The Sun. — London, England, 1867-12-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PMIL re 3101TEXALS. s s It was lately 'stated by Mr. trathorhe Hardy that abikit a thousand memorials are yearly received by the Home Office in regard to sentences of capital punishment and' penal servitude. This fact, which, if alleged on less con clusive authority, the Times might have hesitated to be lieve, throws a flood of light on the uncertain operation of our criminal law. Though it may have been a cogent answer to Mr. Newdegate's motion for a half-yearly pub lication of all these memorials with the correspondence upon them, it constitutes a very strong presumption against the present latitude of the Home Secretary's quasi appellate jurisdiction. It is hardly too much to :ay that every single memorial of this nature represents a sen sible deduction from the deterrent effects of punishment. It is possible that periodical returns from the Home Office of the sentences actually commuted would contribute to check indiscriminate commutation. We greatly doubt, however, whether it would be practicable or desirable to assign the reasons which influenced the Minister in each instance, so as to give the House of Commons the means of reviewing them. There is something to be said for a regular Court of Criminal Appeal, and something, too, for an indefinite responsibility such as is now vested in the Home Secretary, but there is nothing to be said for transferring that responsibility to the Legislature. On the other hand, the Legislature is bound to watch every department of Government, and there is no depart ment which more urgently requires its supervision than criminal procedure. For example, the want of any approach to uniformity in sentences must tend, like the hope of remission from the Home Secretary, to defeat the objects of a penal code. It is not uncommon for two men to be condemned on the same circuit for crimes pre cisely similar, the one to a few months' imprisonment, s.he other to several years' penal servitude. One judge or chairman of quarter sessions visits first offences with great severity to deter the prisoner from repeating them ; another treats first offences lightly, but invariably inflicts penal servitude on a second conviction for any felony. The want of unity in our police system and prison management greatly aggravates the effect of the want of uniformity in sentences. If a man is convicted one year in one county, and another year in another, it is by no means certain that his former convictions will be brought up against him, and hardened offenders seldom out of gaol are sometimes admonished from the Bench against the danger of entering upon a career of crime. In short, our criminal law, however far from scientific per fection, needs reform less than its administrative ma chinery, and the subject discussed on Tuesday is but a part of a larger question which cannot be postponed much longer. The Daily News looks upon M. Rouher's speech in the French Chambers as the death-blow to the Conference. He has also, it adds, torn up and scattered to the winds the last shreds of the alliance between France and Italy. His admirable eloquence will be cordially appreciated at Berlin. We should not be surprised to hear that Ceunt Bismarck had sent him congratulations through the Prussian Minister in Paris. On the other hand, we are not quite sure that the Emperor Napoleon, comparing the eloquence of M. Rouher with the more modest and hesi tating utterances of M. de Moustier, may not doubt whether the department of Foreign Affairs, involving so many delicate considerations and susceptibilities, is most fitly represented in the tribune by a rhetorician or by a respon sible Minister, though the rhetorician is vociferously acclaimed and the Minister is listened to in silence. We trust the Italians will have the good sense to feel neither discouragement nor indignation at M. Rouher's oratorical efforts. Indeed, their shrewd political instinct will be sadly at fault if they do not in their hearts thank him. There is nothing, after all, in his most emphatic statements which can prevent time and chance being her best allies. Patience will work greater wonders than the Chassepot. The Standard writes a chaffing leader at the expense of Lord Russsll and Mr. Layard, on the question of King Theodore's long unanswered letter. Neither the peer nor the commoner took any trouble about it. The whole treatment of this most expensive document, indeed, is but another and a most egregious specimen of "meddle and muddle." It was tossed about from department to depart ment in what we suppose is the usual light and airy manner of conducting the public business. It was docketed and minuted by a great many persons, and then pitched into a corner and forgotten. From Mr. Hammond it seems to have been thrown to Mr. Layard, and from Mr. Layard to Lord Russell. Then, somebody having dis covered that it was properly in the Indian Department (the credit of this brilliant achievement seems to be claimed by Mr. Layard himself), it came somehow into the hands of Mr. Kaye, who probably duly had the honour to receive the document, and there it remained. For nearly three years it lay about in Mr. Kaye's desk—that enterprising official having, as it is gravely pleaded, no pigeon -holes. Probably all this time the letter had been a standing joke in the department. Abyssinia was a long way off, and Theodore, if he was believed in at all, was perhaps invested with that comic character with attaches to the ordinary Ethiopian melodist. The wonder is that the letter should have survived at all the extraordinary treatment to which it was subjected—that out of the pigeon-holes it should rise up at last to confute Mr. Layard's most positive assertions and to bear evidence against Lord Russell. The Saturday Review, in dealing with the President's Message, warns us that under present circumstances such a document affords no indication of the policy which is to be adopted by the United States. As to the idea of an impeachment, it would be useless if it were not preceded by an act for suspending the President from office during the trial. Unless two-thirds of both Houses are ready to vote for such an innovation, the veto of the President will be fatal to the measure. And unless the impeachment is rapidly proceeded with it must be inoperative, for the President's term of office expires in twelve months from this time. The demeanour of the different parties in Congress will be watched with more anxious curiosity. In a few days it will be seen whether the Republican majority has learned any practical lesson from the recent, elections. It is well known that the leaders of the ex treme party are determined to persevere in the violent course which has within a few years almost destroyed their great majority ; but the bulk of their followers may perhaps prefer to swim with the stream, although it is now flowing in a reverse direction. A very small seces sion would restore to the President the control over legislation which was habitually exercised by his pre decessors ; and a patient and adroit statesman in his place would cheerfully await the self-inflicted defeat of his enemies. Mr. Johnson, however, is one of the least judicious of politicians, and his patience will pro. bably be soon exposed to a severe trial ; for it ap pears that the Judiciary Committee will report in favour of impeachment, and that the Republican leaders will attempt the prosecution, If the President can keep his temper he has little to fear from the imprudent hostility of Congress, for it is doubtful whether the House of Representatives will vote the impeach. ment, and nothing can be easier than to protract the proceedings until his term of office is completed. The charges against Mr. Johnson are either frivolous or insincere. If he has deserved impeachment, his guilty acts are not those which have brought him into collision with Congress. At the beginning of his Presidential term he perhaps usurped the prerogative of deciding the condi tions on which the conquered States should be readmitted to the Union. It might possibly be the duty of the Presi dent to declare that the