The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-08 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION the House will forgive me, as it is a subject that does not come before the House in its ordinary course of business — one on which no direct motion can be made, as it is going on silently and without necessity for more legislation—per haps the House will permit me to make some statements upon the subject. The first I wish to call the attention of the House to is drawn up from the Reports of the Stipendiary Magistrates and other authorities in the West Indies. The first statement in, that the sugar crops are unfavourable—that is fir 1839—they state that the crop is below the average, but they went on to point out the eagerness of the negroes to possess cottages and gardens. I desired the Governor to give an account of the number of negroes who have attained some property. His answer was that the freeholders under forty acres in 1838 was 2,014; in 1840 the number amounted to 7,848, showing an increase of 5,834.—(L0ud cheers.) That state ment is highly satisfactory, and as I wish to encourage foreign nations to follow our example, I am glad to make it, for nothing can be more encouraging than to show that the people are not only sensible of the blessing conferred upon them, but are doing their utmost to show they appreciate it. The labourers are allowed the use of a cottage, and a quarter of an acre of land, rent free. They work under verbal arrangement, at one shilling per day for eight hours. la Antigua there are various independent villages created, as the hest mode in which they can have a little independent property of their own, and at the same time be induced to hire out their labour. In British Guiana some very extraordinary measures have taken place. No less than 20,000/. has been given for an estate, by a number of negroes combined together for that purpose. There have been other similar instances. In a letter from a person of great respectability, named Chandler, a member of the Society of Friends, it is stated that in Jamaica the wages are Is. 6d. per day, that there are 90,000 labourers working five days in the week at Is., and that one million and a quarter is paid annually in wages to the labourers alone.—( Cheers.) He also stated that the labourers do not work bard, they dress hand somely, and send their children to school, build chapels at their own expense, support many poor, and do works of mercy.—(Cheers.) Then making a statement with respect to marriage, the number of marriages under slavery was as 29 to 34; but marriag e is now considered honour able, and in the island of Jamaica, during the last ten years, the number of marriages has been four times greater in proportion to the population than in England. Such is the statement with regard to the condition of the negroes in Jamaica ; and with regard to other colonies, I have received from various persons the most gratifying accounts. Now, with respect to the argu ments to be deduced from this condition, I would beg the House to consider whether this condition of the negro does depend, and is entirely depending, on the very high arid excessive price of sugar? I have often asked gentlemen who have complained to me of the want of labour, why higher wages were not offered, and they have told me that if higher wages were offered it would only give the men at once the means of becoming independent, and 'elapse into habits of idleness. Such are the cOeternents made by those who wish to promote emigration, but with regard to the condition of the negro, if you admit for ign sugar at a duty of 365., is there any reason to suppose that the people of Jamaica will not go on increasing in comfort, and ob taining sufficient wages for the labour they perform, and that they will not continue to be as well off as any population can possibly be ? Because, I must say, that although I rejoice, as we all must rejoice, in this termi nation of slavery, and this comfort of our people in the West Indie-, I do not think it is incumbent upon us thus to influence the production of sugar, which, as far as it appear.; to me, is not necessary to the comfort and well being of the people of Jamaica; while it exposes to severe privation the people of this country. Having given them freedom,—having enabled them to earn wages,— baying given teem a good measure of justice,—we are not justified in giving our attention exclusively to them, while the people of this country are suffering the greatest priva tions.—( Hear, hear.) lam told of the condition of the people of Jimaica,—of their extreme comfort, their en joyment of the comforts of life, and their comfortable dress. I will now give you a statement made by a medical gen tleman with regard to the town of Bolton. (The Noble Lord then read the statement. It stated that 195,0001. less was pail for food last year than in the pre vious years, and 130,0001. less was paid for wages; that there were 1,125 houses untenanted ; that the shopkeepers were almost ruined, and the people generally in the greatest state of eistresa. In one case 17 persons were crowded into one small direelliag. The out-door relief paid last year amounted to nearly thy ee times the amount paid in 1830.) Besides that account, Sir, there arc ac counts from Manchester and other manufacturing town., where the people can hardly obtain the wages necessary for supporting themselves and their families—.( Hear, hear)-- and there are fears that the trade, at present languishing, may be still further reduced.—( Hear, hear.) I ask you, Gentlemen, as the representatives of the people of Eng land—( Cheers)—with all your humane feelings for the people of the West Indies—(Cheers)—not to be so misled by your feelings as to force the people of this country— ( Very great cheering)—as to force the people of this country, I say, to refuse themselves the articles most es sential to their moderate and temperate diet.--(Much cheering.) Do not force them to make such sacrifices for the sake of the people of the West Indies with whom those unfortunate men of Bolton and Manchester would willingly change places.—( Loud cheers on both sides of the House.) We are, Sir, I consider, in a great, in a very great crisis, as regards manufactures.—(Cheers.) Whether it be owing to the increase cf manufactures in Germany, in Sweden, and in France—or whether it be owing to the disposition of the Uni ed States to impose still greater re strictions upon the importation of our manufactures—or whether it is owing to the approaching expiration of our commercial to ;vies with foreign nations, 1 will not pre tend to say. I will not say which of all these may be the greatest, or whether they may not be all of them in some proportion combined.—( Hear, hea-.) Be it as it may, Sir, there is at all events a great danger—l say a very great danger—of a large portion, a very large por tion, of your population being reduced to a condition so far from the enjoyment of crdtnary luxuries, that they may be obliged in very great numbers to seek relief as paupers. —( Cheers.) What I ask you is, that you will give to them legitimate and praiseworthy means of maintaining Shemselves.—( Renewed cheering.) We find every day that the people of this country are deserting intemperate babes, and resorting to the use of tea and coffee and sugar as a wears of comfort.—( Hear, hear.) I say encourage that feeling—.( Loud chers)—and do not tell again the poor labourer that it shall be this year as it was the last, that the poor man shall go into the grocer's shop, and ask the price of sugar, and that having heard what that price is, be shall turn away because he has not the power of purchasing it.—( Cheers and counter chess.) That has been the case, be it observed, under your present law. You may tell me of the expectations and pro mises of merchants, and planters, and Colonial clubs-_ ( Cheers and laughter) —but suppose these promises should fail—( Haar, hear)—anParliament, on the faith of those should retain these duti'ff, , in the course of next Autumn you will have your labouring population suf fering the same privations to which they were expteted during the last year, and forced Ito submit to the want of the same necessary. But I am told that sup posing there should be no sufficient supply from the West Indies, yet the East Indies are now engaged in a vast manufacture of sugar, and !hit a large capital has been sent out to the East Indies for that purpose. It is possible if you choose to continue your system of restriction, that the sugar planters in the West Indies may find themselves defeated and ousted of their monopoly, not by a compe tition with the foreigner, with a duty of 365. but with the East Indies with a duty of 245. That you may perhaps find the case eventually, but then you will have created an enormous monopoly, a, monopoly not extending over a few islands, and conficed to A certain number of planters in the West Indies, who may be retained under the control of Parliament, but a monopoly, backed by a distinct Government, and which will be supported not only by all those mere immediately concerned in the upholding it, but by the whole force of the East India Company, and all those connected with its Government.—( Cheers.) And depend upon, it you will then have to consider another qu est i on , if sugar is, to be entirely the production of a monopoly in t'ae East Indies, not, certainly, a new question, but a question of the greatest difficulty, and ono which I never bear men tioned without a feeling of apprehension on the subject. You will have to consider the question as regards the labouring population of the East. (Cheers.) The labourers receive three half-pence a day each as wages , a nd whets they were brought to Demerara you found they were acc ustomed to be forced to labou r b y the Infliction of corporal punishment. You will fi n d i n dealing with this quest i o n that you will have to deal not with a mere simple system o f slavery, as you had in the We s t I n di es , b ut with the whole relations and complicate state of society hi the East Indies. You will have it as a question how far yeu are justified in giving the advantage as against free labour in the West Indies. Therefore, whatever the immediate advantage of it may be, I fear that legislati o n w hi c h contem plates that the West Indies alone should furnish the whole, of this production. The Noble Lord ( Sandon) has prop jsed, ie stating his objectic ns to this measure, that this state meat be adopted--That it is not the wish o f this House to say that this country ought to a d Ana foreign sugar. He does not say that sla ve-lab ou r Ato he prohi bited, or that the productions o! it are nrh etr to be intro duced into this country ; but he says, " That, considering the efforts and sacrifices which - P. P:rliament and the country have made fur the abolition. 