The Sun. — London, England, 1867-07-17 00:00:00

Railway and Other Companies. OTTOMAN (SMYRNA TO AID IN.) A special general meeting of this company was held on Monday at the City Terminus Hotel, Cannon-street ; Sir Macdonald Stephenson in the chair. Mr. S. J. Cooke, the secretary, having read the notice convening the meeting, the heads of arrange ment agreed to by the committees of the first and second debenture holders and general creditors of the company for the application of the Government guarantee to the redemption of the first debentures and discharge of the floating debt were taken as read. The first and second debenture holders' com mittees recommended that the whole of the Govern ment guarantee, £12,000 and £lO,OOO, together £112,000, be apportioned as follows :-Ist, to the payment of interest on the first debentures (t 250,000) from May, 18(16, at the rate of 6 pa cent.; to the iayment of £7,390 on account of the floating debt (about £112,000) ; to payment on account of the principal sum due to the first debenture holders of the balance which might remain of the first guar antee of £72,000 a year ; to payment of £4,110 balance of the £11,500, the instalment of the float ing debt ; to payment of interest to the second de benture holders in accordance with the conditions of their bonds. The amount to be applied from time to time in the redemption of the first debentures was to be by drawings in the usual way. The result of the arrangement, if carried into effect and the gua rantee punctually paid, would be to redeem the principal of the first debentures in about five years, in the meantime to pay the interest on the second debentures out of the second guarantee of £40,000, and, eventually, an accumulated dividend to the shareholders. The CirAtemaN apologised for delaying the meeting later than the time appointed, in consequence of the board having had an interview with the Sultan and Grand Vizier, and he was glad to say it was satisfactory. He said it would be remembered that considerable difference of opinion had been expressed by some of the share holders as to the future application of the guaran teed interest, and as to the respective rights of the bond and shareholders. With a view to set this question at rest, it was agreed at a meeting of the two committees of bondholders with several of the principal shareholders, that a case should be pre pared embodying the views of all parties, and sub mitted for the opinion of the Attorney-General and Mr. Charles Clark. He would ask Mr. Rooper to read the opinion, and to afford any further infor mation required regarding it; only mentioning that when the directors recommended that the guarantee should be applied to discharge the debts and obliga tions incurred to complete the line, and thereby to utilise the previous expenditure, they did so on the grounds of its being the honest as well as the usual practice under all similar circumstances. This view had now received the authority of the Attorney- General and of another eminent counsel as to its being the strictly legal as well as the equitable appli cation of the funds; and, assuming the approval of the supplemental arrangement suggesting the pay ment of the share interest (pani passe with the re imbursement of the first bonds) out of the reserved £304,000, there could be no doubt that all the re quirements of the case would have been met as far as possible. If the endeavours of the board should be, as they hoped, successful in obtaining the early payment of the arrears, and some definite security for future regularity, there could be no reason why the company's property should not occupy its pro per position, and the bonds and shares attain their real and intrinsic value. Mr. ROOPER, the solicitor, said, in reference to obtaining the opinion of counsel, that the case had been prepared by the committee of the first and se cond bondholders, and by Mr. Fardell and Mr. Ten lon on the part of the shareholders, and by himself on the part of the company. The case had been . fairly, properly, and honestly drawn up ; all doubts, the proposed arrangement for the settlements with bondholders and other documents, were laid before the Attorney-General and Mr. Clark. He then explained the particulars of the case. The first guarantee was £72,000 a year for a capital of £1,200,000, which not being all raised they had to borrow £250,000 on the first debentures issued to carry on the works. and the Ottoman Government had duly authorised their issue. Further capital was required to complete the line, and a further guaran tee of £40,000 a year was granted by the Ottoman Government for the additional capital, and upon which the second issue of debentures was based The produce of the latter debentures and the float ing debt had enabled them to finish the line, and thus to secure the guarantee. The proceedings of the board had been legally carried out, and every thing had been done on a fair and honest prin ciple, and could not be disturbed. The Attorney- General and Mr. Clark treated the first mortgage in every respect as a good one, and in their opinion the proposed arrangement constituted a proper ap propriation of the £72,000 a year as between the shareholders and first debenture holders ; that the proposed arrangement was one that a court of equity would uphold, and it was greatly for the interest of all parties that litigation should be avoided, and that all parties should be prepared to meet differences that might arise by moderation and mutual concessions. The CHAIRMAN said they had only to see whether the shareholders would come into that arrangement. 11e concluded by moving that the heads of agree ment be approved, and that the following clause be added thereto :—" As the first debentures are paid off, a like amount of the £301,000 reserved bonds will be released, and certificates will be issued rate ably to the shareholders for the amounts so from time to time released on account of their dividends, past and current ; such certificates to bear interest at 6 per cent., and the interest to be payable out of the subvention of £72,000 a year next after pay ment of the contributio❑ towards the floating debt." Mr. A. DEVAUX seconded the motion. Mr. E. J. lIERAPATII suggested that the directors should have power to buy up the first debenture bonds in the market, as well as to pay them off at par value. This would be no injury to the bond holders, while the price of the bonds being only about 50 per cent., the company would be in a posi tion to effect economically the sinking fund of the debentures, and it would make a vast difference to the shareholders. The CHAIRMAN said that the suggestion by Mr. Herapath was very important, if they could carry it oat. Mr. ROOPER said it was quite in accordance with his views, and could be adopted if the bondholders would assent to it. Mr. Monuis, on the part of the bondholders, said the matter had been so long under discussion, they bad been asked for so many concessions, and as the matter was so far settled it would he unwise to re open the question. The debentures were held in large amounts, the holders could combine, and the advantage would be so small that it would not be worth the trouble. Mr. TEBAY said he should be glad to sell his bonds at 70, and so would many others that he knew. Mr. KI3IBER hoped they would not lose sight of the main question, for if the guarantee were regu larly paid there would, in his opinion, be money enough for them all. • The CHAIRMAN hoped they would be unanimous. Ile then put the motion to the meeting, and it was carried unanimously amid cheers. The adjourned ordinary meeting was then held. tr. E. J. lIERAPATIE called the attention of the board to an article in the Levant Herald, in which it was stated that the third-class fares on the rail way were. injuriously