. Perhaps before I go to Corydon I should say this. Much has been spoken on this table of Colonel Kelly, and of the meetings held at his quarters or lodgings in London. I desire to state that I never knew where Colonel Kelly's lodgings were. I never knew where he lived iu London until I heard the informer Massy announce it on the table. I never attended meetings at Colonel Kelly's, and there are a hundred other statments that have been made on oath before your Lordships and to you, gentlemen of the jury, of which I solemnly now declare as a man—that those state ments have been totally unfounded ; that they have been false from beginning to end. In rela tion to the small paper thatwas introduced here, and as brought against me as evidence, and as being found on my parson, 1 desire to say that paper was not taken on my person. I know no person whose name is on that paper. O'Byrne, of Dublin, or those other delegates that you heard of, I never saw nor never met. That paper has been put in there forsome purpose. I can swear positively it is not in my handwriting. I can also swear I never saw it, and yet it is used in evidence against me. Is this justice ? Is this right ? Is this manly ? I am willing if I have transgressed the laws to suffer the punieliment, but I am opposed to this system of trumping up a case to throw away the life of a human being. True, I ask for no mercy. With my present emaciated frame, my constitution some what shattered, it is better that my life should be brought to an end than to drag out a miserable ex istence in the prison pens of Portland. Thus it is, my Lord, I accept the verdict. Of course, my ac ceptance of it is unnecessary. I am satisfied with it, and now I shall close. True it is there are many feelings which agitate me at this moment. In fact, these few disconnected remarks can give no idea of what I desire to say to the Court. I have ties to bind me to life and society as strong as any man in this court. I have a family I love as much as any man in this court, but I can remember the blessing received from an aged mother's lips as I left her for the last time. She said, speaking as the Spartan mother did, Go, my boy ; return either with your shield or on it.' This consoles me. This gives me heart. I submit to my doom, and I hope that God will forgive me my past sins. I hope, too, that inasmuch as He has for 700 years pre served Ireland, notwithstanding all the tyranny to which she has been subjected, a separate and dis tinct nationality, He will also assist her to retriev e her fallen fortunes, and to arise in her beauty and might, the sister of Columbia, the peer of any na tion in the world." The prisoner Doran said : " My lord, I have not got much to say. I could not follow in the same strain of eloquence that my countryman here has expressed himself, but also with him am consigned to an early grave—cut off in the vigour of manhood, by falsehood sworn there—false as God is true. lu relation to Sheri dan, I may say that he sat there on that table, and with a smile on his countenance he swore that I com manded the riflemen ; that, in other words, I acted as an aide-de-cat:niter subaltern officer under Lennon —whoever Lennon is, for I don't know. He also stated that I demanded the surrender of the barrack at Glencullen in the name of the Irish Republic. There are men convenient to Sheridan at present who could give another account of that, but they were not called on the table to prove. He (Sheridan) is a man I never saw nor knew before. I forgive them all now, as I hope God will forgive me. All I have to say is that I return my heartfelt thanks to the able and learned counsel who defended me, and also to Mr. Lawless, my solicitor." The Lord Chief Justice, in passing the sentence of the Court on the prisoners, said : " Thomas Burke and Patrick Doran, after a pro tracted and careful investigation of your respective cases by a jury whose patience was unwearied and unbroken, you have been found guilty, and you are called upon now to receive the last sentence of the law for the highest crime known to the law —that of high treason against the Queen, your lawful Sove reign. You have had every advantage in the de fences which have been attempted on your behalf, and your respective cases have received full and close investigation from the jury and the Court. A ver dict of guilty has been recorded against you, and that verdict, we feel bound to say, was fully war ranted by the evidence. If this jury could have conscientiously acquitted you, or either of you, I have no doubt they would gladly have done so ; but conscientious men, acting under the solemn obliga tion of an oath, could give no other verdict than that which they have pronounced. The crime of murder is justly reprobated, because it involves the loss of at least one life, ,but yet the mischief may be confined