'of the slave trade and slavery, with the earnest hope th et t h e ir exertion and ex empt. might l ea d to its I final exti nc tion in other count r i es , this h ouse ' prospects r with the pre sent 4 not prepared, especta British possessions." ee the supply of sugar from the well understand... e e, ..einisterial cheers.) Now, I could feeling—l could .ugh I think it is a mistaken science w hi c h . well understand that scruple of con slave-grown induces a man, who has a horror o f grown . articles, to say wi:l not consume slave 4. whew , ,agar—let it b e for e let us, Bus price , take free-grown su .er may be its ar• ever pro g . the Noble Lord sat s no such %nee , s.) He says, " With th thing.—(Ministerial e Present prospect of the supply of sugar from the British .possessions " this 4-lothe is not prepared to do— w h at? Why, toadopt the ;measure of her Majesty's Government.—(ceee„.) Now 'I can understand that perfectly well. The resolution leaves the Noble Lord perfectly open t o say,' With a dimi nithed prospect of supply—seeing my hopes are frustrated, *nd that I was mistaken about that colonial supply, I now propose Foflle measure which is not the measure of her .1114je.ty'A Government. It is the measure of a Govern. anent gone by, and which we repeatedly defeated upon Abet question. Now that there is not such a good pros. pert, we will a d m i t s larr-grown sugar.--(Mi n i ster i al cheers.) There is not a word in the resolution of the 7th May, 1841, w hi c h would prevent our adopt ing this new measure, with other prospects more favourable." The Noble Lord's resolution may be, indeed, a right one for him to move, but a resolution prohibiting the introduction of slave-grown sugar, would be a very dif ferent one. This resolution is one which, I say, Sir, is totally unfit to ho proposed before you leave the chair, and • which the House, with regard to the former part of the resolution, that we are to Consider “- the efforts and saeri ices .which the . Pediment and the country made fOr ti-e abolition of slavery, in the hope that they might lead to the total extinction of those evils in other countries." Does that mean that whatever may be come of our produce, we are prepared torefuse the produce of colonies where slavery exists? If that is the ease, what do you say to the various other articles which are the produce of silvery ? I believe tobacco and cotton, and othsr ar feles, may be objected to on that ground. This is a question which the petitionersfrom Bath justly stated may be looked on not only as a commercial or fieancial one, but as a national one, relating to the practicability of abolish ing slavery in ere ry part of the globe. Brazil coffee, which is the produce of slaveey, was introduced by a remarkable evasion into this country last year. Now, what is the history of this? We have learned that the history of it is that this coffee is the produce of slave labour. Now, does the Right Hon. Gentleman propose that we shall on a future day levy the high duty of Is. 3d. upon coffee ? Does he mean to prohibit the people of this country from consuming that coffee ?—(Hear.) I can hardly think he can intend that; now, can it be contended that this slave grown coffee in its passage to the Cape of Good Hope, can be so filtered as to be fit for use ? If you are pursuing this course with respect to coffee, and will not adept it with regard to sugar, where is your case of humanity ?—( Hear, hear.) Who is the philanthropist that will tell me that he can have a cup of hot good slave grown coffee, and that by putting a lump cf free-labour sugar in it—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—he thereby makes the whole potation innoxious, and that no person, whatever may be his regard for the negrces, or however he may value a black face as much as a white one, can be exposed to any reproach for having consumed it? But I must refer to one other instance, the instance of sugar itself. You have great refiners in this country, who buy sugar to a great extent and invest capital to a large amount in the refining of sugar to be sent to foreign countries. How do you justify yourself in being the go between in that case 2 ( Hear, hear.) But there is still a stronger case than that, because it appears that the planters of the West Indies send out from this country to be consumed in the West Indies the very sugar which is refined in this country, and which is the product of these very slaves. Why du you not alter that ? (Here Lord Sandon made some observation across the table). The Noble Lord means to stop that. Let him stop likewise the coffee which goes to the Cape of Good Hope. Let him stop the various other things which are sent from slave colonies. Let him interrupt and vex our trade and commerce, and I defy him to keep up the character of this country as a great commercial nation ; much less will it be con sistent with humanity to our distressed artisans.—( Hear.) Well, then, Sit., I come to the conclusion—a conclusion to which I teiiik most of the world will come—that this re solution, well as it sounds, philanthropical as it must ale ' pear, is in effect nothing but a party movement—nothing but a motion made to embarrass the management of the finances of the country. Beside!, those who were inter ested in the productions of the West Indies, it has been atteoipted to enlist against the Government those who en tertain a feeling of abhorrence to slavery. But if we are to consider that as a party question, I am obliged to put another to the House, and that is, where is the party that has been ever anxious and foremost to assist the abo litionists ?—( Cheers.) I have been looking to the records of speeches made on this subject, and I find—not the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool, but the predeces sor of the Noble Lord (Colonel Dalton), boasting of tee number of ships and men that were employed by persons in Liverpool in carrying on the slave trade between the coast of Africa and the West Indies. Wny, Sir, through the opposition of Liver. pool and other places, in spite of the eloquence of Mr. Pitt, who was deserted—as we have been on various oc casions—when he was more liberal than his colleagues— ( Hear, hear)—in spite of his eloquence, the slave trade was continued until the Whigs, in 1806 and 1807, put an end to the abhorred and cruel traffic. Some attempts, in deed, were nsade by a Tory Government to mitigate the flogging of the slaves in the West Indies, but it was not till Earl Grey was at the head of the Government that slavery was finally abolisbed.—( Cheers.) Sir, if we have made these efforts, and if I find an absence on the other side of any real and effectual efforts of this kind— when I sec those who never did anything as a Government for the abolition of the slave trade, or for the abolition of slavery, come forward with a resolution of this kind, I say it is for some party purpose, with an affectation of hu manity, for which their past conduct does not entitle them to credit. I believe I have now stated the principal grounds why the resolutions of the Noble Lord opposi'e should not be adopted by the House. There are various other questions which would remain, even if the House went into Committee. We have thought it necessary to propose to give a protection of 50 per cent., and of course all the details we are aware would be open for discussion. With regard to the effect of the proposed reduction of the duty on colonial sugar, though hclo not anticipate so great an increase as my Right Hon. Friend has stated, yet, as there is no article which more aff. eta the comfort and welfare of the working classes, so I think there is none in which at the present time it is more ads isable to make a reduction, in the hope that there will be a very considerable increase in the number of consumers. There arc other questions concerning the then state of our relations with the Brazils. By adopting the proposed measures an op portunity will be afforded to us of learning bow the Brazilian Government are disposed, and also, upon what grounds to renew the commercial treaty. We shall be in a situation then, I think, to urge upon that Govern ment the danger in which that Government, and every other Government, must. be placed which has a large popu lation, consisting chiefly of slaves; or shall have an op portunity of pointing out to them not oily the moral ma chief—not only the guilt of slavery and the slave trade, but how, by another and by a difference of conduct, their corn mercial and agricultural prosperity might be advanced, and their relations with this country would be made perma nent and secure. But if you adopt the resolution of the Noble Lord, what will be the result? Will they at once renounce slavery ? Will they become philanthropists ? ( Hear, hear.) Will they not sell their sugar ? Ay, sell it they can, and sell it they wi.l to other nations. The Eng lish merchants who deal with those of Brazil, Lye stated that there are rnany articles which will go from Germany ; that printed goods will go from Switzerland ; that hardware may be sent to Brazil in exchange for sugar—sugar, the produce of slave labour, of which they would have the ad vantage, instead of other nations.—( Hear, bear.) I know not in shat way other lion. Gentlemen may view this mo. Lion ; but I own it does not appear to me that anything is gained to the world or to the negroes of Africa, or the slaves of the Brazils, if they are told, " This sugar you are making is not to go into the hands of the European shopkeeper and the European artizan ; you may be im ported, you may be worked, you may be floggea to death, with this consolation, that to Germany and to Switzerland wiil go all the products of your labour."—( Laughter.) I do Lot understand what is gained to the negro by that argument, and yet such is the argument which is used. I own, as I stated at the commencement of my address, that I do regard this as a motion of very great importance. I believe, not only with regard to the Brazils and the United States, but with regard to the Continent of Eu rope, the example which you are about to give will be of the utmost consequence. If they see that this great corn. mercial country has come to the opinion that restriction and prohibition are the best maxims of commercial policy, they will quote that example to themselves, their manufacturers will quote it to titter Governments, and restriction and prohibition will be the rule in all our intercourse with those countriet.—( Hear, hear.) New, is that for your advantage 1 Is it for the advantage of the world? I say for your advantage it certainly is not, for, as a great com mercial and manufacturing nation, you ought to look, to the extension of that commerce and those manu factures.