The Sun. — London, England, 1841-08-25 00:00:00

IVI ORNING SUI 4: it inArea sed i A this one branch it must diminish in the othfrl He the. •efore called this a complete fallacy as a scheme of finance. Thi 3 next thinrr was sugar. He thought in this re sp is , vernment scheme of finance could never succeed, uecause. it v as admitted by the Governrre it that the effect wonl i only be to reduce the price of sugar some fraction if a farthing pet pound. avow, unless the price of sugar was re one 7 penny in the pound, the consumer could gain no advantage. He was not prepared to say thilt he thought no time could . occur in which the duty en foreign grown sugar oug trot to be reduced, but then there was the question th at bad been alluded to by his Noble Friend, of ;!avert' and the slave trade; and, although his Noble Friend had told th , tun, that if he thought these would be promoted by the measure with all his love for free trade, he would not consent to i t. He (the Earl of Ripon) thought it must have 'h tt effect,- —at all events, there was great danger cf it. The Paperiment cal emancipation had not been fully tried. He be lieved it w a 9 working remarkably well, and would entirely ..ucceed • 1 'tit he thought it would be unwise, in the greatest :--szible de. ;re e, to risk its success by such a measure at the present mi,mei nt. He came now to the most important part this am?ly, to the alteration in the Corn-laws. The lbject, was so inclosed in difficulties, that he hardly knew how I)..tst appros ~ :11 it. He thought he should be able to show that the props sed plan was one in which they ought not to ac- His :l N'oble Friend, who opened the debate, talked of the iportanre of free trade in everything, but, above all, in corn, znEl very fairly stated what exaggerations prevail en this sub uoth sides. Rut might not he (the Earl of Ripon) u. - i, was the It oposit.on of the Government a bona fide one, nd, if not, ss bat might be the result, and to what might it be ,!ended they shor.ld come ?—(Cheers. ) If the argument of Noble Fri mt.l.prevalled, it would come to an atsolition of protectim t..—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) ;ere ! The mystery was unveiled.—( Cheers.) The mover seconder A' the Address, before they came to the House, :,..tst have ma lJ observations on the subject, and he there ;ore must sui pose that his Noble Friend at the head of the rras perfectly aware, when he selected them fee (,ov , :rnment purpose, that the miner and seconder of the Address argue ' 3w. question on the - principles of free trade and no o l:er ; and. therefore, it was not unjust or uncharitable to in- that that was the end to which this scheme tended.— `.sheers.) There could not be the slightest doubt of it. whe they a egarded this circumstance, or what had been said in ,• ',smirch pamphlets, in the newspapers, or in the outpourings site Anti-Corn-law League.. If this were indeed a bona fide cation of a fixed duty, instead of a graduating scale, was that Taedioa on which to atg•Jate the country to its foundations, to excite all the wo-.st passions of our nature ?—(Cheers.) how could they settle such a question as this on a fair and reasonable baiis, when all parties were maddened respecting by a violent agitation, which produced disorder and broke up every social feeling. This charge appeared to ti:ro to be on the side of those who clamoured tor what they •• - ..lied cheap br a , acl, and never thought of what his Noble F.-iervl who m , ived the Address, with all his knowledge.and ex v-rieirae, had told them--that cheap bread it would not bring. i-i ! did not chink that the institutions of the country were cure when. insinuations were spread abroad by persons not .ithout. respecting the disinterestedness of those to mom • cat committed the task of framing our laws. Insinua ,ns of: this kind were contained in the Report to which he ha , i ai'.uded. It had been stated that the existing, laws had ly failed in producing the objects sought to he obtained i;, but he would show Hot only that it had not failed, but a?'. it had produced exactly the effect desired.—(Cheers.) roe l: Lordships would find on the table, that :here was ,tare: ent of the weekly averages of corn for a series years, going down to the end of the last year, and .a the course of the 12 years inelnded in those tables, the .tverage price was s~s. and :3-10ths. Now that was not .I.t :di an extravagant average ; but if that period was itividPd into two parts, the average of the first six years 'mould be found to have been : - .39Z Id. and the next six i7s. G,;(1. Now from that he thought it might be said that the sr,hcine of the Corn-laws had not failed. If the 12 years were divideA in - o three the same result would be bound to !a.ke place. The Noble Lord opposite had all ided to another irgument, and that was with reference lo the errantry being ic: , endant upon foreign supply, nod i.e had denied that atry danger would ',stilt Sr: in that. Nor: he ( Lord Kiva) tett convince that there was danger in such a at, of things, and that was thn real grounds • iid justification in his rdnd fur supporting any Corn-laws Latever. He could not divest himself of the most grave ap ,i•hension, that if they depended upon importation from broad for the supply, they would thereby cause the neglect of to growth of e'rn in this country, rand would impose great ilificulties, and difficulties that would increase every year ; iddod to which, he thought it extremely likely, if they admitted 'oec4,n corn into this country, and thereby injured the cultiva wn of corn here, the time would come when foreign countries could not have corn to send them. He believed if the mea- •es proposed were carried, a great portion of the land of this ,entry would be thrown out of cultivation. Looking at the abject in a mercantile point of view, it was said, if free trade n corn was given, that the manufacturers of the country would flourish in a much greater degree. Now for his own part, he thought there was great reason to doubt that. By tar the gr eter part of the nat lons of Europe had Corn-laws for their eiseteteion, and how -,vas it therefore to be supposed that those reentries, if the Corn-laws in this country were repealed, il4l take the goods of this country at a greater price then they tee, ld manufactur e them themselves ? It was said steit the Prussian League was the result of the Corn laws. He as,ertect that it was no such thing. It was a great sei:eme devised ler the purpose of nationalising the north of Germany, and it was one of the best guarantees for peace that hail existed for ages.—(Hear, hear.) He would venture to say that no man who Fad been in Germany would fail to have discovered that t pr"inciple that animated the German people wee to protect tl:eir own manufactures : they might be wrong in that, and this, country might be wrong, but it was a feeling rracting all nations in all times. He believed fro m a ll h e need heard, thr.t not one of the Governments of Europe would make any relaxation in their restrictive laws, merely because this counto-y had thrown the trade in corn open with them. :Much had been said about Russia, but their Lordships must know that the laws of Russia were most restrictive. Great, exertions had been made in that country to establish manufac tines in e- very part of it, and what reason was there, he would ask, fur supposing that merely because this country had granted a free trade in corn, they would unsettle and abandon all these things ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Under all the eircums :ancee of the case, looking to the course that find been taken by her Majesty's Government, and look in o to the fact stated by the two Noble Lords., that they intended to stand or tall by' those propositions, anti those pro positions being liable to the doubts he had mentioned, he should move an . true adment to the address, expressing a want of con fidence on the part of that House in her Majesty's present Cevermen.t, and he trusted that their Lordships would adopt it. In th at amendment he proposed that they should state to her Majesty that they approached her as her devoted ser vants, and. as a body of men who, whilst they respected the pre sad dignity of the Crown, arid the person of their Severeie n, knew how to. appreciate the duties which their station i .nposed upon them, and how to maintain the rights and lib erties of their country. He should wish that they should approach her Majesty with these feelings in their hearts, and the fear of God before their eyes, to assure her that they joined with her in her earnest prayer, that all their councils and deliberations might be guided by wisdom, and might con duce to the welfare and happiness of her people. The Noble Earl concluded by moving an amendment to the effect, that their Lordships begged humbly to represent to her Majesty that the public expenditure had for several successive years ex ceeded the income, and begged to assure her that they were deeply sensible of so great an evil, and would do all in their power to remedy it : and that in deciding on the course which it might be desireable to pnraue, especially with respect to the '1 laws relating to the trade in corn, it would be their ardent de s es to consult the interests and promote the welfare of all classes ; bit they felt it to be their duty to state to her Majesty, that in doing so it was essential towards arrivi ng a t a satisfactory result, that her Majesty's Government should possess the con fidence of that House and of the country, and respectfully to represent that that confidence was nut reposed in the present Government ; and that they cordially joined in her Majesty's prayer that all their deliberations might be directed with wis dem, and conduce to tine interests of the people. The Marquis of CLANHICARDE explained. He was not present in favour of the total abolition of the Corn-laws. I-n was in favour of a moderate and low fixed duty ; but he hoped that in a •,tiort time they would be altogether abolished. We coulee not see who seconded the amendment, but it was pot into th a hands of the Lord Chancellor, who, having read it, rut it to ine House. Some moments elapsed, when Lord Mel o .fired to rise, but was stopped by :art VITZ WILLIAM, who said he had listened with some - iosi' yto the speech of the Noble Earl. It was excited at beginning of the speech; but it was not entirely gratified no conclusion. Ile had hoped the Noble Earl would have ed what measures he would propose to remedy the present nrastances of the country; but, in place of it, he concluded eese an amendment, is which he did not point out any ono pile-, but confined himself to the enunciation of the long known fact that the Ministry did not possess the tee& are the Tof that House. There was no important proposition in dNerclieency of . eed in the amendment. It said, merely, o ev e e are the many, you are tl -•. you are the weak—we the few ; us the Government." The Noble Earl was evidently de a of concealing the mode in which he would propene difficul to cafe the country from its acknowledgedowhat tie& He not deign to give even a sketch fmeasures he Earl a e . ._ght necessary for that purpose. The the enewledged the difficulty-- he admitted the resentse, for it was made the very ground-wort' of his am en d.- merit. The logical conclusion, then, ought to have followed, eret their Lordships put in possession of the measures the . l'eble Earl thought necessary to meet the exigencies of the eo-. But, nil horum, the Noble Earl contents himself with "6 We are the many, you are the few," &c. That not the usual course pursued on the eve of a change of ..4slusenistration. He would refer the Noble Lord to what took plsee ten or eleven years since, when, as now, the Noble Earl was one of the party coming into Power. The Noble Earl formed one of the Cabinet upon that occasion ; but there was ci" mystery then as to the measures to be proposed. No ; the Government then coming in stated that there were certain principles which they adopted, and certain measures arising ore <1 them which they intended to carry into effect. So , in 1807, when Lord Grenville'a Administration was ov limed, Mr. Perceval stated his pe'deciples distinctly, and the manner in which he proposed to carry them out. He said th. Government were proposing measures which were danger oio 'o the Church and State, and against the wi.hes of the emietry. But ihe Noble Evel was a prudent man in his gene rate, n. He knew and admitted that the country was difficulty—he kereev that some measures must be n to ev.ric2..e us trom these difficulties, but he keeps Par , en t is profound ignorance of what he would propose those sures to be. Did he intend to sweep away great num of the taxes which now pressed most heavily on commerce, pr 4 p0r , .1 a new tax en land, or a property tax, to replace I' Was that any part o f the Noble Earl's plan? Let him tie:, House yes or no. If their Lordships thought that was ~ the proposition, would they be so very anxious to give ' 7 confidence to the incoming Government? They would see se large a majority, at all events, as they would see be - the night was east. Well, if it were not to be so, what the Noble Earl propose? The difficulties were acknow h, and great distress in our manufacturing population was , yet the Noble Earl objects to any alteration in the .ewe, and he would maintain them because he would riot iti.; : ;-!and dependent on foreign countries for a supnlv of :sow that was a very good topic on which. to found a sang speech in the I-lou e, but how stood the facts? Was ceuetry t r could the c o un try b e i ndependent of foreign P—( Hear, hear.) Let the Noble Earl divide the last century ii ith as many cycles as he pleased, and he would el that our dependance on foreign supply had increased in ices.