The Sun. — London, England, 1841-02-06 00:00:00

11111. 1 ,_ - () • of t he Da's' , last ;I'o'. INSID E] . , clo ck f ile d 04 ' '• it i t i op Archb l ' c lio r ; rd Cus° r c f , Tre: ll 'n, and t he j, :equ er ,! e e Doti . Fore' ci i let saot s f tb` mote , 0 Cr° ll' ; Mr.. 0 oil ,to , v ie , c e. go' rd Jj" 30 6 '" f ol? 4 of ti , si ci o be t ho oint de ball, t hat o eP or sera'„, at a tlis 11 ifc o f $ 7o r tlg n , a / INi-; EDITION 131PERIAL PARLI iiil.• T. The 1 ,0 DOUSE OF LORDS, FRB 5. each at Fiv C HANCELLOR took his se a t on the Wool e o'clock. °ble Fritead Lord RED ESDALE said he was requested by a Ma g d a (Lord Ri pon ), w i le h a d g i ven not i ee for fl eas next of motion o n th e su bj ec t o f our res e e Ilteictiewoi Y Tu t b nitE P os e f r t s oh i a e , Nd s e h aatti o b i , was compe ll e d t o put it off a relative. BROUGHAM H E A A N S I T INDIA PRODUCE. presented a petition which ocel, r "-- f rom a respectab!e though nct numerous feldi ores -- consisting of eight planters, landowners, j e 1 13 . , t .ners engaged in the cultivation of land "w a. duties They praye d for the equa li zat i on of °n Ea st and West Ireiien produce. It was ri to thei r Lordships that the duty upon l i a ll i g , 4r t the pr o d ece of our colonies in different parts of 1 6 - : "rid, had been n om i na ll y equa li ze d , b ut i t h a d nut 6 ° in f , et, nor indeed nominally in all places. For t — s e neet at t h e Cape of Good Hope, sugar from the i 'd'es th at fr was Ch arge d the same amount o f d uty as orn forei gn countr i es, which was almost a prohi i4len• But spirt f rom this, th: it Lordships should ru etny that the tff2et of th e u nequa l d ut i es on co l on i a l .11.7 Pru e to operate indirectly - as a heavy tax upon e uction o f sugar in the East Indies. In the at ladie s the - oats upon the manufacture of rum et iea ,,_ sugar growers to sell sugar at a much ,e.4beleutir than ld do if they were not re neve,' • .ey tn that wayfrom part of the expense of its 41""4 being shut out fr om B ut But the East Indians, d uce a market for the' unable to pro eece their rum, were InZar with the same advantages. There were 4 * '-nee ted with this subject still higher interests 14a Mere commercial and agricultural considerations, tit., the effect which the present regulations of duties or any al teration o f them might have upon the subject knitd rY. M any who, like himself, would have no thY in d etermining that on general considerations t4cdtetes sho u ld b e equalised, had some dou'et that the th e , Mi ght not b e to g i ve encouragemen t t o (i: x p o rtutioa of sugar produced by slave labour.— to 1-8 " I, 4 ; r ' h , e ur.) The petiti one rs had not shut their eyes ew of th e case. They were persons practically th etn tequaloted with a ll t h e b earings of the question ; amongst • th em l eY . cultivated. 150,000 acres o f l an d , none o f eiee wa euttivated less than 19,000 acre s, a n d their opi. s that t h e equalization would not be attended labour creased facilities for the employment of slave ILL NESS OF THE DUKE OF WELLING LTowardsTO N. o u r i t t l ,, eBaddr( t s h s eoc n on th e o lusi o n of the Noble and . . Learned ce presentation of the petition, the if • °I Wellington rose hurriedly from his seat, as le -e L l i z s ed by sudden illness. The Noble Duke faltered L : uo P gohn: u . s a n oendeavoured Aberdeen, to pr proceed t o the of the Earl the Peers around, immediately as- Was ll stated ►~i m out. We understand that the Neble Duke . t o hiseit!o afterwards enabled to proceed in his carriage I uouse Th • ri?eielej Miarquis of LANSDOWNE concurred in the i ye ws expressed by his Noble and Learned ,eed (Lord B rougham )• fre ie rn ord e "ROUGHAAI t h en presen t e d a pet i t i on tue Finsbury Working Men's Association, te r by the Ch a i rman, Mr. Gibbs, praying that (;hate Me asures prop ose d i n w h at was ca ll e d t h e P eo pl e ' s trai t r, and consisting of universal suffrage, vote by " Prope r t y qua l i fi cat i on, the payment of Mum.• t litld the divi sion o f t h e country into electoral and "8' flight be carr i e d i nto e ff ect . The Noble th e Learned Lord also presented a petition from of F same Ass oc i at i on, pray i ng f or • the release eth rcet, W illiams, and Jones, and the liberation 01. 'r th e Political offenders. They complained of kilo Punishment inflicted on those individuals who and u ur nt to between 400 and 500 in England, Scotland, bring dales' statin g t h at i t was on l y ca l cu l ate d t o N law int o contempt. ,re loed rnes, a Cl er k o f th e C our t of Chancery in '° l 4;ht up cer ta i n re t urns f ro m that C ou rt. L 0r . 1 41 ,-, '.L OF THE EARL OF CARDIGAN. lion " U NCAN NON laid on the table a resolu prece-reed to b y the Committee appointed to regulate Car Ca : 2 tlin gs with respect to t h e tr i a l o f t h e E , of miltded'", to the effect that no person should be per- Th rn ° n the sa id tr i a l to s i t or stan d near the a s except such Peers of Ireland and Scotland 4zd 71 not sit i n t h e H ouse , mi nor P eers , te ns t ", (1 -Nest sons of P e ers, and that such per ticket no t b e admitted Liam provided with a IZe,r u Y the L or d C hamberlain, to b e o b ta i ne d on per ur by at his Lordshi's office, between the 3 1 Of tee and p Their e o'clock. en' Lordships then adjourned till Monday. ass Th.PUSE OF COMMONS, Flis, hour.s.. s i ' ,PEaxEn took the Chair at the usual a toth ‘,IItANCIS BURDETT presented petition e,'4wbur Berkshire, against the Poor-law, as oflailloitriousyt'o the poor, and opposed to the interests s COPY-RIGHT BILL. tro t , Illr ' l% ergeant 'FALFOURD presented a petition in ion 4 )4 r . Hood, e di tor of the " Comic Annual," 11 Ilia of the Copy -right Bill ; also a petition from . Mr.. sr Cobbett,.a prisoner in the Fleet, with a slim -4eqte:lYer• The Hon. and Learned Member also pre- . Plaj ain 4 Petition from a person named Keithley, corn a York o f the treatment of Mr. Feargus O'Connor, i O Si fr io • ' - 'hot t r i j ARNELL presented a petition from the leolt,d "of Commerce in Dundee, praying for the r all import duties on foreign linen. 0 Q th e . NEW WRIT. N s , Motion of Mr. E. J. STANLEY, a neww i j r it . Nicholas raered for the King's County, in the room of . I Fitzsituon, who had accepted the Chiltern N r 4 trie Cha " NCOMBE presented a petition from the of Finsbury, in favour of the People s leg e d it Z and complaining of grievances which they al- J Petit' 411° ere caused by a want of adequate representation . „cities a °n f rom the same body in favour of Fro l s . dpraying a pardon for all po it cal °Zel lders. Williams, an s EDU CATION IN IRELAND. . 13 "Csi) el.4el nt JACKSON pr esen ted a petition from 'eeft ai ‘ll the C ounty of Down, complaining of the 14 Ir e l a n d ' of the present system of national education Ali Sir R.. CHURCH EXTENSION. it i ,t,',. INGLIS presented two petitions . from :',1 4 .4 "rkshire iti favour of Church Extension : , r ‘,..-• LITTON ptasentrd a petition from inhabitants .st 4rly'lioarittlielliek, in Queen's County, Ireland, against 14 14. 1411 ;er Prant for the College of llaynooth , also a t 4 " 4 1'11 fl 'r°To the same place, praying that Papists 'nigh S elu 'd Irom sitting in Parliament. da y "e4tit J ACKSON gave notice, that on Toes the rlt he should move for certain returns from for d, (i 4 ' 4 3 e , of ,the peace tor the . counties of Cork, L?tg q C ork '": 1 S County, and Tipperary, and of tile cities te gi4t e • e nd Dublin, relative to notices of intention of 4 ta k i o Il t.g votes for the said counties at the several 414 1840, 0 SUPPLY. )(e 'l i_ i tit t , motio n of the CHANCELLOR into a o c f otinhe 41iti,,,''''QUER the House resolved itself V of Supply, Lord SEYMOUR in the .Chair. to' 1 useal vote for the Transfer of Aids was agreed tlay 4 , li ' l t he Re ort ordered to be brought up on m 1,,,.`, , , t • ThPe House then resumed. t i iri e °C STANLEY gave notice, on "'ionth ° , l'tt- to her ;Majesty's Ministersa questionthatevening that it was his inten -4(1 1 3 ' u'it, which he should have put for the QOl, - * Seen the Noble Lord the Secretaryfor Foreign • ft,"':'", Or the Noble Lord the Secretary. rehension et i ‘ i tt e in his Place, relative to the alleged I the S tate ae!eod, a British subject, by the te a a u P ti t o h o o s ri r, ti , e h s ic o h t lied t'lleYork, and the commu n n r: meind (41 the sub ., et between the n , 4 " the Governmenti of the United Starts. tish Govern- SOUTH AUSTRALIA. f °4 th oli„ wi e motion of Lord JO kitt e I.' Mc:lnhere were nomina l t l ed N as il L tl. e t,, d e°4sider the affairs of S )uth . Australia : a L S ie E le L ct L Co t rn he - U Viscount Ilowick, Lord Stanley, Sir George Lord Vis e ?' l ‘ir. W. E. Gladstone, Mr. G. W. Wood, Lord _, al;trlt Nlahon, Mr. Parker, Lord Eliot, Mr. _N_ a.. d es (!iirtietl "Court, Mr. Vernon Smith, Mr. It tk lio ' Sotheron, Lord Fitzalan, Mr. George Pe . eve to constitute a quorum. YDR,IyGfoHr TtheßselcLooLd. reading s ro f e the a : t l'14:1-'14‘171(1)Ply.rud.itielrioll:1)CfhOtahPveing been moved by Mr. a g -ord . lioe. JOHN RUSSELL said that perhaps the s Propoililtild Learned Lear Gentleman would not object to 14 ttg a of thanks to Sir Robert Stopford. 