The Sun. — London, England, 1867-02-02 00:00:00

Union of English and Irish Reformers. MANCHESTER, Friday. A meeting was held in the Free Trade-hall this evening, for the purpose of hearing The O'Donoghue " on the Irish Question, and the Importance of the Union between English and Irish Reformers." The chair was occupied by Mr. Bright, M.P. There were also present Mr. T. B. Potter, M.P., Mr. G. Hadfield, M.P., Mr. J. Lutt, Mr. R. Whitworth, M.P, Mr. J. Field, M.P., Sir E. Armitage (the High Sheriff), the Mayor of Oldham, Mr. E. Beales, Mr. Ernest Jones, &c. The hall was densely crowded at an early hour, and the popular leaders were loudly cheered as they made their appearance on the platform. The Secretary read letters from the Hon. G. For tescue, M.P., and Mr. P. A. Taylor, expressive of their entire approval of the objects of the meeting. Mr. Batairr, on rising, was received with loud and prolonged cheering. When the applause bad subsided he said—Although I am altogether unac customed to take the chair at great popular meet ings, yet I undertake this office of chairman to-night without much anxiety and without dismay. (Laugh ter and cheers.) lam not aware that I have ever before been on this platform with a greater sense of ease and comfort than that which I enjoy at this moment--(cheers)—and this is accounted for by two circumstances—the one being that I think we shall pass this evening in great harmony—that the meet ing will be very unanimous on the sentiments that will be offered to you ; and the other circumstance is this, that as chairman, keeping myself to my duty as chairman, it will be rather my business to listen than to speak. (No, no.) There are several thou sands of persons in the hall, and to most of them the privilege of listening is a very common one, and I have no doubt it is so common that it is by no means sufficiently appreciated (loud laughter)— but if you had occasionally to stand on a plat form, as I have often done, and as my hon. friend is expected .to do to-night, to address a great audience on a great question, with a great sense of responsibility, you would find that hitherto you have very much undervalued your privileges as lis teners of this kind. (Cheers and laughter.) The object of this meeting—the direct and immediate object—is to present an address to my hon. friend the member for Tralee, and to hear a speech from him. (Cheers.) I need hardly tell you that he is one of the most distinguished members that Ireland sends to the Imperial Parliament. (Loud cheers.) I think I need not claim for him from you that cour tesy which youwill besure to extend to him. I think I may promise myself that you will give him your approval, and, judging from what I hi-e heard on past occasions, I shall be greatly surprised if you do not listen to him with admiration. The O'Donoghue is a near relation of the great O'Connell—(great cheering)—a man of whom English writers of this day—some of them, at least—are accustomed to speak in terms of condemnation. My hon. friend represents a considerable portion of his countrymen, and, standing here to-night, I feel con fident that he will be able to do something to draw Englishmen and Irishmen nearer together for purposes highly honourable and advantageous to them both. About three months ago I had a short but very pleasant visit to the city of Dublin. I believe it was truly a visit of peace, of goodwill, and of an un doubted patriotism. I was entertained there most magnificently at a grand public banquet, and I had the opportunity the night before I left Ireland to speak to a considerable and public meeting assembled in one of the halls of the city. Now, I venture to say, whatever may have been the comments upon that visit, and upon the speeches which I delivered in Dublin, I have some reason to hope that my labours there were not wholly fruitless. (Cheers.) There is, as you all know who read the newspapers, or associate with Irishmen in England—there is a very considerable party in Ireland hostile to Eng land, and hostile to the Empire. When speaking to them in Dublin I did not blame these men, for I think in my conscience that nothing can be more justifiable in Ireland than a dislike for what Ireland has seen for a long period back of the legislation of the Imperial Parliament in regard to the perma nent and just interests of that island. (Cheers.) Ireland has been governed for the most part as a conquered country, and I am sorry to say it has been governed with less of wisdom and of justice in some striking particulars than any intelligent con queror would show to the conquered. (Cheers.) There is a party in Ireland who think that if Ire land were severed from England, whether it were governed under a Monarchy or under the form of a Republic, as an independent State,—that if Ireland cou ld be floated 2,000 miles to the westward, and were to become a portion of the great United States of America, the result would be that Ireland would be governed by the majority of her own people, and would be directly responsible for her own welfare. (Hear, hear.) Now, the separation of Ireland from Great Britain, from the United Kingdom, would in all probability involve a desperate and sanguinary strife ; the floating of Ireland 2,000 miles to the westward is a thing not physically possible, and therefore in the discussion of this Irish question I proceed from the basis that the political union of Great Britain and Ireland is a thing decided and fixed for a long time, and therefore upon that basis we should consider what can be done for Ireland. If I had sufficient time, or if it were my duty to go fully into the question here, my object would be to show that the people of Great Britain are not hostile to the people of Ireland—(cheers)—that if you could poll all the men in Great Britain, throughout Eng land and Wales and Scotland, you would not find a majority of them in favour of maintaining an estab lished Protestant Church in Catholic Ireland. (Great cheers.) Nor would you find them anxious to support a system of law with regard to land which perpetuates, and will continue to perpetuate, if continued, many of the evils of the great confis cation which took place two centuries ago ; and if the Irish National and Liberal party will join with the National and Liberal party in Great Britain I have undertaken to show that we can make the rule in Ireland just as good for the true interests of Irishmen as if Ireland were an indepen dent State, or were, what we know to be impossible, annexed to the Republic of Ame rica. More than 14 years ago I spoke in the House of Commons on the Irish question, and I sug gested that there should sometimes be an Irish ses sion of the Imperial Parliament ; but lam consci ous now that Parliament is not in a condition, and has not within itself the elements and the power, to deal fairly with this great question. (Hear, hear.) The Tory party, although the minority of the House of Commons, is yet a very powerful minority ; it is a large minority in the house, although it is in num bers a very small minority of the people. (Cheers.) The present Government, even if it were to be ad mitted that there are in its numbers or in its ranks intelligent and capable men—(laughter) ; if it were to be admitted that there are members of the Go vernment who would gladly see a great change in the legislation of the Parliament on the Irish ques tion, still I venture to affirm that the Government would be wholly unable to carry out the necessary reforms. (Hear, hear.) The party is a blind party and a perverse party. (Cheers.) Its principles a r e formed upon a disregard of equality