—( Hear.) In the twelve years, from 1775 to 1786 ielusise , the general average in port was 179,000 quarters. In es !teceedines cycle, inding in 1798, it amounted to 324,000 martors ; in The next cycle, ending in 1810, the importation 17;5 t 93.000, and in the 25 years since 1815 up to 1819 it was 6 i4,6‘0, while the average during the last 11 years of that period was no less than 863,000 quarters, co that that item in • commercial concerns was totally reversed to the view taken of it by the Noble Earl It was obvious then that the Tees 4f our independence of a foreign supply was a talk of a Vnizg which could hare no existence, and, therefore, it was or . not to talk about it at ail. The simple question they o' , .:hz, to les,aleaspon was the terms upon which foreign corn it to come into this country, whether under a sliding • cr law dui populajnia or no duty at all ? The increa, rete--y than i t was g o ing on at a much ,ee4seat h atb. Tbe. was eossible for them to in than 25t001i i•year.ereCeeeoull the population was, not 1 quarters of whtat ? , s they provide so many addi- Lu 'to se, they must cultivate the 4; ,litit! TTI K SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA Y, AUGUST 25:, 1841. sore number of acres of land, in addition to that now under very shortly to your Lordships. I certainly have been, on cultivation, and that was perfectly impossible to be continued• former occasions, for putting off the agitation and discussion The effect of the sl ding scade was to create at times a great of this question, which I know, whenever it comes on, must deal of speculation in toreign corn, and to draw that specula- be attended with the circumstances which the Noble Lord has tion away from home f risen corn. What was the effect of it described ; but I always knew that that discussion must come upon, prices? At the latter stage of the sliding scale an ad- —(Cheers)—that it was not to be avoided, that it was entirely , dition of Is. to the price of wheat reduced the duty 2s. and a question of time, and I only beg your Lordships' atten ultimately even that small addition led to a reduction cf 4s. tion, while I state shortly what I think upon the sub duty. The consequence was that the parties speculating in corn ject. This great system of the Corn-laws is capable tampered with the averages, and artificially raised the price in of being represented and charged as havin g b een intro the market. In fact a small number of great capitalists had the duced and supported for the benefit of those who power to raise the price of food th r oughout the whole country. introduced and supported it. It i 3 the work of two Houses of He well knew that that was not their object. They wanted to Legislature, one conisting entirely of landowners, arid the reduce the duty. But the p r i ce o f f oe d was raised in a 'canner other consisting chiefly of Isndowners e and I:tell you that it is not that was not advantageous e ith e r to the revenue or the land. a safe state of things. lam not accustomed to speak the lan holder. Wheat at present was from 755. to 80s. That was guage of warning or dictation, but beli eve me , my L or d s, i n partly owing to the bad prospects of the harvest, but also in a the judgment of your country you stand in a situation in great degree to the speculators in foreign corn, who, by ficti- which you are capable of imputations of so plausible a nature— tious sales, raised the price. Had many of their Lordship s b een ( Hear, hear)—and I do assure you r L or d s hi ps t h at i t i s ab travelling either from Land's end or John-o'Groat's-House, solutely necessary to put these laws, some time or they would have seen that the farmers' stack-yards were nearly other, on a more reasonable and satisfactory founda empty, so that the advanced price did not go into the pockets tion.—(Cheers.) I do not charge your Lordshit s of the agriculturists, but into those of the speculators, so that, with what you are generally charged, with in in fact, the present laws were not beneficial to the agricultural terested feelings or motives, no man more deeply regrets, or interest, and he doubted whether it was to the advantage of more decidedly condemns the general tone and arguments we the landed interest, as disconnectedwith the agricultural interest. hear held on this subject. Ido not think these laws are con- He would remind their Lordships that the land valuers had al- demned by the Christian religion, or that they are contrary to ways taken the basis of 635. or 645., instead of 565. or 575., and morality, and ought to be extirpated and eradicated, nor do I it was upon that higher value that the rents were valued. think that those by whom they were originated had nothing That was the true explanation of the distress that had existed in view but their own interests and objects. But, feeling sure in the country, and of the petitions with which that House had that they are not the products of anything base, or mean, os been inundated, and which had induced their Lordships to ap- sordid, I entreat your Lordships to free yourselves from the point a Committee to inquire into the causes of the distress - of imputation, to relieve yourselves from the possibility of being the aericultural c l asses .—( H ear , h ear .) Wh o was t h e cause su charged. There is nothing so f oo li s h as t o su ff er dis of that ? Not the land valuer, but the Parliament, and there- credit for what we don't do.—(Cheers and laughter.) fore it was that he was anxious Parliament should retrace its If really free from the imputation yourselves, as no doubt you steps with as little delay as possible, It had been said by are, I earnestly entreat your Lordships to consider whether it great authorities elsewhere that the sliding scale would remedy would not be wise to attempt to put those laws upon a more these evils, but nobody had yet said, not even the Noble Earl satisfactory and reasonable foundation. My Lords, it is a very opposite, where it was to begin or wher e it was to end.— good argument to say th a t our a r guments l ea d to a total abo ( Hear, hear.) He admitted that the sliding scale might be so lition, and that we mean total abolition. But that is not so. adjusted as to free the law from many of the difficulties which We know many measures founded on arguments that went at present exi s t e d, h u t u p on a ll th es e m a tt ers t h e H ouse had much further than the m easures th emse l ves, w hi c h measures, been left in the most blessed ignorance by the Noble ntvertheless, are found satisfactory. It is on these grounds Earl is ho had moved the amendment. There was no that I vote for an alteration with respect to the duty doubt that au alteration would be made in the Corn- on corn. I conceive that a fixed duty is the right principle— laws. He had some recollection of what was called that it would be safe and tenable, that it would insure suffi eint protection, and at th e same t i me di m i n i s h much of the the battles on the Catholi c qu e s tion. Th e y were now Nieral disco: tent aed sue i ion which at the pre sen t ti me battling under somewhat s i m il ar di s advantag es —f or commer- g cial freedom—and he . believed the same success would ulti- prevail,—(Cheers.) My Noble Friend brought a great num mately attend them.—(Hear.) How soon th a t resu l t m i g h t ber of small things togeth er , b u t h e seeme d at t h e end of be he could not say, bu t e ven the Noble E ar l o pp os i te mint a d - his speech to feel that his stilts were tottering u n d er hi m . mit that ultimately the Corn-laws must be giver' up, and he did He referred to th e mcne y d er i ve d f rom t h e S av i ngs ' Ranks, ar.d said that we had d on e w h a t was l ega ', b ut no t w h at was not doubt that the Noble Earl would himself be a p ar ty t o th e constitutional. He also said that we kept too small a b a l ance surrender. Much, however, would depe n d on th e courage o f the Noble Earl and his friends. It might be found out that in the Exchequer, but if no distrust is felt by the proprietors there was a short harvest in 1841, and that it would be no- of the Savings' Banks, and no inconvenience has resulted cessary to have a small supply of foreign corn. They might, from the state of the balances in the Exchequer, I perhaps, venture upon an Order iu Council, but all would de- think these are hardly matters to form a ground peed upon circumstances. He cared very little for the down- for such emotion as this.—(Cheers.) But, whatever the real I fall of a Ministry, comparatively.--( Opposition cheers.) He meaning of the motion in plain English is, now that we have hoped his Noble Friend would excuse him.—( Hear, hear.) a majority in the House of commons, we will turn out the He cared little, comparatively, for the downfall of a ills • illinistry.—( Loud laughter.) We shall see. I will not judge nistry, and he was sure his Noble Friend cared equally from what they had said on the hustings- When they come little—( Hear, hear)--but when questions of such import- to hear arguments in a more satisfactory manner, they may en ance were brought by the Executive Government before the tertain other opinions.—(Cheers and laught-r. ) I must say, country, he thought they were entitled to its warmest gra- I derive some degreee of consolation and hop e f rom t h e argu• finely.. However triumpha n t th e N o bl e E ar l an d hi s fr i ends merits by which es conclusion was supported on the hustings. 'night be that night, the time would come when the country I feel certain that such is the sense of honour and justice, that would acknowledge with gratefulness the obligations they when their fallacy is shown to them, they will not pei se were under to that Ministry which had had the courage to yore in op liens based on such arguments. But, bring these measures forward.—(Hear, hear.) He would re- es I said, this is the real meaning of this motion, which cer peat the word courage, because it was well known that by tainly I did not expect from the previous conduct of this House. ishoever these subjects were mooted, they were sealing their My Noble Friend on the cross benches (Lord Lyttleton) has own political suicide. He admitted that the landed interests given us the benefit of his support--( Laughter)—but perhaps were always the most powerful in that country, anti it was his we should have been as well wishout his support ; but I think wish that they should be so ; but he was anxious that they, my Noble Friend a little overstates Whig doctrines, when he should exercise their great power with justice towards the rest said that on the last division in the House of Commons on the of the country. They had exhibited their power, but, un- Irish Registration Bill, we ought to have resigned; and when fortunately, it had been by placing themselves in collision he made a strong attack upon us on account of the Appropriation with the great mass of the people, and he was satisfied that Clause. Now the resolution we came to was, that no settlement they could not long maintain that power against the other in- ofthe tithe question should be adopted by us that did not contain terests of the country.—( Hear, hear.) a provision for the appropriation of some part of the revenues Lord LYTTLE lON would give his vote in favour of the of the Church to some other purpose, such as education. What Address, in order to show his approbatio:i of the measures' of was that, but saying that we would do our utmost to mu such commercial policy which had been brought forward by her a measure?