0. e s Potitio. etgeant TALFOURD assented to the pr 111 O f . the Noble Lord. Lo r d / WAR IN SYRIA. ti° II u"N RUSSELL then rose and addressed ti oti Aou se ,t, follows ,—Sir, in rising to ask the StopLerdto agree to a vote of thanks to Sir Roo lit ld th ' Sir Charles Napier, Sir Charles . Smith, tllerateio?eers and men who had been engaged in the Ne t 1.4, which have been recently carried on on the • Riv e • ° S Yria, I am quite sure that the willHousee whieillt, cordial concurrence to this motion as a tribute o _ cers 4 111 41 14 jhstly du e to the gallantry of the gallant officers (Chee? .110 have been enga ge d in those opera io d . a. ,Ille : e t vi h r 4 ;: ;l4 w i i,.... 11 ) :e i t : :: I : . t T h Ele great s tq u e degree e a . r o i e r d u t p i t ' o:n t s o e theeoperationsffeet promptitudeh 0 w.. 1 poll, '4'l°4 the opinions erea. may be as to the genera . t , ron etb er tilid redered those operations necessary s pat olicy was right, or whether nt to on. deett"-whether or not it was expedi t e . of the Go sue 'Nell operations—whether the P..cnceym quite %tire titnezt be approved of or not- 7 1 that no thit lat all must agree in opinion displayed by 1 e°41,1 exceed the skill and judgment 1 4e! cis * who had to earl. into effect the orders ( i r3 o , it e . r h s e .) r SieTtYciseued in c onsequenc e of tbat po lie y• — it ( ih U se ` t t rsuaerne ' , a lis 1 4t to ';ert Stopford had at his commands 'eet in the Meditteraueau, but at t 1 4 "!cil LONDON. SATURDAY, FEERrTARY 6, 1811. time he had to take into his consideration the i s!ete of Europe at that time, which was so alarming that at one period there were serious apprehensions of the peace of Europe being disturbed. Sir Robert Stopford must also have been naturally anxious that in the operations which he was about to undertake the reputation of the navy should be sustained—(Cheers) —and also to consider what might be the ultimate events arising out of the operations he was about to undertake. It was obvious to him, and I think it must be obvious to the House, that it would not be sufficient that he should undertake those operations, considering that he had no enemy to deal with but the Pacha of Egypt, and a chance or contingency that some of the great European Powers might send their assistance to the Pacha of Egypt ; and he was obliged, therefore, to adopt any resources to could command in order to effect the object he had in view. I say this because I consider that the officer in command, whatever may be the question Kith respect to the gallantry and skill displayed in naval and military operations the officer in command has more under his direction than cis her military or naval operations. He has, besides the duty of the charge, not only to consider those imme diate operations, but it is his bounden duty to consider ! the position of the Government and the country, and to take into account many considerations partly military, partly naval, and partly political.—( Hear, hear, hear.) I have said thus much as applying to Sir Robert Stopford, and the part which I am now to state applies also to Sir Robert Stopford, but equally to every person. engaged. The Treaty in corn sequence of which these operations were taken, was signed on the 15th of July. Orders were given by which part of theee operations were taken before the Convention was signed, since then or ders had been given by Sir Charles Napier, and about the 10th of September, the fleet on the coast of Syria, being aware that Mehemet Ali had rejected all the propositions, commenced the operations against the for tresses of Mehemet Ali which have finally led to his submission. The first operation against Mehemet Ali was conducted not against life or property, but with a view of su bdulng the military force acting by the directions of Mehemet Ali, and therefore considered as an hostile force. The consequence of those operations was the entire destruction of the military force of Mehemet Ali. An other operation was immediately undertaken under the direction of Sir Robert Stopford, but under the com• mand of Sir Charles Napier. The troops which were landed amounted to about 1,500. The position of these troops was not the position which, in ordi nary military operations, would be considered either safe or the basis of any future successful operations, but it was the position which Commodore Napier had con ceived, and rightly conceived, would best effect the ob ject to be accomplished. I conceive that the judg ment displayed by Sir Charles Napier, as well as the boldness of conception, are very remarkable features in considering these operations. The object was not to land a great army in Syria, which was to be opposed to the army of Mehemet Ali. The object was with a small force — and it was only a small force—of Turks, aided by a few hundred Marines, to encourage the innabitants, who were disposed to do so, to revolt against Mehemet Ali. I concur with this view ; nothing could be better judged, and, as it turned out, nothing could be snore successful than the operations which were then un dertaken. It must be recollected that for some years the forces under Mehemet Ali were organised with great judgment and skill ; that the military force was suppos' d to be very considerable ; that some rec koned it at 100,000 men and sonic at 120,000 ; and that those who professed to have the most accurate in formation did not fix it at less than 65,000, not in cluding the irregular forces who assisted the army of Ibrahim Pacha, and were under his command. It was against such an army that this small force was opposed. Sir, it was soon shown that Commo dore Napier and those who acted with him had not miscalculated the resistance which would be made by Ibrahim Pacha. Sir Robert Stoplord, in order to gain possession of Beyrout, directed certain operations against the Egyptian force in that town, and directed Commodore Napier and General Jochmus to aid him in those operations. That movement was un dertaken, but before it could be entirely effected it was found that a very considerable part of the Egyptian army was on the heights before this small force of Turks, Ma rines, and Artillery, and that Ibrahim Pacha was present. It was necessary to take an immediate resolution — that immediate resolution was taken by the gallantry of British sailors and British soldiers. That immediate resolution was to attack Beyrout. The attack was made, and it was entirely successful. Ibrahim Pacha eft the field, and the forces under Ibrahim Pacha, near Beyrout, immediately retreated. The consequence was that several thousands of the Egyptians surrendered to the forces under the command of Commodore Napier and General Jochmus, while others surrendered in other parts. Soon after this an attack was made upon Sidon, where likewise the success was very signal. The Arch duke commanding an Austrian frigate was one of those who distinguished themselves on that occasion, and the Egyptian forces not being permitted, in conse quence of the direction of the fire of the ships, to re treat to the mountains, were obliged to surrender. The operations, however, of most importance took place at Acre—a place rendered memorable by the proesess and skill of Sir Sydney Smith—( Hear, hear)—in the assistance he gave in its defence. It has fallen to us in the course of the last year to ac complish its surrender, and the same service which displayed so much skill and bravery in its defence has been the means of capturing it.