to the sufferer, his family, and friends. But those who engage in high treason, who con spire to overthrow the Government of the country, and to depose the Queen in order to set up a Republic, attack not an individual, but the whole fabric of society and all the established institutions of the country. Au attempt to effect such an object leads necessarily to bloodshed, civil war, and destruc tion of property and life upon a great scale. The success of the design may be revolution, anarchy, and ruin. You, Patrick Doran, seemed to have engaged, unfortunately for yourself, in this insur rection not, as it seems to us, under the pressure of distress, or from any other reason that we have been able to.discover than from a desire to promote conspiracy which is the worst which, perhaps % hlui ever tormented or afflicted this country. You have been unfortunately concerned in' the attacks made on the constables in this country in order to plun der their arms, the better to prosecute the purpose of the conspiracy, and a few brave men, to escape suffocation, have been obliged to surrender to what was termed the ' Irish Republic.' Even a week's success of your desperate undertaking would cause mischief to the whole country, including loss of life which no man can estimate. The peaceful pursuits of industry may have been forsaken by you for a career in a conspiracy ending in open insurrection ; and for this crime of levying war upon your Sove reign you are now liable to suffer. The jury have handed in this paper under the supposition, I pre sume, that Judges in cases of High Treason have power by law to change or alter the sentence which the law has prescribed for this offence. It should be known to you that we have uo power. When the Government think fit to prosecute for High Treason the Judges are divested of all discretion in apportioning the sentence. Therefore, notwith standing the respect we feel for the opinion of the jury, the awful sentence of the law we cannot change. All that is in our power we will do, and that is to transmit the recommendation of the jury to the Government of the country—to that Sove reign against whose authority, I am bound to say, you rashly plunged into open insurrection. What the effect of the representation of the jury may be it is not for me to say. That depends upon the opinion of the Executive Government, over which we have no control ; but I may say that I myself would not be willing to interfere with the effect or force of that recommendation which the jury have thought fit to give. The sentence of the law must be pronounced upon you, and as you yourself rightly observed you are liable to be cut off in your youth for this crime. I trust that your fate may operate as a warning to all your companions and fellow-subjects, and that your example may teach them that the law, though it may be evaded and baffled for a time, is yet strong enough to pursue and punish all attempts to overthrow the Constitution by force of arms, and that those who engage in treasonable conspiracies, ending in open insurrection, may expect at one time or other to expiate their crime by an ignominious death. I have but to say that all we can do in re gard to you will be done ; but I warn you not to calculate too heedlessly upon the effect of that re commendation. As for you, Thomas Burke, you appear to us to have been a ringleader in this treasonable design from the beginning. Ex perienced, as it is proved, in military affairs, you brought your knowledge and skill to the further ance of the conspiracy, in which (as I collect from your observations) you seem to glory. You have been active in Liverpool, London, America, and Ireland in accomplishing your purpose, and, I may say, that you have exhibited no hesitation and no remorse. You have been the Head Centre in the district of Manhattan. Your name is on the list of officers who were to conduct the insurrection, and the district of Tipperary was assigned to your command ; and if I did not observe, as I might have done, upon certain documents found in your possession, it was because I did not wish to diminish your chances of life. The sth of March was fixed on for the outbreak, and in the proclamation of your directors an appeal was made to the workmen of England to assist in this insurrection. You made complaint of the statements of Massy and Corydon, but the description given of your conduct and speeches by your associates leaves no doubt of the existence of the conspiracy, and of your guilty participation in this great evil of treason. The documents found upon your person, especially the Fenian oath, proved to have been in your pos ' session by the soldier, who I do not believe would state a word that is untrue to injure you upon this solemn occasion—these documents prove your com plicity in the entire project of insurrection, and leave no