—(Cheers and laughter.) I say no more than that Majesty's Ministers ; but he wished to make a few remarks to lam sorry that clause was not carried. 1 believe it would have their Lordships, for the purpose of explaining that he could clone much for the stability of the Church if the clause had been not allow that vote to be considered a vote of general totifi- carried. We brought it forward two or three times in the dence in the measures of the present Government. If ever a House, and, when we found it impossible to carry it, we aban- Government was justified in appealing to the country for its cloned it. The Noble Lord says that was wrong; But what approval of any measures, he thought the present Government does he say to the conduct of Sir Robert Walpole op the Excise was justified in submitting the measures it had recently brought scheme, a scheme much like ours ; at least "making the forward. He did not think, however, that they were justified same professions. He said that it was, necessary in calling upon the country to support them as a Ministry, for the repeal of the Land-tax, and for the greater imptevee after the signal defeats they had sustained upon the most in- merit of the commerce of the country, and that it Would gene portant clauses of that most debated and disputed party mea- rally facilitate trade. It was impossible to state the advantages sures that had been brought forward in the last Parliament. of a measure higher than be stated it. " But," said he, "if On the 25th of April they were defeated by a majority of 2:1 ; the interested clamour and prejudice of individuals prevail and again on the 29th by a majority of 11, when they were against me. I will give up the scheme, andlnot only will I give forced to give up the, Bill. They still retained their position up this scheme but I will never bring forward another on as a Government ; and although they were again defeated on similar principles, and it will be long enough if I ant defeated the Sugar Duties on the Bth of May, they retained their thus before another Minister will be yold enough to follow my places until they were declared unworthy of the confidence example. I consider this measure beneficial and necessary, of the House.—(Hear.) He (Lord Lyttleton) was too but if lam thus overpoweredil will give it up, and not only much of a Whig to approve of their conduct on these occa- will I give it up, but 1 will never being forward a similar meae sions. He could not forbear alluding also to an almost de- sure. And this is what a Minister must do. I will only funet subject, the appropriation clause, which was passed iu a I further add that I do not think there ever was a motion of Committee of the whole House on the 7th of April, 1815, and much magnitude founded on such weak and insuffiteietit argu which embodied the declaration that any surplus remaining ments.—( Cheers. ) , L . after providing for the wants of th e Ch urc h, s h ou ld b e applied Lordrile Duke TELTO Y T of N (explained to the education of the p eo pl e . N ow , if t h ere were any mean-WELLINGTON was happy to think that the ing in those words, it was, that coming into office on the Noble Viscount had acquitted their Lordships ;of . , the charges adoption of the resolution, nothing would induce them to be a that bad been brought against them for the course they lied party to the success of any measure which did not embody 'thought proper to pursue with respect to the Coreslaws in the them.--( Hear, hear.) Upon that resolution they bad come course of the last Session. With respect to the amendment into office, and yet they bad abandoned it, and in his opinion, moved by his Noble Friend, he wished to say that there were from that moment they had given up their position, and were parts of the Address to which his Noble Friend made no objec standing upon ground which did not properly belong to them. non whatever. The Noble Viscount hal been rather severe Nothing, therefore, would induce him to give his full adherence upon some parts of his Noble Friend's speech, which he to a Government that acted in such a manner.—( Hear, thought vets totally uncalled for. What was the Bourse his hear.) He believed that principles of liberal policy would in . Noble Friend had pursued? Why, he had commented upon the main be fallowed by any Government that would hereafter some of the statements of the Noble Lord who had preceded take office, and therefore he had no fear on that point ; but the him—he had observed that upon some topics no information had question was, whether the political character of the persons I been given, and he bed commented upon the statements with who were likely to form a Government was such as would respect to China. There was some parts of the SteeeiTh induce them to concede these principles with honour to them- to which his Noble Friend had thought temper to selves.—(Hear, bear.) On these grounds he should give his MOVe an amendment, - which amendment the Noble vote in favour of the Address. Viscount had stated, was founded upon very trivial grounds. Lord MELBOURNE then rose and said—My Lords, the The Noble Viscount had stated truly, that they had not otten nature of this motion and the circumstances under which it is been called upon to give opinions upon abstract question% of matte—the arguments on which it was supported, and the policy on the part of the Government. He (the Duke of Wel fair and candid, clear and distinct spirit—(Laughter)—in lingtoet) had himself, more than once, called upon their Lord= which they were stated, are such as unquestionably do not I ships not to give their opinions upon questions ef:Vellete tilltill make it necessary for me, notwithstanding its great im- brought before them in the shape of a Legislative measure; portance, to trouble your Lordships with many observations 1 and upon other occasions h e had One so far as to supp or t th e on the subject. I listened with great a tt en ti on t o my noble Government upon them. But u pon t hi s occas i on there came friend who moved th e amen d men t. I li stene d w i t h great , before their Lordships questions of great importance, not dilly deference to his ability, to his information, and with great in their principles, but likewise in their details; Ind those respect for his candour, and I must say, considei ing the questions were brought before them in the usual Manner 'of superstructure he was about to raise, I never knew a weaker -Speech from the Throne.--( Hear, hear.) It Vree %lateral, or more slender basis.—( Hear, hear.) My noble friend made therefore, that his Noble Friend, who trroVed the Amend s sort of omnium gatherum speech.—(Laughter.) He ment, should state to their Lordships thee Krounds upon which pressed every thing into his service. He brought to- he founded it. Those grounds were, in the first instance, the gaiter what was done in the past year and in the neglect of the finances ef the country on the adoption of mews present :year, and then brought that forward as sures, and earning on the war on a peace establishment, whinthe ground and foundation of a motion of such no prevision had been made for them by Parliament-- magnitude and importance—a motion, allow me to say, (Hear, hear, hear.) His Noble Friend had stated what perfectly and entirely new in this House, and was perfectly true, that, instead of coming tortvat-tt to Par which came like a thunder-clap upon me—(Loud liament to propose the Ways and Mean% the government cheers and laughter) since I was not aware of had adopted an irregular and unconstitutional mode of finding the existence of any spirit in this House on the means to pay those changes ;in some instances resorting which any such motion could be founded. —(Laughter.) There to the Savings' Bank, end in others to the funding of Excite% were many factious motions in the last House of Commons— quer Bills-. Besides these expenses the Government had those I was perfectly a ware of—continued motions of a want of thought peeper to repeal a large sum of tent, by which they confidence, but I never had the least notion that any of your reduced the revenue to such an amount as ibeehettly tai ISA' Lordships sympathised or agreed with those motions.— a deficiency to the extent of nearly two million% and a l'i.kli, (Laughter and cheers.) There has bee n no thi ng to l ea d me to b es i des the large debt incurred, He (the I) l .th of Welling suppose that your Lordships were not all r e p os i ng i n tranqu il ton ) t h ought that all these eiree nnetences which had been . confidence in the wisdom of the present. Government.— stated by his Noble Friend wen surely a sufficient reason to ( Loud laughter.) And yet, on the sudden, and on such justify the vote he though' it right to come to on doe toVeent . 1 grounds as those stated by the Noble Lord, you come forward occasion. The Noble Vinount had taunted b y Noble Vriend unexpectedly, in a manner contrary to your former conduct, for hoeing Lund fa i L:i with the cottw, ia% ted by the t3'OY-ell belying all the manner in which yet had conducted yourselves, mem with ..espect to the Fatch li treaty. New with tnis distinct motion of a want of confidence in her Ma- I thought ;Its ' Noble riti*ha wt., ,LiAti, flatieii to vi , ,. t jetty's Government.—(Laughter and cheers.,) Then on what Ito e„ tg i rgureet . - • - o i. . , r _ antes et showing t e Wont _ foresiget on the grounds does the Noble Lord do this? He states a number' •.,"; part of the Noble Leeds 'lsnposi's.e. ells Noble Friend had objections to the Speech ; he says there are certain ote.,essions stated whet he notisidercnt st. 'sufficient for th re e ag u n keof wee . . b ) the amend:- I in it—that there is no mention of the proceedings ~n Western meet that he ha ''leeeposed. But he India and in Affghanistan. With respect to d i m , grigissiens . Must confess `hat he had other reasonsC for reetnnhiendirr :he% I say there have been no events in that % t esti-ter of the tribe Lordships to come ' to this vote mantis ivhichThie Shoeld Sa. , which seemed to call upon her 11.1aje c :q's advieers to advise her mit to their Lordships with great pier, Vet sehi`O Ike etiiitie- Majesty to make any observat:ans respeet??l-k th e m i n h er theless, considered it hiss dirt y_ to ealeinie t to ‘titeir ILTl.d . in t ips. Ir. Speech,—(Rear, hear, beee, ) But 'Net tne Noble Lord .ire course of the in - ontht of May ,4 Tine last her Majesty's proceeded to a condemnationcif Our whole policy in G o vern m e nt toned titielAsilireg under the necessi ty of intim at that quarter, of a ll th a t has bee* dyne, and of the grounds on log that itintte their intention to dissolve Parliament. That 'which it has bean dome. TS:ow information has already been , andedii'ichthent was most unfortunate, considering the State to laid before the H ouse on th i s subject, and if the Nettle • which the coun t ry was broueht by ile eistetesion Which had Lord disapproved ot that policy, he was wanting in Ire duty taken place with respect to the, CO4n-laws; and, 'emisi9lerihg not to bring it bef ore the consideration of .your Lordships. what bad passed upon the subject ot the Budget and the 'Udine —(Heare hear.) And surely it was hardly fair to reserve laws in the House ot Com Mons ?ii the neankliii et May and them tie the present moment, to fonnelen them a motion of J une " h e ( t he D u k e o f W e ll.) t gton) clod not but think that this new and unexpected nature?--(Hear, he ar . ) Then the it would have been Most Avlsable on the part of the Noble Noble Lord said th e pee e ial i b was in a state of great dis- Viscount to haVe tvottied recommending her Majesty to intro. order—that we had foetteetd an alliance with Punjeet Sing . _duce ese l idsintb her Speech delivered from the Throne in den* that w as no t very Cred i table to us, and that Punjeet Sing ; 'last, Calculated certainly to excite animosity in the tinintry, had died. WI, we were not responsible for 'thee— because it was cal cu l a t e d t o conve y to the publi c that her Me ai(nnLtanou.4rgi.hribterrd!:p.rtnd it is not very unnatural en the 'death of jesty had strong feelings on the ettlejett ot these lairs. He (the rin T e h e e for the country which he'governed to fall Duke of Wellington) was elittelished at the Words that had e'eil Noble Lord then found limit with the ex- put into the speech. Pettition to China, though he hardly 'entirely condemned it—. Viscount AllE.LBOURNEen—rix it • iit V. ''.;'e "words used by v li f: e: tw e , it was generally 'admitted on both sides George the Third in diesdlviree tee rarliament in 1784. 