— (Hear, hear.) Instructions left this country about the 7th of October, to attempt the reduction of the fort of Acre. They were orders, as may be supposed, , which left it to the discretion of Sir Robert Stopford, if he should think the enterprise practicable. He had, however, considered whether he should un dertake this enterprise for some days before, and at the time the orders arrived be was fully prepared immediately to undertake that operation. He received the orders on the 29th of October, and no time was lost in at once carrying them into effect. Several sail of the line were employed in the operations against Acre. The position in which those ships were placed by Sir Robert Stopford, displayed the know ledge and skill of a man who, in various parts of the globe, has always shown his complete knowledge of the profession to which he belongs, as well as the most distinguished gallantry and skill. (Cheers.) That complete knowledge and thorough skill in his profession enabled him to choose the best position in which his ships could be placed. The fire which was opened from these ships was most effectual. It was directed against two sides of the fortress of Acre. It drove from thou guns the Egyptian troops, who were defending the place, and after seine hours an explosion of a powder magazine took place, creating very great destruction, which induced the Egyptian Commander and those under him to give up all thought. of any further defence ; so that on the evening of the 3d, or on the morning of the 4th, the place was surrendered to the arms of her Majesty. I have made mention of the co-operation in these ope rations of the Austrian ships, and of Admiral Walker commanding the line-of-battle ship belonging to the Sul tan. Sir, these, then, are the operations which were conductee under the direction of Sir Rebert Stopford as Admiral, - with the naval forces of her Majesty, and with Sir Charles Smith as engineer under his command, whose assistance was of the utmost value. Likewise the small but effective force of the Sultan lent beneficial aid. These forces, then, have been quite successful ; and what is the consequence of these operations that were so successful from the 9th of September to the 4th of November last? The complete success of the enter prise with which these officers and men were entrusted. —(Hear, hear.) They have ended in producing the utmost that could be expected from them, without any alloy whatever—the complete submission to the Treaty. I therefore say again, that whatever may have been the policy in undertaking this enter prise, it is impossible that any naval force could do more than what has been performed by these men, or that success could he carried further. They acted, Sir, ably, zealously, and skilfully.—( Hear, hear.) I may now remark, that it appears that the skill to which modern nations have attained in the various sciences of seamanship, navigation, gunnery, engineering— that all these arts are in themselves not sufficient unless they are directed by the mind and energies of an able and skilful commander. Various books have been written to show how success may be at tained in the enforcing of treaties ; but all those means which civilized Europe have carried to per fection—all these, and attempts even' with a superiority of forces, and with time for preparation even with every financial means at the disposal of a commander ofsuperior mind, and cnergy,and skill,have hitherto failed. Sir, 1 am convinced that if the operations which took place at Acre had been reversed, and that a n Egyptian fleet had attacked a British fortress, the result would have been quite the opposite. The superior energy and skill of the Commander, and the bravery of his troops, would have ended in the complete discomfiture of any force Egyptian opposed to them. But these great issues of peace and war are not decided by these merely mate rial considerations—they arc to be decided by the mo ral force, the mental energy, and the superior talent of the men wha belong to a nation distinguished as this is, and likewise some other nations of Europe, by superior arts, superior civilisation and enterprise. Sir, I think this is a consideration not to be lost sight of, because if we could believe that any barbarian by merely cultivating the arts of war, and by turning his attention to having a larger artillery, and larger number of ships could compete with any civilized nation, the result would be most disastrous. 1 am persuaded such is not actually the case—that the character and inatitu tiens of a nation must always have their weight, and that those to whom you are to return thanks haiteto-night, distinguished as they are by their have ,epf:rranviexl shown coura themselves g e, a n rl c..usewthai•ys found when w belong nati ontoaohave in whom need of them—a hortheso t qu . .tlities are ,ay 1 nation which, by its superior institutions, its free cloee and its pre-eneuerice iu - too arts, has been always ready to produce in.n to defend the honour and promote the interest of the nati.sn. whenever the oscesion for their s:rdces required it. I shall not add any more, but move the thanks of this House to Sir Robert Stopford, and the officers arel men engaged in the operations on the coast of Syria. Lord STANLEY—Sir, I am anxious to have the honour, in a very few words,of seconding the motion of the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear.) This is a subject on which there can be difference arising from political questions. We are not called upon, as the Noble Lord has well observed, to discuss the political bearings of the Syrian question, or to enter upon any question of the policy which has guided her Majesty's Govern ment on this sulijset. It is a question extremely em barrassing and dangerous to the peace of Europe, if it were fully discussed at the present stage of the proceed ings. We are called upon to express on this part of this House the exultation we feel at the success of her Majesty's army, and the gratitude we and the coun try feel to the skill and intrepidity of the brave men by whose combined exertions, acid by whose mental and physical powers these great objects have been attained. The Noble Lord and the Government alone were fully in possession of the amount and nature of the instruc tions issued for the guidance of Admiral Stopford and the officers under his command. They alone knew how promptly and energetically they had fulfilled the in structions they had given ; hut in the si nation in which Admiral Stopford. especially was placed—what ever instructions were given to him, and whatever orders he recei"cd from home, such was the critical nature of the circumstances in which he was placed— so many circumstances must occur considerably modi fying o: even varying the views of the Government at home as compared with those which the officers upon the spot were compelled to take—that he was placed in a position requiring not only activity and in creasing casein obeying the orders given, butalso prompt decision and the highest degree of political prudence in actii e for himself in the absence of instructions, or even under the serious responsibility of modifying or neglecting the instructions which were given to him.— (Hear, hear.) I therefore think, Sir, without having information more than that before the House—without knowicg the details known to the Government at home—that there is no Gentleman on either side— I believe that there is no man in the country —who would refuse, upon the general information which is accessible to all, that praise of prudence, com bined with vigour, activity, and valour which has been assigned by the Noble Lord opposite as the distin guished theme of the applause well-earned, and I am sure cheerfully paid to Admiral Stopford ; and on this subject there can be no difference of opinion, still less can there be any respecting a tribute of gratitude to those bravemen—(Loud cheers)—who have acted under him, and have followed up and seconded his endeavours, who have displayed that gallantry and almost reckless courage which has been always characteristic of our mi litary and naval forces, and which alone, when directed by the highest prudence, can lead to successful results in operations such as these. A series of operations, terminati. g a in one of the most brilliant achievements of modern times, and which will render the name of Sir C. Napier illustrious, as having thus signalised British valour in his unprecedented and successful attack on the fortress of Acre.