and justice; and I hope before long, as a party governing this country, that, as its rise to power during last year was built up upon tactics the most base, so its fall will be as rapid and as ig nom i n i ous as to correspond with its rise. (Great cheers.) The only path to a real improvement in the legislation of the Imperial Parliament on the great question which would affect Ireland is through a representative reform. (Cheers.) I have said before that the class chiefly represented will not or cannot do it, and that it will require the strength of the opinion of the nation to effect the reforms that are required. (Cheers.) If the Par liament at Westminster would really represent the people of the United Kingdom, then an Irish ses sion would be possible, and justice would be done where justice has been so long denied. The mea sures connected with the Church and connected with the land once passed through Parliament, once having received the royal assent, every Irishman in the lowliest cabin would have a new hope and a new life. The spring and summer that are yet to come will not more revive the herbage of our fields than those measures of justice would restore harmonyand loyalty in Ireland. I believe, after long considera- tion, much reading, and much study of the question, that we might rely on the sovereign remedy of jus tice to heal the wound, and toremove the discontent of Ireland ; that if these measures were passed—but probably this is only a dream—but if I were the Minister of the country—(laughter)—having influ ence—if I were in a position so responsible and so powerful—extravagant figure of speech, doubtless— (laughter)—but which, forthe sake of my argument I may be permitted to use—if these measures were once passed, and were once the law of this empire, then I would throw open the prison doors and let every political prisoner free. (Loud cheers.) And I would trust the right of the Crown of this kingdom with an unfaltering faith to that sense of loyalty which would be begun by the magnanimous justice of the Imperial Parliament. (The hon. speaker sat down amid loud and continued cheers.) The following address to The O'Donoghue was then moved by Mr. Howson, and seconded by Mr. Ernest Jones : " Sir,—We welcome in you no ordinary adherent to the cause of Reform, but the representative on the part of Ire land and of a union between the reformers of the three nations. This union has been too long delayed. Its delay has been the postponement of justice alike to the English and to the Irish people. The sufferings of your country touch all hearts, and inspire all hearts not clothed by class interest to the prof ptings of equity or humanity, with an earnest desire to redress her wrongs, but that redress may be obtained it is necessary, as experience shows, that power should be taken out of the hands of a class and restored to the hands of the nation. You are now among those who are resolved with the assistance of your countrymen to put an end to the reign of coercive acts and martial law in Ireland, and to inaugurate the reign of religious equality and of social and economical justice. Divided we have been weak; combining our efforts we shall command success. Welcome O'Donoghue! Through you, the foremost cham pion of her cause, Ireland places her hand in that of the English people." Mr. T. B. POTTER, M.P., supported the address in a brief speech. He welcomed The O'Donoghue as the representative of the Irish people, and as bringing to the English people the aid of their Irish brethren in redressing the grievances under which both nations suffered. United he believed they would prevail, and that it would be impossible to stem the tide of justice and progress. The address was unanimously adopted, and, hav ing been signed by Mr. Bright on behalf of the meeting, was presented to The O'Donoghue amid great cheering. Similar addresses were presented by Mr. E. Beales on behalf of the London Reform League and by delegates from Rochdale and Bradford. The CHAIRMAN said he had received a letter from the Scottish National Reform League, of which the closing paragraph was as follows : "Recognising in the sister country ono of the chief mem bers of the British empire, we cannot but feel that every unrighteous law, every act of oppression enforced upon her, falls also upon us and on every member of the body cor porate. As common injuries beget common sympathies, so the only effectual remedy lies in a common union between the Reformers of England, Ireland, and Scotland ; that union so auspiciously begun between the three countries by means of the Reform League receives our hearty support, and we are assured that all true Reformers will bid it God's speed." The OTONOGHUE, M.P., then came forward to acknowledge the welcome he had received. He was greeted 'with cheers, again and again renewed. He said be regarded the meeting as one of peculiar and even momentous significance. He did not look upon the reception he had met with as personal to him self, but as an emphatic declaration from the people of this country to the Irish people of their approval of opinions which he held in common with the mass of his countrymen. He thought that the Irish people were the best judges of their own grievances and of the remedies which ought to be applied to them. He condemned the system of class legislation which had been adopted in Ireland, and was of opinion that it was owing to class legisla tion that the country had been brought almost to the brink of ruin. The best guarantee for the stability, power, and happiness of the empire was the union of all the subjects within it in a brotherhood of free dom based upon and guarded by the independent exercise of a widely extended franchise. (Cheers.) The events of the last few months had done much to insure a candid and consequently a useful discus sion of the Irish question. It was impossible that there would now ba any difference of opinion about the political state of the country, and thus a formid able obstacle to candid discussion had been removed. The late Vicaoy stated openly in the House of Lords that there was a widespread disaffection, and that statement had been endorsed by the present Lord-Lieutenant and his advisers, who had taken great credit to themselves for having prevented an insurrection by renewing the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and making a great display of military force. An attempt had been made to re present the disaffection in Ireland as foreign in its origin, and as deriving its origin from the other side of the Atlantic. That was not so. English rule in Ireland was synonymous with oppression and tyranny. There always had been a profound sym pathy between the Irish in America and their coun trymen at home, but that sympathy had only re cently taken a political shape, owing to the increas ing facilities of communication, and to the growing strength of those who, from a despairing band of flying and crouching emigrants, had gradually swelled into a great nation, confident in their might and almost frantic with the spirit of retaliation. (Cheers.) No doubt Irish disaffection had a power ful auxiliary in American Fenianism, but no one could assert with any show of reason that this Fe nianism was anything more than the result of that dissatisfaction which had created and fed it, and in the absence of which Fenianism would be inexplic able and its objects aimless. Personally he was convinced that nothing could put a stop to the com bination unless a voice went across the Atlantic an nouncing a new era of equal laws and justice, and proclaiming that the past must be