6tefehauttiechtlrythbbe: circumstances did certainly call upon this The Duke of WIeLkNUTON believed that the case of en and tat 'a n etieed such measures as those dissolving toe Parliament by George the Third was entirely ' by her Majesty's Government. , es-iihNs ducts. It was a dispute in the House of Ccannonl ~,(rlioaukelared;beehyeoutiar.te)raltti is not fitting on the present occasion ten' of prerogative on the one hand, and privile6 Ott the ( 6thet ' ons on the conduct of that expedition. It —not a question in which every anon cemittfere l d We hit! In 1 . 1 it is an highestexpnediteion degree premature to do e&; but that terest. There was another citcearnetanA fe * i tilbli he must and that it is liabalendtoofn:t-reat .difficulty every bay will admit, advert, and which he did 'tsith W..t Concern, and that was t u difficulties whieh the Noble Lord that the Noble Visconnt ateatild have permitted himself to has pointed out, t tv h btet eref rn ore ay is left but to express advise her Majeteer to make the speech that,4l beeit reb:ti an anxious hope that this r ea g may be brought to a Con satisfactory termination. ig t that dee\ He (the . Duke of Welliogedha e lietli e 11143 finds fault not only 'with my Lords, the Noble Lord sielered the Noble Viscount as leiVirke ttiO' , ! , .!.reil the greatest with what would have taken has taken place, but possible service t a leer 'Kati He had reason to we have not concluded if we h a d, it would have involveda a treat ]'lace. place ' Hes says that know, that her . litl:Cesty herself was of opinion with Frances but float that that Nob V . ;..4Vttht had rendered her the greatest pot , - treaty was not c,onpclruodvelsta,aoufaurit nhergret nedifficulties ; sible serei*se 1 .11 making her acquainted with the laws, kW ! unnecessary for d the difficulties have int*, 'iht. t , the customs of the Government ef tkiet; co'Antty._. ant arisen, i but as the n Lo fa i c l t, nee o into any vindication Oar hear.) It is (exclaimed the Noble 13.ukt)41e riglit'of carried into effect : -Wie her Majesty to preside over this ceutt - tele end 'God protect her . h of ea a n i;olic h y ie w t ration of the state of the question, aeg of 4164 .. o the Vellside- in doing so, but he thought that the Noble Viecount'eught net measures to have embarrassed her Mainsty, in senCtioning4ttch it Speech which have been brought under the consitoeteeth, li t h i c e h N ' ' v o a la I s ' i and the country by her MajeAy's Goveseetnent. et of the House as that which was made in line, and that snitich lid been deli- Ile finds v • • ' - very weed by the Lords Commissierter'e Thiel day. He thought that considerable fault with these rneiseres, although h e • • Iwith all of them. He thinks the pm • _ agrees in the most invidious term's *wee Tilde use of in the Speech. P rince) e Principle on which He would take leave to say that the Noble Viscount had no the alteration of the timber duties is founded was a . . . correet right to lead 'the Country to suppose that those who were principle, but doubts about the manner in which it is e l , reed into effect- He doubted the propriety of raising be c the duty opposed 'to ate alteration of the Corn-laws were opposed to bier Majesey—it was unjust.—(Hear.) Only 14 months ego he on Canadian timber, but at the same time he admits the Re ty tllected hearing the Noble Viscount use the strongest lan ral principle.—( Hear, hear.) It was only the principle - el. 'tet e u h a e ge against even the consideration of these laws—(Cheers) was asserted.—( Cheers.) Matters of detail were stlett to _ appealed to God that a man must be mad who wished it. alteration in Parliament. On the question of swat, also, the r,.h -_(Loud cheers.) He granted that the Noble Viscount had a Noble Lord says he only differs from us with resesert to time; that a;o( t. to change his opinmn Is he pleased—he was sure he had he thinks that measure might probable-, tit some period or other, be adopted, but he likes of to it at the rresent whie l s gr a o . j unc , ls for the change —indeed he had read the Report hes„re i h t , hes ettanged the opinion of the Noble Viscount ; but moment, became he thinks it gill encourage the slave trade, eopposed to the Address were charged with op- I must freely say, having as great a hatred and detestation prising the Queen—before n. her 'Majesty was placed in the of the slave trade as any man in the country, and hting as situation she was now in—all the information which was in anxious to take measures to , destroy and if poss ough t ible is eradi- hi s possession . to have been laid before Parliament. He cate it, that it is not by means of commercial hostility, of had sten many cutting off intercourse with slave growing countries, that the ration was mace.the in currency, also when the China trade was object is to be effected.—( Hear, hear.) Then the Noble thrownopen, hut those questions originated nbotiiiie in Committees cot,- Lord says it is unjust to India to inte r f e re w i t h th e i r t ra d e i n sisting of the first Members of men capable of the sugar of slave growing states. But my noble friend must judging on any question u o which es.— h they inquired. It recol:ect that if he admits this objection now, it will was by the knowledge I) imparted n y su sh inquiries prevent him at any future time from ailepting this measure, be- that men could judge of the consequences of such ctianees. cause that is an objection that will grow stronger by tine, and But what was done hatinquiry had b een h a d? become stronger i n it se lf, an d therefore give great weight to Why, none Whatever liegethe . ernment A G that objection i n p u t t i ng an end to any hope of ever adopting man in the House of Commons obtained a Committee, he entle- be this measure. My Noble Friend then came to that great lieved, on the sugge s ti on of the Ant' C 1- ern-lava Leagues it question, with w hi c h your L ordships must deal, and that is , the was called. When it w as moved for, a Noble Friend of hi a s in question of the trade in corn. Notwithstanding all the state- that House complained of its comprehensive nature, and asked gents my Noble Friend has made—notwithstandi ng all the de- whether the Committee were to • ' inquire, into the Corn. laws? ductions he d raws f rom fl uctuat i ons of the prices in a n other arts- The President of the Board- of Trade sa id h e could scarcely eles—l cannot b ut feel certain that the adopti on o f it fixed duty r- answer the question, as it was would • • ht limit conduce to the steadiness of that trade.—( Cheers. )it the Committee might itselfhe, . not easy to see to what points however, imagined that is perfectly self-evident that it must have that effect. I know there would be no inquiry into the Corn-laws, but that the there must be fluctuations in trade, that it will h Committee -•'d 1 't the • " c ange and te oa, c 3SSI y information obtained as to the fluctuate, and that there will be a great variation inprices; duties levied on commodities imported into the United. Kir g.- , I but that a fixed will pro„ .ace a greater steadiness in • - t t'' Committee- price, and ...no, and tepee., ..e would be very usefeev a snore regular and equal current of trade, it is impossible for employed in so doing. That was the answer of the Min' I ' is . er me to doubt. But the great argument which has always upon the subject.—( Hear, hear.) It was to be borne ' • in mind weighed with me on this subject, is one which I w ill t that I It ....,a_t it Was wholly an ea-pasta Cammittee....(Cheers)—on the He had thought that One di the sign tares was that of his Noble Friend, the Earl of Ripen ; but after his eeprobation 6f the principle of a fixed duty that evening, he (Lord Line downe) should hardly think that he could have joined in recom mending a fixed del in 1822.—( Cheers and laughter.) He reillembefed h personage in a Greek tragedy, who was in trociticed as treeing beefl watehing ten years for the signal which was to annotrece the end of the siege of Troy but his Noble Friend had etcelied this person, for he had Wit Waiting thirteen years, and had net seen the signal yet.--(Laughtee.) The measure which they pro posed was one calculated to lafodutte a fixed supply and a fixed price, which, after all, was the great desideratum of legisla tion, and the perfection of the law. Fluctuation Wets advan tageous only to the fraudulent speculator, while it was ruinotte to the farmer and labourer. That was the conclusion to which they were endeavou.ing to bring the public mind of this country. With the evidence before them—with the suc cess of former attempts to increase our commerce—with the utter failure of all the prophecies as to the conse quences of the removal of these restrictions—these were the grounds on which her elejesty's Government had deter mined on proposing a fixed duty, involving as ,it would do the removal of restrictions on the increase of our commerce with other countries, and also the removal of those restric tions in such a manner as should facilitate the renewal of treaties with them. To get rid of such a system as that of averages was itself a great blessing. He had seen with satis faction what was, if not what was contained in the amendment, yet what was omitted—he had seen no point on which Noble Lords were content to pledge them selces. The Noble Duke (Wellington) had stated his opinion of the military expenses incurred, and it was a great eatiefee tion to him that in the face of the most powerful opposition lii the course of four or five years no opportunity had been af forded their opponent of proving that the military honour of the country was tarnished.—(Cheers.) They were now about to assume the reins of office with a large majority, and be begged them to remember that of those i s whom much was given much would be required.—( Hear. ) For his own part, he could only express the wish to see the present state of things brought to a conclusion as soon as pos sible ; and he indulged the hope that the Noble Lord opposite, at no distant time, would be prepared to introduce measures cif liberality, and for the freedom of trade ; and he was sure he spoke not for himself alone, but for every Noble Lord near him, that, if he did so,he would have the support and assistance, as far as it could be given, of every one of them, for the attain ment of their great object, the common benefit of the country The Earl of COVENTRY said he wished to say tt few words on this subject. He denied that the agricultural class was discontented. Oa the contrary, they were all contented, and wanted no alteration in any thing. He thought the country was in a safe state, and hoped to God that it would soon be placed in the hands of the Duke of Wellington.— ( Cheers and laughter.) The Marquis of NORTHAMPTON could not agree to vote fora want of confidence, because he thought, in doing so, they would be voting in the dark. He should vote for the Address, as proposed by the mover and seconder, although he could not approve of the whole of the Speech, because he thought it went too much into detail. Lord BROUGHAM then rose to address their Lordships. With the opinions he entertained upon the most important topics in the Speech, he alluded to the conduct of the Govern ment in bringing forward the great subject of the Corn-laws, the timber duties, and the sugar duties, with those opinions, and alter having so often defended them by argument, their Lordships, he was sure, were fully aware that he should give his vote fur the Address in the frame in which it was intro duced by the Noble Viscount. It was unnecessary for him to trespass upon their Lordships patience by arguing the ques tion, as his opinions were well known; but he could not give his vote for the Address without guarding himself in several important particulars, especially against the impression tl.at while he approved of the Address, that he approved in all respects of the conduct of the Queen's Governmen, even with re spect to this question. But first upon the question that had been much debated that night—the Corn-laws. With respect to the important speech delivered by his Noble Friend on the benches opposite. It really appeared to lens that his Noble Friend at the head of the Go,errtnent gave no answer to that speech, he seemed to consider notwithstanding the im pression it made on their Lordships, that he had a right to call on the House to disregard it. Now he (Lord Brougham) differed entirely with his Noble Friend at the head of the Government, and he hoped and trusted that when they sat together on the opposite bencte t, _ and if any attack should be made on the constitution, which he hoped he should not live to see, he should hear a more workmanelike,. and a more eiecacious answ e r to the proposition from his Noble Friend at the head of the Goverment. In the present instance it was not from want of abilily, or a bad cause, but his Noble Friend seemed to think that it was riot worth the trouble, that there wag dn curd of the corn question, that the business was all over, although he and his colleagues had been holding themselves up es martyrs to the proposition, The carelessness of his Noble Friend at the head of the Government, was amply supplied by his Noble Friend the President of the Coun cil; but there was one thing which he had left unanswered, with respect tv the Corn-laws, which he ( Lord Brougham) considered of great importance, and he should therefore so licit the attention of their Lordships to it. He alluded to the manner of dealing with the averages. The whole gist of the question of the Corn-laws was which of the two scales gave the best prospect of a fixed and not a fluctuating price, and the Noble Duke eppoiite, who always saw things in a rig ht when last they argued the great question together, was con vinced that the present system was the best. The way in which his Noble Friend made out his propesitem was most un satisfactory. He (Lord Brougham) objected to the mode in which is Noble Friend took the averages. Suppose one month the price of corn was 605., another month 80s., and another 100 s., and so on, all those sums might be added toge ther and divided by twelve, and the sum obtained by that division might, if they chose, be called the average price for the year ; but it was not really so.