termination of the war involved the restoration of all constitutional rights ; but, in re. quiring the States of the Confederacy to abolish slavery, Mr. Johnson assumed powers above the law and the Con stitution. In his defence it may be fairly urged that Mr. Lincoln was prepared to adopt a precisely similar poli c y, with the full assent of the people and of Congress itself ; and notwithstanding his alleged encroachments, Mr. Johnson retained his popularity until the Republicans dis covered that he was recurring to his former Democratic associations. If the Judiciary Committee has succeeded in discovering administrative irregularities, or even acts of corruption, it will still be unwise to prosecute a great dig nitary for vulgar malversation which he might have perpe trated with absolute impunity but for the political animo sities which he has provoked. The proper security against Presidential corruption would be the election of gentlemen and men of honour to the highest post in the Republic. It is extravagantly unjust to reproach a President, elected because he had been a working tailor, with a deficiency of the artificial refinement and delicacy which are cultivated under other circumstances and conditions. The " Parliamentary Collapse " is the heading of an article in the Spectator, which deals with the autumn session and its results. Our ably contem porary did not anticipate very much from it, but certainlydid expect that Parliament would have expressed with force and clearness the expectations of the country with respect to the measures which the Government should introduce in February. But the spirit of both Houses has been more than passive ; it has shewn positive help _ 1ec311C8.3. Ireland, India, Italy, alike h ave b een passed over. But worst of all has been the demeanour of the Lords and the indifference of the Commons on the subject of Education. It is well known that the Ministry are to introduce a bill on this subject, and now, if ever, was the time to modify its provisions. Mr. Disraeli had already intimated, and the Duke of Marlborough, in his poverty stricken speech of Monday, again stated, that the present intention of the Government does not go beyond a cautious extension of the present denominational system—in other words, has nothing large about it, and will do no good in those poor, ignorant, and populous districts where educa tion is most needed, because there is no one to set it on foot. We are greatly mistaken if the national opinion has not far ou.t.s4iPPell the thin and meagre desi gns o f gojejNatigt....24-2124 Jailtyth goofs ions of conversion to a laige eduCational policy. The voluntary sect has given up its wretched crotchet in deference to the clear expression of the nation's will, and Radicals and Conservatives have alike expressed their anxiety to see that kind of intelligence developed in the working classes of this country which has been seen to give such extraordinary elasticity to the power of the United States and Prussia in the moment of trial. Yet in the face of all this the Duke of Marlborough almost limits his concessions to the magnificent suggestion that the Government may probably be induced to help schools without insisting on certificated schoolmasters, and the House of Lords drops the subject, while the House of Commons never takes it up ! The debate of Monday in the House of Lords is the greatest proof of the inability of the Peers to enter heartily into the political anxieties of the country and lead its counsels which we have yet seen. Grant that Lord Russell's motion may have looked like a party bid ; still, it should have been vigorously used with any needful disclaimer of party purpose, to prompt and spur a reluctant Government out of its stupid lethargy. A hearty stimulus applied to its zeal now, before the detail of its plan I ,ad been settled, would have been worth many times the value of any criticism applied in February or March. Yet Parliament is now adjourned to the middle of February without a hint from either House of Parliament that the nation will not be satisfied with the contemptible modicum of concession announced by the feeblest Minister in the Cabinet on the greatest English question of the day. The Duke of Marlborough said 1 e was quite incompetent to cope with so great a question as the appointment of a Minister of Education, and we agree with him, and argue a fortiori that he is still more utterly incompetent to cope with the far greater question of what such a nister ought to do. No " certificated schoolmaster" could have been found to make a much narrower, more piggish, imbecile speech on this great matter than the nuble duke. If the duke had himself been trained in that period when children are said to have owed their education wholly to Sunday schools, he could not have excelled the feeblen:iss of his Monday's deliverance. And the House of Lords allowed that and Lord Russell's vague speech to gs forth to the country as all that they cared to say in view of the proposed Tory policy on educational reform! On every subject, then, on which an early and emphatic expression of the nation's wish might have been expected to influence the coming session, and not only the coming session but the ripening of national thought, this autumn sitting of Parliament has been a complete failure. It has been indifferent, lifeless, apathetic—in a word,prococurante. It would seem that the Commons, in view of their doom, are too selfish to think of anything but their " notice to quit," and that the Lords, being hopeless of directing the mind of the nation, are almost magnetised into imbecility. No more pallid, faded ghost of what a Parliament should be ever met at a crisis thick with the most weighty living interests than the one which has just adjourned. It is the only prognostic we have seen at all confirmatory of Mr. Carlyle's dismal forebodings of a period when vivid political life shall cease, and " gibbering phantoms" shall idly chatter where statesmen once held the reins. It may be, we trust it is, a false prognostic. But no one can say that the autumn session has not been a miserable display of languor and apathy, where we expected energy and life. The appointment of Dr. Selwyn to the bishopric of Lichfield gives the John Bull unmitigated satisfaction. It points out that to this day the statute-book is encumbered with restrictions on the exerciseof Ministerial functions hi England by Scotch and colonial clergy, and not only have no colonial bishops ever been translated to English sees, but their employment as suffragans, or quasi-suffragans, has always been eyed with disfavour by politicians and by a large section of Churchmen. The transla tion of Bishop Selwyn will be a heavy blow and discouragement to these proclivities. From another point of view, it may also be regarded with satis faction. The weakening of the Catholic idea of the Church of England by the distinction madr between that part which is established at home, and thy non-established dioceses in our colonies, to the prejudice of the latter, is not the only danger. The unhappy schism in the province of South Africa has led to a ten dency, in the minds of many Churchmen, to regard the colonial dioceses, not as identical in character, and essen tinily united, with the dioceses in the home provinces, but as something higher—branches of an independent State-free Church, linked to the Church of England not much more, if at all, than is the Episcopal Church in the United States. Naturally, this view has found most favour in the North American Provinces ; least favour in Australia, mainly peopled as she is by emigrants, whose only idea of the Church is that in which they were brought up at home. Between these extremes have always stood the bishops and people of New Zealand. They, like the Australians, are for the most part emigrants ; but they arc also almost all, in the popular sense of the words, High Churchmen; and while they probably share to some extent the feelings of their Australian neighbours, in opposition to the separatist tendencies of Mr. Cardwell's recent bill, their objec tions will be based on very different grounds from those put forward by the Metropolitan at Sydney, or by the Bishop of Melbourne. Happy is it, therefore, for our Church, that, in the new Bishop of Lichfield we have a colonist of all others the most capable to promote a satis factory settlement of the Colonial Church difficulty. The value of Bishop Selwyn's counsel in Parliament on all questions affecting New Zealand policy cannot be over rated, as well as on Colonial Church policy generally. Nor can we doubt that his work in the Black Country will h as successful as it has been in the Pacific. LAW AND POLICE. ---~-- TRANSFER OF SHARES.