high, being 13s. sd. for 100 miles run, a fare calculate 1 to dry up the traffic, especially in Turkey. Ile thought it temarkable that the traffic receipts were so low, the line having on it several important places. The CHAIRMAN said so soon as the present ques tions were settled the directors would specially de vote themselves to the development of the traffic,. The report and statement of accounts were then unanimously adopted. Su: M. Stephenson, who retired by rotation, was re-elected, and also the retiring auditors, Mr. Smith and Mr. lklorgan, with an allowance of £l5 15s. each per annum. The CHAIIMAN h oed they would now consider all differences settled, and would act together in fu ture for the mutual benefit of all. The interview with which the Board had been favoured by the Sultan was in all respects satisfactory, and the di rectors hoped and believed the interests of the com pany would be benefited by it. The proceedings concluded with a vote of thanks to the chairman. WEST CORK. In the account of the proceedings of the meeting of this company which appeared in The Sun of Mon day it was stated that Mr. Sharkey, the solicitor, said that the company had in their possession paper representing £139 to recoup themselves for over payment, or to pay the contractors any balance which on a final settlement might appear to be due to them; the £139 should have been £139,000. SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH. A special general meeting of this company was held yesterday at the London Tavern ; Sir .T. Car michael in the chair. Mr. S. M. Clare, the secretary, having read the notice convening the meeting, The CHAIRMAN said the object of the meeting was to authorise the directors to lay down a new line of telegraphic communication between England and Belgium, in accordance with the convention entered into with the Belgian Government on the 6th of November, 1861 ; and for this purpose they proposed to raise a further sum of £35,000 in addition to the present capital of £265,000, making together £300,000. The £35,000 was to be issued as a 7 per cent. preference stock ; and if in any year the profits applicable for dividend should be in sufficient to pay the full dividend of 7 per cent., the deficiency would be paid out of the profits of any subsequent year. The stock would be offered pro rata to the shareholders at the rate of £lOO for £9O in cash, payable in three instalments on allot ment, and in September and November. A sum not exceeding £1,250 half-yearly was to be set aside out of the reserve fund to pay off the £35,000 stock at par, by half-yearly drawings. He explained that the new communication would be a great ad vantage to the company, for whenever the Ostend cable was broken the company's direct c)mmunica tion with Germany and the northern part of Europe was suspended ; the traffic lost to the company thereby was estimated at not less than from £3,000 to £4,000 a year. In consideration of the liberal terms granted by the Belgian Government, in con cert with the Prussian Government, the directors had agreed to lay down the intended cable as soon as practicable. The Prussian Government had un dertaken to give a direct wire to the Belgian fron tier, from Hamburg, Berlin, and Frankfort, with the best known insulation, and to devote' those wires to the use of the company, so that a direct and instantaneous communication between London and each of those cities might be established. The cost of a cable having four conducting wires would not exceed £30,000, and if the receipts were increased by no more than the £3,000 or £4,000 a year now annually lost, it would afford a good dividend upon the new capital. A further increase of traffic might reasonably be expected from the direct wires with Berlin and the other places. In Belgium there was a uniform rate of about sd. per message, and he believed it was the most advanced State i❑ Europe in that respect. He concluded by moving a formal resolution authorising the issue of the preference stock on the terms and for the purpose stated. Mr. MAXWELL seconded the motion, which, after a short discussion, was unanimously adopted ; and a vote of thanks to the chairman and directors concluded the proceedings. A NETT' SYSTEM OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. Mr. MOSES B. Buss, of Pittston, Maine, has in vented a decimal scale of weights, measures, and currency, which has been favourably considered by the Legislature of his State. He chums for his proposed plan a general superiority over that of France, insomuch that it secures the advantages of the mAi ic system, with the additional re commendation of a decimal calculation, involv ing no very violent change in existing usage, being grounded on the measure used by the people from time immemorial. In discussing this system, the Springfield Republican very clearly shows that it has not the advantages claimed for it by its author, while it disputes the utility of adhering to the ancient custom. If a nation attempts a change so material as the alteration of its weights and measures it should substitute not only the best, but the best without regard to the magnitude of the revolution forced on the domestic calculation of every household of the country. No nation should attempt this, except in consultation with others, the object being not merely to simplify the system, but to make it universal. Adopt no half measures, no patching expedient ; but if you throw the people out of joint by an alteration, which all will feel at once —do so radically, and secure a result worth having. What the British weights and measures sprang from is, as we lately observed, sufficiently indicated by the nomencla ture. They arose from the rudest expedients—the standards each man carried with him, in his own person. The commercial and scientific progress of England necessitated its linear unit to be exactly defined, and savans accomplished this. Given a pendulum vibrating seconds in the latitude of Greenwich, moving in vacuo at the level of the sea, at the temperature of 62 deg. Fah. ; and the yard is to that as 36 is to 39.1393. That is the English idea of the linear unit which requires the tested measure to be brought to London—a given tem perature, a given level, a space in vacuum, and an exact measure of time. This is what comes of ad hering to the expedients handed down to us from barbarians. The French linear measure has an in variable natural unit in the metre, which is one forty-millionth part of the circumference of the earth, determined by measurement and computation. It is but natural that mankind should adopt the unit f the grandest line on earth, and bring it into uni versal application as the test of all measure of length. In maintaining the English yard in preference to the French metre Mr. BLISS is in error, and the advantage it undoubtedly has, having been used from time im memorial by the people, is outweighed by the dis advantage inherent in the unit itself, being a section of nothing, for which even science failed in esta blishing a clear and easily obtained definition. Al though he rejects the French measure in favour of that in universal use by the Anglo-Saxon race, he adopts the metric nomenclature in forming his deci mal table, substituting yards for metres, as fol- weights and measures. The French plan has been I in operation for 70 years, and is obtaining general adoption, which it is desirable, unless something better be soon discovered, may become universal, though it has the disadvantage of not being deci mal. We may now look for a full report from the Commission lately sitting in Paris. That the United States will throw the whole force of its influence into the scale with France we believe to be nearly certain ; but whether the preponderat ing numbers, whether the dictates of common sense, whether the