forgotten. To assert that Irish disaffection was the result of foreign in terference and to abuse the American Irish were only convenient methods of glossing over the diffi culty, and of drawing the attention of the English public from the actual condition of Ireland. He denied that the outcry against the Established Church in Ireland and the existing system of laud tenure were mere blinds, or that there was any co vert attempt to resuscitate long-buried animosities, and to interpose a barrier between that cordial spirit of friendship which ought to unite the people of both countries. Having had a close intimacy with all classes of his countrymen, then he could confidently assert that no antipathy existed in Ireland either to Englishmen or to Protestantism purely as such. He never knew an Englishman settled in Ireland who was not popular, or who owed his want of popula rity to some encroachment on the rights of others, which would have made him unpopular wherever he was. A daily increasing manifestation of friend liness between the masses had softened down that antagonism, which was, no doubt, a prominent fea ture in the past history of the two countries. A step in advance had now been gained by the recognition of the reality of Irish disaffection. But beyond that ground he feared they were not likely to advance for some time. He believed that the causes of Iri s h disaffection could be removed by legislation. The Government of Lord Derby and others believed otherwise, and assumed that there were no legitimate causes of disaffection, and that the disaffected could only be appeased by legislation of a character which no good man could sanction. Hitherto, no doubt, legislation had sadly failed, but the failure was to be ascribed, not to causes of disaffection, being beyond the reach of just laws, not to the incapacity of our legislators, nor to an accidental miscarriage of legis lation, but to the fact that our legislators were elected from a class with special interests of their own. (Cheers.) In Ireland there were about 600,000 persons occupying land as tenants. This number included only the heads of families, but taking the most moderate estimate of Lord Dufferin, that each family consisted of five, they would have an agricultural population of close upon 3,000,000. Of the 600,000 heads of families about 580,000 were tenants at will without leases, and could be dispos sessed of the land on the service of a six months' no tice to quit; there were therefore 580,000 persons in Ireland without legal security of any kind for the possession of their farms, each of whom at the end of six months might find himself on the roadside, in the poor-house, or, if he could scrape a few pounds together, on board an American ship. They might have toiled upon their farms from morn till night, and in doing so they might have improved the let ting value of the land, but nevertheless the law en ables the landlords to evict the tenant without giv ing him scarcely a shilling of compensation. (Hear.) There were millions of his fellow-countrymen living in Ireland from year to year in this state of inse curity. It rendered them the merest slaves ; and un less they were differently constituted from the men of Manchester, in their inmost souls they must long for the overthrow of a system which compelled them to endure such a life. (Hear.) Then, again, the tenant could not bargain ; he must keep his farm on any terms on which it was offered to him, or bring either ruin or misery upon himself and those dearest to him. It was the fashion to talk in some quarters as if land in Ireland was to be had for the asking, whereas the truth was there was no land to be had, because the landlords fancied it to be their interest to have as few tenants as possible, and keep the population at a low figure. Some years ago an in stance occurred, which would probably be still re membered, in which a considerable portion of the county of Donegal was almost depopulated by Mr. John George Adair. The tenants were able and willing to pay the rent, but one on the estate had been shot by an individual, and for the offence committed by this one person it was decreed that hundreds should suffer the most excruciating agonies of mind and body. They expostulated, cried, and implored for mercy, but Mr. Adair was inexor able, and, surrounded by the seldiers of the Queen, his myrmidons went forth to drive the people out and to level their houses to the earth. (Cries of shame !) The case was brought before the Lord-Lieu tenant, the late Lord Carlisle. He expressed his sor row, but could not interfere. It was brought also before the House of Commons, and the Chief Secretary for Ireland, in the name of the Government, deplored the act ; but nothing could be done to remedy it, for Mr. Adair had the law on his side, and there was no law for the tenants. Could it, then, be wondered at that the people regarded the law of Ireland as bad and intolerable? The tenant farmers of Ireland desired to dwell on the land of their birth, and they hada prescriptive right to do so. They were prepared to toil in its cultivation from morn till night as no negro slave ever toiled before, and therefore he as serted, in the presence of that great assembly of free and enlightened Englishmen, that it was the bounden duty of the State, if they valued the allegiance of the people of Ireland, to protect the present race of occupiers in the possession of the soil. (Loud cheers.) In conclusion he had one word to say with regard to the Irish Church. He considered it one of the healthiest signs of the times to be able to find an assembly of ,Protestant Englishmen eager for oppor tunity to pass sentence of condemnation on the Irish Established Church as an unparalleled injustice to Ireland. (Loud cheers.) He could not understand how it could be reconciled with justice that 700,000 Irish Protestants should possess the whole of the ecclesiastical revenues of Ireland, while an equal number of Presbyterians, and about 4,500,000 of Roman Catholics derived no benefit at all from them. (Hear, hear.) It was for this reason that the disendowment of the Established Church was called for, and the application of its revenue to some pur poses of national utility. In debating the question of the Irish Church he paid no regard to the numerous collateral issues which were sometimes raised, such as " Which is the true Church ?" " What were the theological views of St. Patrick ?" " Did he re nounce the spiritual supremacy of the Pope and con form to the 39 Articles?"