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Is it for the benefi . , o f the world? it is not, because I believe ti at - the more free and unrestricted is the intercourse /h etween na- Lions, the more they are mingled together by the ties o f peace and commerce, the more will y carry, with y our bales of goods and your cases of hardware, the genera l knowledge, the general rnaems, the civilizati on , th e arts, which belong . to a . nation which st an d i n t h e front rank for those cpesast e& —( Hear, hear.) Y ou must observe that though, you now stand in so proud and emi nent a position, your giving a pernicious example in this respect, while it may be some disadvantage to them, will finally be of the utmost disadvantage to you. We do not stand like Rome as the conquerors of the world. You are, ou the Continent, one among several nations of great civilization, with institutions sonic of them as free as your own, many of them being advanced to great prosperity, and now competitors and rivals with you in all the arts of peace, and in all the productions of commerce. Give them a right example, and you will still stand I should say not only equal with them, but in the foremost rank. --(Hear, hear.) Take the contrary course, and say that now is the day in which you have resolved upon restriction and owe sail, tell them that y our merc h an t s o f th e West Indi es , an d o f the E ast Indies, that your timber n merchants ,he o a f , North Am er i ca , th at t h e l an d owners o f your w placed monopoly upon their standard ; that undor that standard they are to march, that by that F*.andard they will abide. You will have the example rapidly spreading—you will have that example, before long, confirmed—and when you wish to retrace your steps the lesson which you will have ta ug h t may b e t,o well im parted for it ever to be unlearned.—( Hear, hear. ) viewsHaving these views of the state of this country , having these of our relations with our own colonies, and with other countries of the globe, it was our bounden duty to state them to the House; our bounden duty, as we have given our advice to our Sovereign, to produce the result of that advice before this House, and to let this House de termine thereupon. If you shall adopt the plan that we shall propose we look confidently for ward to an era of prosperity for this country; if you do not adopt it, upon this House will be the respon sibility of having rejected those measures. We have dis charged the only duly that was incumbent upon us, that of not having concealed our opinions, and of having done our best for the service of our country. )(The Noble Lot d conclu'ed amidst loud and long continued cheating. ) Lord SANDON said he did not feel that he was called upon to enter into that wide field of discussion in which the Noble Lord had indulged. He believed it was an entirely new proceeding in that House, that when the Chancellor of the Exchequer came down with a distinct proposition, and when notice bad been given of an amend_ merit upon that proposition, that another Member of the Government should give notice of an amendment upon that motion. It was not the usual practice thus to secu re a mode cf retreating from the field of lyt le. But he were reduct.o callednsi in uponro foreign i t g h ( Lord Sandon) would confute himself strictly to the sub jectntsungigahrt. to consider apropo.sal for ; before the House. c T er h ta e i y n They had heard a good deal of declamation from the Noble Lord, which he would not say bad been thrown away__ (Cheers from the Ministerial benches)—because it had afforded considerable amnsement—(Cheers)—but which had nothing whatever to do with his (Lord Sandon's) proposition. The proposition which be had laid on the table of the House, and which he believed would obtain the sanction of the majority of that House, was simply this: —Did they consider that the proposition of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer would give to the slave trade, and to slave trading countries, an advantage ; and were we compelled to do teat by any overwe ening conside ration of the wants o f t h e country ? H e did not assume the position that this country was bound to consume nothing but what was the produce of free labour, although it had pleased the Noble Lord to reprrsPni hiss as adopting that proposition, nor wa3 he THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 8, 1841 aware that among the Society of Friends, or by the most ardent supporters of the cause of abolition of slavery, we , any such doctrine maintained. The principle of his pre position was, were they, by what they were about to de, likely to give encouragement to the slave trade aad to slavery, and were they compelled to do so by the neces sities of the countryi? He would unhesitatingly say that they were not so compelled. and he would contend that without acme such pressing necessity it was decidedly wrong to give any such increased stimulus to the slave trade. Was there any crying necessity for it in the present pro spects of the country with regard to sugar ? Was the prospect cf starvation, if he might be allowed the expression, of sugar, so overwhelming as to compel them to sacrifice the great experiment which they were making. The Noble Lord had mentioned the date when he had made up his mind to support the proposition ; be had stated that he had so made up his mind some two or three months back. Now, if the Noble Lord would look, he would see that the prices were different now, and all the circumstances of the case were at the present moment perfectly dif ferent from what they were at that time. The Noble Lord had spoken with great contempt of all associations, and had stated that he was supported by no association. but stood up to support the rights of the great body of thelpeople. There was, however, onegrcat body or associa tion whose aid the Noble Lord might reckon to carry out another of his propositions, who were among his most influential supporters, and whose assistance he supposed would not be repudiated.—(Cheers.) Now, was the prospect of starvation in sugar such as to compel them to adopt the proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer? At the end of :he last year they had 35,000 tons on hand, and if they only allowed 5,000 tons as the increase upon the supply from the West Indies last year, they would have 115,000 tons of sugar from that source alone. From the Mauritius, since the commencement of the present year, there had been already shipped 20,000 tons, and there were 20,000 tons more in the island waiting for shipment at the present moment. From the East Indies there had already been shipped for this country, 50,000 tons of the last year's crop, and 20,000 or 30,000 more tons might be reasonably expected front the same source. If all these were added up together it would be found, not by any vague estimate, but as the result of accurate cal culation, that the supply during the present sear would amount to 260,000 tons, being more by 60,000 tons than the annual consumption of the country had ever amounted to. Where then was the crying necessity, where were the extraordinary circumstances, calling upon them, for the sake of the weavers of Bolton, to give up every chance of the success of the experiment which had been car ried on with so much anxiety, and in which we had expended so much treasure and so much blood, of raising tropical productions by free labour ? Would the Noble Lord, or the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or the President of the Board of Trade say that the proposed measure would be no encouragement to the slave-trade in foreign countries ? Why one of the reasons given for bringing forward the measure was, that it would be a boon to the Brazils. It was said the treaty with that country would soon expire, and could not be renewed without making them some ad vantageous offer. Now, was this offer a mere mockery, pretending to be an advantage, when in reality it was none at all ?—( Hear.) Was it an advantage or was it not ? And in whatever degree it was an advantage, it was an advantage to a slave importing country to the detriment of our owe colonies.—(Loud cheers.) He could not treat, with the levity displayed by the Noble Lord, the hope that we might be able to rear in the West Indian colonies a sugar growing population. The Noble Lord seemed to consider it a matter of slight importance, whe ther those colonies grew a staple export at all. He had talked of the dangers of giving the East Indies a mono poly, but he (Lord Sandoz') could not give up the hope of seeing an ample supply of sugar from our West Indian colonies, the produce of free labour—(Cheers)—and ae knew that was a feeling shared in by many wh . - ‘ , took a great interest in the question, and who were ' f ailiticai sup porters, not of himself and his friends, ). .at of the N o bl e Lord. He held in his hand a volu.,e by Mr. Gurney, e one of the most eminent of th at party, in whi c h t h at gentleman stated, that in ad ,resting our black brethr en he had stated to th em b ow who flocked around hie- 4 , gre tly the cause of emancipation would be forward e d i n other parts of the world by their labouring contentedly to produce the s'aspic product of th e so il. M r . G urney was actuated in. giving that advice by the same feeling which had acterateu him ( Lord Sandon) in proposing his reso lutien. It was not a resolution brought forward for the tearposes of party—(Cheers)—and he appealed to his own friends to say it the resolution had not been his own dis tinct proposition, and if he had not urged its support upon them on the same grounds on which he now urged it upon the House, namely, the mortification with which he should see a stop put to the great experiment now in progress, merely because the country had happened temporarily to suffer from the high price of sugar. After the Noble Lord had read the account of the contentment and the pros perity of our black brethren in the West Indies he wondered how the Noble Lord could have the heart to take measures to destroy those prospects. If they considered the question purely as a mercantile question ho would admit that the protection was higher than was rcquired.—( Cheers.) But he could not consider it as a purely mercantile question-- the question of sugar was one by itself—it was one which bad been set apart for a great experiment. The eyes of Europe and of America were fixed ors it, and on the pecu. niary results of that experiment would depend the future prospects and destiny of the negro population all over the world. If, under the pressure of temporary circumstances, we should throw this great experiment overboard, we should stultify ourselves in the eyes of Europe, and give up all moral feeling on the subject.—( No Ino !) He was told that they would nut be stultifying themsel ves but that was the statement made by an ardent supporter of the Noble Lord and his Government, by a gentleman, who had, he was happy to say, been recently defeated at Nottingham—Nlr. Larpent. He had, when examined before the Committee on East India affairs last year, urged the necessity of admitting all the productions of tine East Indies at the same amount of duty as the produce of the West Indies, because if they did not they would have a claim for the introduction of the productions of Brazil and Cuba, and would stultify themselves by giving encourages meat to slave labour and to slavery. The moral effect of thus yielding at the first moment of temporary press suro would be to produce a general panic among all those engaged in the cultivation of free labour sugar, who would imagine that on a further pressure the House would be inclined to go further still, and for the seke of cheaper sugar would put them on a perfect equality with slave-growing countries. He could not see how those who entertained these sentiments could expose themselves to the charge of hypocrisy to which the Noble Lord had alluded. Those feelings were not confined to himself or his supporters in that House, but were entertained by many who on other questions were firm supporters of the Noble Lord, and who would doubtlessly regret ex ceedingly if anything should occur which should force him to retire from the Government; but who, neverthe less, on this question felt themselves bound to overlook all mere party considerations. The Anti-Slavery Society had felt themselves compelled to express their apprehen sions on the subject. Looking upon it as a mere finan cial question, he could not see how the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to make good his deficiency from this source. He proposed to raise 700,0001., but bow it was to be raised he, could not make out.