expediency of the change, will not be outweighed in England by the leaden weight of British prejudice and detestation of change, are questions time wily can solve. Eventually England must give way if France and the United States cordially act together, but the struggle will be long, and the necessity paramount, ere JOIIN BULL abandons the time-honoured customs of his painted progenitors. We know that he does not run about now in ochre, with a wild beast's skin around his loins, and a club in his hand. We know that he is never seen in the typical dress in which he is always arrayed on the French stage, though w e suppose he must once have been dressed in that fashion ; and from these changes we argue, that it is possible to introduce a measure of utility which may sweep away even time-honoured custom. It is not from the commercial community, that the opposition may be expected, but from the lower classes. The man who has mastered the English system by a great strain on his intellectual capacity will feel himself defrauded of a hardly-gained knowledge if that system be abolished, and hewill see in the change but a renewed call on the already exhausted intellectual capacity. If the good man resists this—what will be the action of the housewife? Is she who has calculated to a fraction the value per yard of everything she requires to be thrown back to a worse position than that of a school girl who has, at least, not a great deal to unlearn before she recommences her tables of weights and measures? No ; let the people begin to comprehend eren that such an idea is entertained, and an indignant howl will be heard all over the land. Among the measures of bulk we are sur prised that there was no entry of a " mouth." Probably our ancestors found it impossible to strike an average in " capacity," and substituted some thing else. But JOIIN BULL is still content to open his mouth and shut his eyes, and to take what his mother gives him. Ile does not care to inquire what it is, or whether something more palatable, more nutritious, and easy of digestion might be substi tuted. It is thus that the BULLS have been fed from a time beyond memory and record, and it is pro bable that the BULLS will continue so to be fed until they open their eyes on a changed world, in which they will stand isolated in their cumbrous, un equal,atlhl e other ev j. anie s n h d a v i e n e a te h d d i e e n h t e d c , u s a t o s m u s nsu w it h ed ich to isation of the age.—Anylo-American Times. LOUIS VEUILLOT'S FOURTH LETTER FROM ROME. Three or four times a day I have desired to de scribe Rome to you —or, rather, it is a constant desire. At this moment it attracts me more than ever, and yet I give it up. Where am Ito com mence?—with the sun, the place, or people ? _ _ Everything is different, everything is beautiful, everything entrances. The shortest journey in this city is a voyage across history in the fourquarters of the globe. Here we see living and comming ling the past, the present, and the future ; nay, the future still more than all the rest. This is the grand reservoir whence the future flows and spreads itself over the human race. We are con vinced of it, however little we may be able to see and understand it. The destinies of the world are centred here, now and for ever. I will explain it in two words to DI. Taine, who alleges that Rome " feels death." In Rome there are things for which men die; I believe that M. rlaine can understand that. If he does not understand it, he is more untrue to his intelligence even than I had thought. Listen to this little history of an early morning: —I went out about seven o'clock, and I entered a church near my lodging. A hundred Masses had already been said in that church. In Rome, at this moment, about ten thousand Masses are cele brated every morning; and where is the corner of the earth which does not furnish its contribution to this focus, to this vulcano of incense, for there is scarcely a diocese or mission which has not sent here its bishop or some one of its priests, to him who is the universal bishop and priest ; or, as the Bishop of Tulle has said, " the veritable prince of the public soul"—an expression which Cicero used, with far less reason, to describe the Roman Senate. After Mass I went to visit some bishops. Al the end of two or three hours I had seen French, German, Hungarian, English, and Swiss bishops, missionaries from America and Asia, writers, doe tors, orators, above all apostles. I know things about Japan which the Tycoon and his ambassa dor do not know. In making these journeys I have passed over different quarters of Rome, and met in my passage the accumulated memories of more than two thousand years of history ; I passed before the Chamber of the Conclave where Pius IX. was elected; before the Palace of the Quirinal where ho was prisoner; before the Column of Trajan surmounted by the statue of St. Peter ; before the Pantheon of Agrippa ; at the foot of the Column of Antonine ; I entered the fine Convent of the Minerva, transformed into soldier's quarters during the French protectorate now rehabilitated, restored to its peace and to its dignity, purged of the odour of the barrack, and preserving nothing of this unhappy epoch save some traces of the military spirit on the frescoes of the cloister—painful evidences which the charity of the monks would without doubt gladly efface. My visits over, I made the round of the Ca pitol. One of its galleries is filled with busts of the Emperors from Julius Caesar to Julian the Apostate, the historic interest of which is in comparable. There we read, there we under stand, there we feel, 'Roman history, and there it is that we read what vice and pride can write on the human countenance. The most revolting face of this Museum is that of Julian the Apos tate ; it is more impudent than Caligula, who says —" I have one quality—my impudence ;" more cruel even than Nero turned into a beast ; more vacant in its calculated carelessness than the insufferable Lucius Verus. To what strange illu sions have not some of our yielded who have a weakness for this abominitble Triasotin. in whom they have chosen it see a first instalment of the reconcilers of the Church with modern so ciety. Julian is not the type of the erring man who goes astray, and, with a remnant of good faith, seeks after truth. He is the learned imposter of our epoch, who studies in order not to know, who does not wish to know in order not to believe—who does not wish to believe in order not to obey. The fool took it into his head to destroy Christianity, knowing of no other means within his reach of achieving something great. This is clearly written on his vulgar countenance, full of stupid self-satisfaction. The Julian of our day is a poli tical economist, a philosopher, a writer in the Revue des deux-Mondes, and, not to name anybody, the writers, he et is p a o b i o it u iv t to ies . e7 H tc o r h I s a s r s c o us h Aurelius, now e l i de sysof the its w th Sciences,e suffrage rulerr Morales, of of al that l\'' assembly. wtiem Adr libe electedase In the Capitol is the magnifice nt stat ue o f t h e a dying Gladiator. H r e m i o s n w w o h u i n o d h e h d o ; shupephoartss him self upon the earth ; the . self is still bent; he is about t o stret c h himself in the dust ; iron crooks will soon bite his p al p itatin g body, and drag him out of the arennao,rdneirie to train t i r f a h in e is not quite dead, some novice, i his hand, will put an end to him. In this face there is an expression of dying pain, which makes the heart bleed. We see the scene, we hear the cries of the people applaudi ng this graceful death, and cheering the skilful s t ro k e o f th e c o n queror. This was the civilization w hi c h J u li an w i s h e d t o resus citate, the games which Marcus Aurelius, although