—The Lord unancellci 'nes has before him the case of Hawkins v. Maltby. It was an appeal from the decree of Vice-Chancellor Wood, who had dismissed the bill of the plaintiff, which he had presented under the following circumstances. It is the custom on the Stock Exchange for shares to be sold several times, passing through several hands, before the transfer is registered. The deed is then executed as from the original holders to the last buyer. In this case the plaintiff was the original holder of shares in the Imperial Credit Company, and after the shares had changed hands several times they came to the defendant on the 28th of March. In the meantime—on the 26th—a call of £5 was made on tho shares, and on the 31st of May another call was made. Notices of each of these calls were given to the defen dant, but they were disregarded ; and when the com pany was wound up the plaintiff paid the calls. The transfer had never been registered, and the plaintiff prayed that the defendant might be compelled to register it, to perform the agreement, to repay the plaintiff all past calls, &c. The Vice-Chancellor decided for the defendant, on the ground that when he bought he did not know of the call. The Lord Chancellor now affirmed that decree on another ground—that there was no proof of the contract of which specific performance was asked. SPORTING CASE.—The case of Southby v. Smith was an action to recover £25 deposited with the defendant as stakeholder for a certain foot-race. Plaintiff was to have run a race with one Rice, but a dispute ensued, and each party ran over the course. The jury now found that no race had been run, and returned a verdict for plaintiff ; damages, £25. ROBBERY OF A DIAMOND CROSS.—At the Middlesex Sessions, yesterday, a railway porter at the Victoria Station of the London and Brighton Railway was charged with stealing a valuable diamond cross. The prosecutor had a portmanteau, which was given half an hour before the train started to prisoner to label and put into the van. The next day prosecutor's wife, on opening the portman teau, discovered that a diamond cross which she had put there was missing. Eventually it was found to ha ve b een pawned by a woman who it was alleged was prisoner' s wife. This point, however, was not satisfactorily esta blished, and the jury acquitted the prisoner. STRANGE ACTION AGAINST A BANK.—An action against the City Bank, which occupied the Court of Queen's Bench during two days, was brought by one Ruddy to recover £3OO on a deposit receipt. The plaintiff made a deposit four years ago which collectively amounted to £99, as shewn on the credit slip, but a receipt was given to him for £399, and he declared that that was the amount he deposited. The bank denied having received more than £99. which they paid into court, and the suggestion was that the plaintiff, having discovered that a mistake had been made, resolved to turn it to his own advantage. The jury found a verdict for the bank without leaving the box. THE CHAMPIONSHIP. ,TOE Goss AN)? J OE WORMALD. - The match between these men for the champion's belt and £2OO a side has resulted in nothing as regards the trophy, but they, however, have staked £lO a side and drawn up articles to fight the first Tuesday in March (March 3) for £lOO a side, at catch weight, in the London district, and the next deposit of £5 a side falls due on or before Friday next.—Bell's Life. AN INTERNATIONAL WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIA TION. —At a meeting of the Birmingham Trades Council a report was brought up which explained the working of the International Working Men's Association. The objects as therein defined were briefly as follows :—The fraternal union of working men of different countries, to defeat the object of unscrupulous capitalists, who threaten to import the foreign workman when any attempt is made to improve the condition of the English one ; the develop ment of co-operation in the education of the people ; a reduction in the hours of labour, &c. The association is to be governed by an annual congress, the first to be held in London. To this congress the representatives of different countries will be sent. The report recommended the association to the Trades Council, and, after some slis _ Vis§ion, it WM M._loPtetil THE IRISH MONOMANIA. Last Saturday the Dublin Nation, Irishman, and Weekly News, bordered with black, came out with articles appealing to the passions of the Irish on the execution of the patriots at Manchester. Of these the most characteristic and forcible was the Nation's " Gone with a Vengeance." In it, with consider able literary ability, free expression is given to a hatred and malice carried to the verge of fanati cism. The English Government is denounced as framing and executing laws in aid of a detestable tyranny ; the people as hypocrites and liars ; the press as a disgrace to a Christian land, and all, including Judge and Jury, described as alike reeking and hissing with a fiery spirit of revenge. The glaring contradiction given to its diatribe by the impunity of its circulation will strike others—though perhaps not the writer. The spirit manifested, more concerns the English than such insane denunciations, which those who have inquired dispassionately know to be untrue. Recognising the animus, the real subject is to ascertain the cause, and, if possible, the remedy. If ever a strong in stance has been given of the sins of the fathers being visited on the children, it is supplied in this case. CROMWELL and WILLIAM 111. were great statesmen, yet they made the most fearful and irreparable blunders ever committed by English rulers. The injuries they were mainly instrumental in inflicting on Great Britain by the course taken towards Ireland is the root of the present evil. That they represented the policy of the period, to crush out of existence the Celtic race, makes the nation an accomplice in the crime, and is a reason why the retribution should be borne p itiently. In those days of wholesale spoliation, when the appeal of the Irish proprietor was answered by the brutal excla mation—" To h-11 or Connaught," the seeds of the bitter fruit were sown. Contemplating that period we are constrained to admit that great as is the punishment it is not undeserved. The life of a nation extends over centuries—of an individual over decades, and both reap what they sow ; but it is the misfortune of national crimes that the in heritance of woe descends to far-off generations. When the bleak hill-sides and bare rocks of mist-covered Connaught were thronged with the dispossessed fugitives—when the exiles were crowded in Cork, bidding an eternal farewell to their native land—it is strange that no statesman foresaw the fatal effects of a policy so cruel and injudicious. En every nation of Europe, Irishmen rose to fame ; and in every council where an Irishman sat, there was a bitter enemy of England. The Jacobite plots derived vitality from his undying aniniosity, and beneath every standard borne against the English the foremost soldier was a Celt. Great, however, as has been the injury thus inflicted on British interests in the Old World, it is trifling com pared with that wrought iu the New. The perse cuted and persecuting Puritan who founded the New England Settlements has been swamped by the people who owe to their fierce animosity the worst measures of legislation which have alienated the race. In proportion to the growth of the United States in populatian, the numbers of those increased whose strongest sentiment was a hatred to every thing English, handed down as an heir-loom from father to son till it passed into