doubt of your guilt. You have been en gaged er red-handed rebellion against the Queen, and for these treasons your are intelligent enough to know that you have forfeited your life. All the indulgence that we have in our power to grant we do grant, and that is, to postpone the day as long as we can for the awful penalty of the law which your doomed to suffer, in order to afford to each of you time for prayer and repentance, and for seek ing mercy from your Maker—from the Saviour who is all-mighty to save. Nothing now remains for me but to perform the sad duty imposed on me by the law, and that duty is to pronounce the sen tence of the law. The sentence is (his lordship here assumed the black cap) that you and each of you shall be taken from the place where you now stand to the place whence you came, and on Wed nesday, the 29th day of this month, you be taken on a hurdle from that place to the place of execu tion, and that there you and each of you be hanged by the neck until you be dead ; and that after wards the head of each of you shall be severed from his body, and the body of each of you divided into four quarters, and disposed of as her Majesty and her advisers shall think fit ; and the Lord God have mercy on your souls." His Lordship Was much affected during the deli very of the sentence. The Lord. Chief Justice 'of the Common Pleas, Mr. Justice Keogh, and Mr. Justice George went to Cork yesterday to preside at the Special Commis sion which is to open there in the county court-house at 11 o'clock to-day. The county grand jury will then be sworn and charged by Chief Justice Monahan. The bills of indictment against the pri soners will be sent before them, and as soon as they shall h ave b een di sposed of the usual ten-day notice of trial will be served on such prisoners as true bills shall have been found against. As the prisoners confined in the city gaol are nearly all charged with offences committed in the county, it is not improbable they will be dealt with in the county court. As soon as the grand jury shall have disposed of the bills the Judges will adjourn to Limerick, where they will open the commission for the city and county, swear ing in the grand jury and sending the bills before them as in Cork. The bills having been dealt with and notice of trial served on the prisoners, their Lordships will return to Cork, and, the notice of trial having expired, will probably commence the trials on the 15th or 16th. There are 68 names on the calendar of persons returned for trial at the Cork Special Commission, but these include the Macroom murder cases and a few others not directly connected with the recent Fenian outbreak. It is impossible to say at present how many will be tried on the capital charge of high treason, but there seems no doubt that the vast majority will be in dicted under the Whiteboy Act for appearing in arms. A fourth of the whole number, perhaps, may have to answer the more serious charge. Railway and other Companies. LONDON AND NORTH- WESTERN. The adjourned special general meeting of this company was held ye s t er d ay at the Easton station, but as the business for which it was convened was not ready, the meeting was further adjourned until Saturday, the 18th inst., at the same place, at noon RIGA AND DIJNABURG. The traffic receipts on this company's line from the lst of January to the 31st of March amounted to 220,633 roubles, or £29,417. The average re ceipts in the month a March were £294 per day, against £223 per day in March, 1866, showing an increase of £7l per day. SMYRNA AND CASSABA. The half-yearly meeting of this company w as held on Tuesday at the office, Old Jewry ; Mr. Larking in the chair. Mr. Cape, the secretary, read the report, which stated that from the 7th of October, 1866, to the 14th of April last the weekly traffic receipts ave raged £1,167, and the receipts per mile per week £l9 2s. 6d., showing a. weekly increase. The line had been taken by the company on the Ist of January last, and was under the management of Mr. Price pending definitive arrangements with the company. The commissioner of the Turkish Go vernment had signed the certificate for the payment of the balance due to the company on account of the guaranteed interest for the first year ending 31st of December last. The stations, line, and rolling stock were reported by the engineer to be in good order. The cIIAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, said the camel drivers were gradually find ing it impossible to compete with the railway, some of them were bringing goods to the company's sta tions, and it was believed that the camel owners would find it more profitable to bring the produce from the interior to the railway stations than to carry it the whole way to Smyrna. The traffic was improving, and as the profit of working increased there would be so much less to be