—(Cheers.) As the proposition 'originally stood, it appeared to him to be simply a rn`easure for giving a boon to Cuba sugar—t o th e sugar of the country which, in the most undisguised manner, nar l . - sed on the slave-trade, and which had profited most rarcely by the deficiency of supply occa,ioned by the great experiment now carrying on in our own colonies. He sup posed the Chancellor of the Exchequer had been made aware of this, and in consequence he cal come down with his present preposition, making a difference of 6,. between the Brazil sugar and the fine sugar of Cuba. N uw t h e price of the C u b a sugar at Hamburgh, which was a per fectly free port, was from 275. 7d. to 38s. sd. per cwt. ;, of the best Brazil, 21s. Id. t o 25 5. Id. ; so that there was a difference of 17s. 5d., which the Government proposed to meet by making a difference in the duty of merely' 6s. Java sugar was 135., and Manilla sugar, 155., so that it was clear that instead of being really a boon to the Brazilian sugar it was, in fact, a boon to the sugar of Cuba, the country where there was the least possible hope of obtaining any mitigation of slavery ; so that, in fact, it was a boon to slavery in its worst form. He hoped and believed that such was not the intention of her Majesty's Government, but such must ne cessarily be the result of the proposition. Nothing but the fine sugar of Cuba could enter under the Government proposition ; and with regard to Brazil sugar, he believed it would not come is at all.—( Hear, hear.) He supposed the Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exche quer expected an increased consumption front a decrease in price. But what was the difference in price to be ? The whole difference in price calculated upon was only Is. 6d, per cwt. ; for that they were going to unsettle all their relations with the East and the West Indies ; this 112th part of ls. 6d. was what was to cure all the mise ries, so graphically depicted by the Noble Lord, of the poor weavers of Bolton—(Hear, hear)—that small frac tion of a reduction was to make all the difference in the comfort and happiness of the pour of this country. He bad to beg pardon of the House for the discursive nature of his speech, but some indulgence was due to him ; when his own speech bad been taken from him, when he bad been forestalled by the Nobie Lord—( Hear, hear).. it of course rendered him rather more desultory than he otherwise would have been. Now what were our exports to our East and West India Colonies which would I e shaken and put in jeopardy by this measure ? The duty on Ea't India Sugar was assimilated with the produce of the West Indies in 1836. The exports of British goods to the East Indies in 1837 was 3,600,000/. Irr 1838 3,870,0001 . I n 1839, 4,740,000/. The accounts fo r 1 840 were not yet laid on the table of the House, but he knew that the exports from L:verpool alone were 4,336,000/., nearly as much as from the whole country in the previous year. Such had been the rapid increase of our exports since the admission of East India sugar upon an equality with the West Indian. What bad been the results in the W est I nd i es? I n 1837 our export s were 4,036,000/., in 18 38 3,393,000 / ., ie 1839 3,986.000/. to our emancipated West India colonies. From those re turns he might deduce the advantage to our manufacturers generally in cleating with free men. In deaiing with slaves they supplied the very lowest quality of goods. In our own colonies, as soon as the slaves were set free they exercised their own fancy in dress, and so far from taking as before only the simplest classes of our manufactures, they were now taking all kinds of fancy goods for the gratification of their own tastes, thereby giving more extensive employment to the manufacturers and ar- Wens of this country. Now he would ask what was the value of tie trade they were risking by the project of the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer? It was considerably more than 9,000,000/. The trade which they were favouring was no doubt valu able, but it did not amount to more than 2,600,0001., and when set in opposition to that of the East and West Indies was a mere nothing. True, he would be told, as he had . been told by his Brazilian friends, that the exports were greatly' underrated in the official returns. Probally they might. But was this any reason to suppose that thn: returns to the East and West Indies were anything, more accurate ?—( Hear.) The manufacturing interests. was deeling lightly with their hest interests; when for tne favour of one small market they wore shaking the. whole of the East and West India trade. Commercially he did not think that any case had been made out for such a reenure. The President of the Board of Trade might look forward with apprehension to the time when he would be called upon to complete a treaty with the Bra zils. But because we were to take a small quantity of their sugar—say 10,000 tons at most—the Brazilian.; would compel themselves to take a great quantity of our manufactures. They did not take them now because we took their sugars or their cottons, but because the. liked them. A great and a fine-sounding argument used against the West Indian interest, was their importing slave grown sugar in a refined state for their own use. — (Cheers.) It was a very fine argument, but in effect the %Vest Indians had nothing whatever to do with it. It en tirely lay at the door of their agents, the refiners, and the general merchants. How that was to implicate the hu manity of the West India interest, he could not con coive. They had not the slightest connexion with it.— ( Hear.) If he had succeeded in showing that financially no case had been made out for such a change, that commer cially the e was no inducement to take this step, if he had succeeded in showing that, for the interests of the con-. !sumer, there was no inducement to adopt the measure, and that necessarily they, without any temptation in any of these ways, would damage the interests of the country, and the success of that great experiment of free labour which they had undertaken so nobly, and in which they still hoped to succeed—if he had made out those positions, he trusted that the sense of the House would be in favour of his amendment, which was—" That, considering the efforts and sacrifices a hick' Parliament and the country have made for the abolition of the slave trade - and slavery, with the earnest hope that their exertions and example might lead to the mitigation and final extincien of those evils in other conntrica, this House is not prepared (especially with the present prospects of the supply of sugar from British pos sessions) to adopt the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government for the reduction of the duty on foreign sugar." Mr. HOGG was aware that the amendment went further than merely to contradict the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but still he thought it was the only way in which that motion could be met.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord opposite ( Lord J. Russell) had said that the Opposition approved of the foreign policy of the Government, and especially in regard to China. It was quits true th it the Opposition made no objection to the expenditure which had beea incurred in the war with that power. But at the same time they were far from approving of the policy which rendered the expenditure ne cessary.—( Cheers from the Tory benches.) He considered the present the most inopportune time that could be chosen for a reduction of the duties upon foreign and slave-grown sugar.—( Cheers.) On the faith of the measure (for which the East Indians were grateful to the Govern ment) a vast amount of capital had been embarked in the cultivation of the sugar cane in the East Indies.—( Hear, hear.) The Brazilian merchants themselves asked only for a duty of 365., and men generally asked for more than they expected—( Hear, hear, and a laugh)—but the Chan cellor of the Exchequer now proposed to give them ex actly what they wished, in its very ex reme.—( Hear, hear.) lie was satisfied that if this measure were adopted the country would be inundated v sugar, the produce of slave-holding countries, r- .an elusion of our own c o l on i es in the East e. the ex (" Hear, hear," an d l aug h ter .) T` -ad the West..—. produce of those countries re•. extent to which the understood from the fe e.ght be increased would be reporte d sue . ...et that Cuba, which twenty year s ago i sugar consurr•..r, now supplied three-fourths of the -ad t.e whole world. The Hon. Member then rev' SUIT ....soreePaeliamentary returns to show that th e con eptieu of Su gar was not diminished by the increase of price. tiy the introduction cf foreign sugar Cuba and the Brazils would gain most, and our own country would be the chief sufferer. The Hon. Gentleman here read extracts from the official returns, to show that from the year 1830 to 1838 the exports to the East and West Indies went on in creasing progressively, and that the exports to the Brazils were equal in amount to the exports to the West and East Indies put together. Mr. Haekshaw, in his evidence he fore the Import Duties' Committee, stated that at Falmouth there were 250 tons of foreign sugar, and if he was allowed to land that sugar, paying the same duty as upon English colonial sugar, the consumer would have sugar 365. per cwt. cheaper; and yet the men who admitted that there would be such a remunerating price, demanded that such an alteration as that proposed should be made. Mr. M'Quean stated before the same Committee that one fertile acre of land in the Brazils would produce as much sugar as six acres in the West. Indies. With 'such facts before them were they going to agree to the proposed alteration. The recommendation of the above -named Committee was worthy of being at tended to—it was that the alteration in sugar duties should be gradual ; that sonic notice should be given cf the alterations intended to be made. The Right Hon. Member the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when intro ducing a Bill on the equalization of the duties on sugar, admitted the fairness of notice being given. Mr. Spring Rico said in the discussion which took place on the sub ject two years ago, that it would be a base fraud on the people of the West Indies to admit one ounce of foreign -grown sugar, meaning by that term, sugar grown in the subsidiary possessions of the East Indies. Whatever benefit should be derived to the revenue, it was clear that 700,000/. would not be gained, except by introducing such a quantity of sugar at 365. per cwt. as would dislodge the Brite•h grown sugar, ~and in that case the duty must amount to an enormous sum. The Hon. Gentleman said, in the present state of affairs the alteration proposed was necessary, but he did riot sly in the present state of what affairs—whether commercial, financial or political affairs ?