the hearts of genera tions who knew Ireland but as a name, and its his tory but as the tale of a distant country. So it came to pass that men enjoying an unequalled ma terial prosperity —with an unbounded liberty—have cherished as an inheritance this passion, and sacri ficed much to gratify an animosity against those of whom they know nothing except what books and tradition have told them. And thus, too, it happened that a party grew in the United States resisting external influences, till they became in the nation but not of it, having objects and aspirations not American, but Irish. To them the strength of the Great Republic was a matter of hope and of anticipation,, for they saw in it not the elevation of their adopted country, but the degrada tion of that they so detested. Ireland's miseries inspired the muse of their poets, the pen of their historians, the imagination of their novelists, till the talc circulated over the world, and shuddering genera tions had listened to the great crime which demanded so great a retribution. Wherever England has stood forth as the champion of nationality, a-A the protec tor of the oppressed, Ireland has been flung in her teeth. Everywhere the Irishman has settled— everywhere advanced, but, alike in prosperity or adversity, he has cherished this hatred even as his faith ; and there are those who allege that it has furnished the chief reason for the tenacity with which he has clung to his belief. A nation can no more afford to have a deadly enemy than an individual ; and it is England's greatest misfortune to have thus imbued a foe who have more spread themselves over the world than any family of the human race. Re cognising the danger, anxious to remedy the past misgovernment, desirous earnestly to conciliate, what course is England to pursue? Reforms are scouted, forbearance misconstrued, appeals to reason met by fierce invective and declamation. In vain Eng land points to equal laws and taxation, equ d repro sentation, and a full and patient hearing for any grievance. Every profession and branch of industry she asserts is alike open to all ; and more than a fair share of the places the country has to bestow, falls to the Irish. The question is met by fiery and seditious appeals to the prejudices of the populace. The orator deals freely with the past or with the future —with anything but the present. Reference is made to the days when Ireland was the school of Europe, and the people the most enlightened in the world. This fable is used to point the contrast when the hated Saxon appeared on the scene, and the ruin began. In vain they are recalled to the practical questions of the day, the present is vaulted over, and in the mind's eye the sun of liberty is seen dawning on the Emertild Isle, shining on an Irish Parliamentlegislating for an Irish Republic on Irish soil. It is time that this injurious agitation should cease—in the interest of the human race. England once persecuted Ireland, and Ireland has retaliated by a bitter persecution of England. Allowing that the latter does not as yet equal the former, let Ireland compound for the balance, and bring in a bill of grievances. It is worth England's while by any measures of concession short of the disruption of the United Kingdom to attain this end. Instead of shooting policemen, murdering informers, orga nising invasion, conspiring for rebellion, and keep ing the country in a perpetual turmoil, let both parties take stock of the matters in dispute and square accounts. If Penians refuse when invited, openly to come forward to discuss practical measures they assume this position :—They say to the Saxon, "Your forefathers have cruelly injured mine; the only remedy we will accept is to work on you, their descendants, the same ruin. If not benefiting our selves, we injure,you, and this is more agreeable. Though unable to raise a successful revolt, we can keep discontent alive until the accident happens by which we hope to precipitate the United states into a war with you. The world will be set in a blaze, and both nations vitally injured, but we will gain our object." In former days the Irish en deavoured to use France as they now desire to use the United States. It may not be gratifying to the great Republic to be regarded by a section of its own citizens as a mere tool for Irish vengeance, but this is the true issue of the agitation, and' unlesS the United States discountenances the insane movement, the nation can scarcely refrain from booming in volved in war. The errors of a former age may thus be repeated in this, and fresh crops of bitter ness be again swu broadcast to be reaped by coating generations. The persecution to which Ireland is subj, , cting England is producing a result which may hereafter lea Ito great trouble an I suffering. No people can patiently endure for ever, their laws violated, their motives misconstrued, their character slandered, their territory invaded, and the vengeance of another people threatened. The insane hatred will generate in those against whom it is directed as intense a dislike. If the wee of races begins, the weakest will most suffer ; and, even in Ireland, if those born on the soil were left to fight nut the question of the English connection, it would be found that the advocates of an Irish Re public had not even the strength to carry their own island against their opposing countrymen, without Englishmen moving baud or foot. If the Irish agitators would but come down from their tHE SUN, LONuON, SATURDAY EVENING-, DECEMBER 7, 1867. stilts, and, in a calm and judicial spirit, bring for ward their grievances, the present is peculiarly favourable to any just measure of reform. But should they continue this criminal agitation, they may generate among the persecuted people of Great Britain a dislike similar to their own ; and can any human being suppose, that anything but suffering to all, can spring from such vile feelings, cultivated with such a pertinacity as to strike unprejudicel persons as a monomania amounting to insanity ? Anglo-American Times. THE TEMPORAL SGVEREIGNTY OF THE POPE. The meeting held at St. James's Hall on 'Wed nesday, to express the sympathy of the Catholics of London with the Pope, was a great success. It was a success, in the first place, from the manner in which it was called together, for within the space of a few days no fewer than 11,000 signa tures of men were attached to the requisition invit ing the Archbishop of 'Westminster to convene the meeting. It was a success, secondly, owing to the numbers who filled every space of the large hall, and to the enthusiasm and earnestness which were visible and audible throughout the evening, at times reaching a pitch of excitement ever seenn except when earnest men are stirred to the depths of their hearts. It was a remarkable indication of the keennessof religious faith to observe how in that crowded meeting not a word could fall, not an allusion could be made to the spiritual interests involved in the Roman Question without at once being caught up and responded to with a quick ness and susceptibility which vouched, in an un mistakable manner, for the hold which religion had over the hearts of that vast multitude of eager men. Every such allusion struck a sympathetic chord. It was palpable to the eye of even a casual ob server that the meeting of Wednesday night was no ordinary meeting. It was totally different in character from a meeting which seeks to remove grievances or to obtain political rights. There was a deeper feeling than an ordinary occasion could possibly evoke, both in the speakers and the lis teners. Every one was thoroughly in earnest; every heart was full. It was evident that the lip in many a speaker restrained the words the tongue would utter. In many instances there was visible self-repression, which gave tenfold force to the well-weighed words and deliberate statements which exposed both the malice and the futility of the designs which evil men planned and unthink ing men approved of against the Papacy. The mention of the name of the Pope was like an electric shock. Every one in that large and densely crowded hall rose to his feet with a shout of enthusiasm and affection