—(laughter)—but he (The O'Dunoghue) adhered to the simple argument that, na matter how these various issues might be de cided, the fact still remained that the Established Church was the Church of a small minority of the Irish people, and therefore had no title whatever to the ecclesiasticalrevenues of the country. (Cheers.) He hoped no one would believe that antipathy of the people of Ireland to the Established Church in that country proceeded from hostility to the tenets of Protestantism. If it were not a symbol of as cendancy it would be no more interfered with than Presbyterianism. Indeed, if the Roman Catholics were offered the ecclesiastical revenues of the country for the support of their own religion, they would reject the proposal. They believed in tha adequacy of the voluntary system, and they were convinced that it was the only sure foundation on which reli gious equality and the toleration of differences could rest in these realms. Last, though not least, they saw that the voluntary system commanded the ap proval of that vast majority of Englishmen with whom on every possible occasion the Catholics of Ireland were anxious to harmonize. He was certain the Established Church could not long retain its pre sent position in defiance of the progress of an en lightened public opinion. As he had said before good legislation might remove many of the causes of Irish disaffection, but it could never be done until there was a thoroughly reformed Parliament. (Loud cheers, in the midst of which the hon. gentleman resumed his seat, having spoken nearly an hour.) Mr. KEEVET, of Dublin, expressed his conviction that Irishmen were basely, badly, and treacherously governed. Mr. DARLING, of Dublin, followed, and declared that the people of Ireland were determined, under the presidency of the Chieftain of the Glens, to un furl the banner of Reform, and show their tyrants that they were ready to unite with the people of England and Scotland in obtaining their rights and defending them at all hazards. Mr. WHITWORTH, M.P., moved, and Mr. ROE BECK seconded, a vote of thanks to Mr. Bright, which was passed with great enthusiasm. Mr. BRIGHT, in acknowledging the compliment, said he was quite sure that every one who had at tended the meeting had been amply compensated by the remarks which had been made respecting Ireland for the time and trouble he had expended. (Cheers.) He entertained the most confident hopes that the result of the meeting would be beneficial both for England and Ireland, and that it would last for many a day, probably after all present were for gotten. He thanked the meeting for their kindness, and must say he had never presided over a nobler meeting called for a nobler purpose. (Loud cheers.) The proceedings then terminated. THE SUN, L0N100.61, SATURDAY EVEAING, FEBRUARY 2 1867. The Visit of Congressmen to the South, The congressional excursionists bring back a good report from the South. They will, of course, be abused for it by those who think it necessary to keep up tho notion that the Southern people are barbarians, and only not assassins and canni bals, because held in check by bayonets. Never- theless, the Congressmen tell the truth. The in telligent men of the South, including many who suffered and sacrificed most to break up the Union, are now honestly desirous to be on friendly terms with us and to co-operate in the promotion of a closer unity and a higher pros perity than the country has yet realised. They would be obstinate fools if they were otherwise, for it has been demonstrated that disunion is im possible, and the peculiar institution of de South is manifestly dead beyond possibility of recovery. The sentiments expressed by Gen. Beauregard and others implied entire acquiescence in the situation, and the Congressmen were im pressed with their sincerity. It is a good thing that the trip has been made. It is not likely that any man's opinions has been changed by it as to the substantial measures necessary for the safe restora tion of the Southern States, but it has promoted a mutual understanding and good feeling, and that is one half the battle. While men confront each other at a distance with hostility and suspicion, it is impossible that they should not misunderstand each other and take distorted views of each other's faults. Friendly intercourse must play an impor tant part in the restoration of true harmony and unity, and this is what all patriotic men seek, for an enforced Union, in which one part of the population is held in unwilling subjection by brute force, does not answer as a permament arrangement anywhere, least of all under a popular Government. The good effect of the congressional visit to the South will be augmented, we may hope, by the con sultations of the various legislative arid other delegations from the South at Washington with mem bers of Congress. They will at least come to understand each other better and ascertain by what means reconciliation is possible. The courtesies extended to the congressional excursionists not merely indicate a disposition to cultivate amicable relations—they show that the actual feeling is bet ter than it has been for years. For some time be fore the war the pervading sectional bitterness would have prevented any such interchange of courtesies. Indeed there were mine members of the party who could not have travelled in this public way through the South without exposing themselves to insult, if not to actual violence. There are, of course, many violent men still left in the South. That class was greatly reduced by the war, but not wholly wiped out, and they manifest the old, ruffian spirit occasionally by outrages upon defence less blacks. But they will never again be dominant, as before the war. They were then cultivated as useful allies of slavery and supporters of its politics. They are natural enemies of the new social system and will be suppressed altogether. The fanaticism begotten of slavery may survive its burial, but not long. Another good effect of the visit of Congress men to the South is the correction of the misunder standing as to the purpose of Congress in offering the constitutional amendment ae the basis of reconstruc tion. There is already reported a great change of feeling on this subject, and a prospect that the amendment may yet be adopted. If the Congress men can bring about this desired settlement by visits to the South, they will be pardoned for taking fre quent peace-making excursions, and may vote them selves extra mileage for it, too, without incurring a solitary curse, even from Horace Greeley.—Thc Springy field Weekly .Rnpublican. The Impeachment Question. (From the Baltimore Commercial.) We have, from the first regarded the talk of impeaching the President as so very a sham as not to be worth discussing ; and what has just occurred in the House of Representatives at Washington has not altered our views of the matter one particle. But we did not think, after the humbug had answered its purpose in the late election in piling up majorities for such men as Butler and Stevens, that it would ever be sericusly talked of again ; and if there are still a few at Washington so ver dant or having so little to do as to again agitate the matter, all that does not alter our views of it, as foolish, impracticable, and even ridiculous. (From the New York Tribune.) Mr. Ashley has offered his resolutions, and they have taken the course indicated in the caucus on Saturday evening. The excitement which the announcement of Mr. Ashley's inten tion created in Wall-street, last week, did not so much indicate a fear of the impeach ment, or even of the result of it, but that our finances were so unhealthy, so feverish, and uncer tain, that the least derangement created a panic. The currency is just now in such a morbid, excit able condition that any unusual event—as the death of the Emperor Napoleon, a war between Russia and Turkey, or an insurrection in England, would set our markets in an uprorr, and drive ruin through Wall-street. In addition to Mr. Ashley's resolution, Mr. Loan, of Missouri, introduced an incoherent and amusing resolution, which we are told created some excitement. Mr. Loan is evidently a morbid person, with the weakne% of getting into print, or in some way attracting attention, and we shall pro bably hear no more of his manifesto. Mr. Ashley!s resolution was referred to a committee, and will be considered. There can, of course, be no harm in this reference. We do not say that a President should not be im peached. We by no means say that Mr. Johnson should not be impeached. That would be to take judgment into our own hands. We think this Ad ministration has been a calamity, a disgrace, the cause of many evils to the