—( Opposition cheers.) The Noble Lord poin'ed the atte. tion of the House to the present satisfactory state of the free labourer in the West Indies, but he did not advert to the position of the planter. The improved state of the labourer arose from his being able to exact what wages he chose from the plan ter, who was endeavouring to concur in the plans of the Legislature for introducing free labour. Was it, there at the present moment, and in such a state of things. that the measure proposed was to be enacted, and all the prospects hitherto indulged in de.troyed ?—(Opposition cheers.) He would ask what would be the state of the negro in a few years under the operation of that measure should it pass? Would any proprietor in the West Indies have consented to the sacrifices he bad made could he base foreseen that such a measure would be proposed The East Indies would not, in his opinion, be so badly off under the operation of this Bill as the West Indies would be. He was no advocate for restrictions in trade, except where called for by the necessities of the case. The Hon. Gentleman here proceeded to read an extract from Mr. Labouchere, the substance of which was that that Right Hon. Gentleman could not, on account of existing treaties, admit of the distinction sought to be made be , tws en free-labour and slave-grown sugar, so that the latter might be totally excluded. They might, he said, look to the East Indies for a cheap supply of free-labour sugar, but the experiment then made, and which the country had a right to see fairly carried out, would not be so if they were to inundate the market with a supply of fo reign sugar. The opinions and fears which he ( Mr. Hogg) entertained on this subject were not rcerely his; they were also entertained and communicated to her Majesty's Government by the Directors of the East India Company. Supposing all the calculations that he had made were un true—that the supply of sugar would not equal the con sumption—would the House, on that account, consent t adopt a measure which amounted virtually to a repeal of the great and glorious measure of emancipation ?—( Hee., hear.) If they did regret the vast efforts they had made for the suppression of that horrible traffic, let them boldly and openly return to the system. Let them permit the West Indians to import slaves, let them proclaim that the theories of political economy were pa ramount to the dictates at humanity.—( Cheers.) Was it to be endured in a Christian, nay, even in a delibe rative assembly, that after 20,000,000/., and more than 20,000,000/. abroad, bad been expended to put down slavery and the slave trade, they should be called upon to adopt a measure which would give increased vigour to that inhuman traffic because sugar was Id. per lb. dearer, and because her Majesty's Ministers were re solved to continue in office ?—( Cheere.) He thought in whatever view the Noble Lord might endeavour to place the question, the House would not consent that a tottering Ministry, instead of treating the great questions of the Corn-laws and slavery on principles of national policy and justice should be permit'ed, fur purposes which they did not and dared not avow, to bindle them as mere masters of financial detail.— ( Hear, hear.) They ail knew the Noble Lord was a bold politician, and being successful he might imagine be was a righteous one; but perhaps the Noble Lord might find that there were limits to the forbearance of the country, and to the countenance of those around him. Perhaps the Noble Lord might find that what be (Mr. Hogg) had advanced was not untrue. If this was a mere party (pees. Lion, perhaps the Ministry might escape, as they had done, with a majority against them of ten or twenty, but being a question involving the existence of our colonies—being a question involving the principles of humanity and the precepts of the GOsp; 1, he believed without party feelings, the House would came to such a decision as would prove fatal to the Miniatry, and would be assuredly hailed with acclarestion by the country. Mr. HA WE S said h e was not sur p r i s ed at the turn which the debate had t a k en t h at evening. H e was not surprised that the wise and s t atesmanlike v i ews propounded by the Noble Lord—(l ron i ca l cheers)—s h o uld be narrowed down to a mere East and West India question. He bad anticipated that when this question was brought forward endeavours would b e ma d e to turn co nsideration from the interests of the mass es o f t h e peop l e , and the great com mercial interests of th e country, to m e r e partial interests, and in that he found that be was not deceived. But the House might depend upon it this was no Sugar Bill. —( Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) He would maintain that the purchase of free sugar in this country was the best means of putting down slavery and the slave trade.—(oh, oh 1) Hon. Gentlemen opposite deaied the proposition, but he remembered that the Hon. Mem ber for Cambridge or the Hon. Member for Harwich, he forgot which—( Laughter) —had assented to a proposition far more in favour of the introduction of slave grown sugar than the present was. The Right Hon. Gentleman, on the authority of Sir Chalks Grant, sup ported a measure proposed by the Government of the day for the admission of foreign sugar, the rates of duty being, West Indian 20s, East Indian 275., and foreign sugar 28s. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool had but e slightly touched th e su bj ect o f me ans; but he admitted' that the trade of th e country was at present in an alarming situation. He (Mr. Hawe s ) b a d raver known the trade of the manufacturing districts in a state of greater depression ; but he had heard from the Noble Lord not a word which could lead him to suppose that the Noble Lord had any thing more in his head than a mere party resolution. We were now suffei ing frGm foreign competition, and we had no Trude of reliftvingturseleFsbut by increasing our mirketsind tempting foreigners to buy our goods. He found that in 1801 we:expo:4(M to the amount of 39,700,000/. or, ac- Cording to the population, about 2/. 83. for each • man in the,kingdn . m . ; but 1840 he found on the. same calcula tiOn ,that,tl;e'export for : each individual. was only -IL 75., ao:tbit Iti had incretted,eere had not our popu ion _ increaseff.our trade in'ehe same - proportion." It wee Lem aary, therefore,- that our whole commercial policy should be brought before the Hoe - T, not as a mere party ques tion, but as a question of State policy, on a hich each party might state Oct:- principle=, and allow at country to decide between them.—(llesr, hear,) As to the point of increasing the slave trade, he knew that the West Indies had been ruined every year for the last fifty year., Ia 1798 it was stated that nothing could save the Dian ' I ter but the high price of sugar, and now that slavery was abolished, they made the same complaint, asked to be afforded protection, and that the people of this country might be taxed for that purpose, When he fostod the same complaiats preferred at all times, be was in duced to think they were concerned for something else besides slavery and the slave trade.--( Hear, hear.) He believed that distress would continue so long as these protective duties should exist. The free trade enjoyed in the British possessions in India had been the founda tion of their prosperity. In cotton, suers, and indigo, the unprotected trade of the East ladies had enabled them to compete with slavery and the slave trade in the West fed Cc. He asserted the proposition most distinctly, that free labour, under all circumstances, was more prodisctive than slave labaur. This waa remarkably proved at island of Porto Rico, which was naturally divided into two portions, cue cultivated by slave, and the other by free labour. in promoting the reduction of the sugar duties, he believed he was taking that course whirls seas most likely to promote the permaeeat ig l oo- ea ts. ; r f the West and to enable them to compet.i with slave produce. The lion. Member for the Tower Hamlets Lushington) had taken another position, namely, that slavery was against the laws of God, and that, tllere fore, he would do nothing direcily or indirectly to en courage it. If the Hon. Geotleinan Iccgslated on such primaiples as that, he would do so on the lvvrarl hs by vcli‘e b every bigot supported cs( ry act of i'tvleranee thnt was ever promulgated. Where was such a principle to stop? How were they to exclude al slave-grown produce ? Why he could venture to say that his Hon. Friend had his pocket tell of slave-grown produce at that moment. His snuff-box atta full of' slave-grown produce. Probably, a.!io, he wore a cotton shire—(Hkar, and lout laughter.) Ulm understood the Noble Lord who brought forward the measure he was opposed to the introduction of stave. grown sugar. He believed the cpposition of many Hon. Members to the proposition was from an unwillingoess to encourage slavery and slave-labour, but he did riot think the plan of the Government would have any such affect. It had been said that a reduction of the price of sugar would not increase its consumption. He did not expect to have heard such an argument in that House, In 1831 the average price of sugar was 235. 6d. ; the populariun was then estimat^d at 20,000,000, and tha. revenue amounted to 4,630,0001. ; while its 1840 the price ival 48R. 6d., and although the population had Increased to 24,000 000 the revenue amounted only to .41)449,000/. Nothing could more clearly point out the Injurious effects of a high price of one of the necessaries ef statement. It was said t h a t t hi s was a I to be brought i n by a t o , ter i ng proposition say that the opposition with "' a'' gry ; but he would . the most omi nous c h a r. „well it bad been met was o f to be able to .acter. It was of great importance supply a falling .revenue without hay iog rem it ....se to any new taxes.—(Cries of " Hear.") . was stated 'in evidence before a Parliamentary Com mittees that in consequence of the present high price of sugar there were manutactor ice established in various parts of London for the purpose of adulterating the article, and the coffae-house keepers had stated that unless the price of sugar and coffee was toiuced, they would not be able to carry on their business any longer.--( Hear, hear.) He would read an extract from a letter which he had lately received from MoscJw, in order to show the House what the result of protective duties had been in that part of th world. It appeared from it that failures were f eque.nt, and that the great bulk of the capital employed in manu factures had been irretrievably lost, notwithstandicg the protective duties that had been imposed upon foreign ruanu factures.