disapproving of them tolerated for the amusement of Commodus. This civilization was eminently favourable to the sculptor ; we have lovers of the beautiful who regret it and speak of restoring it. You cannot imagine how one despises these foolish dreamers when one considers them from the height of the Capitol. The first of their kind in modern times was Gibbon, the coarse, ill-condi tioned Englishman, who professed also, like Julian, to put away the Christ. And Gibbon had con ceived this idea in the Capitol—a place fearful to many weak brains whom the touch of holy water heals no more. Perhaps he learned out of that same window, in the sala of the Gladiator, whence we see, at one coup (rail, the arch of Septimus Sevens, of Titus, the Palatine, the Campanile of St. Frances of Rome, the Colosseum, fUrther on the Baths of Titus, and on the left Santa Maria Maggiore, and other monuments 'and other ruins. What a picture, what history, and what beauties ! Gibbon was indignant at seeing monks on the Triumphal .Way. The revolution is come—has pushed at different times even to the gates of the Eternal City the wave of its purifying armies ; Gibbon is dead in fear thereof ; the monks arc still ever here. The Forum is their favourite walk. I met just now two of the Frati of the Ara Cceli : their con vent is on the summit of the Capitol. They are scarcely distinguisable in appearance from other monks. The same habit of coarse cloth—the same sandals on their feet. One of them is profoundly versed in ecclesiastical sciences, and this com prises philosophy and history and more too ; the other is a learned annalist of his order, an exact historian, and an excellent writer. If they found themselves face to face with our eagles of high or low flight, how they would look down on these monks, yet how embarrassed they would be to keep up conversation with them. Though walking along the Sacred Way, in the fashion of people who feel themselves at home, the monks are not taken up with worldly matters. They are not as alarmed as is imagined. They say they have always something to do, and that after all, the worst times in which Christians have to live are not those in which they have to combat, to suffer, or to die for the truth. They have faith in the stability of the Vatican. They are of those who believe that if the Vatican fall, its ruins will roll over the whole world, overthrowing thrones, institutions, peoples—everywhere stoning the human race. But in their opinion the :world is not yet ripe for this; forjthat which flows from the Vatican—from the Rock set up by Jesus Christ—is the fountain of living and fertilizing waters of Truth, and the axe intended to destroy this Rock even causes the waters of life to issue forth. FRIDAY. I left you yesterday to make my rounds. It is a fine thing for me to boast that I am no stranger in Rome—that I have seen everything: For do I not let myself be tempted and sally forth again ? Our priests set me the example of not fearing the midday heats. They are to be met everywhere— in cabs, in omnibuses ; the greater number how ever on foot, saying their breviary in the heat of the sun, in order not to lose an instant. They are robust pioneers —a race of iron, accustomed to bear the heat of the day. From morning till night all the churches are filled by these vigorous pilgrims. They serve one another at Mass. You see old priests, with - white heads and bent shoulders, serving as acolytes to some young confrere, and few sights are more touching. I was much touched this morning, and passed one of the happy moments of my life. I was in St. Peter's, hearing Mass in the chapel of the Souls of Purgatory, which contains the beautiful Pietd of Michael Angelo, when all of a sudden the chant of the Te Delon resounded, coming, as it seemed to me, from the very roof of the Basilica. When Mass was over, I went there and found the chapel of the Blessed Virgin decorated in an unusual manner and enclosed. I learned that the chair of St. Peter had just been placed in the chapel. It had been removed from the reliquary above the altar in the apse, where it is commonly preserved. The re moval took place under the superintendence of the dean of the Sacred College. The chair, placed on a tressel, had been borne processionally by four deacons and four priests ; four archbishops held the cords. as soon as the chapel was open to the public, and, I had the good fortune to be the first to enter, as usual, our dear abbes were not wanting. I will not try to tell you what I felt. If it were neces sary to explain myself I should never succeed in making you understand. Dispense, then, with my description. You will soon have what you want, for the photographers and engravers are already at work. The chair is a great arm-chair, of wood, inlaid with several planks of ivory. From this dead wood has germinated, among other things the vastest and the richest basilica of the world. This wood is the material substance of the greatest thing in the world. This is the throne_ this the Chair of Truth —this the Holy See— inlaid wood, no doubt, but on this inlaid seat is seated the man to whom it was said : Tu es Petrus. Seated there, Peter has repeated the sublime commissions which the commission of Christ be stowed upon him. In ordering that the chair of St. Peter should be exposed to the v enerati on of the faithful, the Holy Father desire d that i t should be guarded by w ho number in their ranks sons o f It is from Pius IX. him se lf th a t v ivid and cha rm i ng, come, and ample scope. Of R ome an t ta h illl e etsle Z l e o i u nd a ae v tai e so s , n , ss.o ha i s iem said, " 'here beauty ri ses i n t o grandeur, oe a here grandeur mingles t poet has tom Italiane affordsp with beauty." Among the Zouaves on guard, I remarked that several wore the medal of the wounded of Castel fidardo. They were there, arms in their hands, victorious in that place of honour —a fine image of those who wished to fight and fall for invincible justice. SATURDAY. The festival commenced yesterday at mid-day at the sound of the bells, and was carried on without hsuornpeasisseadc,euatomed interruption till the end of the Mass, which is not yet finished. Yesterday evening the entire city was illuminated with a profusion and a joyous brilliancy of which our political atmospheres furnish scarcely a a n m to example,told, moreover, as I here. To this religious demonstration politics bring their contingent; in honouring St:l:Peter to see the Romans honour their Ki n - . 4: when they recite the Credo they proclaim their constitution ; and ev e n and tha that whichhwhich when they make an act of faith they intend as well-to make an act of national life. It was enough to walk in the streets of Rome yesterday, what ever the Roman Committee may say, to understand at once that the Romalls have no desire to see their majestic city abdicate its rank as capital of the world to become capital of Italy. This morning I saw the Pope enter the Basilica, preceded by nearly five hundred bishops. If you reflect on what has been done, and what has been said in the world every day, andceasing for without a century, to prevent this, you will have an idea of the power, which an array of four thousand men, or of four millions of men will not give you, even were these four millions of' men furnished with the most perfect artillery. But the array we are speaking of are armed with a crozier; they say "Pax," and their sword is a light, for they know they can have no other enemies than the darkness. Nevertheless, when Napoleon said to one of his diplomatists, "Treat the Pope as if he had two hun dred men," he was not so deep and so profound a calculator as he believed. It is clear the Pope is something more. We do not speak of God and his Providence, for we shall make the men of intellect shudder who do not admit