country. We should like some redress. But how is it to be had ? In attempting to remove these evils, may we not fly to others that we know not of ? May we not put a precedent upon our statute-books which will give any Democratic majority of the Senate and House in future years the right to revolutionise the Go vernment iu the interest of slavery. Let us walk slowly, and survey the ground as we go. Let us not lay violent hands upon the Executive office until we find that no other course remains for the honour of the nation. Perhaps we are wrong ; but it does not seem to us that the time for the sterner alterna tive has come. (From the New York Tines.) We have no doubt that many people in this country, and especially in Europe, greatly ex aggerate the effect that would be produced by such a procedure as the impeachment of a President. There is no reason, in the nature of things, why it should seriously excite the country, and there is no likelihood whatever that it would have any such alarming results as have so often been predicted upon it since it was a subject of discussion. But at the same time there is no doubt that it would deeply excite the country, and that, under present circumstances, it would grieviously in jure its best interests in a hundred ways. Its most immediate effect would, doubtless, be felt upon the public credit and in our national finances. We have already had indications how keenly sensitive our credit is upon this subject, but the bondholders, and the business classes, and the general community will prepare themselves for painful experiences when this point of the reckless ness of Congress and the obstinancy of the Presi dent can find no other ending than that which is now threatened. The former charges that these parties propose to prefer against President Johnson in their articles of impeachment are no more than those with which we have become familiar from the speeches of his assailants. Nearly all of them would be dismissed at once by any court, and if they ever come before such a body as the Senate, we have no doubt of the disposition that will be made of them. (From the New York Herald.) The object contemplated in this resolution of Mr. Ashley, then, is the removal of the President from office. But why remove him when the charges preferred against him, or when, at least, the " high guilty have obe or misdemeanors s commoneinor " of which he has been thing awith all his pre decessors as party leaders, from Gener a l J ac kson ean down to poor Pierce and Buchanan, to say nothing of the lamented Lincoln ? It seems a little rough and uncharitable that President Andrew Johnson should be made the first victim to the wrath of Con gress, and particularly when he has ceased to 'be an obstruction to the legislative policy of Congress, and when over a two-thirds vote in both houses is secured against him to the end of his term of office. In this situation of affairs it appears to us that if this impreachment of Government be followed up to its legal conclusion, it will be productive of a mischievous confusion in our political parties, a serious Pani3 and deranffement in our financial affairs, and needless and damaging delays on those practical measures of legislation demanded to meet the general interests and wants of the country. We think it altogether probable, however, that the Judiciary Committee of the House will be occupied to the end of the present Congress in their prelimi nary investigations, and that with the meeting of the new Congress in March the intervening chapter of events may serve to bring a treaty of peace and co-operation between the two houses and the Pre sident. (Front the Washington Republican.) A member o f th e U n i te d States House of Repre sentatives, who, a few years since, was charged with corruptly using his office as a member of the Com mittee on Territories, arose in his place and presented " articles of impreachment" against An drew Johnson, President of the United States, for corruptly using his office. It appears by our report that the Committee on the Judiciary is " authorised" to investigate the subject ! Why did not this Ter ritorial-Surveyor-General-Ashley, who offered this bill of indictment against Mr. Johnson, provide that the committee should be instructed, a term usually employed by honest man, engaged in a work of Christian patriotism, and not use the weak, un meaning word " authorised," which, to a congres sional committee, is just what they may choose to interpret it ? Let us have no mockery! If Con gress means to enter upon the grave work of im peachment let the trial proceed with some degree of respectability and dignity, and then the people will understand that their Representatives arc in earnest. If Congress does not mean impeachment, but is en gaged in a work of buncombe, announce the fact, and no longer paralyse the whole business of the country. Andrew Johnson is ready for trial. The Civil Service Bill. -4.- It is to be hoped that the holidays have been used by members of Congress and by their constituents for the consideration of some practical measures of legislation. The Civil Service Bill of Mr. Jenckes, of Rhode Island, submitted at the last session and renewed at this, is a matter that specially deserves earnest study and careful discussion. Here we have a bill that meets the evil which is at the bottom of our political Pandora's box. Any statute that does away with the auction of offices that accom panies every election ought to be welcomed. Members of Congress and heads of departments and any man that deserves to be President— every President except an " accidental"—must feel that we have arrived at that point in the business of Government which requires skill and knowledge and attention. Mr. Jenckes's bill proposes obtain ing these qualities by prescribing an examination for every officer who may, after its passage, be ap pointed to a civil office under Government, and for every promotion, with certain exceptions. The most obvious benefits are these—that a large number of utterly incompetent persons would cease any longer to be applicants for office, while, on the other hand, a large number of persons who are really fitted for places that are now secured only by scandalous means would be able to submit them honourably and decorously to the required examination. Office would cease to be a badge of ignorance in everything but political trickery, and would be come a mark of a certain standard of excellence. Thus politicians, who are honest in their desire to serve their country, and the number of these is larger than the country gets credit for, would not be embarrassed by the pressure and application of incompetent supporters for office; a request for their examination by the proposed board of examiners being answer enough to men whose only service is in stuffing ballot-boxes or colonising voters. The good old-fashioned faith in a special Providence that cared for these United States has been some what rudely shaken by our experiences of the last few years. The enormous taxation imposed in con sequence of the rebellion has been borne bravely by the country ; bat the manner in which that taxation has been levied, the utter incompetence of a large proportion of the army of tax-gathers in the revenue service, the destruction of some branches of industry by the mischances of legislation, the apparent hopelessness (under the present system) of an) thing like a decent return f tom the excise duties, the frequent clashing of internal and tariff duties —these are the sources of well-grounded complaints. Members of Congress, revenue commissioners, and some