paid by the Go vernment to the company under the guarantee of £40,000 a year. He was glad to say that the Turkish Government looked favourably on railway undertakings for the development of traffic, and he thought their undertaking, from what he knew of the country through which their line passed, wa s i n a fair way of arriving at the satisfactory state which they bad anticipated. A conversation ensued, in the course of which it was stated that £30,000 a year would pay the inte rest on debenture,&c., and leave £lO,OOO for dividend on the ordinary capital. The rmount of the Govern ment certificate to the end of the year was £ll,OOO. If the traffic on the line earned a net profit on the working of £25,000 a year the Government would have to pay the difference, only £15,000, under the guarantee of £40,000 a year. The traffic receipts for the three months ending March 31st last amounted to £14,037, and the expenses to £8,315, leaving a net balance of £5,722, or an average of £22,800 a year for the first three mouths, which were not the best for traffic. The total cost of the railway would be about £BOO,OOO for the 61 miles of line. The guarantee would enable them to pay all preference 0 6 . 4 charges, and leave something more than 2 per cent. for the ordinary capital. The country had suffered from two bad seasons, and it was not likely they would have another bad season for some time to come. It was believed that an extension of about 30 miles would double the present traffic. The report was adopted, and Mr. J. Ball, the re tiring auditor, was re-elected. The proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks to the chairman and directors. DUTCH RIIENISH. The receipts on this company's line for the fort night ending April 15 amounted to £11,196, and for the corresponding fortnight last year to £9,73 7 7 showing an increase of £1,459. The receipts since the commencement of the present book year, on May' 1, 1866, including the above, amounted to £260,5 14 , showing a decrease, as compared with the corres ponding period of the preceding year, of £26,376. The working expenses for the fortnight amounted to £5,062, or 45.21 per cent. of the receipts, and for the corresponding period of last year to £4,910, or 51 per cent., showing au increase of £152. The working expenses, from May 1, 1866, to April 15 last, amounted to £109,995, or 42.22 per cent. of the receipts, and for the corresponding period of the preceding year to 39.32 per cent. EQUITABLE GAS. The report of the directors of this company states that they have reason to hope that so unjust and impracticable a measure as the bill to amend the Metropolis Gas Act (1860) would never receive the sanction of the Legislature. If passed in its present state it would have the effect of confiscating a large amount of property invested on the faith of several Acts of Parliament. The directors had great satis faction in stating that since the Metropolis Gas Act of 1860 had been in operation its requirements had been strictly fulfilled by this company. They had never received any official complaint of their gas ; and they reminded the shareholders that the price was voluntarily reduced 6d. per 1,000 cubic feet, nearly two years ago, and previously to the accu mulation of any part of the £20,000 reserve fund the company were authorised to create before mak ing any reduction. The net profits during the half year amounted to £15,063, from which the direc tors recommended the payment of a dividend of £2 10s. per share on the old shares, and £1 ss. on the new shares, less income-ta; payable on and after the 7th inst. SINGAPORE GAS (LIMITED.) The half-yearly meeting of this company, was held on Tuesday, at tie Lohdon Tavern Mr. P. Stephenson. in-the chairs - -. . The report, au abstract . of which has appeared in . 7 he Siinova.s taken as read. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, congratulated the meeting upon the progress of the company, and said he was most sanguine as to the future. The alvantages which gas possessed over nut oil were being fully appreciated by all classes in Singapore, and, therefore, there was an increasing demand for gaslights. The rental was in creasing steadily, and altogether he thought their prospects were most encouraging. The motion having been seconded, was unani mously adopted. The retiring directors, Messrs. B. Cooke, F. W. Collard, and R. S. Foreman, were re-elected, as were also the retiring auditors, Messrs. W. T. Mor rison and A. Williams. Thanks were voted to the local committee at Singapore, to Mr. Wells, the engineer, and to the directors. COUNTRY MARKETS. BRIS TOL-THuRSDAY. The quantity of wheat offering at our market to-day WO limited, and which sold freely at 2s more money. Less animation in foreign than last week, but values generally were is to 2s higher. Barley iu good demand at rather