those hypotheses, and who desire positive arguments. But the Pope has, at least, on his side, time and the human con science. Of this, I believe he gives to-day ample proof. When I shall have returned I will endea vour to learn at what sum of physical force these abiding advantages may be estimated. I make no doubt that Monsieur de Girardin will be able to tell me. The exterior illumination of the Basilica sur passes all that can be imagined. It seems as if a . firmament of st ars h a d been brought beneath this roof, elevated, as it were , to contain a mystery more grand--a work more beautiful. In the midst of the great nave was suspended an im mense lustre, h av i ng the form o f a reversed cross, crowned with th e ti ara an d th e keys. It was the chief star of th a t h eaven , ma d e by the hand of man. It illumined and commented on a descrip tion which deserved to remain. On the upper ledge, at the spring of the arch, was written the Gospel of St. Peter's day :—" Respondens Simon Petrus, dixit. Tu es Christus Filius !)ei vivis. Respondens autem Jesus, dixit ei. Beatus es Simon.." Farewell, dear friends. Let us take comfort of all things. Jesus and Peter are living. They watch, and they will not permit the destruction of the eternal Bethlehem—•the house of that bread which nourishes the world.— Univers. CLASSES IN POLITICS. It is because society reproduces itself that his tory reproinces itself. Immediately after the plague in the year 1348 when half the inhabitants of Eng land had been swept away, a revolution occurred in the relations of employers and employed. The people were then Mainly engaged in agriculture, and, as there was a great breadth of land, and few hands to cultivate it, the soil fell into the possession of the working men. What happened in England then was in a small degree what happened to the section of English society, which the Canterbury Association undertook to remove from Great Bri tain to New Zealand, and maintain there in their relative positions as a settlement. No matter how enlightened and highly civilised the community may be, the simple laws of nature prevail, for no theo ries of political economy, no efforts of force can prevent all from finding their true level in the new order of things. But though the change of circum stances, undoes at once the long process of building up that society into its artificial position, yet from the moment it is located on the new soil, the process re commences. In due course the grand or great grand children of the emigrants will begin to find them selves forced into the same classes and struc ture of society as that their forefathers carried to the colony, and which there fell to pieces. In the most Eastern States of America it is be coming forcibly apparent that society is assum ing the structure of the most civilised of the oldest European nations. Wealth, and a popula tion daily growing denser, are working out the problem which many true Republicans see with dismay and disgust. The genuine Americans of these Eastern States, whom poverty prevents from assuming a station above the of polloi, scorning to occupy a position of inferiority and dependence, abandon their own old homes to seek a new and more congenial field in the West. The vacancies are supplied by immigrants, who readily take the place the Yankees scorned, and thus the new order of things moves more rapidly to its completion, and the change that is coming over the society in these States is all the more speedily accomplished. It would be absurd to suppose that the owners of wealth are likely to forego one of the greatest pleasures that wealth confers. However Republi can the individual may be in sentiment, the class will assert all the superiority conceded, will exercise all the power the command of money gives, and ass sumo as high a social position as the community will allow. if the poorer of the native Americans, im bued with the spirit of equality they have inherited, abandon the field, the main check will be removed which keeps their more fortunate countrymen in their proper places as citizens of a Republic. But the pressure of the incoming flow from Europe being felt beneath, its sure effect will be to push the wealthy up. The measure of equality conceded to the new corners is something considerably in ex cess of what they have been accustomed to in their native countries, and they, feeling the gain, are little inclined to dispute the assertion of their wealthy neighbours. The consequence is that so ciety is daily getting more and more marked in its different grades, and old Massachusetts families are assuming almost the pride and arrogance of English territorial magnates. A few years hence we will have every shade of society represented under the " Stars and Stripes." From Massachusetts to Oregon the traveller will before long pass from a community differing scarcely at all from the most densely peopled districts of England to the wildest settlements, where a man's main reliance is in a quick eye and a good rifle. Each stage from East to West will be a stage if not from a higher to a lower civilisation, at any rate from an older to a newer one. It will be a descent from wealth and refinement to rough and primitive habits —from art and learn ing to scalps and bowie knives --from the vices in separable from dense masses to the more pure atmo sphere of the forest and prairie. There cannot be a community of f ee li ng among men placed i n suc h widely dissimilar circumstances, and al rea d y there are symptoms of th e boly politic splitting into classes. This is noticed in the Nation in an article in which it speaks of three of its issue June 27th , such claases—workmen, versus capital ; th e I rish, an imperium in imperio ; and that just forming negroes. Each of th ese has an object distinct frothem and wholly independent of any national ques tions. The fir s t h as made► itself felt i n t h e eight-hour agitation. This was owing to the action of a powerful body, who supportedaw thethe party promising m os t , i n regulating by l relations between e mp l oyer and employed. These voters, were in no degree whatever influenced by the great national issues, such as Reconstructi on, t h e Suffrage, the Tariff an d Currency, or the Foreign po licy of the country. Th at they have been defrauded by the measure carri e d out under their p ressure proves nothing ex cep t their gullibility, whi c h i n itself shows the danger of such tools in the hands of scheming and unprinciple 1 politicians. The panacea for this is education and that only, which w ill prevent such a delusion being again entertained, that working men could profit as much by 8 as by 1 10 hours' labour, or that the law can by any means regulate market value. Of the second party the Nation takes the same view as that already expressed by us. The forma tion of such a party as the Fenians is termed the worst and the most dangerous of all. Their object is defined as to "keep alive among Irish settlers the feeling that they belong to a separate nationality, and have, and ought to have, hopes, aims, and in terests apart from the rest of the community, the main value of American citizenship being that it affords aid or impunity for the organisation on . American soil, of hostile expeditions against a foreign Power. To mark the character of the organisation, too, still more distinctly, the form of a political party has been thrown aside, and that of a separate political society assumed, with an executive head, a legislature, administrative bureau, an army, a treasury, and machinery for raising revenue." The Nation goes on to state that such an organisa tion would soon perishof its own folly and absurdity, if met with calm good sense, which it has not been, and is not likely to be. The Nation sees the danger of such an organisation not to the