officers of the Government even, have con fessed the faults of the present state of affairs, and hope to do better. But legislation must be imper fect so long as it gropes in the dark, and light can be had only from experience, and experience is the one thing which our officials are never allowed to get. How many generations of men have sat in the revenue department of the Government, and how many of the changes made in it have been made on any other than purely political, partisan grounds ? Suppose that at the outset of the new system of taxation officers had been appointed to administer it upon merit, as tested in an examination ; that those officers had been retained up to this time ; and that promotions among them had been made on merit, as tested by their services. What a world of dif ference there would be in our knowledge of the right and the wrong way of imposing and levying, taxes, and what a fund - of advice there would be to guide Congress in legislation, the courts in interpretation, and the Government in administration. As it is, we are in a worse sea and in a more dangerous and shifting storm of uncertainties than we were at the outset of this great experiment. The success of " civil service" examinations has been pretty thoroughly tested abroad, and the good re sults can easily be transplanted into our own sys tem, while the bad effects (and it can grow them, too) are as easily avoided. The plan, too, is not so old a one in any part of Europe as to make us de spair, with our forcing-house atmosphere, of soon domesticating it here. In Germany, the close of the great French wars saw a condition of affairs that was a thousand times worse than anything that we have to complain of. The " hereditary" race of office-holders, the curse of venality, the almost public sale of offices, the total exclusion of the citi zens from any participation in office, and the close communion of the noble families to whom office was the only livelihood—these were evils worse than any that we have to encounter. Now, Ger many —or, perhaps, to speak more correctly, Prussian Germany—is, as far as its administration of laws is concerned, the best governed country in the world. If proof were wanted of the fact, look at the ease with which the recent war was waged, the ease with which business has returned to its na tural channels, and the rapidity with which its sys tem was extended over the outlying statelets now swallowed up in Prussia. The evils of Bean-den thuin—of office as a special business apart from the ordinary duties of citizenship--are not likely to have many fears for us. It is almost beyond possibility that the mercurial activity of the American mind will ever content itself with office as the last best resort for a livelihood, or that the outside world will suffer the men who make office their business to arrogate to themselves any special claim or privilege. The man in America who can content himself to settle down at the outset of his life to a public office, and look forward patiently to spending his existence in the slow promotion and slender rewards of life in the public service, is, and always will be, the exception ; but the more nume rous such exceptions to the rule, the better for the public. The arguments that were advanced in Germany, in France, and in England, each in turn as this reform in the civil service was discussed and finally adopted, aro the same that address them selves to us to-day. Why should West Point and Annapolis be prescribed to officers or those who desire to become such in the army or navy. What greater importance is there in the duties assigned to a captain of a company of infantry over those entrusted to a collector of in ternal revenue, the chief of a bureau in the Trea sury, or an auditor in the War Department? and why should these be appointed on the recommenda tion of Mr. A. who represents Hall, or Mr. B. who comes from Utah, while the captain of Co. A. of the 99th Infantry must pass a rigid examination? The " political sciences" are no longer hidden or uncertain mysteries. A fair knowledge of the science of taxation is the indispensable necessity of a good revenue assessor ; no excise officer can do his duty without some scientific acquaintance with alcoholic preparations. The same rule applies to a thousand other cases. That rule can be made a law by the passage of Mr. Jenckes's bill ; its pro visions are clear, straightforward, and to the point. To effect its adoption by Congress, there ought to be at once prompt action and agitation by mer chants, manufacturers, tradesmen, capitalists, rail road and other corporations—by all, in short, who feel where the shoe pinches, who know the mischief of our present system of appointing to and remov ing from office. This bill to reform the civil ser vice comes home to every individual of these classes. If, by individual or combined action, they can by letter, petition, association, or in any other way, in turn bring home to Congress their anxiety to have this law enacted, we may be sure that Congressmen and the Executive will not be backward in forward ing the real interests of the country, while they are ridding themselves of a growing pest, that of office seeking, with its intolerable annoyances and inevit able mischiefs.-7 he Nation. LADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.— Much watchfulness must be exercised as winter advances, and the earliest evidences of ill-health must be immediately checked or removed, or a slight illness may result in a seri ous malady. Relaxed and soro throat, diphtheria, quinsey, throat cough, chronic cough, bronchitis, and most other pulmonary affections, will be relieved by rubbing this cooling ointment into the skin as near as practicable to the seat of mischief. This treatment, so simple and effective, is admirably adapted for the removal of these diseases during infancy and youth. Old asthmatic invalids will derive marvellous relief from the use of Holloway's reme dies, which have brought round many such sufferers, and re-established health after every other means had signally Literary lutelligence. John Esten Cooke, once a racy contributor for " Harper," is writing his experience of the Vir ginia Campaign for the same publication. Professor Jos. Le Conte, of the University of South Carolina, is writing a text book on geology. Amanda T. Jones is the name of a new Buffalo poetess. Hurd and Houghton will soon publish for her. Somebody in Baltimore is editing a new edition of Edgar A. t'oe's works. They are trying also to build a monument over his grave there. John G. Palfrey's daughter, the authoress of " Herman," is writing a new story. Her father is postmaster of Boston and the historian of England. E. A. Pollard, author of "The Lost Cause," is working on a new book to be called " Lee and his Generals." It is said that Nathaniel Hawthorne has left a novel, no portion of which has been published, his widow hesitating to permit its publication on ac count of the number of points in it which he had marked for alteration. 