which reacted instantly, and produced another and another cheer. These outbursts of feeling seemed as if they were a relief to the pentup hearts of men ordinarily so self . restrained. The sight of so many men and women—though the latter were much fewer in number---standing up for two or three minutes together in the gal leries, in the middle of the hall, on the platform, waving hats and handkerchiefs whenever the name of the Pope was mentioned by a speaker, was a genuine and spontaneous tribute of that deep and sympathetic affection which is at this moment stirring the hearts of the whole Catholic world. Can any one else in the world claim such a devoted and loyal affection from so many millions of men in every region of the habitable globe ? Wherever the name of Pius IX. is known among the two hundred millions of his spiritual subjects, the same faith, the same loyalty, the same affection as that exhibited so enthusiastically in St. James's Hall, is felt and expressed. In every Catholic nation, in every Catholic race, in every tribe and nation of the whole world where Catholics are to be found, in that nation, tribe, and race, the vast majority of Catholics, so vast that the minority is too insignificant to be counted, is devoted, heart and soul, to the temporal sove reignty of the Pope. Every Catholic is pledged to defend the temporal sovereignty, because he knows—has ho not heard it from the infallible voice of Pius IX. himself ?—that it is necessary for the independence of the spiritual power. The minority in the Catholic world, as Mr. Wegg- Prosser observed with great justness, in his very effective speech, opposed to the temporal sove reignty of the Pope is a base and contemptible minority. Where this base and contemptible minority is to be found at its strongest at this mo ment, is in Italy—the Italy we mean of Mazzini and Garibaldi, and of Rattazzi and the Italian Government—the cowardly accomplice of the small and turbulent minority who, in Italy, seek the overthrow of the temporal sovereignty of the Pope. It would help discussion and lead to truth if the press, not only of England, but still more of Italy, would take a lesson from Colonel Vaughan and from Lord Denbigh, given with such a peculiar sense of its necessity at this moment, in plain speaking, in calling things by th e i r r i g ht names . The Times, commenting in a leading article on the meeting at St. James's Hall, says that Garibaldi is the idol of the multitude in Italy. The Times wishes it to be inferred that the vast majority of the twenty-two millions of Italians idolize Gari baldi, and abhor the Pope and his temporal sove reignty. Now, such a statement is either a per version of fact, or it is a calling of things by their wrong names. It is not true, as :a matter of fact, that either Mazzini and his Red Republic, or Gari baldi and his hordes of blaspheming priest-haters, or Victor Emmanuel and his bankrupt State, have a hold over the hearts and over the faith of any thing like a majority of the twenty-two millions of Italians. To begin with Venice, the latest of the territo rial acquisitions which Piedmont has made in Italy. Is Venice content with its new master, Victor Emmanuel? Does it idolize Garibaldi or worsh'p Mazzini? We have evidence to the contrary in a declaration most numerously signed by a very large number of the most respected and the most estimable citizens of Venice, in which they declare that before all the world and in the face of the European Powers they solemnly and formally revoke the vote of union with Italy under King Victor Emmanuel, which, without consideration, and under pressure of circumstances, was given on the 26th of October, 1866, and that they deeply regret having voluntarily delivered themselves up to a Government and to a dynasty which can protect neither the honour nor the interests of the coun try, which has led Italy on from humiliation to humiliation, from misfortune to misfortune, and cast the nation at last into the arms of ruin. They declare, finally, that thoughthey will not make use of revolutionary or violent means to free them selves from the oppressive yoke, yet they will gladly seize the first opportunity of seeking a better future under a Government better able to protect the honour and the interests of the country. The discontent in Venice is not confined to re spectable citizens in possession of the franchise, but is shown by the masses of the people in the demonstrations against the Government which are taking place in Belluno, Udine, Verona, Rovigo, and Padua. If Venice is disaffected against the Government of a united Italy, and casts a wistful eye back to the glory and freedom it enjoyed under its ancient republic, what is to be said of the dis content of Milan, Turin, Genoa, and Florence itself ? Do these cities pay willing homage to the Government of united Italy ? If so, whence the numerous arrests and the daily outbreak of insur rection ? The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies detests the foreign yoke of Piedmont. One portion is ready to call back its King, another to invoke Mazzini's socialist republic, whilst the large ma jority longs for peace and security, for a quiet life, for the restoration of decency, order, and of religious liberty. What, moreover, is lost to Victor Emmanuel is not all gain—as is too often taken for granted— to Garibaldi. Garibaldi, no more than Victor Emmanuel, no more than Mazzini, is lord and master over the hearts and souls of the real Catholic people of Italy. Garibaldi, the priest hater, the public blasphemer, the man who de scribes Pope Pius IX. as a " vampire," is an idol, in spite of the assertion of the Times, of but a base and contemptible minority in Italy. Take the Re- volution as personified in Garibaldi and Mazzin —does it number throughout the whole of Italy a million of adherents out of the twenty-two mil lions ?—does it number half a million? If the scum of the population, if the off-scourings of the cities follow the red flag of the anti-Christian Revolution, it is still but a base and contemptible minority of Catholic Italy. The meeting in St. James's Hall boldly pro claimed the unanimity of the Catholic world in favour of the temporal sovereignty of the Pope, and stigmatized as base and contemptible the minority who sided against him. Nowhere is this minority so large as in Italy; but, large as we grant it to be in contrast with the insignificant mino rities, if such even there ,he elsewhere, it is, after all, but a small and impious fraction of the Catholic people in Italy. In the Catholic meeting in St. James's Hall, as in the great meeting which preceded it in Dublin, under the presidency of Cardiial Cullen, and in the meeting of the Catholics of Germany at Mayence, which we report in another column, there is but one united and de termined declaration, that the Catholic world will never allow the overthrow of the temporal sove reignty of the Pope.— Westminster Gazette. THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Oa Wednesday last a summary of the PRESI DENT'S Message, forwarded from New York, on the 3d of December, was published in the London evening papers. The tone of this document is the best defence offered forlmpeachment. Mr. JOHNSON is a mere partisan, evidently wholly incapable of raising himself above cliques, and looking down from his elevated position with judgment and dignity on contending factions. Assuming REti- TEE'S telegram to be a fair summary, Mr. JOIIN •4i)N has, in effect, said to Congress—" It would have been easy but for you to have restored the Union ; your legislation has destroyed the chance, and the Union has ceased to exist, as our fathers understood it. Unless you reVerSe your policy, national bankruptcy will ensue, and should you attempt to impeach me, suspending or abolishing the functions of PRESIDENT, I will act as CROM WELL acted in England, and turn you all out.' This is the substance of what the PRESIDENT said to the Senate, not in any hasty or ill-considered speech, but the written result of cairn deliberation. We can only fully understand the position when we recall the fact that between this Congress and the PRESIDENT there has