—(Cheers.) I ought to apologise to the House for addressing them at all on this sub ject—(Cheers)—but I was anxious to state, in the po setion I occupy, and in my own name, to give on this side of the House a proof that on a question of this kind, whatever may he our political differences—what ever may be our internal animosities—whatever ques tions oceasioneig discord may arise on other subjews, there can he in the mind of the British senate—thereby faithfully representing the minds of the British people, whatever our political opinions may he—on a subject of I this kind, but one feeling, and one feeling alone—that cf • rejoicing and exultation at every new accession of glory to the British arms, and that universal feeling of respect, admiration, and gratitude which is embodied in this vote to those brave and gallant men who have so much contributed to the glory of their country. Lord FRANC'S EGERTON cordially concurred in all that had fallen from the Noble Lord in praise of the great skill and gallantry displayed by the brave men who had been engaged in the operations on the coast of Syria ; but he trusted the Noble Lord and the House would not think him capable of taking captious objec tions if he should indulge in what might perhaps be con sidered as criticisim on one of the expressions which had fallen from the Noble Lord relative to the reduction of Acre. The Noble Lord, he thought, had scarcely done full justice to the merits of the gallant men engaged in that important important operation. He had said that the reduction of that fortress was the consequence of the accidental explosion which had taken place in the fortress. Now he did not consider that any improper construction could be put on the meaning of what bad fallen from the Noble Lord by persons in that House, but elsewhere those expressions might perhaps be misunderstood, and might give rise to observations. He therefore thought it due to both sides of the House to state, that when the smoke which had been caused by that explosion had cleared away, the parties engaged returned to their guns, and continued the action until sunset ; and it was not until the vigorous exertions made by our ships had been fur some time continued, that the brave men who defended the fortress (for brave men they most certainly were) were finally driven from their defences.—(Great cheering.) He could not refuse himself the g ratification of express ing his entire concurrence in all that bad been said by the Noble Lord in praise of the gallantry and skill dis played by those brave men.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He would not subject himself to the charge of exaggeration by comparing the deeds of those brave men to those of the naval heroes of former times, of Blake, of Howe, and of Nelson ; but be be lieved that they were fitting companions for those brave men, and that the British Navy would always distinguish itself whenever called upon, 'as it had done here tofore, equally in the impetuous rush to the attack, and in the skill and judgment by which that impetuous valour was directed.—(Cheers.) But he might be permitted to observe that during the course of these operations in the East exploits had been performed which could not have taken place in the times of Nelson. The gallant exploit of the landing effected at Djuni Point by Sir Charles Napier, and on which he con• eidered the success of the subsequent operations had mainly depended, had been effected by the power of steam, without which it would not have been attempted. The whole success of the subsequent operations de pended, he believed, upon the success of Sir Charles Napier in effecting that lending.—(Cheers.) There had also been another exploit to which he would ,al lude, which could not have been performed in the time of Nelson. He had been informed that a line-of-battle ship had been ordered to batter down a round tower at Acre, with round-shot alone, and that the operations for carrying that order into effect had been executed in such a manner, that the whole broadside was delivered with a most fearful accuracy.—(Cheers.) He almost regretted that the forms usually observed on these occasions prevented the names of other officers being particularized. He could not but regret that the names of Sir Thomas Hastings— (Cheers) —of a gentleman who in politics belonged to the other side of the House, and who he considered as one of the best officers in the service, Sir John Pechell—(Cheers)—and Sir Howard Douglas —( Loud cheering),--hriel not been mentioned. With regard to what the Noble Lord had said as to his belief that if the circumstances had changed, and if this country's operations had been operations of defence rather than attack, the result would have been the same ; now lie (Lord F. Eger ton) thought there were circumstances that made that extremely probable, for one of the officers engaged was distinguished above all the rest as one of the finest officers that England had latterly produced. In conclusion he begged most cordially to support the motion of the No ble Lord. The SPEAKER having put the question from the Chair, Mr. HUME rose. He hoped the time would never come when a difference of political opinion in that House would induce any Members to withhold their just weed of praise and approbation to the display of great military and naval skill. He was as anxious as any man to afford to the navy and military forces of the country their just meed of praise, but be regretted that those forces had been employed in a service so injurious to the country ; he therefore, though he joined in the vote, felt bound to condemn the policy that had been pursued by her Majesty's Ministers ; and he wished, before the debate closed, to know when the papers on this subject would be laid on the table of the House, in order that the House might see how far her Majesty's Mi nisters were to blame. Sir HENRY HARDINGE had no protest to enter into against her Majesty's Ministers, or the pol . ey they had pursued. Ile thought it would be imrrudent to do so in the absence of the papers. In his opinion, the Noble Lord, and those who had followed him, had acted wisely, and es they ought to have done, when a vote of thanks was offered to the army or the navy, by abstaining from any political allusions. He ageced with the accurate account given by the Noble Lord of the operations in Syria, and it was his firm belief that no men better *erved the thanks of the House than thOse who Wel' oneerned in the ope rations in Syria. Whatever might be the difficulties of any orders which our navy might receive, such were the resources, such the genius, and such the originality of t hat branch of our service, that, whether it:was afloat or whether it was on shore, they always brought their ef forts to a successful result. On the present occasion he considered that although the navy had not had the same hard fighting that it had had on former occasions, yet the skill and the science which they displayed were at tributes of their superiority of the greatest importance ; and he (Sir Henry Hardinge) hailed their success with the greatest satisfaction. The Noble Lord, in men tioning Admiral Stopford's successes, bad stated that before he received instructions from home he was fully prepared to carry into effect his own resoluticn to attack , Acre. Now not only was Admiral Stopford fully pre pared, Lot he had also made up hts mind to attack Acre la:fore he received instructions to that effect.— ( Hear, hear.) He thought it was due to the Gallant Admiral that that point should be clearly understood — that he had made preparations to attack Acre before the Ve:mi,ius arrived, bearing the instructions of Lord Palmerston. 'rim Noble Lord, in the course of his speech had alioded to a very memorable instance in which our navy had distinguished itself on that very spot—the defence of Acre under Sir Sydney Smith. He (Sir H. Hardinge) would not draw a parallel be tween the exploits of Sir Sydney Smith and those of Admiral Stopford. It was impossible to institute a comparison, for the cases were dissimilar in all their features. On the ono occasion Admiral Stopford de stroyed the defences of Acre ; on the other occasion to which the Noble Lord had referred, and which oc curred about forty years ago, Sir Sydney Smith landed his marine's and the crews of his ships, entered int, the breach, and in a series of about six days' opera tions, having sustained nine assaults against the French army—one of the greatest armies of that period—he effected the safety of die town by repulsing all the efforts made against his force. The cases were per. feetiy dissimilar, and therefore he would not make any invidious comparison. He would take this opportunity of en eking a suggestion to the House, which he thought of cansiderable imports.nce. Sir Sydney Smith had received the thanks of both Houses of Parliament for his explolts at Acre. Lord Spencer, he believed, de dared, in his place its Parliament, that he had performed an exploit uurivalled in history. Parliament was of the same opinion ; for, departing from its ordinary usages, it had passed a rote of thanks to him for his services, though he was only a captain in the navy. The gal lant officer had been dead two or three years, and . he would take this opportunity of suggesting to the House the propriety of erecting a - monument to him in St. Paul's. It appeared to him that his exploit at Acre was of such a memorable character, that the House were bound in that manner to mark their