44 Mark Twain," the humorous writer, is on his way from California to the east. He is said to be a son of ex-Governor Clemens, of Missouri. Mr. Upham has in press two volumes on Salem Witchcraft. Hepworth Dixon is rummaging over the Philadel phia library to write up William Penn. Gustav Freytag, the author of "Debit and Credit" and other novels, whose popularity is not confined to Germany, is a candidate for the representation of Erfurth, in the North German Parliament. Among the distinguished dead of last year, the American of highest literary standing was Dr. Jared Sparks. Rev. John Pierpont, Dr. Eliphalet Nott, and Dr. Hawks are also to be enumerated. England lost Dr. William Whewell and the Rev. John Keble ; while Mr. Gordon Cumming, the hunter and travel-writer, died in Scotland ; and Sir Charles Eastlake and Francis Mahony—Father Prout died abroad. Miss Frederika Bremer, in Sweden, and M. Edouard Antoine Thouvenel, in France, are also among the distinguished dead con nected with literature. The Rev. Samuel Dutton Hinman, a missionary to the Dakota Indians, has made a translation into their dialect of the Prayer-book, which is published at St. Paul. Col, Adam Badeau, who, during the war, was on General Grant's staff, is concluding a book about his chief. Mr. Henry Morford is about to print, in a volume entitled " Over Sea ; or, England, France, and Scotland in 1865," a book of foreign travel, based upon contributions which lie made while abroad to the American press. Mr. John A. Dorgan, a Philadelphia poet, has died of consumption. Miss Wetherill, author of "The Wide, Wide World," has in press " The House of Israel." Mr. William Swinton is to write a history of the New York Seventh Regiment during the war. An international copyright law would have at least the good effect of diminishing the wrangling among American reprinters over English books. There are some two or three small firms that always republish in cheap forma popular book, such as " Griffith Gaunt," in violation of the moral rights of those who have paid the author for advanced sheets, and have first printed it. It is complained now that Messrs. Harper and Brothers have again used their great resources to endeavour to crush a minor rival. Messrs. Littell, Son, and Co., of Boston, published in the " Living Age" as serials " Miss Marjoribanks," " Sir Brooke Fossbrooke," and " Madonna Mary," with the expressed in tention of issuing them afterwards in book form. Whether they had paid for them we do not know, but by the courtesy of the trade they were entitled to them by priority. Just before the _ - concluding numbers were published, the house just mentioned published the whole in book form at much less than the usual rates. Taking warning by the two earlier novels, Messrs. Littell, Son, and Co., offered Messrs. Harper and Brothers their stereotype plates of " Madonna Mary" at manufac turers' prices. They preferred, however, to refuse that offer, thus depriving Messrs. Littell, Son, and Co. of even that slight chance of profit. THE AUTHOR OF " ALONE."--MISS Marion Harland has nearly ready fo r p u bli cat i on a new novel to be entitled " Sunnybank ;" also a gift book, containing, we presume, a collection of short tales, to be called " The Christmas Holly." The latter will be illustrated with wood engravings printed in three tints. Mr. Hudson, of the New York Herald, is en gaged upon a History of the Associated Press. Mr. George Alfred Townsend, recently returned from Europe, has commenced delivering in the West his lecture on " Europe Armed"—a spectacle, by the way, which he arrived abroad just too late to see. There are 327 newspapers and periodicals pub lished in New England. In Boston there are 75 ; in Maine, 43 ; in New Hampshire, 34 ; in Ver mont, 39 ; in Massachusetts (excluding Boston), 82 ; in Rhode Island, 16 ; and in Connecticut, 38. The total number of Republican journals is 146 ; of Democratic journals, 39. At a sale of pictures in New York, Jan. 7, some very fair prices were realised. " The Critic," by Maissonier, brought $5,250 ; " The Reprimand," by Frene, $1,300. Several other pictures were sold at prices ranging from $l,OOO to $1,500. A curious instance of " reconstruction" was lately developed in the case of Alma-Tadema's picture of the " Egyptian Dance," which was lately torn to ribbons by an explosion that took place at Gambart's gallery in Paris. The artist himself picked up the with the remark, " Here is an end to my fragments, picture !" By dint of great ingenuity, however, the disjecta membra were united, and, so success fully has the canvas been refitted and retouched, that the damage received by it is barely visible, and the picture is to figure at the coming Paris Exhibi tion. J. F. Weir's fine picture of the ,« Gun Foundry," which attracted so much attention at the Academy Exhibition of last year, is to be sent to the Paris Exposition. Mr. Weir has now upon his easel a small picture of Hudson River scenery, in which a rainbow is a leading object. Ristori has gone west to fulfil her engagements there. She will not again reappear in New York until April. At the conclusion of that season she will sail for France. PRINCE OF WALES THEATRE AT LIVERPOOL.-- An undiminished flow of pleasure-seekers con tinues to gratify itself by witnessing the splendours of " The Queen of Hearts" night after night. Indeed the theatrical annals of the good old town contain no record of such a genuine theatrical triumph. Mr. G. F. Rowe unfolds another phase of his versatile talents, and pleases as highly as Charles Swiftly in " One Hour, or the Carnival Ball," as he did in Lavater or Sir Charles Cold stream. When the public enthusiasm will permit the withdrawal of the pantomime, Mr. Henderson, the enterprising manager, has further great treats in store, which will amply maintain the Prince of %Vales in the foremost place of public approval. At present all the vast resources of the establishment are being exerted in pre paring for the production of " Anthony and Cleopatra," which will be placed upon the stage in a manner to mark with hon our Mr. Henderson's advent to the highest range of the legitimate drama. The scenery is especially prepared by Grieve, the greatest of modern stage painters, and several important en gagements are also made to strengthen the company. Mr. Walter Montgomery will make his first appear ance here as Anthony, and Miss Reinhardt will make her debut as Cleopatra. As time progresses we hope to lay further particulars of this great dramatic event before our readers. Mr. Charles Reade, the celebrated author of " Never too Late to Mend" and other clever dramas, is said to be engaged upon a new play for this theatre. in which Mrs. John Wood will sustain an important part.—Liverpool Star. Planche's charming little piece, "A Romantic Idea," will shortly be revived at the Oly m pi c . _ _ The business done by the New York Theatres is enormous. The receipts of Niblo's Garden for the year 1866 were $345,897 ; Winter Garden, $203,740 ; Wallack's, $195,456; Olympic, $168,277 ; Barnum's Museum, $133,886 ; Van Amburgh's Menageries, $217,396 ; Academy of Music (four months), $120,151; New York Circus, $249,05 2 ; the total of the receipts from all places of amuse ments is nearly $2,200,000. The receipts of Niblo's Garden (where the spectacle of the'' Black Crook" is now presented) for the last three months of 1866 were $70,000. At the third bal de l'opera Strauss brought for ward his new waltz, " Adah Menken," which ob tained a " success of enthusiasm." Mr. Stephen Massett (" Jeems Pipes, of Pipes ville,") the celebrated American humorist, author, and lecturer, arrived in London, last week, from America. Recess Committees. Acts of usurpation on the part of the legislative branch of the so-called United States have become so common that they have almost ceased to attract attention. When their legislation runs counter to what is popularly known to be a plain provision of the Constitution, or when it notoriously tramples upon the absolute rights of individuals, a very slight remonstrance comes up from a small portion of the Northern press ; but much oftener no notice what ever is taken of what in England, would be consi dered ample cause for