—( Hear, hear.) "The price was one fluctuating between 605., 80s., and 100 s., and not the sum found by the division. Let his Noble Friend cast his eye on the paper containing the list of averages for the last six years-1835, 1836, 1837, 1838, 1839, and le4o. He (Lord Brougham) was then adopting his Noble Friend's own principles, which he knew to be false. His Noble Friend would find, that during the first three years the average price of corn was about 438. The average for the last three years was 635. or 645. ; thus the fluctuation, taking the two periods, was neither more nor less than from 435. to 635. or 64s , or no less than 50 p r cent. upon the averages themselves, through the ministration of this perfect sliding scale, which was so cal culated to produce steadiness of price. lie unfeignedly re joiced when he found that, at length, the Government had re solved to grapple with that important question—the repeal of the Corn-laws. He was not satisfied with the extent to which they were prepared to go ; but the Government's taking up that question appeared to him to be a prodigious gain for it,—a gain which not only opened a prospect, but seemed to give assurance of larger, wiser, and, in his opi nion, safer measures being dealt with. With respect to the sugar duties, he had already had an opportunity of stating to their Lordships that he had but one exception to make on that question—the exception already made by his Noble Friend who had spoken from the cross benches. He meant not the negotia tions with the slave settlements of Cuba and Brazil, but he meant the slave-trading Powers which governed Brazil. That ,Ministers seed have counselled the Crown to dissolve Puna +tine which they selected for giving meet at the partictear . eeet error of judgment. He that advice, he must say was a v... thorght that that ror was to be regrettee: with respect to the to Sovereign—With faspect to the country I and, it Wee doubly e be ftg ted, with 'hat ) hie to the questions Zeeul selites.— (Hear.) 'Nat his Fflenthe in Ruing this advice, were, persuaded that tile tesitlt di _ the general elPetifMs Would fee eliffeeent from what it heel been ; that they entertained, he *meld itot sae meet leatieuipe hopes (f ;r that eou'd not rite * jtestificition, of like justificate n of th • coarse they hat e . adeeted) bet the .thee entertained the most confident expecigiens of iavotifable /nether b Ithe returned by the country; that they advised their Soiereign td dissolve the old Parliament, and summon a new one, in tle almost ate lett certainty that teteee *red he a majority returned in fafour of them and meanree, and net a berg majority-eenot u ely that thing in which the feet Pailiernene lingered, rather than lived for the last tree 6i three' tutees =nett merely a majority of one day one or ti` , , for thgn, dud are her day as many against them—but a aelejerity with vilech they would carry on the business of tl:e cenintry—what wit c dminonly oiled a e (Irking n ajo ity, which would give c nfideace to the retleisete tit the Crown, and con. mind the respect 8F the couhtry—thug they hid the most con fident assurance that such a majority must be retu r ned upon a dissolution marl the elections which were to succeed, he was fieit fierinitted td entertain the shadow of a doubt.--(Hear.) Pteuee upSin 18 tither conceivable expectations had they a right to counsel the Cfoiell to use the highest privileges of the Prerogative of tee Crowd. Td Mined the Crown to have recourse to such an extreme step ref tftd fetirpese of attaining a large majority was an advice which no British Mittister tier dared to avow.--(Cheers.) He acquitted his Noble Friend of any such intention, for it would be degrading the Crown to the position of a party to a mere political fac tious maneeutret—(Loud cheers) —therefore it was net possi ble that any of his noble Mends could give such advice— therefore it was that they must have confidently expected to gain a large, a considerable majority. If it were said that an appeal had been made to the people upon the policy of these measures, and that it had failed—that the people had returned an answer hostile to the policy, he would take leave to deny the preptnition ; he felt himself bound to deny it by a regard to the fads of the cage, bait above all, for the best interests of the people he felt constrained to deny it. If he cared nothing far the tineetiene themselves, but regarded only the party bring ing them tetwaed—lf he Was wholly devoted to party, and *ante.' to make a pretext of tho,e questions f rat the purpose of bolstering up that party, then indeed he might well lay the &sentry had returned a verdict against—not the men— not the Geseeenreent—but the measures. The country have confidence in the men, but protest against the measures. Surly d manner of looking at the late verdict of the country weellsi teed to do the greatest injury to the questions—to the principles themselves, for it would be taken to be that they were sacrificed in order to prop up a falling power. He could not admit that that was the construction to be put oh the verdict which the country had returned. The verdict wag upon one issue, while the Vial was upon another. The country bee given their opinion pod the Men, The people had given their verdict of no con -.stew. upon the principles fidence—(Cheers)—out upon toe • . involve i jri the etiesticns they had given no As • td ! the questions they had had but scant Justice neeto,l oat to gienv—,firl i t i time', then as to shape, and Leslie, as t the eesu tee theiliselles. Had the Go vernment; two and a half ye tis , 1 , 78, 441 i (10esti4n. ,- ...the whole of them, were ' first eiepar ten tee i llie,ree e teed they Ott' iipened their eyes to their real interest: ai 44.1ds theie of t iba,,fhtirifri —hid they then opened their eyes to the exigencies an 19e Itierlezei tidy have been br oug ht f orwa ie, eke! had allowed the meaner !(.) 4 given these ther support —for all he asked, then, was inquiry, and he Jetted to preset every allegation he then made on oath at the bars, they weuld tefie hate etood in a very different easiliell. PIA Onto: illy it - elect have had a rnajoraty of their Lordships against them ; but had the Government again brought it forward, and given it all their weight, they might again have been defeiteei; hitt eupptisit that the Government had been ele.ea eel on the it sh Registration Bill, or some other matter, had they then gone to the country, they would have found the result exceedingly different to what it now was, There could be no doubt but that the Government had, in March, decided upon the measures.—(oh, oh.) That was prose d by the fact ref the letter to the Noble Lord the Geyer nor-General of Canada , which fele s only to the timber due ti s but t o t h e C orn-la ecl n Corn-laws. The re co uld be - no doubt as to the feet. but undoubtedly a tery different inpressitsn obtained in the country, and every anti-Corn-law advo: ate or candidate was met. a' once with the taunt that th e q u e stions were mere ly brought f eevard for th e pure o2e of u pholding a weak, a beat, and totterieg Ministry.—(Cheers. ) brought f orwar d f or t h e mere purpose of e polarity t o a d amaged Ministry.( Chee r rt nli ) T n ta ti t ne ha l l t he ll en the prevailing opinion at the elections, and if their Lordship s wet ltl ingu.re of a n y one w h o h a d stood at those elections; or perhaps still better of one of those who had witnessed the con tests, for standers-by generally saw more of the game than those engaged in it, they would find that with a most extraordinary unanimity, every one of these impartial witnesses would refer to that as the ground oar which they Would account for the re sults of the contest. But that was not the only ground. The shape in which the measures had been brotigheferWard, had been ;mother serious nee elireerit to their rerc.:tion. 111' meanies in th emse l ves w ere good— princi plesthe einciPles on which they were founded were sound—t hey were calculated to relieve the trala of the - country, Why had they not been brought forward as Report of which 'no measure whatever ought to have been founded, and what he complained of was, that before he began the Noble Viscount put those words in. the Speech of her Ma jetty. Be ore he put that House in a hostile position to her Majesty he ought to have given Parliament all the information he possessed, and let them judge of its worth. For those reasons he felt bound to recommend their Lordships to come to the vote of no confidence in the leeobleViscohnt. He wished to say a word or two on the Budget. With respect to the tiiftbei duties he could nbt help feeling that, before the Noble Lord attempted to renew his proposition, he ought to have considered the situation in which the Government of North America was placed at that moment. He ought to have inquired whether, even since the proposition had been made, the Government in America had not sold a large tract of land covered with Lim br. Then, with respect to the sugar duties, had the planters any information that two years after they had voluntarily given up the apprenticeship system, they were to be deprived of the protection insured to them by Act of Parliament. He did not know whether, in the event of the measure being carried, they would not have a just claim for compensation. Another class also had a right to be heard upon the question. The le gislation for two years had been such as to lead to the belief that Ministers were desirous of encouraging the production of sugar, molasses, and rum in the East Indies. With res p ec t t o the orn-laws, he would not then enter into any arguinent, but he would be quite ready to discuss them whenever the discus sion was brought forward by a Government which possesses the confidence of her Majesty and the country.—(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") He earnestly recommended the amendment of his Noble Friend to their Lordships for the sake of the people—( Continued laughter) —yes, for the sake of even the lowest classes, let them not lend themselves to measures which would lead to the destruction of cultivation—(Cries of " Oh, oh")—it was most impor tant, and so was the encouragemi nt of it. He had passed his life in foreign countries and in different parts of the world, arid this was the only country where he had ever seen a poor man, if he were only sober and industrious, would be certain of earn ing a competency.—(oh, oh.) Why, we had instances of it every day. There was one no later than last week, wherein a poor man had amassed immense riches, he had never seen any thing of that kind in any other country, and he warned their Lordships never to lose the recollection of the fact. Let them not injure the cultivation of the country, for he had seen ceun tries wherein the habit of cultivation had been lost, and he had never seen misery equal to that which then prevailed. His strenuous advice, therefore, to their Lordships was carefully to avoid those measures which would lead to a similar result. Viscount MELBOURNE said the Noble Duke had found great fault with the Speech e tech had that day been delivered as from her Majesty, and the Noble Duke had also totally min • taken what had fallen from him, for he (Lord Melbourne) was totally unaware of ever having said that those who opposed the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government opposed her Majesty. Of course the present Speech, like all previous ones, were to be taken on the reseonsibility of the Minister, and it !eel been framed according to the precedent set by the Speech dehvered by George 111. in 1784—( Hear, hear)—and upon the whole, when the Speech was drawn up, he thought it was in a milder form than the one then recommended by Mr. Pitt.