—( Hear, hear.) They were 'at present negotiat ing with the United States, and unless they were disposed to make liberal and timely concessions, they could not ex pect to have the msrkets of the United States opened for their produce.—( Hear.) He would ray that whatever might be the result of the present discussion in that House, the speech of the Noble Lord (J. Russell) would produce a powerful effect out of doors. —(Cheer..) The Noble Lord had proposed ter meet their financial embarrassments without laying on any new taxes, and he had been met on the very threshold by the opposition of Hon. Members opposit. He should conclude by tendering his warmest support to the proposition of the Noble Lord, who had done more by his present measure to obtain the support of the country generally than by any act of his long public and useful life—( War, hear.) Mr. 11 AND LE Y said the proposition with which the Noble Lord bad conic down that night on the subject of the Corn-laws, bid far to exceed tue most sanguine ex -1 pectations of toe Anti-Corn-law League.--( Hear, hear.) He on the part of his constiiuents would say, that he would much rather have no protection at all than the pro tection which the Noble Lord was about to offer them, He would rather see the ports thrown open at once, and the Custom-houses shut up. He had on many occa,i ins given his support to her Majesty's Government, and should do so again, but with regard to the Corn-laws he should be wanting in his duty to his constituents arid the country if he did not give the measure his most decided epposi tion, although he be pod the opportunity would never be afforded him of votieg against the measure. Hear.) M. JAMES had been 14hly delighted with the nobly and statesmanlike speech of the Noble Lord (J. Russel), and although he was himself a large \Vest India propriet,,r, the Noble Lord opposite ( SAndou) need nut calculate upon his vote.—(Cheers.) He never permitted his private in terests to iotertere with his public duty, and where tie in terests and comforts of the home population mere so deeply involved, he should decidedly give them a prefer ence over the black population of the colonies.—( Cheers.) Sir S. LUSHINGTON felt it his duty to make some observations to the House, on the question then before them ; and, undoubtedly he should have felt that obliga tion even if his Hon. Friend the Member for Lambeth, had not taken upon himself the unusual course of fore stalling the opinions of a Member, before he had expressed then., putting them in his own language, and directing against them a ridicule to which he has been accustomed for twenty years, without having ever felt himself in the slightest degree injured either in his own opinion or that of others. With respect to the course which he meant to pursue, if his lion. Friend had stated that he bed ever been the determined enemy of slavery under whatever form it appeared, and in whatever quarter of the world it had led to the murder and bloodshed of thousands of our fellow-creatures, if his Hon. Friend meant to say that be bad ever expressed his ab horrence of these practices, and he had declared his opi nion that they were contrary to the laws of God and man, he should confess that he would still stand by such opi. nions, and in doing so, he claimed for himself what be felt to be an honour, and not a subject of ridicule.—( Hear, hear.) But his Hon. Friend asked what right they had to proclaim their virtuous opinions to other States, and to pass Acts for Spain, the Brazils, or other countries, who chose to take upon them s elves to carry on those dread ful practices?' What right bad they? Why, they had declared their sentiments on the subject by an Act of Parliament in the year 1807, and at the Congress of 1815 they had the declaration of all the great States in Europe, that the slave trade was contrary to hu- manity and jostice—to the cause of God and man.— ( Hear, hear.) Why, they had treaties with every ore of the great Powers on the sutsject; they had treaties, too, with Cuba and the Brazils. They bad a right, then, ter assert their principles, and that would not be acting with intolerance. It would be admitted that every country had a right to denounce that which, in the opinion of Europe, WAS criminal, wickeJ, and iniquitouP. He was aware that in approaching the present discussion, they must take into consideration many great arid important tapirs involving almost the state of toe whole country. He was well aware of our financial and commercial diffieuties, and that the time might be coming when they would have many embarrassments in forming tteaPies on commer cial subjects with other countries ; he forgot none of those things—he laid them not out of his consideration; but speaking of one measure, and one measure only, prepared by her Majesty's Government, he was prepared to say that that measure would not remove any difficu l ties—would not relieve the country from any embarrassments, while it would lower Gem in the lace ot Europe, and would degrade them in their own opinions, and would not receive the approval of the suffering people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) He foci ever been a friend to free trade—he had ever voted for an alteration of the Corn-laws, and he maintained these opinions still. He had wished for an alteration of the timber duties, and his opinion remained unchanged He had always voted against every measure which could possibly increase the slave trade, cr give it fresh vigour, or augment the measute of slavery, or perpetuate its con tinuance ; he had done so last year, and be would be ready to do so still. If any persons had changed their opinions, he had not changed one iota of those he had ex pressed on the motion of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Wigan la•t year and be saw no reason to change them now. It was then declared by an immense majority of the House against a minority of 27, that it was not fit or proper to reduce the duty on foreign sugar to 345. when the price was between bOs. and 60s. ; and he saw no reason why it should be done when the price had fallen to 375.—( Hear, hear.) if at the time when they had expected that the price would increase, as it did, they did not think it necessary to provide for the contingency et a failing crop and very high prices, much less, in his judgment, was there the slightest season for such a course now, when it was a matter of perfect de monstration that there would be a sutfi:ient supply for the c,,untry. He wished to state simply and shortly the grounds on which he meant to vote on that occasion, laying aside all party considerations. He tsar as much a.tached to his party and to his principles as any man could be. He was mindful of the conduct of itlinistors in former times; and he was anxious to repay them with every fidelity consistent with honour and duty. But he should on thisoecasion oppose them. He would do so, first, because the proposed measure would in his opinion give a stimulus to attury ; secondly, because it would aug ment the miseries of the existing state of slavery ; thirdly, because he thought it unjust to the West Indies; fourthly, because he thought it deleterious to the peaph inhabiting that country; fifthly, though that perhaps was a less im portant reason, because he did not think it prudent or wise as regarded the East Indies ; and lastly, because he was convinced there was no rece3sity whwever fur the measure. —( Hear.) He believed they would have au abundant supply of sugar for the you- 1841. They hid a right to expect is all not lees than 9 05,000 tons. He bAitived he might speak confidently on the subjew, as they had an sweetmeat the supplies to I)i:expected from the West IndieF. He would give the House the import jive) Great Britain of British sugar for the first four months of 1840 and 1841. 'The House would find, patting together the West Indies, the Mauritiur, and tbk in'lB39 the total quantity of attar, imported was 40,700 tons ; in 1840 it was 39,400 tons, and in 1841 it was 66,000, being nearly double the quantity impetted in the two preceeding years. With respect to the quantity of sug ar in bond for the last three years, they would. fi n d tha t there,was, on the Ist of May, 1839, 35,500 tons; 1840, 20;700 ton .: ;:.antl in the' 'present - ar: 45,700. tees, ~:1),,i0g more ;ban double that of the preeechtz year... He held is: his band a letter, which came from a th;use of high character at CAlcutta; originally bearing date the 16th of January, 1841, but. With A postscript of the 15th of February, 1841, In which, after stating the actual exports during telt year, amounting to a very large e uant a t a, l'ne writer st t..s that if matters continuea ate in'ey are it is scarcely possibie to state what apentity of sugar may not be sent to this cstertry t o tiab succeeding year. Such were our prospects in the East Indies. Had we no right to expert hatter 00'3 in {sire Wert ? The evils whieh,reteslta I 'from the emancipation of the slaves teert taaAually ceasing ; peace prevailed in the ieletea of Jamaica, there was an increase of industry, °lnd they had a right to expert that the fru.ts of that ia dustry would be an increased production. The little island of Antigua, the most. eahitieiatl o tiimoit any of our islands, he a l;the abolition of slavery, increased ite expeotta from 7,000 to 11,000 hogsheads. He con tended that there was every probability of sugar being of fered to the people of this country at a reasonable price. The people of England were great sugar eonsurnets notwith taeding its high prica.—( Hear, hear.) It any man weelti be at the trouble to look into the fettle he would find that ()toe Britain alone eSeetsumed above one (rates of the whole eiereuat sugsr ich was consumed at all ; avhat 'aroh'ta be tile result of admittieg feseVaaa sugar let) Ireland? H., had rPreirct! riliin tire Islend of Cuba advices down to the ;se 'ot April, by waieh he food that the increase in the exports in the two preceaing months w.rs 5,000 tons. How sass that increase brought about 3 By the atterhartta tion of the s l a v e t ra de ; b y eariploying skeet!, and elms only; by working there without mercy, without even al lowing theta an Ordinary quantity of sleep to sustain human hatere.—( H. hear.) He weeld AA, then, evbetteer any one of the examples of his Hon: Friend hind any hearing on this eubjecoa4 Hear, hear,) He had told them of the edeantages tree laboatie bitt he bed forgotten to tell them, that al the ltsst Indies the was an enormous overt!.,;v ot population, and that in the Wet Indies it WO totally inadequate to the demand.