been a deadly war, maintained with unrelenting vigour on both sides, and with varying fortunes. The PRESIDENT has styled Congress a " Rump Parliament," and in one of hiS outrageous speeches openly threatened to kick them out of the Capitol, vetoing almost all their measure; of importance. Congress has appointed a committee to investigate charges on which to impeach the PRESI DENT, treated his messages with contempt, and over ridden his veto, forcing him to execute laws most ob noxious to his partisan spirit. The PRESIDENT, by his injudicious speeches, arrayed the good sense of the country against him. Congress, by its extreme views, has alienated the moderate men of the ruling party, and the country has emphatically pronounced two decisions—the one condemnatory of the PRESI DENT, the other condemnatory of the Legislature. [a censuring Mr. JOHNSON'S undignified violence the American people had no intention of unduly elevating Congress, and in defeating the Radicals the people had no intention of expressing approval of the PRESIDENT. Each branch, however, so in terprets the popular judgment. If the Legislature is checked, the PRESIDENT becomes rampant ; if the Executive be pulled up the Legislature flies into an extreme ; and the sorry spectacle is presented to the people of rulers in high places misrepresenting their intentions, their intelligence, and their patriotism. The late defeats received at the polls by the leaders of Congress have evidently encouraged the PRESI DENT to send to the great assembly that rules in the States, a censure and a threat. THADDEUS STEVENS is not the man, old and infirm though he be, quietly to receive such a message. Rumours have been circu'ating freely of the PRESIDENT'S in tention to strengthen the regular force at the capital, to supplement it with a militia, on whom he can rely, such as that of Maryland, and to place it un ler an able general, whose interpretation of the aieasures necessary to save the life of a nation he feels confident will be taken from himself. Colonel FORNEY, whose means of intelligence cannot be aenied, has uniformly and persistently attributed to the PRESIDENT the intention to coerce the Legis lature. Such rumours have, however, been received iu America with derision. The idea of Mr. JOHNSON, from the steps of the Capitol, proclaiming himself Dictator, with the representatives legally elected by the people, dispersed, or in gaol—has excited in the American mind, nothing but jeers. Nor could we have believed, except from the mouth of the PRESIDENT, that such an idea had even entered his mind. It is impossible to exagge rate the gravity of the meaning contained in the sentences in which Mr. JOHNSON expresses the duties of his office, to resist by force, unconstitu tional legislation. Nothing could be more uncon stitutional than the intention thus officially an nounced. He expressly states that he would take upon himself the powers delegated by the Constitu tion to the Supreme Court of interpreting the con stitutionality of an Act passed by Congress. All tyrants who seize on supreme power justify the action on the plea of the national welfare. In the United States, where machinery is in constant use for submitting questions to the people, and where the principle is in force that Government derives its only rights from the will of the people, such a declaration is peculiarly uncalled for and ob jectionable. Once before, Mr. JOHNSON openly stated that to his virtue and forbearance were hie the fact that he had not seized on supreme power. The danger of the position lies in the reckless daring and obstinacy displayed on both iides. Neither has the slightest intention of back ing as the President of the Senate exclaimed, " a d--d inch." We fear that Congress will take up the gauntlet thrown down by the PRESIDENT and dash it in his face. It is no wonder that the meet ing of the Legislative and Executive firebrands is dreaded by the nation, and the truth is becoming pain fully apparent to the American people that their in- Aitutionsplace representatives at the seat of Govern ment below instead of above the average intelligence and respectability of the country. It is evident when Mir. JOHNSON gets beyond the subjects in dispute between himself and Congress that he takes a more common-sense view of affairs. A return to specie payment as early as the principle O . fpolitical econo my will allow is the duty of the Government, as well as a sacred regard for the public faith iu deal ing with the National Debt. Then discussing the finances, he alludes to the treaty concluded with Denmark for the cession of the islands of St. Thomas and St. John. Regarding foreign affairs, ho speaks of the Alabama Claims as still unsettled. The reasons he gives are little in keeping with the despatches lately published, and Americans having all the documents before them can judge how far Mr. JOHNSON has been justified in de clining arbitration. A measure urged by him in his former Message is again advised—" that Con gress should declare that the naturalisation of a foreigner as a citizen of the United States ab solves the recipient from allegiance to the Sovereign of his native country." We cannot understand how the passage of a measure in Washington could affect the law iu Germany, France, and Great Britain. ['his may be mainly directed to favour Irish con spirators; but it will be chiefly felt by Prussia, :filmy of whose citizens return to their native coun try naturalised Americans, liable for conscription to serve in the Prussian army. The subject has already caused much difficulty to the American Minister at Berlin, and Prussia has hitherto, while maintain ing her right, waived much in deference to the Wash ington Government. Should such a law be passed a Prussian returning to Germany may demand the pro tection of the United States against the Sovereign who claims his allegiance. No such question is likely to arise with Great Britain, except as regards Feniam infringements of the law; but we cannot see, if Con gress adopted the advice of the PRESIDENT, how the United States could avoid complications with Prus sia, unless the Sovereign of that country accepted the measure as an international law. As now in terpreted even by American jurists ; the code eeta blished for the intercourse of nations is opposed to such a doctrine. If the question arose, the United States must appeal to it, and that appeal would be fatal to the pretension put forth by Mr. JOHNSON. So long as a citizen remains in the States he is prac tically absolved from such allegiance. If he returns to his native country he must abide by the laws of that country, which cannot be altered by legislation at Washington. Statesmen are bound, when con sidering such a subject, to weigh all contingencies, however remote. Prussia and France might argue that if we allow such a measure to be effective we may relieve a portion of our people from a burden some duty at the expense of the rest. For if by a short residence in America onr subjects areabsolved from their allegiance, and return with the rights of American citizenship, a large number may take this means to evade their military and other duties, and the United States, to encourage immigration, may fix the shortest period as qualifying for naturalisa tion. The feeling of the Prussian Government on this subject is of the highest importance, and •we presume that the American Minister at Berlin has been consulted.