—(Hear, hear.) The dissolution was upon those measures. The Government went to the country with them, believing them to be more favourable to commerce than any others which could be proposed. He did not think, there fore that the Speech, because it contained allusions to those measures, was open to the animadversion of the Noble Duke. One statement had fallen from the Noble Duke which he must indignantly repudiate. He had learned nothing from the Re port of the Committee on Import Duties. Every thing it con tamed was known to him befo e. He must, therefore, indig nantly deny that any thing it contained had caused the change in his opinion. The Noble Duke had also alluded to his (Lord Melbourne':) change of opinion on this subject. Undoubtedly he had done so, but the fact was that almost every one feel changed their opinion,. He had not the slightest doubt that these laws were founded in error, but although he was not in Parliament, he approved of them at the time. Mr. Huskisson strongly approved of them, indeed it was a subject on which there had been a greater pro gress of opinion, if he might use the expression, than any other. He had reason to change his opinion, but the Noble Duke Lae quoted him incorreetly last year when he made the allusion to insanity, it was a reference to a total repeal of all protection duties. He had always opposed the mo tions which were brought forward in that House for the total repeal of the Corn-laws upen temporary grounds. He always knew that the agitation of the question must come. He knew that all agitation and violence of speech were evils, but they were inseparable from cur constitution; they were the priee which_ we muse necessarily pay for all great changes. Atter a few words from the Duke of WELLINGTON in ex- , planation, The Duke of RICHMONI), who was loudly called for, said he felt, after the support he had so long given to his Noble Friend, he ought net to come to a deliberate vote of want of confidence, without stating to their Lordships shortly the grounds on which he had come to that conclusion. He was sure his Noble Friend would admit that he had tweed, as he al wae s would act, in an open and manly way.) He felt that the question of the Corn-laws was one of paramount importance to the best interests of the country, and he was astonished to hear from his Noble Friend (Earl Spencer) who was so dis tinguished as a grazier—(A laugh )—that if the law was altered the poor land would net go out of cultivation, but the better de ecriptiott of land, for the perpteoe of being tittered into gratin. land.=-(Heain) lase, Whitt was the fact—it was that tire land, liotriparatively not fertile, and which required more ex pense in its preparation, would go out of cultivation, and not the fine Lincolnshire or Northamptonshire grazing lands, where his Noble Friend reared his beautiful short horns.— (Hear, hear, and much laughter') The poorer land would go out of eultittition beeause the farmer could not obtain a remu netathig price fur his labour, and when his Noble Friend said the farmers of that country could compete with the farmers of the Continent, he entirely forgot the heavy burdens which pressed upon the English farmer. His Noble Friend (Vis count Melbourne) had said that any man who proposed the re peal of diced lias Mutt be mad, and yet the Noble Earl to *holy he applied to move the address to the Crown must be mad in his view as he was for a total repeal of these laws. He had a very great opinion of the Noble Earl's judgment in most matters, but he VraS entirely wrong on the present occa sion:—( Hear, hear.) Unless they took off the great weight of takatieti uttleti. they repealed the Malt-tax and the many ether Mordent that Omit borne by the land, they could not do without protection. Unless that were done they would bring ruin on that great and intelligent chits, the farmers of England: To that clefs they ail owed a deep tlebt tat gratititcle for many years they had devoted hutch of their capital and talent to improving the con elitism of the ixid they were about to now turn round on them ain't say that they would allow the serfs of Poland to compete with them.—(Hear, hear. 1 If such a measure-was passed, and if the landlord was an honest man, he would be obliged to redlite hit Fetita,—(Ministerial cheers.) If a Bill elf that sfsft ryas brain:slit hale the House, he (the Duke of ltichniond) would be the Min td move that every tenant do But (Hear, hear.) In the meantime what has the farmer to d t h he v et e th at giiittirritegbpoihl l6a ft '- m ( li tle ° e ild ir c e h e ce t r ;alers.— after giving up his lease? %%here Wag he to go to? Th must send him and the niteofttinaW iabettrera W thee work house. He felt strongly upon the qttestion of the Corn-taw: and although it was stated there that night,that the Noble Lehi evhie, it was supposed *Aid eilete rote o f c r y turn round Upon the fart tens slid refuse them protection— Chetes trait the Ministerial benches) —but he on the patt of the landed interest would say, if they did so they would hakte them out of office.—( Vehement cheering from both tirl'es br the Reese.) If they acame forward end oleretttl eh Bs. duty, he would tell them that the suite then Who had brbtight their' [did ilottret. Would be the gist to thrust Aide eut.7(Cheerlio flad fib feeling ) however ) that they uo any such thing. They heiew eau hell tilt ileterests of the country to lend themselves loch measures. He thought the HouSe should, elpieee some opinion on the subject of, Savings Banks r tb Whitt' ,his Noble Friend had referred-, ,He, felt the §thatett .tegfet that fund e of ,tli4te Vallieble institutions should have been touchedkir the temporary convenience Of the Government. Yet at the tame time the depositors in theie bankt might teat . assured that tile. were, perte l eilY olatel9 ear , hear.) He *be* 601,14 ti43 1 :1 injurious to the interests of the industrous o.assei iu :11 country than to thtew the least suspicion upou the solvency of these banks. He begged td thauk the Hthise for the indulgence with which it laird h'eM'd The, of LAt:SIJOWNE was atiuus to say a few *Need's ber4e the aeestiiiii was pot to the vete. .. tie certainly did net think himself qualified . , to ether into a, tilseetsitie On d eeiestion PeVely atta iiis 1 1 / 4 gble Fa tend near lltri e Seleeet't) was much better able to conduct: But 'Mot regard to the allusion made by the Ndble Duke, to a re mark of his Noble Friend, that any mail Whd. proposed a repeal of the Corn-laws must be i madmin,4 it the N'AbleDlike Meant to melee riatelheee St bkiMeqlienee of arty contemplated change in tiro Co'in:-IaWS, he feared there was scarcely a Noble Lord *bb had takeh part in the debate, except the Noble Duke him eelf, who did hoe eoiittiiiplttt at sbihe tithed of atitither a ehaiege in the oen-liate: ;eat aEd a laggH. i It *oela appear then that they all had the proltpect of that Bede lam before them, with the exception of the Noble Duke, only that there was some uncertainty as to the particu!ir time. The Duke of RtChlMkJf4D e*plahled. He had said nothing ibelit - they beat hilt had merely repeated itH taetserreitidir bt the Noble Viscouht's. The Marquis of LANDSIeiO WNE *as glad the Noble Duke did not ascribe entire aliehati'dg, of te the possi bility of ehkeitairillig,thit qiiestliA; With a fie* te all eltithete *brie lit the law, He was ready to state in answer to the hint thrown out by the Noble Duke that there could be no doubt as to the security of one of the most valueble institutions with which the couneke hid ever 1110341 ble§sta, and lie consideied It the Viile of hit life to have been connected with. The leeurity ,of these Seeing' Banks was perfect, and to it the kith 'Of , Patliaithene aitel the ieeetitib de the eoittitq was predgeeleee Heait ) The Goierninent had done tiothillg leeciensistent with the security of these establishments. However the minds of Noble Lode Might Babe been ginned, these prieeeeditige bidet - Uteri tin alarm whatever in, this minds ore very. Ofpiitip °Win bL ih9 eerninnuity, the saving portioil ef !the 'Wtuclie classes.—(Hear, hear.) Now, with reference to the speech of the Noble Duke. Although there were some parts of it on which he should feeehie eeeffeblireeed to eohiment, there were other portiene leasure„ rn'ett 'esOpiMly kb kilt' , ne had paid his Noble ko.Whiel\ I\ild Osfeilett 'rte vt:VA'Alit Metberirrie) for the seri/ices hit had ten ' tb the SoVieeigreof his ,Z!eunriy. Kirek, little 'for het, aetteeeeteet 'k%ele ‘i ( eie p — oieticeany, and by ties of per dual itetireky Atte isoble Friend, to add his testimony to at e' the esoble Duke ; and, whatever i.P4 s rit Pe the Yetult tk,arliat t tat night's deliberation, the I•ROgnitiGn of ,these sekvibcp would go fo r th f rom t h at H ouse stateped 'eSth the high Nat'sti and character of the Nooo Dhlscee--aCheere.) But the Noble Duke had accempanMe ktis 'tribete hy a ternoWient e •ehieh involved a •denstre 'net dial y upon his ' 4 e4ec/ale Friend; but Mee upcitt tie tk 'nu h e oeeri a ''to the iangeige lehich had been put into her Majesty's meth at the close of the last session and the opening of the present one. Now, he must say that wart every Secede that had been put into her Majesty's neonth iftt i'aflthineht of tliewhere it had bt en the object of her eleteesty'e Minister's studiensly to abstain from committing her Majesty to anything, in poem of opinion. beyond that in, which every Noble teed eeeiehreed that had spoken upon these questione, vit.s ebter importance, and the necessity of inquiring into them —( Hear, hear.) In the speech to which the Noble Duke alluded at the conclusion of the last session, on referring to it he almost thought there were words in it which had escaped his recollection ; but he found nothing iii it relating to those important subjects but these two opinions, which he would call on their Lordships to say whether any of them were prepared to contradict. That the trade and industry of the country were ofparamount im portance no one could doubt and further, that her Ma jesty felt the greatest anxiety to provide for the exigencies of the public service in a manner which might be least burthen a ime to the community et large. Now that did not ineotve an opinion as to the moth• in w hich these exigencies , bould he provieed tor. All it stated was, that Parliament was bound to give the question its most anxious deliberation. The Noble tiuke expressed some dissatisfaction that these measures on which he expressed no definitive opinion, had not been preceded by some inquiry which would enable the House to form a correct opinion on the facts before they invited Parliament to come to any decision. Why, they had been recommended to their Lordships, not once or twice, in Vie course of the last 15 or 20, or 25 years, but the had been the subject of consideration by Committee after Committee. Sometimes they had bad the agriculturists complaining of the Corn-laws, at other times they had the manufacturers, and altogether there had been not les; than five separate reports before Parliament, to none of which the Noble Deke had reverted. One of tiise reports was signed by Sir Ro bert Peel, Viscount Melbourne, Mr. Huskisson, and Mr. Robinson.--(Loud cries of " Oh, oh," and a laugh.) MORNING St N, measures for the relief of the trade of the country ? On that foun dation they sound stand and stand firmly, but they had been brought forward as measures o finance ; that foundation was rotted, and on that foundation they could net stand.—( Opposi tion cheers.) They were well consdered measures, as nieosures of commercial policy, but as measures of finance it was im possible to listen with patience to the arguments advanced in their support. The simple statement of the figures would render it impossible for any man who knew anything of finance to consider these measures as measure of finance and revpnue. Why, could any mortal living believe that any part of the revenue could be safely looked to for a sliding from a tax whioh depended upon the seastons.