Niue! prices. Oats firm. Maize unaltered. BIRMINGHAM—THURSDAY. At to-day's market there was a short supply of and the trade was firm, at fully late prices. Foreign slow. Barl©y realized quite as much money as last week• Oats, beans, and peas 6d to is per qr dearer. RANCHES TER--TnunsnAv. At our market this morning is heat and flour met a limited demand, but prices must nevertheless be quoted 1 9 per qr higher fur both English and foreign, and 6d to 1 9 per sack. Oats were Id per 451 b, and oatmeal is per load dearer. Beans, both English an d f ore i gn, b roug ht 1 9 per qr. adva nce on the currency of thi s d ay 88,„„night. Indian corn in favour of sellers. --- BTJRY ST. EDMUNDS—WEDNESDAY. There was a very fair show of wheat at this market to day, and the trade was firm at an advance of is to 2s per qt on previous rates. Grinding barley was in fair request Oats, beans, and peas Is dearer. Average prices : Wheat, 63s 5d ; barley, 38s 8d; oats, 22s Ud. EDINBURGH—WEDNESDA.Y. Wheat on the top, is 9d up average, Os 3d down. Barley on the top, Os 6d down average, Os 3d dowp• Oats on the top, same Wheat Total supply and al' s vv al ee e li: s aa . ggee: 993 qrs sold 767 Barley 1023 qrs so ld 704 L s lid 3d d d olLi n• Beaus on the top, i s Od u p Oats 1474 qrs sold 770 Beans l4B qrs sold 87 Average prices. Wheat, 62s 3d I Oats, 3ls 5d Barley, 39s 9d 1 Beans 46s 2d Town-made flour sells as follows :--4Vhite, 55s Od; extra superfine, 53s Od ; superfine, 51s Od ; fine, 49s Od. GLASGOW-WEDNESDAY. To-day's market was well attended. Wheat on the spot advanced is upon last week's extreme rates, and sold freely. Flour realized is per sack more money. Barley dull, and easier to buy. Beans and peas firm. Oats WOO rather dearer. No Indian corn. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and New Zealand, via Southamptoa....araY 20• Ditto, via Marseilles . Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet.......... May 5.. Ditto, by French paoket Cape of Good Rope. Ascension, and St Helena May China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton May 3. Ditto, via MuseMee l4 Faikland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton ..... May 3 . India, via Southampton May 3 . Ditto, via Igardeil'es May 8• TEA.--The imports of tea appear to have been very considerable this year,having amounted to 41,960,299 lb. to Much 31, as compared with 29,085,918 lb. in the cor responding period of 1866, and 25,216,147 lb. in the corre sponding period of 1865. - The quantity entered •for bora° consumption td March 31 this year was 26,713,967 lb., aS compared with 22,638,395 lb. to the corresponding date of 1866, and 23,061,514 lb. to the corresponding date of 1865• rADviurrisEmENT:l—Holloway's Ointment and Pills are an infallible remedy forbad logs and all kinds of wounds' The surprising sale of these invaluable medicines in every part of the Civilis e d wor ld i s th e most convincing proo f of their their efficacy. They speedily cure bad legs, old wound scrofula, and diseases of the skin. Thousands of persons suffering from these dreadful maladies have been cured and these medicaments afte r every o th er means h a d f a iled ; an it is a fact beyond all doubt that there is no case, howeve r obstinate, or however long standing, but may be quickly relieved and ultimately cured by those wonderful raed l : eines. Their united action is irresistible. More need no: bo said in th e i r p ra i se . L e t th ose w h o d ou bt their el e°i lence give them a trial. Births. CHOLMELEY—On the 30th ult., at 3, Russell-street, Bot tl3l the wife of Commander T. C. Cholmoley, R.N., of a 0 ,1— ; PILYSE—On tho 30th ult., at Gogorddan, Lady Pryse, 411 ' a son. PAYNE —On the 30th ult., the wife of John Payne, EbCl.l the General Post-office, of a son. Marriages. TRENCII—TRENCH—On the 30th ult., at the parish &hur I Balliuttsloe, the Hon. Frodk. Sidney Charles Tren ch,oi eldest son of Lord Ashtown, to the Lady Anne le p Trench, eldest daughter of the Earl and Countess 0' Claucarty. WILKINSON—SHAPTO—On the 2d inst., at St. Pau l o ' l!, Knightsbridge. the Rev. E. A. Wilkinson, youngeSt 6 of the late G. Wilkinson, Esq., of Ifarperley Par,: Durham, to Edith Rosa, only daughter of Robert Shafto, Esq., M.P. Deaths. BENTLEY-On the 28th ult., at Clifton, Bristol, Michael Bentley, Esq., formerly of the Middle Temple, and late of Richmond, Surrey, aged 75. BEAN —On the 30th ult., at Madeira Villas, Addisconl)o' road, Croydon, Benjamin Bean, aged 57. HENDERSON - On the Ist inst., at Park, Renfrewshire, John Henderson, Esq. W. Osborn e ' OSBORNE—At Hawford, near Worcester, C. Esq., agod London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDB°II,4 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TILE SUM Office, N°. pt Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, Aa the Co unty Illiddlesex.-.Friday, May 3, 1867. 1