—Anglo-American Times. MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. I,' From the Anglo-American Times.) PARIS, Dec. 5. The Emperor has lost no time in redeeming his promise as to the evacuation of the Papal States by the French troops. The Intrepide and the Orenoque arrived at Toulon on the 29th of November, the foriner bringing back 3,500 men of the 69th and 29th of the line, the latter the cavalry. The Canada, the Mogador, the Tarn, and other vessels, are busily engaged in reconveying the remainder of the expeditionary corps. This rapid action has done much to tranquillise the feelings of the Italians, and remove their objections to the Con ference. Italy, however, still demands the pre liminary of a base for discussion, which shall hay e received the assent of the Papal authorities, as also that England, Prussia, and Russia be satisfied, and take part in the Conference. Austria promises an active, friendly mediation, principally with the view of extricating the Emperor Napoleon froin the em barrassment entailed upon him by the necessity of adhering to the terms of the Convention of the 15th of September. In the meantime, the Papal authorities are actively engaged in augmenting and organising their military forces. The Pontifical Zouaves will be increased to the number of 3,000, the battalion cf foreign Chasseurs to 2,000, and an additional 1,000 will be added to the Regiment of Antibes, all of which does not seem to imply the consent of the prince of the Catholic Church to such a basis of conference as might possibly involve the loss of his temporal sovereignty. It is reported by some of the French journals that the pro positions which . will be suggested to the Conference. (should it take place) by the Emperor of France will be of the same nature as those submitted some time ago by M. de Persigny in a pamphlet published by him upon the Roman question, and which, according to the Siecle, did not at the time meet with a favourabie reception either at Rome, Florence, or even Paris, so much so that M. Dhrouyu de Lhuys in criticising the pamphlet took care to remark that, although the views of the writer possessedexceeding clearness and perspicuity, they were in no respect official. The language, however, of the Siecle, it must be remembered, is that of the extreme Liberal party, and it would be highly unfair at this moment to prejudge, even in the slightest degree, the action of France, the more especially when, up to the pre sent time, the policy of the Emperor bears in every respect the stamp of honesty, and of a sincere desire to perpetuate the blessings of a general peace. That terrible instrument of punishment of the revolution—the guillotine—has been dressed during the last week in Paris for the execution of the ex butcher Avinain—another instance of those mon strous criminals, who, like Burke, Hare, or Dumol lard, appear from time to time as scourges of society. Scarcely in the long and black annals of crime has there appeared one who so coldly and carefully calculated his chances of gain and of dis covery whilst occupied with the perpetration of those atrocities, the details of which are already known to the world—scarcely one whose defence presented alike such unblushing effrontery or such curious sophistry. When interrogated with respect to the murder of Duguet —" It was fatality," replied the murderer ; " that was the cause, as well as in other instances. We had a discussion upon the purchase of his wag gon, which gradually became warm. Duguet, who was seated on the waggon, fell on the pavement in the act of aiming a kick at me. He was severely wounded. I carried him into the house, and, seeing the intensity of his sufferings, I finished him from humanity." The day after his condemnation, the 27th of October, his. advocate, Massoni, made him sign an appeal to the Court of Cassation, which, it is scarcely necessary to say, was rejected ; and, after being clad with the strait-waistcoat, which is the custom in France, he was placed in the condemned Hold at the prison M La Roquette. The demeanour of Avinain whilst awaiting the order for his execu tion did not differ much from that of other crimi nals in a similar position. A. few moments after six in the evening of the 28th several mounted horse men of the Garde de Paris left the Palace de Jus tice, bearing various despatches addressed to the Prefect of Police, the Colonel of the Gendarmerie of the Seine, the Commissary of Police of the Quar ter de la Roquette, to the Director of the Con demned Hold, and lastly to the executioner of important works, or Monsieur de Paris, as the French Jack Ketch is indiscriminately termed. It is diffieult in France to ascertain the exact period at which an execution will take place, the matter being' as much as possible kept secret, although it is known that a very early hour in the morning is usually selected for the purpose. Thus every morning, after the rejection of the pri soner's appeal, a large crowd stationed itself in the Place de la Roquette, in the hope of witnessing the last moments of the criminal. About one o'clock in the morning of the 29th a covered wag gon, painted black, and drawn by two horses of the same colour, made its appearance, conveying the various pieces forming the scaffold, and composing the instrument of death, the vehicle being accom panied by the two assistants of the executioner, and about a dozen of workmen. About two o'clock the sombre light of the torches, which illuminated the Place de la Roquette, showed the completion of the terrible preparations. At five in the morning several detachments of mounted gendarmes of the Seine, .of the infantry of the garde de Paris, and of policemen, commanded by the usual officers, arrived and formed a large circle around the guillotine, behind which an immense crowd ranged itself in silence and expectation. About this time the day broke, and the rod and black outline of the scaffold became distinctly visible. I noticed especially two panniers of an oval form, the one destined to receive the head, the other the body of the culprit. At this moment a man of tall stature and sallow complexion, having his grey hair cut short, appeared on the scaffold. This was Monsieur de Paris in person. He slowly and methodically examined the machine, finishing by drawing up to the top of the framework the scythe-like knife, after ascertaining by several experiments that it would slide easily into the grooves; after which he re-entered the prison. At , h elf-past six the chaplain and governor of the prison, the Chief of the Police of Surety,and the Commits iry of Police of the Quarter awoke the prisner to announce to him that his last hour was come. " I expected it," said he. "I die without regret ; it is the fault of the men who have done me so much evil." After taking the refreshment of a cake, and a couple of glasses of wine, the criminal accompanied the almoner to the prison chapel, where be rested a short time in prayer. After which he marched with a firm step to the apartment of the prison, where it is customary to undergo the operation of the " toilette ;" this, for the information of the reader, consists in cutting the back hair short, and removing or cut ting off such articles of apparel as might impede for an instant the action of the guillotine. The toilette finished, Avinain, having at his right the priest, and at his left the executioner, each holding him by an arm, advanced toward the principal gate of the prison, opening upon the place of execution. 05 the opening of the door, which at once confronted him with the scaffold and the assembled crow d, Avinain drew himself up and appeared to regard the guillotine with a strange and indescribable look ; he appeared, however, immediately to recover him self, and, on passing through the ranks of the so l ° diers who guarded the scaffold, " Adieu," said b e, " children of France !" Arrived at the foot of the steps, before ascending them the criminal kneeled down on one of the lowest with the chaplain, and, after having embraced, mounted the steps, supported by the executioner and his assistants. Arriving on the platform he again started at the view of the terrible knife, and appeared to make 3 movement as if to dissemble the emotion which be experienced. Then locking on the ground he began to laugh. "Never co►:fesi anything," said be , " never. It is the telling the truth which has brought me here." Scarcely a few seconds elapsed after this before Avinain had been strapped to the plank, which was pushed horizontally beneath th►e instrument of death, and as the clock of the prison tolled the last stroke of seven the head fell into the basket placed underneath to receive it. Th us perished one of the greatest 'criminals of modern 'times. The Emperor and the Imperial family have taken up their residence for the winter at the Palace 0f the Tuileries. The masked balls at the Opera will commence on the 23d inst. A