changing the administration by force of arms, if necessary. These legislator's possess two faculties which probably have not been vouchsafed in the same degree to any law makers since the days of the Legislative Assembly of France : The faculty of believing without a reason, and of hating without a provoca tion. To be convinced of this, it is only necessary to observe the character of any given day's pro ceedings in Congress. It might be a source of amusement, but certainly not of profit to hear from the leaders in this action their individual views on Government, as expressed without collusion. We venture to say they might all be found in the " Utopia" of Sir Thos. More, or in the" Don Quixote" of Cervantes. All of their enactments are the offspring of tastes and passions ; reason and experience are unknown to what migh t facetiously be called their deliberations. Th e committees appointed by Congress to sit during recess fully exemplifies their thorough disregard of the dangers liable to result from such precedents . One sent to New Orleans, another to New York, and others remains in the city of Washington—a n for the purpose of carrying out partisan views an d aims. Not one to look after the interest of th e people whose money they squander and whose rights they trample under their feet. During the sitting of the twenty-seventh Congress, and under the ad ministration of President Tyler, this subject No g fully canvassed, and the reasons against the establish ment of such committees were found to be insuper: able. It was urged that no warrant could be found for them in the constitution, and practical reasons against them presented themselves more forcibly and numerously as the question was examine d ' The danger of degenerating into faction an d favouritism was seen to be imminent. Committees might be appointed to perambulate the Union --a the short sessions, for nine months in the year"; spending their time idly, or engaged in political objects--drawing the pay and mileage of members of Congress all the time, with indefinite allowanc es for contingencies. If one committee might be se ap pointed, then, a s m an y o th ers as e i t h er house might choose ; if to perambulate the United States, the n , all Europe —constituting a mode of making a tour et Europe at the public expense. All Congress me' be so employed ; but it was probable that only th e dominant party, each in its turn, would so favou r its own partisans, and for its own purposes. The practical evils of the measure augmented to view as more and more examined ; and, finally, th e whole question was put to rest by the decided sell! ° of the house, only 62 members voting against tu e motion to lay the proposition on the t a ble, not to 1) 45 _ taken up again. In those days w i se me n made o i l! laws, and a happy, prospe r ous, an d p eacea ble peoPl had cause to be thankful th a t th e unc l ea n gods ° faction were not openly worshpped in the ilegi sla : tive halls of the nation.—M emphis Weekly Appeal. COUNTRY MARKETS. RIPON—FRIDAY. The best qualiti es o f w h ea t f e t c h e d l as t wee k's prices , but inferior ki n d s were is l ower . A mo d era t e suPP I / ° both wheat and spring corn. White wheat, 8s 6d,to 9 s 3d p er b us h e l ; re d, Gs 6d t 7 .: I . ' 3d; beans, is 3d to 7 s 9d ; oa t s , 25 s t o 33 s per qr ; I)3°' 35s to 44s Od. WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAY. 10 Wheat trade dull, and prices 2s lower. Barley v 721 cheaper. LINCOLN.—FRIDAY. for To-day the re was a b ou t t h e usua l supp l y o f w heat, which the inquiry was inactive, and prices were 2s por: i s or lower than last week. Barley a heavy t ra de at eo' rates. A mod era t e s h ow of oats, which sold at recl t prices. Beans came sparingly to hand, and sold 81 009 less money. New white wheat, 60 s t o 70 8 ; new rod, 59s to 63$ P°l. 36 stone. Barley f or ma lti ng, 49s to 51s per qr ; n to 26s to 36s per 30 stone. Oats, 248 to 345. Beans, ` 1 " 50s per 38 stone. DERBY—FRIDAY. Our corn market to-day was tolerably supplied o. w ith / wheat. Trade dull at is to 2s decline. A fair su c- ;, 0 barley ; the demand ruled slow, and last week's pr ig were scarcely realised. Not much passing in oats, prices unaltered. Beans were a heavy trade, at the lowing prices : „ 3 6 Now white wheat, GOs to GBs ; o ld re d, 65s to 68s per stone. Barley for malting, 44s to 48s per qr. ; grindie.o 37s to 38s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 27s to 295; old, 29501 34s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 50s to 525; now, 46s to per 38 stone. LIVERPOOL.—FRIDAY. We had only a limited attendance at our market to and wheat met with a very slow sale at a decline of 2c 1 1 5, cental on Tuesday's prices. Flour d u ll , an d prices jive. minal. Indian corn quiet, at a b out i s per qr . Oats id per bushel and oatmeal 6d per l oa d c h ea per, a moderato demand. S TAMFORD—FRIDAY. At With a good supply of wheat the demand ruled &IA 2s per qr. less money. Barley was a moderate supPlY . r q r not much in r eques t , and prices declined about is had 0 Not many oat s or b eans, and in most cases sellers submit to a reduction in price. r 8 6 New white wheat, 64s to 68s ; red do., 58s to 6 2 sr 350 stone. Barley, malting, 44s to 50s ; grinding, 27s l o ne. por qr. Oats, new, 24s to 28s ; old, 28s to 32s per 24 0 Beans, 52s to 54s por 38 stone. Peas as of late. BRISTOL SUGAR—FRIDAY. lc hil t The market has been healthy during the wee . ..m g of only a moderato busi ness h as b een d one either :wee k , refined. Rum steady. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the mar Yet• so d e • s. d. West Hartley Original Hartlepool 2170 6 0 B .B r r i a tue e pe n th H C ot a t n o n n e .. l .. .... 1 9 . 1 , 1 0 0 Hetton Lyons Eden Main Tunstall Wallsend Haswell 2O 0 Th orn l ey ............... 1 9 Trimdon Thornley., lB 9 E as t H ar tl e p oo l ..•••• Kelloo Ships at market, 70—sold. 57. __,.......j..e- Births. ife 64 -- --- Hicxs —On the 31st ult., at Broxbourne, Harts' 16 0 the ,0%-.41, Wm. Hicks, Esq., C a pt a i n H.M . ' s B om b ay Sta ff of a son, still born. JoxEs—On the 30th ult., a t C ranmer H a ll , wife tho • f 0 of sit W. Jones, Bart., o f a d aug ht er. t he Muiminiin—On the 31st ult., at East Sheen, Surrey' wifo of E. W. Muirh ea d, Esq., of a son. Iliac' PORTER. —Oa the 30th ult., at 6, Sussex-terrac e, park, the wifo of Fred. Porter, Esq., of a son. Marriages. mir et f # NORRIS—KNIGHT—On the 31st ult., at St. 31 „ 3/* 5i01 1. 4 ,4 Dunham Massey, Thomas Potter, son of S. , r iot"'" Esq., of Altrincham, Cheshire, to Margaret 01-w-vioce. only child of the late T. Knight, Esq., of the st 0e : 0 110 11 PERKINS—FELLOWS—On the 31st ult , at r i e n „, n eo li ; Church, James, son of Benjamin Perkins, of r,,,,11, - street, City, and Camberwell, to Nellie, oldest 113 1 . - 10' .. of James Fellows, Esq., Bill House, Comptonttle4 vorhampton. Deaths. squar e ' BURLEIO ll On the 31st ult., at 7, Dovensbir°"— Bishopsgate, Richard B. Burleigh Esq., aged 7 .,„ 8 ,.., , t bet b ' CARRASCOSA—On the 30th ult , at Lee, Kent, J"'''' i cofP' widow of Lieut.-General Baron . Michel de CA ri.3 f o . aged 73. p 0 ioc ° of GIRVAN—On Wednesday last, at her residence , square Kennington ark-road, after maul/110v bodily , suffering, borne with Christian raststi.,t Anna Maria, the beloved wife of A. H. GirYa n ' author of "Brotherly Love," ite. * - 10 .tie ~,,g ft— l, London : Printed r.nd Published by TIL LIANL - 1 °" -- 9 /0. li nt oi No. 112, Strand, Printer a Trim SUN 0 1 e ' a uti Strand, in the Preeinut of the Savor, ill th e e -4) Middlesex.—Saturday, February 2,1807.