— ( Hear, hear.) Why, let them look to the averages, to their own papers of prices. There had been three consecutive years in which not one farthing would accrue to the revenue from the Bs. duty. In 1834, 1835, and 1836 the prices of wheat were such that the prices in foreign countries, added to the amount of freight to the Bs. dvty, would have rendered it impossible for a single bushel of foreign wheat to have found its way into this Wintry. His Noble Fria I had stated 565. as an aver gs, at which no foreign wheat cou d be imported ; but they might even go solow as 51s , and at that price it would be impossible that any wheat could be imported into this country from Rotter dam, I)antzic, or Hamburgh. It mi st be equally clear that we might have years in which we should not impart a single grain—but on that point one argument was enough. It was not to a tax which for three consecutive years might fail them altogether that they could look as a financial measure. It might be urged, on the other side, that as those years would be years of great cheapness, there would be an increase in the comforts of the people, and a con sequent increase in the consumption of exciseable commodities, which might be placed as a set off against any failure in the re test-me to be derived from tire Bs. duty. But there was one thing which distinguished a prudent, cautious, and safe finan cier, and that was that he always took into his account that as in some years he might have a defalcation in his excise duties, in other years he might have an excess, and he framed his cal culatiane in such a mariner as to put the excess of one year against the defalcation of another, and thus he could not claim the eases, of a good year as a set off against a deficiency in the corn tax for that year. —t Hear, hear. ) It was impossible to represent this as a finance measure, Neither was the nature of these measures such as to ob tain for them that support to which they might have been fairly entitled. In that House they could calmly discuss such questions, but when they appealed to the people ques tions of mere political philosophy were not those which they cotild ?ping most home to their understandings, the re quired something more tangible. Let them look at lie timber duties. The proposed measure was an improvement upon the present system Pin doubt, but it had this great defect, it professed to be a Measure of free trade, and it began by doubling the duty on Colonial timber—true, it took off nine per cent. from the duty on Baltic timber, but the people only saw in it a measure taking off a duty of nine per cent. and imposing a duty of 100 per cent. presented to throe as a measure of free trade. Now, that was what they could not understand. Again. with regard to sugar, it was proposed to reduce the duty on that all but neceeeary of life, Is. 6d. a cwt., 6-10ths of a farthing per lb. Now they all knew, whether they were consumers, or dealers, or speculators ; that such a reduction in the duty would go into the pockets not o: the consumer, but of the dealer.— ( Hear, hear.) Then, as to the coin. He considered that the substitution of a fixed duty for the sliding scale, was a great improvement. He was against any sudden and total repeal of the Corn-laws—against any doing away all at once with protection. He thought it ought to be done gradually, during the course of a few years, E 0 that at the end of four or flee years they might leok fur a total repeal—but how was the measure Linought before the people ? It was brought forward as a measure fors free trade in corn, and it was discovered that it was intended to impose a duty of Bs. a quarter en wheat. This measure of free trade was in fact a tax on food. —( Hear, hoar.) Now it was a fallacy to bring forward such a measure as that as a measure of free trade in corn—cheap lefead would never come from that quarter. It had no ten dent.), whatever to bring clown the price of bread. But even his Noble Friend beside him ( Earl Spencer) agreed with him ; for he said that not even the total repeal of the Corn-laws would bring down the price of bread consi derably His Noble Friend had been misunderstood by Noble Lords who had spoken since. They supposed his Friend to have said that it would make no reduction. In truth; what he did say was, that the reduction would be very small. He himself ( Lord Brougham) had often said before them that both agriculturists in their alarm, and the Anti monopolists in their sanguine hopes, greatly exaggerated the efleets of reduction. He thought, however, that the total repeal would effect a reduction of 5 or 7 or 10 per cent. in the price of wheat consumed in this country. If such had been the measure of the eGOverement they would have a right to speak of giving the' , people cheaper bread—not cheap bread, in the sense in which the word *as used at the last election; but cheaper bread than they had at present. He entirely agreed with the Noble Lord opposite, that with the measure as brought forward by the Government, there was not the slightest chance of a reduction of the price of bread. Still the measure would have been a grant—an incalculable benefit to trade and manufactures, and if it would not give the people cheaper bread ; it would give them increased employ ment and the means of purchasing more bread. On the whole, he thought that the result of the election was a verdict of the people not against the repeal of The Corn-laws, nor against free trade, but against the general policy of the Government., and it justified one ex pression of the amendment, not that the Government had lost the confidence of the House, for, as his Noble Friend at the the head of Government had very good-humouredly said, " the expression ought to be they never had it."—( Laughter.) But they had lost the confidence of the country.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) His Noble Friends could not say that the voice ot the country was net expressed in the last elections. If they said that, they must come round to his view of the Reform Bill, and admit that it did not. give a sufficient representation of the people. Neither should it be said that those observa tions of his were formed upon the result of the elections, and that he was wise after the fact; for, on the 21st of June last, at that table, in the place which he then stood, he said that the result of the elections could not be taken as any test of the opinions or wishes of the people. He had stated already, that, in a constitutional point of view, he protested against the course of those who advised the Crown to the dis3olution.— (Cheers. ) He thought that, after that dissolution and the re sults of the elections, it was the duty of his Noble Friends to have no longer remained in office.—(Loud cheers.) He only attributed to them an error of judgment, 'fur they only subjected themselves to the imputation of cling ing to place when power had departed from them.—(Cheers.) So it had been two years ago, his painful duty to animad vert upon their conduct in returning to office, after they had lost the confidence of the other House, whereby they took upon themselves responsibility without power : the power re siding in their Lordships, and in the majority of the other House.—(Cheers.) He believed their remaining in office so long under such circumstances was the main cause of their losing the confidence of the,people.—( Cheers.) Their doing so was doubtless an error of judgment, for, not to say his Noble Friends, but no men in such circumstances could have felt office other than a burthen —(Cheers and laughter.) The course which they chose, led to this important result, that they had the important duty of advising the Queen, on the most important acts of the Crown during the Session—the opening Speech.—(Cheers.) That Speech, however, was the Speech of the Ministers—and in this he differed from his Noble Friend opposite, who thought than the Speech ought not to be opposed—ought not to be censured or disrespectfully commented on ; for he believed the Speech from the Throne to be in reality the Speech of the Ministers, and as such to be dealt with with all the freedom with which any act of servants of the Crown is to be dealt with. the e such a speech as was fitting to deliver to a Perim.- core he always had held that it was a thing' to It might ;on of the Address by either House of went, and there: be avoided—the rejees: of the illieistry remaining IL: Parlinerrent, Such was the . -esult . ns had been known. With office after thte result of the elect:2 the fate ot the Address i knowledge of that retttlt by which hich had yet to might be as absolutely shown as any event :7 take place, they had prepared a epeeele which the; knew must be rejected by both Houses of Parliarnents If, indeen, could be said, as had been good-humouredly reniageed by his lete..')le Friend, that until men took their seats in Parliatnetet, there wee no knowing how they would vote ; but, unhappily ‘s Mete kelplastrianet," and they had from another Noble Lord, a Metre ber of the Government, that he had no measure of doubt that there would be as avervhelming majority against them. It appeared to him that his Noble Friends could have stated in their places—have entered on the journals of the House their opinions upon these matters--certainly in a much snore formal einepe thee that in which they had chosen s put them.— ( Hans hear, hears) He did riot wish to allow *he present opportunity to pass without saying a word upon the elections. It was a painful subject, which was hardly ever absent from his min el; the consideration of the unprecedented in every form--( Hear, hear)—in extent to which corruption Led berm peactised all ever the livery the most repulsive shape, counfryen(Hear, hear) —bribery withote!t stint„ and he believed to an extent ararelleled, influence and inifeehle ti on almost unprecedented tnrbulence, threats, actual Treenenial outrages, by imprisonment, ter Wounding, by murder, in soffit/ t cases—these were the picturaf enesented to them, not merely by the reports of eye-stitietsees, and in the addresses of disappointed candidates ; ant merely by persons who had privately, and with a view to flit ends of justice and the furtherance ofsound legislation, made three peen sentatioes, but actually in the records of their courts of justice they had seen, not only the bribery and intimidation, and actual violenee, amounting to invest hideous outrages, but they had seen that these practices—and he stated the feet plainly—had been, without any exception of party, common to both title great par ties who had contested these elections. He could state to theie Lordships just as bad cases from one side as the others base he would nut detain them at that late hour. Of this he was certain, that unless Parliament interposed! unless inquired was instituted—then both the great parties, who divided ehe House and the country, must snake up their minds to share in the' blame of protecting and screening by refusing to punish. Their Lordships had great power, and if they instituted an in quiry into these malpractice!, with no Slew to punish or unseat Members, but with a view to future not only would their character rise high in the cotrOffy; but the result, would be some useful and efficacious remedy foe these enormous evils.—( Hear, hear,) One remedy was in the hands of all and which, without legislation, every man could have his share in. Bribery was much too lightly talked of, and the red practice of paying to much a head was too much practised, and by that perjury was encour end sownas it were, broadcast over the face ageu ' , sell , of the country. He begged to apologise of the electoral es '"q• The carrying of the amendment, for detaining them so L., an doubt would make a Of which no one could enterta y‘, of the country. He 04190 of &rose in the Governmees *aunts which he couldoilythat' fee did tot join in those.l. Friends was rather snilenised to heat' tnrown out by his Nous- Gm igai M . to the probable' dOttren to be held by there ;le hotel end &tinted they wield coold come over se hi m I (Lord f/fteentiern. y Her Wmthl net taunt then, but would be succe , first to hail their 4 bieets.) So far from feeling the least disinclination, let them actor! these *feature§ in ilse . degree, and the smallest contribution efo*lst be thank fully received. ( A laugh.) The target this ceeutre e d erT but ion the greater the thankfulness. Insoveted oonsidoring that that would b e a trium p h bit bay: party, he would s ssv r "do it and welcome, and y ou our best support,"—(Hear, heart ) The House then divided, when the numbers ware-- 90 For the Address 168 For the Amendment Majority ..............• o'clock, till Fr i- Their Lordships then adjourned , at Two The House re-assembled at 20 mnutea• to four o'clock, when the swearing in of Member, was sesta. lied.. Among them were Sir Matthew Wood, Air. Leader, , Sir- Benjamin Hall, Mr. Wakley, Mr. Somers kc. The SPEAKER said he had to inform tie House- ..tha • it had been reported to him by the Clerk, fiat, since .ths, last Session, the Clandestine outlawry Act . iad expil vct. Sir G. GREY moved that a 'Bill to renew the Act be read a first time.