translation of " Hamlet" 11 Dumas and M. Taul Meurice is announced for re' presentation at the Theatre de la Gaits,-and that, too, in verse. Alas ! poor Yorick, he little thought, indeed, what he would come to. It was bad enough to have his skull knocked about in his own ountrY; However, we shall see. The attempt is, at all events, another recognition of the mighty British genius, who bath never yet, and probably nev er will, be equalled as a master of the human he ar " , and human passions ; but " Hamlet" in verse is almost, I fear, equivalent to " Hamlet" with the principal character omitted. I observe that the Commission of the Uni versal Exposition has forwarded to the Bureau of Public Assistance the amount of the receipts of th, last three days of its existence, the total arnountl e r l to 176,000 francs—a piece of intelligence w hich brings me back to my unfinished critique upon W I American Section of the Fine Arts. In my last e instanced a few of what may be consideredtil; leading American artists in landscape painting , 1 1 there is many a name and many a landscape whiff the limits of my letter do not allow me to dese rt ' in full whose reputation is scarcely second to ther e I have noticed at length, am o ngs t w hich may reckoned the names of Cr o psey, Cole, Duran d, Gignoux, Gifford, &c., of all of whom America reason to be proud. Amongst portrait painters/Jr% excellence—that is to say, amongst those artists w' confine themselves literally to their subject, without , the admixture of historical or other general se jects—the names of Healy, Baker, and Hunt stil l) pre-eminent. As I have approached, however, tc f, near the proposed limits of my present letter is dilate upon this class, I will, with the reader's Per mission and sans faute, set out from this poin t 1 my next. at The postal contract with England was signe - id Berlin last Saturday, and a contract for a w ee o l a postal service was also concluded between the VII,'" States of America and the North German C°we deration. The Quaker City, after an excursion of 174 claY ll s6 o returned on the 19th November to New York. l er , tourists visited all the principal cities of the Med it e , ranean and of the Black Sea, and enjoyed an eg r , e rt able and instructive voyage with so little disce el ' c ' bo that we imagine next summer their example Wil l e a wore generally followed. Although cholera rat a in the basin of the Mediterranean during the P er the steamer was in these waters, yet the P aro. ' t escaped without serious sickness or accident, s tee p ' one to Colonel J. S. Holderman, of Harrish br° 70 Pennsylvania, ex-Minister to Sweden, who his leg when within three days' sail of New Yor k ; 0. The Springfield Republican states that " f ir 4. Lincoln has not yet done her most disgracefu l She has now under serious consideration a preff o ld tion from a party of showmen, to put up her tbo clu" iu a gift enterprise, while she goes throug h t• i country to deliver lectures and sell tickets fo r , The story seems too absurd to believe, even con cern s ing Mrs. Lincoln, but we have it from such a s ou r that we cannot doubt its truth." Those w hoa a t instrumental in bringing this disgrace on a g i re to name should be denounced and discountenance d of it is known that the lady is not in a sound stat e o f mind. Surely public opinion in the States i° o f sufficient power to suppress the greedy showmen who would make gain of such a Beau Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. 0. 20. australis and New Zealand, via Southampton..- De P it ea Ditto, via Marseilles ..••• Ditto, via Panama Dea l. iirazil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video l o°' 4 Ditto, by French packet Cape Vert's. by Brazil paeltet .....• . ....... ........... 1 1;C I4. 8 i .,,,, .2 . .Ape of Good Hope. Ascension. and St. Helena. • • .'"" 20 "ilia. Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton•• p c 14 .. Dec' Ditto, via Marseilles ••••• • • ...... vsed. ~ Falkland Islands ............. 1 1 ,. It libraltar. via Southampton ............. 1 , " ,i. India. via Southampton Dec' 0, 0. D es , 1 4 ' Ditto, via Mansell es - D ilalta, Egypt, ,Ste. Dec* Ditto, Marseilles Ilauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via 0 , , 4 Southampton . , D e s g Ditt ), Marseilles .Dec* - , ewfoundlate n , 4. Portugal ........................................ 'e Ditto, by p riv r le ship to Oporto ............•• Ditto titto to Lisbon .............. United States, Canada, California, &c., by British 1.1, De / k.acket Ditto, by L i ited states packet Ditto ditto 'New York) Ditto ditto New York) ........... . Ditto ditto (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet D' West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffo Wert Inoies and Pazilie 'except Mexico and Baha - Deo 1% , mas) Deg Cub i sad +lexioo ........... . .................. •• • • Dec• 1 2 . Batianas, via New York ......................... 1 9 ' Bermuda, via Halifax ' - [AnivEartsEamT.l—Holloway's Ointment nu " A , g fillo'<4 , Health at all Times.—Tho journey from infannY 1,016" beset with dangers from accidents or diseases, nOarvectior which may be remedied by the use of the excellent iil o o ll B ' meats discovered and manufactured by Professar which way. The pills cast out the countless impurities tor are constantly gaining admission into the stomachg t p i c i t 4 culation ; the ointment cools and soothes infl3ulliil.:e°- tendencies, disperses diseases of the skin, and 11e313 pet" tious, irrespective alike of their depth or duratinn'to or pills and ointment are carefully prepared vortbi 0 4 ' 1 tracts, uncontaminated by any mineral matter wh.;ittitiB", thousand evils which were engrafted on the COO S ' , ay ( ' oid e "' t' by mercury and antimony aro altogether AY ~, ttc s secondary illnesses are unknown after liolloviBY " moot.____....--- ....-- --- - 7 - - __------- A ilif Births. ,-, for" 0+ BLAGROVE —On the 3d inst., at Park Villas, tir,soilee, wife of Edward Blagrove, Esq ,of Magdalen 1) o f a daughter. ~,, Wi fe POCKLINGTON —On the 4th inst., at Dover, t' w e . Captain Pocklington, sth Fusilers, of a son. a „,,, ig ral PENNANT—On the sth inst., at 23, Ckapel-street, Pr': square, the Hon. Mrs. D. Pennant, of a daugb te , i pto, Marriages. A.ll S tt gr LITTLEPAGE—OwEN—On the 3d inst., at A - est Jo B Poplar, Charles Littlopage, Esq., to Site' el' %, rc li, ter of Joseph Owen, Esq., of Poplar, 4idie s° ,, G l' AD; SMITHIES--PORTER—On the 3d inst., at StA,lBll' o f i . , 0 Myddelton-square, Charles R. Smithies, DsVforte" chester, to Maria Hope, daughter of George Leads. a O l ' eaths. p. 0. 19 ilegt, Durtnnt—On the 22d an d 26th u lt., at M a lta, h* M. W. D., twin children of Captain Dunb ar ' Ck ment, aged 10 months. t Illdir ,4 , o f e l.' EDEN—Ou the 14th ult ,at A.hmedabad, IL'i r is t th a .t - Win. F. Eden, Madra . s Staff Corps, Ag° n " - od B ' . qiol e ' nor-General for the States of Rajpoatana, 8 g t, CO Der FEnousort—On the 4th inst., at Lowther Wel CO John Ferguson, Esq., J.P. for the county v 0, land, aged 74. Xort vjelil HART—On the 4th inst., at St. Giles'-street, 0 . Hart, aged 70. ct, ops l a ire ' HARDING—On the 28th ult., at Ludlow', , r 0 0 0 Harding, Esq., J.P., aged 83. .1 8 0 -ons bire ' ,1 013 SCOTT— 0 n the 3d inst., at Exmouth, D° to pg. It. Scott, late of Mark-lane, son of the' ' ~ Scott, minister of Dirleton, East Lothn. ______< „JO , ___ —.-- -----,,,. 00' Oh, London : Printed and Published by WILLIA;r mo ,,, Ha tf 47) of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN v t I ; 000" Strand in the Precinct of the Se vohl 111 • NithileNeX.—Saturday, DOCP/11ber 7, LW. 4F At Load° LUN Iligi Privat ORDER o 4 n ' e a, T~~ Thi ~~bli It i to me. Sol by tl: WholF R, oh, " Ki n -___ 11 - 14 R i Abv Freeh 'nay : diseou Atrx trinel -OA R , a,214 atelli en / Iv n . I),ty ss. :Pri, .ue lia --,-., Rt, come Sp retiol ~~ Al of Ai , of Rl'l ° Ai A' Thi dent ttku N o 1) " 1 2,-ne "u ti at, 4 corne ~ p Dr 44, tnt wah Th /I t 4 I Perk, ....2iB, Lvii 4 kt "sat, 9 -1 - ktne iltra, At a, t , e .. t. or, 1141 ~~ / i .4 EI 4Thiti z fe 4 0 7 _____ V . L ot , ~....! Be,, i di ;r l . l 13:,%4 ,Iteit 'ett E tnai, 1 1 0 t rui itud