sense of his services. Sir DE LACY EVANS made a few remarks, the greater part of which were inaudible in the gallery; but we understood him to express his warm approval of the vote of thanks, and his regret that any remark should have been made on this occasion condemnatory of the policy of the Government. Sir R. INGLIS said he had felt the greatest delight at the success with which it had pleased Almighty God to bless her Majesty's farces . ; he hoped this Christian people while looking to the instruments would not forget that . it was the hand of God that directed their efforts. He eoncurred with the Noble Lord in the terms in which he had proposed this vote of thanks, the highest honour which tbis House could pay to any of their follow-sub jects. But he trusted that the Noble Lord would nor feel that he had discharged his duty to the subjects of that motion if, high as was the honour proposed, he limited his reward to that vote of thanks. It was in the power of her Majesty's Government to confer a pe cuniary reward upon these men, but he trusted that, in stead of that, there would be conferred upon the gallant Commander one of a more enduring character, and one which had been observed on similar occasions. He trusted he had not unnecessarily obtruded these ob servations upon the House. Lord INGESTRIE could not allow the vote to pass without cffcring his tribute of approval to the con duct of 'the gallant men whose exploits were now under their consideration. He regretted to find that there was an Hon. Member of the House who differed as to the expediency of such a vote, because it was a question on which there could be no party or political feelings whatever. He hoped her Majesty's Govern ment would attend to the hint thrown out by the R.ght Hon. Baronet near him, of conferring some distinction on the gallant Commander of the Forces in the Medit teranean. There was one officer who in those opera tiohs had met with his death, not by the guns of the enemy, but by the climate, and whose services had b:cn such as to merit the insertion of his name in this vote of thaLks. He was an officer of marines, and perhaps it might he some consolation to his family to find such honourable mention made of the corps, to which he be longed.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord concluded with expressing his cordial concurrence in the motion. - Lord J. RUSSELL wished to say, in reference to what had fallen from the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire (Lord F. Egerton), that the allu sion to the explosion in Acre had only been made in consequence of its having been so prominently men tioned in the despatches of Sir . R. Stopford.—( Hear.) 'Fire following Resolutions were then read by the SHEAKER, amidst vehement cheers from both sides : That the thanks of this House be given to Admiral Sir Robert Stopford, for his gallant conduct in the ope rations upon the coast of Syria.—(Cheers.) That similar thanks be given to Sir Charles Napier, Knight Commander of the Bath.—(Cheers.) That this House acknowledges, and highly approves, the services of the Royal Marines.--(Cheers.) That the thanks of this House be given to Major- General Sir Charles Frederick Smith, and the officers of the Royal Artillery, for their gallant conduct in those operations.—( Cheers.) That this House acknowledges, and highly approves, the services of the corps of Sappers and Miners.— (Checers.) To Rear-Admiral Baron Bandeira and the naval f.,recs of Austria under his command. • To Admiral Walker, and the forces of bid Highness the Sultan under his command. Which were severally carried nem. con. On the motion of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, it was agreed that the Speaker do communicate the above resolutions to Admiral Stopford, and to request him to make known the same to the officers and men under his command. forded, it became them to encourage that which slow in production, high in aim, and lasting in duration, nd not to say that ad the profits should he given to the labour3 of a day—( Hear, hear, hear) — that those who vindicated their own powers for irn m,7trtality, as f'ar as it could be judged of by the years of life, should not go without their just reward.—( Hear, hear.) He would not trouble the House further on a subject, which he beikved, on his part, was quite ex hausted. He therefore begged leave to move the second reading of the Bill. _ _ Mr: MACAULAY said it was in some sense with pleasure that he approached a subject with which poli tical animosity had nothing to do. Yet he did not rise without considerable anxiety. It was painful to biro to take a part which might be misunderstood and nrisrepzesented as unfavourable to literature and literary men. It was painful to him to oppose his Hon. and Learned Friend on a question which he was sure he had taken up from the purest motives, and had sup ported with distinguished ability.—(Cheers.) But so satisfied was he that the proposed measure would con fer no boon on men of lett ers , w hi c h wou ld compensate for the injury it would inflict upon the public—(Hear, • hear)—that he felt it his duty to express distinctly his disapprobation of it. One word on the subject to which the greater part of his Learned Friend's speech related, for it was surely important that in starting they should distinctly settle on what principle the question rested. Was that a question of right, or a question of expediency ? It was of great importance to determine that, because if it were an undoubted question of right, he should be by no means disposed to join in any compromise such as that which his Hon. and Learned Friend acknowledged his Bill'to be. if there were a right in the case, let that right, he should say, be vindicated, no matter at what cost. He knew that some of those who had written on the measure, and some of those who had presented peti tions in favour of it, laid it down as a principle, that a man add, by the law of nature, an indefeasible right in his own ideas, in the fruits of his own imaginatioa, and his own reason. The Legislature had, of course, the power to take away that right, as it had the power to pass an Act of Attainder, or to cut off the head of an innocent party ; but as such an Act of Attainder would be considered an act of legal murder, so an Act de priving authors of their natural rights, should be looked upon as an act of legal plunder. For his part, he most certainly held that property was simply the creature of the law, and that the law which created property could be defended on no other ground than that it was a law which tended to the benefit of mankind. But even though he were to admit that property had a d.ff rent origin from that, that it was a right independent of public utility, he should still hold that the right would at all events expire with the original proprietor. Whatever opinion might Ise held about the origin of property itself, he maintained that the right of succes sion to it, as it now existed, was at all events the crea ture of the law. How, then, could the right of suc cession be considered as a right registered in Heaven, as a right written in the minds of men, and anterior to all legislation ? If there were such a law he was sure that the law of copyright was by no means the only in stance in which it was violated. He need go no fur ther for an exemplification of that than the manner in which personal property descended, it being in certain cases limited to the eldest son, in other cases divided equally among the children, or being allowed to be transmitted to strangers. Whatever might be the me taphysical opinions entertained as to the origin of the right of property, there could be but one opinion, he apprehended, as to the principle by which legislation as to the distribution of property should be guided, and that principle was the public good.—(Loud cheers.) Now that was the whole question between his Hon. and Lsarned Friend and himself' Ile did not wish to infringe upon or interfere with the right of the author during his life, and the whole question between himself and his HO3. Friend, therefore, re- 1 duced itself to a question of posthumous copy right.— (Cheers.) With regard to that, he contended that the Legislature had a perfect right to act as might seem to it best, that it was quite fair to act in any manner which it might consider most conducive to the public good.