country against whom it is directed, but to that by which it is har boured and sustained. " They already, in all parts of the country in which they are to be found in large numbers, are able to secure practical impunity for almost any crime." The scheme adopted by a considerable body of Radicals of forming a distinct negro party in the South is heartily condemned by this leading organ of the party whose views are always national in their breadth, and never hampered by any partisan sentiments when national measures are discussed. The advocates of confiscating the white man's lands for the benefit of the negro, have a determined opponent in this able journal. The results of such measures are exposed, and they are too plainly told in history, not to be readily open to the strongest condemnation for folly and inexpediency. If the teaching should not be defeated by the good sense of the negroes " the black party would be formed, andall three bent on the promotion of their own inte rests at whatever cost, putting their votes up to sale at every great election, and leading ambitious poli ticians into follies of which the worst exploits of the great political deceivers of the present day afford but a very imperfect idea." But we may fairly hope that the good sense of the American people will not permit the nation to be made the mere tool of such' organisations. When the necessity is generally recognised, the Americans have a habit of accom plishing their ends by very determined measures. When they say a thing has to be put through, they mean to do it, and it is then almost as good as done ; and although national decisions may be weakened by the growing separation of classes, there is, and always will be, so long as the nation remains a Re public, a vast energy in its national action. The .Nation is right in exposing and setting its face against classes in politics.- Anglo-American Times. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOITRNALS. TlMES.—History does not record whether Cas sandra upon the capture of Troy recapitulated all her former vaticinations in one final prediction of common ruin to Greeks and Trojans alike. If she did, however, she could scarcely have employed lan guage more eloquent with indignation and despair than is embodied in Mr. Lowe's speech on the third reading of the Reform Bill. No one, it must be admitted, has so well earned the right to acquit his own soul of the evil that he apprehends. Whether any good object is served by. denouncing that which has become inevitable, and whether it wts well to mar by reproaches, however just, the effect of so great a measure, passing without a division, are questions into which it is needless to enter. At all events, Mr. Lowe is the only eminent member of Parliament who could have done so with any ap proach to consistency. His fears are certainly not the fears of passing vexation and resentment, but the result of a deliberate conviction avowed on many occasions during the past two years. When he tells us that " we are now closing an era of permanent stability and mutual confidence," that we shall soon " be surrounded by a perpetual whirl of change and revolution," and that we have embraced a principle which " contains the germs of endless agitation," he does but reiterate in other phrases the warning. of last Session that, by abandoning the £lO line, we launch ourselves on that fatal slope which leads to the abyss of democracy. Now, if all this should come to pass, the counse l s of Mr. Lowe will assuredly be quoted hereafter, as the protests of Burke and others against the taxation of America are now quoted, in condemnation of the Parliament and people by whom they were unheeded. We are bound, therefore, to ask ourselves why these coun sels have been rejected by statesmen of all parties, and whether, upon a calm review of the struggle, we are prepared to abide by the issue. The first and strongest reasons for rejecting Mr. Lowe's counsels is, that, if closely examined, they arc found to repose on more than one fallacy. lb is a fallacy to say that such a bill as has now passed the House of Commons " regards all citizens, however different they may be in other respects, as in the main alike." It would be more accurate to say that it is grounded on, and justified by, the very contrary presumption—the presumption that equality of voting power does not constitute, and cannot produce, equality of political influence. All representative systems, and not only all representa tive sy stems, but all Governments, are dependent for their very existence on the natural advantages of property and education over poverty and ignorance. Those advantages are vastly enhanced in this country by historical tradition, by natural charac ter, and by the political capacity as well as by the unbounded leisure of our highest classes. No con trivance whatever could place an educated and an uneducated man on the same level for the purpose of swaying opinion, or throw our schools and our press into the hands of persons like Jack Cade ; still less could it choke the legitimate power of our natural aristocracy. The enfranchisement of some hundred thousand artisans and labourers does not, then, affirm or establish their equality in respect of " weight in the State " with great landowners and merchants ; it only gives them equality at the polling booth, where experience shows the ascendancy of wealth to be only too potent. Such an extension of the suffrage may be supported either by considerations of justice or by considerations of expediency. It has actually been supported upon both these grounds, and Mr. Lowe is not entitled to contend that it repre sents " the principle of a right existing in the in dividual as opposed to general expediency." No one on either side of the house has advocated this Reform Bill on principles of abstract right. On the other hand, all have recognised, what no one but Mr. Lowe denies, the moral claim of so me cl asses heretofore excluded to a share in representa tion, and have at least professed to believe that a satisfaction of this claim would conduce to "general expediency." Mr. Lowe may fairly challenge the opinion of his opponents on this last point, but he cannot fairly charge them with ignoring it. There are few Reformers, however earnest and about t o without oaupot powerful change sanguine, w ho affect to regard so great a e er aree we er m ft e il as f u er r e e e of know th at misdirected force, whether p h ys i ca l or into a e n x x i t e y nc e , l a V ned m oral, is a destructive agency. Those who aspire to lead the thought and guide the action of this nation most, and doubtless will, realise a new sense of responsibility; nor will questions hitherto neglected fail to force themselves upon public atten tion. We cannot read the future, but we have faith enough in the patriotism and wisdom of our countrymen to smile at the dismal horoscope of national destiny which Mr. Lowe has cast for us. Mr. Disraeli's comment upon it was not wholly undeserved, for Mr. Lowe hints, not very obscurely, that, when the revolution is once accomplished, it may be the duty of those who have most strenuously resisted it to become " revolution isles du lendentain," and hurry on a revolutionary policy. " You com pel us," he says, " from the necessity we must feel to do the best for our country, in the great peril to which you have brought us, to adopt principles which, while our Constitution remained as it was, we should have shrunk from." The substitution of a "second elected Chamber" for the House of Lords, the abridgment of the period for which Par liament is elected, the appointment of an elective Prime Minister not responsible to the House of Commons, the subdivision of legislative power by the creation of " local bodies," the introduction of the elective principle into the army—are described by him as compensatory innovations which, though in themselves mischievous, will then become rela tively expedient. " The example of America will become of necessity our model." Yet no one has exposed more eloquently or forcibly than Mr. Lowe himself the absurdity of any mysterious necessity decreed "by the fates and the destinies iu some dark tribunal in which they sit together to regulate the future of nations." Ile cannot mean that such consequences as he forebodes will be developed from Household Suffrage.by the operation of any im mutable law, and he does not attempt to show in what manner the good of the Commonwealth would be promoted by them. Then, why should he apparently sanction them beforehand as the just Nemesis of Reform? THE " WESTMINSTER. GAZETTE" ON MEXICO AND SHEFFlELD.