—Agreed to. • On the motion of the Hon. BARONET, the usual Set te. sional Orders were read and agreed to NOTICES OF MOTION. Sir E. SUGDEN gave notice that on the 2d of Sep tember he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to pro vide for the better administration of justice in the Appel late Jurisdiction of the House of Lords ; and on a future day he would move for the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the expediency of suspending the laws re lating to usury. Sir F. BLAKE gave notice that on Monday next be would move for leave to bring in a Bill to exempt Meat hers of Parliament from the necessity of taking the crabs of supremacy and abjuration as a qualification fur taking . their seats. Mr. WALLACE gave notice that on Monday next. he would move that the usage of the late Parliament shall not be followed so far as related to Members pre senting petitions. He wished tL at Members might be at liberty to state in the fullest manner the prayer of the petitions of the people, and that they should not be gagged as they were during the last Session. Mr. F. FRENCH gave notice that on 'Tuesday next he would move for the appointment of a Committee to consider the system of Irish Railways. Mr. EWART gave notice of his intention to renew his motion for diminishing the number of Members at tending Committees on Private Bills, and that they should not be locally or in any other way conne,eted with the matter under consideration. Mr. BROTHERTON gave notice that on :Monday next he would move that no new business be enter ed intO after twelve o'clock.—(Laughter.) CASE OF MR. M'LEOD. Mr. ROEBUCK, although he did not see the pre sent Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in his place, wished to give notice that to-morrow he should put a question to him with respect to s coosyohme tpry, relations esla:t,s(ain.te eceimserltdai existing orkiti b hs :wheoacu e s letdhweo•ofpbe hoped America teQhlleei a y unintelligible Inedt and i , d v inas muchthat i i tn t b h aue l . gence of the .House, he would be permitted t o ma ke (Hear, hear.) HER h:AJESTY'S SPEECH. The SPEAKER sa,i he had to acquaint the House that that House had been to the Ilouse of Peers , to which it had been summoned by the • Lords Commissioners and the Lord Chancellor. On e of the great Commissioners had made a speech to both Houses of Parliament, of which, to prevent mistake, he had procured a copy. The Right Hon. Gentleman then read her Majesty's speech as follows x--- " _MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, to ac q uaint " We are commanded by her Majesty you that her Majesty has availed herself of the earliest opportunity of resorting to your advice and assistance after the dissolution of the last Parliament. " Her Majesty continues to receive from .Foreign Powers gratifying assurances of their..desire to m.sintain with her Majesty the most friendly relations. " Her Majesty has the satisfaction of informing' )"?u that the objects for which the Treaty of the 15th of din Y 9 Ifi4o, was concluded between her Majesty,. the Emp.re.r of Austria, the King of Prussia. the Emperor of Russisk• and the Sultan, have been fully accomplished, and it is gratifying to her Majesty to he enabled to state, that the temporary separation which the measures taken in the execution of the Treaty created between the coil tracting parties and France, has now ceased. Her Majesty trusts that the union of the principal _Powers uppti gill-, matters affecting the great interests of Europe will affOrd a firm security for the maiatenancu :of peace. " Her Majesty is glad to be able to inform you that, in consequence of the evacuation of Ghorian by the Persian troops, her Majesty has ordered her Minister to the Court of _Persia to return to Teheran. Gov " Her Majesty regrets that the negotiations betae•er ? her Plenipotentiaries in China and the Chi nese co s m i o e h n , t have ad tnhoatty it e h t beaesn beenbrought he e e t s o s a a r ): satisfactory c the forces which her Majesty has sent to the China s eas; but her Majesty still trusts that the Emper or of China;• will see the justice of the demaods which her M a j esty s Plenipotentiaries have been instructed,to ma ke. l l into a n ct c i l l " Her Majesty is' happy to inforre you that the dif ferences which had arisen between Spin and Portugal, about the execution of a Treaty concluded by those Powers in 1835, for regulating the navig.ation of the Douro have been adjusted.amicably, and with honourW both parties, by the aid of her Majesty's medittion • er " The debt incurred by the Legislature of r iy Canada, for the purposes of Public Works, is a serlO u _ s obstacle to further improvements which are essential ,°). the prosperity of the United Xrovince. Her Majesty lob authorized the Governor-Geperal to make a communicae_ • Lion on the subject to thO 'Council and Assemby ol Canada. Her Majesty will direct the Papers to be laid before you, and trusts that your, earnest attention will be directed to matters so rwtterially affect in g the welfare of Canada and the strength of the Empire. " GENTLEMEN OF THE, ; ,HOUSE or Comatows, - " We have to assure you that her Majesty relies with entire confidence on your,loyalty.and zeal to make adequate provision for the pub4Rservice, as well Its f 0 the further application of sumagranted by the last Par liament. " MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " We are more especially commanded to declare to you that the extraordinary expenses which the events in Canada, China, and the Mediterranean have occasioned, and the necessity of maintaining a force adequate to the protection of our extensive possessions, have made it necessary to consider the means of increasing the public revenue. Her Majesty is anxious that this object should be effected in the manner least burthensome to her people, and it has appeared to her Majesty, after full de liberation, that you may at this juncture properly direct your attention to the revision of duties:affecting the pro ductions of foreign countries. It will.be for you to con sider whether some of these duties are not so trifling in amount as to be unproductive to the revenue, while they are vexatious to commerce. You maYltirther ex-amine whether the principle of protection, upon which others of these duties are founded, be not carried to an e xtent injurious alike to the income of the State, and the in terests of the people. " Her Majesty is desirous that you should consider the laws which regulate the trade in Corn. It will be for you to determine whether these laws do not aggra vate the natural fluctuations of Supply, whether they do not embarrass Trade. derange the Currency, and, by ;heir operation, diminish the comfort and-increase the. 0i1y,., of the great body of the community ~ he : Majesty feeling the deepest sympathy with those of her subjects, who are now suffering from dis tress and want of employment, it is her earnest prayer that all your delibers..'ions may be guided by wisdom, and may conduce to the han;iness of her beloved people." TILE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER having finisied reading her - Majesty' s Spemh at five o'clock, Ml', MARK PHILLIPS rose tG move that the House do present an Address to her illajesty, in re:. ply to the Speech which he had just read, and. which had been that morning delivered to ,the :Is , - sembled parliament by her Majesty's on tb Commissier.% and in proposing the Ad dress he should, 'n first instance, propose that they should thank her Majesty for her gracious S p eech, , and further, that they should express their (A tiscaction that her Majesty - . had availed herself of the earliest opportunity of resorting to their advice and assembling the present Parliament at the earliest possible period after the dissolution of the lateFr.rliamentin, and he t h ou ght the whole House would agree wits him opinion that after the sudden dissolution .of th late Parliament , en g a g ed as it was in the con e sideration of the m ost im p ortant topics, it . Was highly expediee that they should, with the le.lat possible delay, resume the consideration of those toplo.' , more especially when they considered the crisis i f rl which the revenue of the country was placed. He woul 1 further propose that they. should assure her Majesty_7_ that they rejoiced to learn tha gratifyingy confirm e se:_ to receive from Foreign rowers assurancesthe. t&lv desire to maintain with her Majesty with mclit friendly relations, and that they learn which Much gratification that the objectswa: comp leted the treaty of till 15th of July , 1840, o f Russia, the King of Prussia, the Emper,c:bred, between her Majesty: and the Emperor and that and the Sultan had th.7eD fully acco!npli a expressed by they shared in the ,gratificatio to state that e nabled of Austria, her Majesty in being h the measures taken in the temporary separation, whic ad L. created between the the execution a that treaty . contracting parties and echoFra,n,, had now ceased. Ho House trusted, with nroposed also to state D t • ha n of the prilcipal Powers, her Majesty, that the union the interests of Europe, upon aLI matters firmaffseeceurity for the main romance of a ~e m ight be permitted to erpress his would effort: peace ; and, if ye might that part of her _X ajesty's own feelings ot r i ev, s i az, use th , that, the 1 vpresen wive , holdirg the p lsition which he did in Speech, he . c of the largest . manufacturieg co enclo o more highly, co lud o( o ne !ct o th n a ly t perhaps, tt'an 1 , n) : . i n the empire, he was in "dined to iPocSicveidual. because he was aware tl.'st ti. ''' Jpterruption to the peace of the o ther ~ .: i u e , e, districtsdis crested in thk the most intense work I was poductive of the greatest e vile, Fop or Ote p A inie t ,,:lice of peace, therefore, . 34, st l i i e g s l s l i test io only dOi il elil4s f ian duty a a Christian country, but; he cormiddiVit that it Wee impossible to overrate th 6 blessings of peat 4 even in a temporary point of view. • It was with great satisfaction , therefore, that he had heard in the Speeeli that the temporary disrup tion which had been occasioned by the treaty of Suly, 1840, in the friendly relat;ons between this-country and France had ceased. He had always considered France as the natural ally of this country, and had always looked with the most intense anxiety to any f hing calculated to vf V 0 VS , '--- .. -I ^4 l k ' HOUSE (j - i t ' - :c --- - ,‘,... '' I interrupt the good feeliug . subsisting between the two The SPE AKER took the Chair tp-dny at 1. , - - buntries. He (Mr. Phillips) had it: when the swearing in of Ateinbers was pr seeded wltn , • ' France as the bulwarks a general liberty, and till shortly after two o'clock, whe n t he house ' louse ryas sum• land at t to ways regarded Eng - .', tended even file a moment moned by the Usher of the Black Rod to the House of ; anything whi.,... —.its, had been 0 him a Peers, to hear her Majesty's Speech. km With re 4----ong the Mem- se orate their l ute..- -,ve regret. re bers sworn in we noticed Lord F. Egerton, the Mr. Cholmondeley, Lord James Stuart,Mr, C. Bruce, of the NOTE`` and to , a u d Bone , sir J. Yarde ferersB go the existed between this and occur r, Mr, Tollemache, Sir J, Walsh, M r lir , t '.' ' w ad,. hat nothing would Sir E. Kerrison Mr, Shepl:_ierd, Col 1 , ! T ► arul ir on, latiqp. .. , a pwattcr of the most 5u,.... d antarres of peace Barrington * Sir ii. Lopez, Mr. Ward gile 41,P general amity. The a v °articular in- Mr. Rowle,nd Hill, Mr. Uodson Prufm, . Lord otT sospntros., he ~. , Sir G. &pick', - tr.d, \to Airbi--- tea in reference to that . p self the re c. I,3rooke here, h M r ,• • _, Mr. Wynn Ellis, Sir I cc ,a not be overra road to consider hula ~, ater fiatii ,eroeant .e, the a cli : ls of Douro, Lord Ahl'y 1 to of which he was pi. trusted t s be a matter of 1;1. ~ Jackson, Mr- 13:11,ey. Alderman .' ,'.' • . , ~, . t, t i ve I t , woula A wO:Y` ut o f a new beb It": ,'...-.lr. E. Sug,lcu, Lord (..:„-.!,_; , , . , Thon-,R,;0 1 , TT*.i l. 1 -.' • c he evui nienceme At 20 minutes after Two O'6l o ' ' i t°. I :‘ll% Scarii-Lt. fat:twit to hunt, at t ations at the to, Half-past Three ("Clock. o'clock the ti . !:l-I ? u s e adjouri4 d ° -31. • r Tiainent, instead • _. ael .. _ b. 2 of matters 9i thic?F! .. , Ill e .", , fril terminatio n , . of coneratul ~. , eecusucciersosux day ~._—.. .....ling.---.. ..m. 23. s 4 ha tu: fe( be, till do an, pot Gr hat Ch pre wh an( ar.