—(Cheers.) Let them now descend from the clouds, and come to the practical consideration of the question as to the duration of posthumous copyright ; and in considering this question, it was to be recollected that there were evils on both sides of the question. He wished to see the most ample remuneration secured to authors. We could not expect our literature to be kept up unless this were the case. It could only be kept up by the exertions of those who had leisure af forded to them to pursue their literary labours. It would not do to trust solely to the exertions of the rich and noble to effect this, although among that class there were to be found those who reflected the highest honour, and who had been of the greatest possible service to literature, but they were not impelled by necessity to those exertions, and although the desire of usefulness, and the desire of distinction, were doubtless great motives to exertion with that class of men, yet in this country, as the House was well aware, the bulk of men of that class who were actuated by those motives devoted their attention to politics, and, therefore, the bulk of them could not, of course, be depended upon to forward the cause of literature, which must depend qoie the exertions of men who looked to it for their remuneration. Now, there were two ways in which that remuneration might be afforded to literary men—the one was by patronage, the other by copy right. With regard to the first, it might be, and doubt less was desirable, when the reading public was small in number, and the author could not obtain a sufficient re muneration for the sale of iris works, that an author should enjoy the same sort of patronage as he had in the days of Mecuenas, of Louis XIV., aed which had been extended to literary men in this coun try by Halifax and Roxburghe ; but no one, if he valued the dignity of the literary character, would with to see such times as these.—(Cheers.) Ile thought that literature ought to depend for support upon the many, and not the few.—(Hear, hear.) A particular case might arise in which it might be proper, nay, in which it might be the sacred duty of tee Government to confer a pension upon genius in dis tress, but it was not right—it was not reasonable—that literary men should be taught to look to patronage of that sort for their support--.,Cheers)—and the effect of their doing so would be to turn their minds, which na ture had formed for the blessing and ornament of so ciety, into its scandal and its pest.—(Loud cheering.) He would admit that the giving a monopoly to the au thor was by far the most advantageous method of af fording remuneration to the author, but on the other _hand monopoly had its evils. When his Hon. and Learned Friend said that it was a theory that a mono poly increased the price of works, it was the same thing as say ing that it was a theory that the sun gave us light, that it was a theory that lead was heavier than wester. These were all theories, which were the results of the experience of all men, of all ages, in all times, and he should as soon expect to hear the accuracy of any de monstrated mathematical truth called in question, as to hear it denied that the effect of monopoly must neces sarily be an increase of price.—(Cheers.) If the theory of his Hon. and Learned Friend as to the ten dercy of monopolies to cheapen articles were correct, he should be prepared to go much beyond the present Bill.—( Cheers.) Why not make the monopoly per petual ? Why not restore the monopoly of tea?— (Cheers.) Nay, why not restore all those monopolies which were in existence in the days of CI teen Elizabeth, and which had roused the people of this country to such a pitch of indignation as to make even that proud Princess flinch before the spirit of the people.— (Cheers.) There could be no doubt that, abstractedly, monopoly was an evil, and between these two evils they must take their choice and exercise their judgment, so as to devise the plan best for the public good. He had no hesitation in saying that the aid which the present law gave would be greatly impeded by the measure proposed by his Learned Friend, for it would have the effect of giving a sixty years' monopoly, which would be highly injurious ; for the effect of it would be to give an advantage that a man probably would never enjoy himself. In such a case, what would that man care for that advantage ? Was it reasonable to suppose that that would produce any great effect upon his exer tions ? It was probable that a time would come when property in Australasia would become exceedingly va luable, but would that induce any man to give 51. for a whole province there now ? Dr. Johnson died about sixty years ago, and, if his Learned Friend's proposition had been law, there would have been a monopoly in his works. Did any one think that the prospect of such a thing would have given the Doctor any pleasure, or have increased his exertions ? Certainly not ; he would much sooner have bad 2d. to buy him a plate of beet at some of the coffee-houses in the Courts in Fleet-street,where he was obliged to go. He (Mr. Macaulay) could buy Rassslas at the present moment for ls., whereas if his Learned Friend's proposition had been law he should have been obliged perhaps to have given ss. He should not grudge any amount he.peeid_for books in consequence of the law of copyright, provided it gave increased hopes and energies to the author ; bat when he was convinced it would not, lie must say that the public ought to have the benefit of having their works at a cheap rate. The effect of copyright wins to levy a tax upon readers ; .it was a tax upon the purest pleasures and pursuits of mankind, and it was a tax hostile to the vir tues of the people. He had no objection . to give 20,000/. to Dr. Johnson, but he objected to imposing a tax of 20,0001 upon the public without giving Dr. Johnson one farthing's worth of pleasure. No one would be more rejoiced than himself to see a descendant of Shakspeare enjoying the profits of the works of his great ancestor, but he would remind his Hon. and Learned Friend that probably there was no species of property which was less likely to be enjoyed by all -the descendants of an author than copyright. It would be sold to the book sellers long before the end of sixty years.—( Hear, hears.) Would the bookseller give the same price for a term of GOyears as he would for a term of 10? Every - one knows be would not, for nothing was more' uncer tain than the value of copyrights after so long a p eriod. Every one knew the .estimation in which Cowley 's world were held in the time of Charles 11. and yet who now read them ? The same might be said of Lord Bolling-.,! COPYRIGHT BILL. The Order of the Day for the second reading of the Copyright Bid having been read, Mr. Sergeant TA LFOURD said, that after the die cussion which the prin c iple of the Bill had under- I gone in that. House, he should feel himself ua worthy of the attention which had been accorded to him on former occasions if he were to oc cupy the House for more than a few minutes ; and were it not for some misconceptions that existed as to the principle of the Bill he would not have said one word. One misconception was with respect to that which formed the main object of the Bill—the exten sion of the term during which authors should retain an interest in the works of their own minds. He supposed that because the term of 60 years was mentioned, that iherefore those who supported the Bill of necessity in sisted on that term being retained in the Bill. He had always taken every pains to let it be understood that he was not by any means wedded to that term, but that a less term would satisfy him. There were indeed certain Hen. Members whom he would not ask to vote for the second reading of the Bill, but he would ask those who were ready to support him to follow the project introduced into the Chamber of Deputies in Paris, for the purpose of giving a copyright to the extent of 30 years. That measure was introduced by the Minister of Public Instruction, with the assertion that he thought a perpetual copyright was but just, and he regretted that it was not in his power to propose that instead of thirty years. He (Sergeant Talfourd) would ask those Hon. Members who approved of that measure to vote for the second reading of the Bill ; end he would ask them whether they would not give eeenething just 'on both sides. He thought that the promoters of this Bill were misunderstood when it was said that they overlooked the question of expediency with respect to the publishers and the public. He (Sergeant Talfourd) did not certainly love that word expediency as much as certain Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House. He had, with astonishment, heard it said that their duty to authors was to give them as little as possible, so that they might play upon tleiir (the authors') love of fame. When he heard the creations of the mind compared with the usual lot of