—Barbarism and Civilization, as repre sented respectively in Mexico and Sheffield, are at this moment arraigned before God and man. On both alike blood-guiltiness lies. The murder of Maximilian and assassination on system as pursued at Sheffield are types of the crimes committed by barbarous nations living under no law, human or divine, and by nations where material civilization is practically divorced from religion. We do not mean to say that Mexico, though guilty of a na tional crime which has attached an indelible dis grace to the country, has thrown off every law, human and divine, or that civilization in England, on account of the Sheffield outrages, is a civilization without God. B u t we do believe that vindictive ness, blood-thirstiness, disregard of the sanctity of human life, are types of: barbaric nature, not dimly shadowed, but too visibly traced in the course of recent events in Mexico. And we believe, not in Sheffield only, nor in England, but in the whole of Christendom, modern civilization is tending towards that state of things in which the world was before the introduction of Christianity —civilization with out God. Broadhead is the result of that modern civilization which, in the interests of society itself, Pius IX. has so often and so emphatically con demned, as Juarez is the product of a society in which first Divine, and then human laws have long been trampled under foot. Juarez, let Victor Em manuel remember, began a career which has already resulted in a crime that has outraged the moral sense of the world by persecuting the Church, plun dering its property, and defying the Pope. If Mexico, which must henceforth be accounted, as far as it is represented by the revolutionary party, as a semi -barbarous nation, has sinned in Juarez, modern civilization has sinned in Broadhead. Broadhead is more than a type of a class—he is the embodiment of the idea which lies at the bot tom of modern civilization. Material interests, progress in arts and knowledge which advance the temporal welfare of man—the purely human side or aspect of life—this world, in a word, and not the next are the objects which men live for, labour for, and which, under one form or another, they worship. The object of such a worship is to them a reality , which God is not. The end of such a life is tan gible ; it stirs the blood, it lights the imagination, it nerves the will to endure labour, disappointment and self-denial with a patience bordering on the heroic —often an earthly martyrdom for an earthly object. The deliberate and wholesale murders which have just been committed in Sheffield, in the in terest of the trade unions, are an illustration, in its most exaggerated form, it is true, of this spirit of the age this absorption of all interests in one paramount pursuit. It is not so much the merging of higher interests and ideas in lower; the sacrifice, under stress of temptation, of principle to passion, which is common to every age, as the utter oblite ration of higher principles of action, and the com plete, not subordination even, but substitution of one end of life for another. The Sheffield outrages reveal a most complete unconsciousness in their perpetrators of moral guilt. In their minds another sense has taken the place of the moral sense, and not in the minds of the perpetrators only, for the manner in which the details of these awful crimes were listened to in the Sheffield courts betrays a state of mind which constitutes in reality a com mon guilt. It is not the actual murderers only who are guilty of murder. Broadhead is not an excep tional monster of cold-blooded cruelty and hypo crisy. He is, in a sense, the product of the place and of the system. He represents ideas and prin ciples. He was not moved to blood-guiltiness so much by individual passion as by a common prin ciple, recognised and accepted in the system under which he acted. He is looked upon, in some sort, as a martyr to the cause for the furtherance of which he had no scruple to organize a system which necessarily culminated in wholesale murder. Whence comes this state of mind—this way of looking at murder, when, for the good of the trade union, it was thought necessary to order secret as sassination ? It is clear that, consciously or un consciously, Broadhead has taken counsel of modern civilisation, and carried out its remotest sugges tions with relentless logic. To his mind the supreme object of life was to further the interest of his trade union. To attain this end nothing was criminal ; everything that conflicted with this end in himself or others was to be given up ; every obstacle that stood in the way removed, no matter at what cost ; and murder, at best, was a painful necessity—but still a necessity. Thus he put in a concrete form the principles of modern civilization, as he under stood them. His interpretation of these principles may have been extreme, but, at any rate, his system of morality has not shocked his fellow trade unionists in the degree that it must have done had not they, also, put a like interpretation on public principles of morality. How are such ideas en gendered in the minds of men like Broadhead and the rest of the Sheffield murderers? Have they not some foundation in the teaching of modern civilisa tion ? Is it notithe tendency of modern civilization to teach, although perhaps not consciously, that the chief object of man's life is to promote the material welfare of mankind ; to spread knowledge so as to remove as much as possible the obstacles which stand in the way of more universal enjoyment; and to look, on the one hand, for a reward for such labours in the consciousness cf such motives, and to the self-satisfaction which they ought to inspire ; and, on the other, to an increase in the comforts and luxuries of life? But thislis to make humanity, and not God, the object of life, and self-satisfaction the motive of man's acts, and material enjoyment his reward. But to put aside the supernatural sanctions of morality and supernatural motives and rewards, is at once to decline on a lower level of morality, to substitute private judgment—the opi nion of the individual as to what constitutes crime —in the place of the Divine Will—the Eteinal Goodness. The too possible result of such a civili zation would be the multiplication of men like Broadhead and the Sheffield murderers—the rising up of cities, fall over Christendom, like Sheffield. Were the code of morality of the trade unionists to spread, in the course of the next century, all over Europe, the anarchy and barbarism of irreligious and revolutionary Mexico would be the too certain result. How often has not Pius IX. warned Chris tendom of a civilization which, by severing itself from Christian principles in all public acts of We/ has practically made religion a stranger and an out, cast where it ought to have reigned a king priest? In witnessing the ill effects of such a code of morality as obtains in Sheffield, and in listening in horror to the details of the blood-thirsty vin dictiveness which revolutionary and barbaric Moja°, has exhibited, England, in spite of the fearf ul strides which of late years it has been making to" wards rationalism, would do well to [ponder oil 5 system, which, not in Mexico or in Sheffield on ; IYI but in Italy, in France and in Austria makes 113 ' theory humanity and not God its object of worshiPj reason not revelation, its sole guide ; and not virtu' but material enjoyment its supreme aim. lows : 10 milliyards equ i al to 1 1 deciyard. centiya rd. 10 centiyards , 10 deciyards " 1 yard. 10 yards I , 1 dekayard. 