—( He ir, beet%) lie (Sir S. Lushiegem) totally defied teat the question before the House was a question of free trade. In free trade there was frt 0 oortipeti,i rn t:0- t weFn tiara .8 who Used the seine means and appilinces to attain theih object. Who or. r heard of free static between him who paid a just obedience to the leers et his country, and diacliarged the taxes im posed upon him, and the lawless ruffian—a composition Where, on the one side, crime was legalised, and, on the other, the rights of humanity were observe,' ? (Cheers.) The.e was, he contended, no fair competition in a case of this description. The result was immediate prosperity, immediate success to him who violated the law. The ul timate result was then reducing the finest land to the con dition of a wilderness. Let teem lock, for example, to the States of America. Mr. Jahn Joseph Gurney, whose name had been already mentioned, had told him that he had seen the finest land reduced to the most miserable condi tion. What would be the bearing of this measure upon the great population whom we had emancipated ? On this subject we had then the opinion of tie same gentle man, Mr. Gurney, _ who had no interest in this question_ of unspotted character, of practical knowledge, for he had viaited tee West Indies and the United States for the express purpose of acquiring information on the subject,— oee of all the teen whom he had ever known the most attached to a strict adherence to truth.—( Hear.) He happened to have by him the sentiments of that gen. tleman in writing, on the subject, g yen to him before the question was mooted, and he would take the liberty of reading them to the House.—(The Hon. and Learned Gentleman here read an extract of a letter from Mr. Gurney, stating that the writer considered it of the utmost importance to the West India colonies that the present prohibitory duties on sugar should be maintained, as any relaxation of them would be necessarily attended with the ruin of the planters, and the loss of the daily wages which the negroes were now earning for their labour, and with a vast increase in the importation of Cuba and Brazilian sugar.) The sentiments of this gentleman were, from his position, deserving of the utmost attention. He had no West India interests to move him, and was ac tuated by nothing but a sincere desire for truth, and a regard to the interests of humanity.—(Hear, bear, and cheers.) He would now proceed to defend himself from the charge of inconsistency which had been brought against those who opposed the present measure because they consented to consume other articles, the pro duce of slave labour, and did not protest against the impor tation ref cotton. He considered that he gave the greatest proof of wisdom, and was the best friend of humanity, who looked to ihe practical execution of beneficial measures, and not he who, not able to attain all the good of which he may be desirous, gave up the good which was in his power. He was not a wire man who, because circumstances over which h- had no control forced him to submit to the evils of resor tieg to slave countries for certain products, because so great a calamity was inflicted on him by the force of circumstances, would therefore seek voluntarily to augment it.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He had pursued the course of endetvouring to attain all the practical good in his power throughout the discussion of those ques.toes. At first little progress had teen !Laic, but lie had conten•ed himself satin resting on, and being guided by, public oplei n first of all by bringing about the ab o liti on o f slavery—next, by procuring an amelieeation in the condi tion ,f the negro—then, by endeavouring to procure a gradual abolition of slavery—arid, at last, when public opinion was ripe, by the total abolition of slavery, though the supporters of that measure had been contented with the practical good they could affect, and had waited to be guided and supported by public opinion. There were some other little matters which were well worthy of attettiOn. He agreed with the Hon. Member for Bevei-ley that Cuba sugar would enter into th e grea t es t competition with British sugar, but ho believed the Bra zilian sugar would al , o find its way here, and that an en couragement would be given to the importation of slaves, and a great increase in the sufferings of the slaves would e the consequence. But were they quite sure that it would end there ? Were they quite sure that the Bra zilian Governmeet and the Brazilian planters would not be inclined to abandon the cultivation of cotton, which was now partially pursued, and take to the cultivation of sugar ?—( Hear, hear.) Lett them see the course which had been formerly pursued. Ifs the West Indict the cul tivation of cotton had been abandoned, and the cultivation of sugar taken to. How could they satisfy themselves that it would be for the advaetage of this country to de pend exclusively for the supply of cotton upon the United States ? and he would contend that any one measure which tended to render us solely and exclusively dependent upon the United States, and to deprive us of that necessary article from other countries, must be most detrimental to the commercial and mercantile interest, and One of the most dangerous that any country could adopt, situated as England was now situated. He had listened with deep attention to the eloquent speech of his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies, and could not for get the pathetic description he had given of the sufferings ef the poor in this country. He (Dr. Lushington) hoped he was not deficient in the most earnest anxiety to relieve those sufferings and to restore them to a better state. But surely when that eloquent description of their sufferings had been given, and which would now go off to the coun. try exeitiegt their feelings and raising their passions— ( Loud cheers from the Opposition)—that description of their condition of suffering from being forced to purchase a dear article might be contrasted with the sufferings which must be the consequence .of the adoption of this measure for their relief. When he had sat on the other side of t h e House, with but few friends to support him, actuated only by the spirit of truth, and when sometimes his courage failed him, he found the feelings of the people of this country rising to Its support, encouraging every -effort, and stimulating him to fresh efforts; and be believed that if the question was put to the people of this country, whether they would have their sugar cheaper by taking the produce of the labour of the stave, or whether they would suffer their present calamities, he believed they would reject the proposition.—( Loud cheers.) He had such faith in their principles and kindly and good feelings, that he believed they would prefer the dinner of herbs to the stalled ox that was offered them. He had made these observations to justify himself, and to show his own consistency and adherence to his principle. --(Cheers.) He deeply regretted being obliged to give a vote different from his Noble Friend, but he was obliged to do so. If the proposition of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer could be put in such a fern that he could say no to it, he would be desirous to do so ; and as far as tae forms of that House would per mit that was the course he would pursue. With regard to the other questions, be would not enter into into them. He had only risen to vindicate his own opinions, and he was content.—( Cheers from the Oppo silion.) M . EWART rose and said, at that late hour he would detain the House but for a moment.—( Here the Hon. Member was interrupted by loud cries of " Adjourn," and "Go or.") He then, moved the adjournment of the debate till Monday. The question was put and agreed to. On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, the House, at its rising, was adjourned till Monday. CRIMINAL JUSTICE BILL. The ATTORNEY•GENERAL brought up the Re port on this Bill. Sir C. DOUGLAS brought up a clause providing compensation for the coroners of Manchester, Birming. ham, and Bolton. Mr. M. PHILIPS opposed tie clause, as one to which his constituents would not agree, unless it was pro dded that the Coroner of Manchester should discontinue his opposition to the charter. Strangers were then ordtred to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared__ For the clause 54 Against it 4 Majority The clause was thzn added to the Bill, and the Report brought up. The Arms (Ireland) Bill was read a third time and passed. The other Orders of the Day sere then disposed of, and the House adjourned at ball. past Twelve o'Clock. ROYAL A RTILLERY.—A General Court- Mat tial is ordered to be held et Wcolvvich on Monday, at which Lieut.-Col. C. Cruttenden will preside as Judge-Advocate. The parties under arrest at present are Lieut. E. W. Dance, of the second battalion, appointed June 20, 1840, and Lieut. Percy Francis Gother Scott of the ninth battalion, appointed Dec., 18, 1840. 'Use breaches of discipline with which they are charged have not }et been made,piolic ; but, from report, the differences betwixt those 'two officers t. , :ok place in a billiard room, by Lieut. Dance applying an utaofficer-like expression to Lieut. Scott, who immediately retaliated by personal resent ment, the ultimate result of which w4s a challenge sent by Lieut. Dance to Lieut. Scott, to induce him to fight a duel. Highly to the honour of the Artillery, a court-martial on a colunns,ioned officer has not been held in the garrison at Woolwieh during the last twenty y ears. MARCHNIONT PEERAGE.—The claim of Sir Francis D. Home, Bart., to this Peerage, the final hearing of whiCh was postponed till after Easter. is now to come immedi ately to issue. It is worthy of remark that this case was or;- ginally drafted by Lord Brougham at the time when his talents and fame firstbegan to dawn upon the world. and now,. in its eompiete.state; forms, heyond.all question, the finest specimen 0 research' and propicquitY ever produced at, the bar' of the House of Cc.dedon ion Mei-curl 1 ,ts,t. of January, 1811, there have betty . • unieSs Min. 51. railway patimts reeci red into the .C6Unty OltheiO; - 27 have been discharged cured, four hve died, and one was diiiniised.-,BripitQ4 I'4er. • • „. _ _ MORNING EDITION:. SPORTING INTELL_WgNCE... iiiPPODROME RACES. The secondand ast day's racing nt - thtterfeeri••jesterd a Yi ti g same hour as on Tuesday, and continued until ttimr six) j . with the same rigid observance of time ; this excelletti• was estimated to its full extent, for, after the concluFion ilicr6ebeilG for tiie piiite, tile rain , et and made strong run" ning, to the close of the evening, effectually tleaf/ngtboemar §4 of the fair weather portion of the company, and nitittino a al; a-trous finish to what proved to be an excellent day's spur! , .; give a list of the company world only be to repeat the 140 . 04 Mentioned in our report of the first day ; we n eed onl3/ state that the attendance was highly respectable as to rank, but not so numerous as the proprietor has a right to expect.. NVe trt o the June meeting will enable us to speak in terms moiefilarloi4 able to the speculators. The race began with - 'the Kensington Free Plate of 50!. for three yrs, Est 71111 1 , yrs, Sat 51b ; live yrs, 9st ; six yrs and aged, 9st 51b10"niire,§ and geldings glowed 31b.t. Winners once on the Sibs. 'extra, tWiee Ms extra. One mile. The wipe be sold for 200 i., &c Mr. Morris's b g Fat Jack, aged, 51b extra (Martin) - - Mr. Stirling's ch c The Compttoler, 3 yrs ... '2 '2 • is Nv 410 ch c Persens, 4 yrs Mr. Arm s trong's co g Rouge, 4 yrs 0 e Mr. liacon's bk scanins, 6 yrs • • 0 0 Wiekham's br h Primus, 6yrs Mr. Lucas's gt f Traitress, 3 yrs ...... ........ " f • 2 First heat-s-5 to 4on Fat Jack and Primus. Aseaniui thh lead th tiirn where The Comptroller took it from hiM an°. Made play to the distance ; Person then went in front, and after a good race won by a head. Second beat-6 to - 4 APO Jack, who won this and the thi.d heat in a canter. Th Z./cluing rlahlea Handicap of 10 sovs. each, with 100 - adatil by the Proprietor, Chesterfield Course, about two* (6 subs. ). rE Mr. wright's Sister to Pickwick, 5 pus, Bst €llb (Na2) : yj :cif. Stirling's The Packet riper, 3 yrs, list 41b... ..... a Sir. J. Day's Science, 5 yrs, Bst 12. b • • Mr. Hou'dsworth's Hampton, 3 yrs, 6st 1011; ..... 4 Betting-2 I'4 1 agst Science ; 3 to 1 asst Sister to Pickitle", and 4to 1 agst Hampton. Hampton cut out the work, .fol lowed by Pocket Viper to the bend Into the straight runniho Where the Muer went in front, and made r unulng to the hill; Sister to Pickwick, who had been waiting, then challenged M' won cleverly; Science and liaMettin were beaten off: J A The Hyde Park Oaks Stake s of 15 sovs . &tett, tot three yt§. fillies, bst 41b, with 100 added. Mile and half (1 subs;), Capt. Rous's Langolee (Pettit) 0. Mr. Skt-rratt's Lydia Mr. Sadler's Protection Mr. Dixon's f. by Muley Moloch—Dryad Capt. Colquit.t's ch f Miss Emily Sir. Houldsworth's Delusive 0 Lydia made slow running with Protection second, andli‘ g : golee third, to the turn home, where Protec t i on went to Lya'. 4 : - side ; at the top of the hill Langolec 'challenged. and a ha/ 3,l ' r- , ful race ended in a dead heat. In the deciting heat Lyaior . beaten cleverly by a length. • .7.. Sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each, with 50 added by the Proprie. for 3 yrs old, ist 41b ; 4 yrs, Bst 91b ; 5 yrs, 6, yrs, 7 Yr" and aged, 9st Olb ; mares, &c., allowed 31b ; winner to be sold for 200/., &c. T. Y. C, (7 subs.) Futwar Craven's Benedetta, 3 yrs Capt. Lamb's Chit Chat, aged The following also started :—Copt. Colquitt's Miss Email Mr. Kling's Dablia, Mr. Goodman's Mungo Parke, and Le° Warwick's Petty. Larceny. Betting-3 to 1 agst Benedetti;; 3 to 1 agst Petty Larceny ; and 4 to 1 agst Chit Chat (takes)' Benedetti took the lead, and won in a caater. CHESTER RACES--THURSDAY. The Marquis of Westminster's Plate of lOW., added to a Ho y dicap of 20 soya. each, h ft. About a mile and a quarter., Lord Eglinton's Bellona, 6 yrs (Lye) Mr. Graydon's Clinker, 5 yrs Sir R. Bulkeley's Spring-head Jack, 4 yrs ........... 3 The following were not placed : —Mr. St. Paul's Calyps o ' 4 yrs—Mr. Copeland's Chantilly, 5 y rs —M r . H o lk er ' s 5 1 2 1 of Mouton, aged—Mr. Price's Prince Albert, 4 yrs--x f * Flintoff's The Plover, 4 yrs—and Lord Milltown's Wirrestre c gi 5 yrs. The Beeston Castle Stakes of 10 SON'S. each, with 50 added' Mile and a half. Mr. Loy's Arrarat, 5 yrs ... (Francis) 1 9 Lord Eglinton's Potentate, aged The following also started : —Mr. B. Minor's Ciarion, 5 jr -Mr. B. Collett's Tubalca'n, 5 yrs—Mr. Knox's GeorgeP 6 yrs—and Mr. Jackson's Wings, 5 yrs. The Wirral! Stakes of 10 Sovs. each, with 50 added. Half Mill Mr. Price's Marion, 2 yrs (Staggs) Mr. M. Jones's Portrait, 3 yrs Mr. Peel's Bugle, Lord Westminster's Dr. Jenner, and SY Thomas Stanley's gr c by Stumps, out of Jacob Faithfrll° Dam, were not placed. iti- The Selling Stakes of 5 sous each, with 30 added by the C,,, zees; 3 yrs old, 6st 101. b; 4 yrs, test Mb; 5 yrs, Sit 19 1 " 6 yrs and aged, 9st 2lu ; mares and geldings allowed 310' The winner to be sold for 100/., &c. (9 Subs.) I Mr. Osborne's ch g the Emperor, 3 yrs ...(Francis) 0 l , Mr. Saunders's b g Frank, 5 yrs 1 0 Lord Miltown's ch f Seiniramade, 3 yrs ... .. 0 0 v Mr. Speed's ch h Aim well, 6 yrs ... 2 0 ' u 0 n Mr. Mostyn's ba by Tulip, out of Q ueen B ess 3 y r s 0 - 'l O Mr. Collin's Catamaran, aged 0 0 Sir R. Bulkeley's br f by Birdeatcher, 4 yrs 0 dr Mr. Littledale's ch f Vermilion, 4 yrs Mr. Cooke's gr f Maid of Judah, 4 yrs 0 dr The The fist heat was won by a neck, and the second OW' cleverly. • PLYMOUTH SPRING RACES—WEDNEsnAir. o f Match.-50 Sovs. One Mile. Mr. Haldane's Maid Athens, 5 yrs (a lad), beat Mr. Stanley's Chance, _6 yrs. 0 , The Lyncham Stakes of 5 Suvs. each, 2 ft. Heats. , °Xt. round and a Distance. • - I 1 Mr. Ley's Abracadabra, 4 yrs (Mr. Powell) , 2 1 Mr. Couch's Marksman, 5 yrs... Sir W. Trelawney's Chartist, aged...... ..... ... 3 3 Handicap Plate of 501 . Heats. Once round. - 1 , .1 General Gilberts Stork, 5 yrs... (Owner) 3 3 0 Air. Taunton's The Jewess, 4 yrs Mr. Down's Harmodius. 5 yrs..— .... ..... 2 -. • Two others s'arted. - .1., The Hurdle Race was won, in two heats, by Captain lire l , i : Olympic, aged (Mr. J. Weir), beating five others. f:,,,,4 NO-MAN'S LAND RACES.—WEr s.f iEsn.,,at Iff. Match, 50, mile and a half—M r . Ed war d' s Ch ance , be ; Scott's Swallow. The No-Man's-Land Stakes of 5 sons. each, and 2(, 4viy. once round and a distance, were won, in two heats, •13)„.„, Hornsby's Whalebone (owner), beating Mr. Jenkins 's caster and two others. The Wheathampstead Stakes of 3 sovs. each, &c. , . 6 6 ° 4 % round and a distance, were won, in three heats, by Mr. S j e f o ur Arrian (Hornsby), beating Mr. Smith's Jim Crow and others. The Hurdle Race was won, in two heats, by Mr. 1 1 " 11/bf$ Whalebone, beating three others. THE WEATHER.—NooN, AIRY 7. ROYAL GALLERY OF SCIENCE, ADELAIDE-STK " Barometer Thermometer ...65 I Highest 6B I Lowest ..- .... Wind S.—Freezing Point 32 Deg. .. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCL. (LLOYD'S.) LONDON, MAY 7.—Wind this day at noon light bre'l from S. S. E., fine clear weather. DEAL, May 6.—Wind S.W.—Arrived the Middleton , for d , Buenos Ayres ; Charles, Tobago ; Rambler, Cadiz ; Einere ditto ; Iberia, ditto; Florence, Madeira ; Marathon, Meriit e i . ranean; Ana Victoria, Teneriffe ; Conservative, 5 014 4 Elizabeth, Sarragona ; Don, Westward, a steamer, a fruit vessel, No. 1,120, MM. C. S. ; Arrived from the i l c o; Trio, for Calcutta; Winchester, ditto ; Heroine, Rio Jane t • Boadicea, ditto; Isabella, Demerara; Susan King, Table; Mary, Montreal ; Clio Cape De Verds ; Challenge, 114 1 0 e Margaretta, Gibraltar; filedora, Mauritius , Eddystone, Quebec. Du o, STANT:ATE CREEK, MAY 6.—Arrived the Marquis of from Sin} rna ; CorintbianVante. OFF MARGATE, MAY 6.—Montrose, Peters, from do t cutta. The Mary Ann, Redferr, from Liverpool. o ff on shore on Margate Sand this m o rning, but was assiste" and in here leaky. r ioe, LIVERPOOL, MAY 6.—Wind W.—Arrived the Sepe ; Johnson, from Bombay. sailed from the Cape 6th Ma u r 00 , Isaac Allerton. 'furry, New Orleans ; Abeona, ditto ; ,_C Pa r s ; ditto ; Superb, Charleston ; Trinity 3acht, Alle u ei- Active, Alexandria; Swiftsure, Smyrna ; Betsy, ditto; c .. j ,4 mar, ditto; Rock Scorpion, Malaga • Comet, Bilbao. the Grindlay, for Rio Janeiro; Rival, ' Nassau ; Hero, A irl y oThri Aurora, Sierra Leone. Arrived off port the BridpOrt aPpareFor Reindeer, from Sm)rna. bee' .SUNDERLAND.—SaiIed the Standrop, Walker, for Qu e YARMOUTH, MAY 6.—The Anch or , of Goale, ran on Scroby Sand this rrorning, but was got off without assiOl e • HARWICH, MAY 6.—A rr i ve d th e S pr i g h t l y, from 14'os pool, with loss of fore and main-topmast. The Olivia,ea Liverpool to Bake, got on the Goodwin Sand, but was aa 9s o c cl off very leaky, and in snaking for the harbour to-day, gronn y ir on the main, but is expected off on the flood after throwing part of the cargo (salt). °1 to DUBLIN, MAY 4.—The Eliza, Hay woo d, f rom Li ver P° Monte Video, having struck oa a bank o ff W ex f or d yeste,7 o ; has been towed in here, making eleven inches water per ROBBERY IN AN OMNIBUS.—Two f e yv dressed men, who gave their names John Williams antl.,f , bdi Wakeling, the former about thirty, and the latter aprZOOP about eight or ten years older, were brought to Illa.o l 4 lset police office yesterday, charged with having stolen a P t gi containing nearly thirty shillings in gold and silver, from Hester Stanley, a young lady, residing at No. 28, Berlarl., street, West. Miss Stanley stated, that on the same aft e o noon, about three o'clock, she got into a Paddington omni. b : in Berkeley-place, Edgware-road, intending to be set down 0 High Holborn ; the prisoners entered the vehicle at't" Regent's-circus, and ofter proceeding a very short distayee' - to they both alighted; a gentleman, who di rect l y came 01 1 the omnibus door, inquired if any of the passengers had bee • robbed, and on her examining her hag, s h e di scovere d that had purse and money were gone; the prisoner Williams. who /I „ s e a great coat banging upon his arm, had b een s itting 1 to her, and the other man, Wakeling, on the opPl! e 'i r seat exactly in front of her; prior to their making tl e r egress, she had taken sixpence from her purse to pay, eaf r fare, and then returned the purse to the bag. Joseph 1 ". 00 ,- hart, 19, Park-place, said he observed the prisoners tieing the various omnibuses as they passed, and at lert ir saw them get into ens at the place named by Miss Sta n .., He imagined from their manner that they were thieves, 1 4 , having hinted his suspicions to police constable George, :iv D, they to:sk their seats upon the top of the vehicle, wh! n n - s bey" ness crawled over the root, and spoke to the conductor. ( i 0 0 (the prisoners) got out at the end of Wells-street, an wet witness ascertaining the lady's loss he ran forward and ' e a in hold of Williams, who made a most violent resistance , O tir ae the scuffle which ensued, he dropped from his hand ,& Pb into the road. A gentleman then came up, his assistance he (WiLiams) was conveyed to th e . tion-house. He said that he was a respectable r''';o6 and that he (witness) would find himself mistaken. Th e 11 00 and its contents were here produced, and identified br i t hat Stanley as her property. Police-constable George sal u ,,,fore the prisoners were talking together at least five minutes,.",, lio g; they entered the omnibu, ; collared and c tptured who exclamed, " I have taken nothing trom any one ink' „.„.. e . Williams said he should decline m a ki ng any statement at r sent. They were rerranded till Tuesday. 'no STORM IN GALWAY BAY.—The awful account has been received from Galway, exf;aatur front a letter written by a person on the spot ; -- " c -L o a n st n,ei n b ar o : t ; Be was a woful day ve bay, from Galway to Between Costello Bay land Tbiddaw, nut less than We'll : boo were wrecked. Forty boats escaped into Thiddaw_ and eleven boats were lost between the town and their Yet leap at Costello, below the Lodge. The loss of life 19 , ': t known, but it -is very great. It blew a hurricane, aria_;`, l not pitiable to see so many men floating on the sea w ho . , n eotl'i' s baY be relieved. There was not so much damage done in the memory of man. THE C OUNTES S OF JERSEY'S GRAN D BA GG f l at, n O ia n u T si h on u , rs .i d n ay the n exce ptiOP. je ?.:;oyy. e s = e a i v n e c a el s e p h l r e a n t d io id n ba o ll f t o h t e tl i i n e r: to tb c; without t L i oati n yt i ?.( ;h: ni . b4aitliitimaovndnieielah. 1. 1 L t va d y s s h , e th° most brilliant reunion of tlie 17e.sent season, the , 01 t1' et Y eroding 330 in number.