land, he Was not fable to avoid asking the question, whether those who occupied no space possessed by othe7s—whuther those who altogether created that chich was to be a system of instruction for the human mind—whether those indiv;duals were not entitled to the benefit of their own work ? But he denied that he had placed the principle of that Bill merely in that light. He had regard to what was expedient to au-. thors, to publishers, and to the public. As to authors, it was enough to say, that amongst. the petitioners in favour of that Bill were some of the greatest t authors, and who w ere entitled, he should say, to thethanks lishers were quite sa tisfied with the provisions of the Bill. Then with rega rd to the p ublic, he always con tended that in the firs t p lace, the public should learn publishers, with c f that one or House. woexceptions, the pub (Hear, hear.) As to justice. He contended for that, because it was expe dient it should be kept in mind in the subject of this 13111 as well as in matters of law and justice. In the year 1814. there was a greater extension of copyright than that he now asked for. The term of copyright,' which was fourteen years, was then extended Co ' l B years,' and precisely the same arguments were then urged as against the present Bill, that books would be come dearer, fewer written, fewer published, and fewer bound. Now, since the year 1814, the books had greatly increased in number, and diminished in price, and, therefore, bad he not a strong and unanswerable proof that extensions of copyright by no means implied dearness of Woks ? He had only made these remarks for the purpose of showing that it was a misunder standing to say that he rested the ri g ht o f thi s Bill merely on the ground of some natural right, without regard to expediency. He would only submit to the House, in two sentences, two considera tions, which seemed to him to prove an absolute neces sity for this measure. The first was, that it was only by this means they could give to authors the power of preserving the purity of their works, and of securing them from pretended a bridgements, which would emas culate, or pervert, or pollute theta, and give to those, to whom it would be a labour of love —their families, and those who cherished their memnries—eh e means o f pro tecting them from such injury. The next consideration was, that, as it was too much the tendency of the pre sent day to I purchase works of light and airy character, and of temporary interest, and as such works were abundantly rewarded by ,the immediate profit they af- broke's corks; they were eagerly sought for at a high price whin they first came out, but in 1810 they were eo longer thought of. He would say, therefore, that there was no species of property that would be parted with to the booksellers at a price so far below the bur den of the tax imposed upon the public as copyrights. If he could select instances of the absurdity of such protection he should mention a case which had been referred to more than once by his Hon. and Learned Friend, he meant Milton's granddaughter, They were all aware that Tonron the bookseller went to the Court of Equity and obtained an injunction to restrain the printing of " Paradise Lost." The injunctian was ob tained it) 1752, and Clumps was performed for the be nefit of Milton's granddaughter in 17.50. If they went round the whole course of literature, they could not find so striking an instance of the inutility of such pro tection. The party who printed a cheap edition of Milton's works was punished ; and, in the meantime, what became cf the only person in whose welfare, if living, Mdton would have felt an interest ? His grand daughter was starving, while the public were compelled to pay an exorbitant sum for his works, and they were also compelled to pay a sum of money in cherity for the relief of his granddaugliter.—(heers.) But there was another danger, as far as his knowledge went, that had not been adverted to in the strong manner it ought—it was a matter which some believed chimerical, but which he believed to be real, and it was a danger likely to arise, whether the copyright got into the hands of the booksellers, or remained in the bands of the descendants of the author. He spoke not of mutilation but of the utter suppression of valu able works.—( Hear, hear.) He believed there were a great many persons who, if they had their own way, Fielding's novels and Gibbon's H;storv, never would have been printed.—(Hear, bear.) There was another author to whom he should also refer, and he was sure his H on . an d L earne d Friend would admit, that Richardson's novels were among the most original and striking of all the English writers, and no one went closer to nature, with the exception of Shak speare, while none had spread the fame of English literature more widely. Mr. Wilberforce, in speaking of the anti-Christian tendency of works of that nature, marks Richardson's as an exception ; and Mrs. Hannah Moore declared that it was from the writings of Richardson she first derived those principles of piety that were her guide through life. N on no one cou ld suppose that a book like that could be suppressed, and yet his firm belief was that if the copyright had been in the hands of his descendants it would have been sup pressed. He was intimately acquainted with Rechard son's grandson, a clergyman of the Established Church. That gentleman had a strong feeling that novels were frivolous reading, and he would not admit them into his house. He would not read his grandfather's works, and if he had the power ho was satisfied he would never allow them to be printed, and that a Clarissa, or a Sir Charles Grandison would have been as hard to have come at as a Caxton.—(Loud cheers and laughter ) Another question would arise—what did an edition consist of ? Would 12 copies on large paper, at 20 guineas each, be considered an edition, or were they to lay down precise rules as to the number and price ? Every body knew what were the feelings of the eldest son of Boswell. He thought the greatest blot on his escutcheon was the whole of the relation that existed between his father and Johnson. It was his (Mr. Macaulay's) belief that actuated with that strong feeling of vanity and pride, Boswell's son would have, if not altogether suppressed his father's work, rendered it so difficult to be obtained that it would be in the hands of but very few at the present time, had the Bill now pro posed been then the law. It would indeed be as diffi cult to come at any of the works he had mentioned as at the first edition of Camden's " Britannia." But if the present law was to he superseded by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's Bill, what was to become of books affecting the great sectarian and political parties ? It was now, he believed, just fifty years since the great John Wesley founded that sect which was one of the greatest and most flourishing ever founded, whose mem bers were now counted by hundreds of thousands. That sect was indeed a union in the highest degree remark able, and its power and influence on all public occasions, such as political elections, &c., were counted upon as of the greatest importance to every party. The me mory of the founder of that sect was held in the greatest veneration by his followers, and his journals were of the highest interest, as containing the whole history of the rise and progress, in its infancy, of that important sect ; his hymns, too, were such as would be read with interest by all persons. Suppose, then, that the copyright of the works of Wesley were to come, in the course of transfer, into the hands of persons entertaining the feel ings which many persons did entertain and publicly ex pressed respecting Wesley—why it was only the other day he took up a book in which he saw Wesley called a for sworn priest—suppose, then, the copyright of Wesley's works came into the hands of persons who thus felt and spoke, how difficult it would be to obtain those works, so much regarded, and to which such interest attached, if indeed they were not suppressed altogether ? Again, suppose the case of the Book of Common Prayer being suppressed for any period of time, why the price would mount to five guineas, and such a monopoly as that, in his opinion, his Hon. Friend's Bill would go to esta blish. What he (M Macauley) apprehended was, that if his Hon. Friend's Bill should pass, if it produced one-tenth of the grievances that its passing into a law was certainly calculated to produce, the evil would be great indeed. He would say that if that Bill became the law of the land—that as the posher evaded the Game-laws—as the smuggler evaded the Itsvenue-laws —so would the piratical bookseller evade the law now sought to be enacted. After some further observations on the grievances that would arise to the public in ge neral from the passing of the Bill, the Right lion. Gen tleman concluded by moving that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. Sir R. H. INGLIS felt great difficulty in following the Right Hon. Gentlemen, after an exhibition of so much eloquence, so much research, and powers of il lustration, perhaps unequalled in that House.