10 dekayards " 1 hectoyard. " 10 hectoyards 1 kiloyard. 1 myriayard. it 10 kiloyards lalinda po s a it u n d il s ar fo w r a gr y ahmes.estßabulitshoes gougahllhoensreftoarinlistrtehse, name, his system alters the measure, and thus he forces on the people the radical change, without giving them the full benefit of the well-defined unit from which to start. The Springfield Republi can says intelligent people concede that " the sys tem at present in use is unnatural, complicated, in convenient, reducible with difficulty to the denomi nations of other nations with which we have deal ings through custom-houses ;in short, having no thing in its favour, except that the people have got used to it. It is neither decimal nor duodecimal, it has no common units, it begins nowhere and ends at the same place, and can only be describel as an arbitrary, haphazard, straggling set of tables, convenient only for cheating. A great many people think with Congress that the substitution in place of this crazy system, or rather want of system, of the simple, decimal, metric system of the French, would be a vast national and individual gain. This system, as a suitable one for us, finds powerful advocates outside of Congress, particularly in SAMUEL B. RUGGLES, of New York, who is our foremost man in all such matters." The XXXIX. Congress recommended and legalised the use of the French metric system at its first Session, which it was empowered to do in the Bth section of the Ist Article of the Consti tution, which enables it to fix, the standard of COUNTRY MARKETS. BRISTOL—T UESDAY. Under the influence of broken weather our market Wag more lively to-day. English wheat brought 6d and in some' instances is per quarter advance on former prices. B, ley Gd dearer. Other articles unchanged. LEEDS—TUESDAY. The corn market to-day had a fair attendance, an d fresh, wheats are scarce ; what are offered meet a good dem3n," at is above th e p r i ces o f l as t w ee k. Barley nominal. I n oats and beans no alteration. MELTON MOWBRAY.—T lIESDAY. A scanty supply of wheat, which sold at a little jo l " provement on last week. Other articles unchanged. White wheat, 68s t o 74 s ; red, 59s to 68s per 36 s tout ; Barley for ma lti ng, 40 s to 52s per qr ; feed, 32s to 38s Pe 30 stone. Oats o ld , 30 $ to 34 5; new, 26 s t o 32 s per 2 4 s t, Beans, old, 52s to 51s; new, 45s to 50s per qr. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. We had a fair attendance of th e t own an d co untry tra ns ct at our market to-day, and a decid e dly i mprove d tone w n f apparent. Wheat was in active requ es t, a t an a dvance " t 2d to 3d per 1001 b on the week. Flour m e t w i t h a trade, at an advance of is per sack. Oats and oatmeal 11l fair demand at full prices. Barley was difficult to we' r with at extreme rates. Beaus and peas advanced 1 5 P e t _ qr., with a good demand. Indian corn i n m ore reque s " and a fair business was done, but the turn lower. SHEFFIELD—TuESDAY. There was a more active business transacted to-Los 1 the corn trade, but only a slender attendance. . wheats were in favour at is per three bushels advanFe ' samples from . the Soath advanced 6d per qr. Grinding barley scarce, and 2s dearer. Harvest prospects are y ell encouraging. Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....2lB Od to 289:O nd i White do do ....26s Od 2 95 v „i New red do do ....Ws Od 218 u'd New white do do ....23s 6d F,, 50 Od Beans do do ....lOs Od w; 415 ,,,,t Peas, per qr Grinding oat ley, per qr 3.5 s Od 3i o `,',d Malting barley, c o Oats, do 27s Od 3 1 e " F10ur....2s ld to 2i 8d per 141 b. MARKET HARBOROUGH.—TUESDAY. B o oms a The supply of wheat was scarce, with a fair demsn brought rather more m one y. Scarcely any barley. a healthy inquiry. Old white vhe to 67s Pf r 56 ,d, 62 .. .A 3 wheat, 67s to 72s ; new re( ..,zs to - - R O st. stone. Barley, fine, Ws ; other kinds, 23s to 36s pe r " c id, Oats, new, 26s to 355; old, 34s to 35s per qr. Beans , 46s to 535; new, 42s to 47s per qr. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. ~„ 20. Australia and Now Zealand, via Southampton d Li' , J . July Ditto, via Alaraeillee Ditto, via Panama . ''' 5• Brazil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video Aug . . Ditto, by French packet .. July 7 0- • Cape Verds. by Brazil packet .... Aut,' Gape of Good Hope. Ascension. anti St. Helena.... July ,0 • China, Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton...Tull' .". Ditto, via Marseilles. . • • 00000 Ju l Y i ' Faikland Islands JulY j 3. Gibraltar, via Southampton . JulY _ . , 20 ; India, via Southampton, JulY Ditto, via Marseil es JuIY 13. Malta, Egypt, .to. .. ......... ... July Li. Ditto, Marseilles Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via on. Southampton . JOY JOY 14 ' Ditto, via Marsei les JulY 11. Newfoundland Portugal Aug' Ditto, by private ship to Oporto Ditto ditto to Lisbon United States, Canada, California, &c., by British packet July I/. Ditto, by United States packet . Ditto ditto (New York. D:tto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet Jul)" 12 ' West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe, JuIY 11. West Indies and Pacific (except Mexico and Baha- 1 .6. mas) . JulY Cuba and Mexico July 29 5. Bahamas, via New York JOY' Bermuda, via ditto ' . JOY 31. , 4 From Cricket-bill, th e hi ghest and perhar" tit, healthiest point of C onway, F rankl i n county, t W ", ~ i l e e three steeples are visibl e , an d w i th an instrument theba of day as marked by the clock of Amherst College told. Births. th e ADZSLIE—On the 14th inst , at Ramornie, Fifesbire, wife of Ainslie D. Ainslie;Esq., of a son. co loo el Sxtrwrru—On the 14th inst , the wife of Lieut.- Skipwith, 11.-p., late Depot . Battalion, of a sou. ~„toso SUDLEY—On the 15th inst , at 46, Park-street, Sudley, of a daughter. Marriages. NORFOLK —BYRNE—On the 13th inst at St. Malys o Catholic Church, Westminster, Ernest Walteri„ s ;„, ° ll o° ' Wm. J. Norfolk, Esq., of St. George's-square , to Ellea Elizab e th, e ld es t d aug ht er o f John Byro' of Worcester-street, Pimlico. Org ° WILKINSON—ROBINSON—On the 13th inst., at St. ,, , e ra gte Hanover-square, Henry Wilkinson, Esq., of W r ' 3 l„to 3.1 " House, Ealing, to Mary, eldest daughter of the Robinson, Esq., of Kilburn Priory. Deaths. 5 Coe f CARSTAIRS7-On the 15th inst., at West Port 1 1011- r T r or• Fife, Wm. Carst a i rs , E sq, l a t e I n dian k oi t i CUNDY—On the 15th inst., at Bromley-comm on ' t Cundy, Esq., of 13, Ch es t er - s q uare , a ged 77. wig" Lococx —On the 14th inst., at Binstead, Isle of Amelia, wife of Sir Ch ar l es Locock, Bart. isjorl f i j MAcDOuGALL—On the 15th inst. a t a t Fir Grov.e'ocog Brixton, Captain J. P. Macdougall, late of the Staff Corps, D.L. for the county of Surrey. MACKRELL—On the 13th inst., Joseph Mackrell, Collingbourne Kingston, Wilts, aged 67. - 11 01d° RANKING—On the 14th inst., at Widmer, Robert '- Esq., formerly of Hastings, aged 83. of pil OVi r s . SI London Printed and Published by WILLIA'" 10 . ; of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN °ac e ,' „ A V/ - Strand, in the Precinct of the Sv voy, in the Li' Ricic llos 4 ,l 6--Weciwatlay, July 17,1667. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 17, 1867.