—(Cheers.) But he could not but think the larger part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's argument applied as strongly to the existing system as it did to the measure proposed by his Hon. and Learned Friend. The arguments of the Right Hon. Gentlemen were not arguments of prin ciple, but of expediency. The Right Hon. Gentleman had entered largely into the subject of the origin of pro perty, but there was not a word about this in the Bill of his lion. and Learned Friend. This being the case, all the illustrations of his Hon. Friend would be as appli cable to the term of 28 years, under the existing law, if applied to all works produced in the last year of an author's life. Exactly in proportion as a man works not for the day, but fbr posterity, would he be benefited by the Bill of his Honourable and Learned Friend. He thought the course taken by his lion. Fri nd was most inconsistent, since he understood his objections to the Bill to be founded, not on its principle, but on degrees. The boon that was asked could only apply to those whose works deserved well of their country. Every argument that had teen used by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman against the sixty years, would equally apply to the twenty-eight years. lie hoped, therefore, the House would allow the Bill to he read a second time.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") Mr. Sergeant TALFOU RD replied. Ile thought that if the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had really cherished those deep and strong convictions that the Bill was calculated to inflict those injuries he had mentioned, he would have expressed those convictions upon some of the many former occasions the subject had undergone discussion. The observations which his Right Hon. Friend had made, and the doctrine he had laid down with respect to property in works, might be equally urged against all property. It would apply to all who were endeavouring in this transitory life to accumulate property for themselves or their posterity. Was it authors only who had prodigal sons ? Might not others have descendants who might dissipate their property ? The Ilouse might just as well refuse to a Marlborough or a Wellington those honours which their illustrious services entitled them to, because they might, perchance, have unworthy descend ants. He would, therefore, dismiss that argument as being unworthy of attention. Then with respect to the supposition that books would be suppressed. There again the same argument would apply to the 28 years. But he would ask, might not works which the author might desire to suppress be brought forward ? Was it no evil to an author, if he had published some imma ture misconception, or written something of which in riper and maturer years he had repented —was it, no evil, that if he written one line which, dying, he would blot out, but could riot blot out when dying, to have that continued before the world ? His Right Ho nourable Friend had not attempted to grapple with any one of the great examples which had been adduced in support of the Bill. He had not grappled wittiqdre` cases of pica like Mr. Wordsworth, who Waa suffering under undeserved /en glect, and Who, of too noble a mind to pander to taste of the public, had waited his time, and who found t that, when he had arrived at a venerable time of f his works were beginning to be profitable, that at _ that the _ Legislature • the profit was snatched from him.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not just and noble o f and could see the future in the past ?—(Hear , •to rid men who looked beyond time grave,hear.) His Right, Hon. Friend supposed that the monopoly books dear ; but experience had shown would make that it. , had no such tendency. The extension of the monopoly from s far from being attended fourteen to twenty-eight y r eduction, and it was natural to expect that dosed a by an advance in the hep . ri e c a e r of books, had rather pro it would do so ; as books could be produced more cheaply if his Right by one press, one set of publishers, and one set of thobservations, weight ad vertisers than by fifty. He would not have troubled the ofe his autho- H ll o o n t F a r t ie t n h d is ha t d ime no w t it t h hio a s n v y n rity,• the grace of his eloquence, and the fascination of hi s style, into the scald in opposition to this measure. .H e ( Mr. Sergeant I'.), however, thought the voiced of Wordsworth, Southey, of Moore and Rof Rogers' Col eridge,l,l • speae.ng, as it were, from the grave, and of the son of Sir Walter Scott— (Cheers)—would weigh against all the poWers and gen i us of • Hight Hon. Friend' his s address.—(Cheers.) ORN ING EDITTON Strangers were then ordered to vsithdraw, and the Howe ided, whcn the numbers were— For the motion 45 For the amendment 3Nority. 7 MEDICAL PROFESSION. Mr. HAWES tneved for leave to bring in a Bill " to amend the laws relating to the Medical Profession." The Hon. Member that as he understood the mo tion would not he opposed, he would oct then entLr into any details with regard to the provisions of his measure. Mr. FOX MAULE did not intend to oppose the motion. lie thought that some reform with respect to the laws relating to the medical profession in this cenn try was certainly desirable ; and he believed that in stating that opinion he expressed the feeling of the three great medical bodies in the country—the College of Ph3s:cians, the College of Surgeons, and the Com pany of Apotheceries. Mr. IS' AKLEY said, that if the Hoe, Gecth men who had last addressed the House were only prepared to support such a measure of medical reform as would have the sanction of the three bodies he alluded to, it would not give satisfaction to the profession or the pub lic. The ft was, tlrose oodles had given to the public the greatest pcssiblo amount of dissatisfaction, and it was lrom that dissatisfaction that the desire for a reform which so generally prevailed had arisen. Mr. WARBUItTON concurred in the remarks of the lion. Gentleman who had just sat down. He thought that a reform in the three great bodies them selves, and their statutes would be desirable. lie would not now go into details, but ha hoped his lion. Friend would be more successful in pleasing the pro fession with his Bi.l than lie (Mr. WarCurton) had been with the one which he had introduced at the close of last Session. He felt bound to state that he should feel it his duty to oppose any Bill which sought by cc ercion to put down irregular practitioners quite as strenuously as he had opposed the Copy right Bill. H e . . • would net cr consent t o an y p rovis i ons autnores• ng Cor porations to drag an in - egu'ar practitioner heroics a single Magistrate, with a view of putting I itn down. 'coat was not the method by which irre:uer practice was to to be preventad. The principle had been tfied over and over again, and had failed, and he shankd oppose any Bill embodying such a principle. Lard JOHN RUSSELL said his Hon. Friend, the Under-Secretary of State, had b: en misunderstood. He had not said that the GoVernment could not agree to any measure of reform Out did not meet with the saection of the three medical corporation:. What he had stated was, that the Corporations themselves acknowledges! that some medical reform was necessary. Its would not now give any opinio i on the general sub ject, bat would cement by saying that he thought it desirable that sonic mare effectual method should be taken to ascertain the qualifications of me dical practitioners, than was taken at present. Mr. HALFORD challenged the liin. Member for Finsbury to prove any charge of corruption against the medical bodice ; and he should like to know to which of then: the lion. Member alluded in bringing forward his charge, and when the corruption had taken place. Mr. FiTZSTEPHEN FRENCH regretted that the Government had not taken up the question of me (heal reform. Sir R. INGLIS said the Hon. Member for Finsbury had accused the Medical Corporations of mismat4e ment and corruption. The question of mismanagement was one that might be fairly discussed, but he should as soon think of charging the Noble Lord opposite with corruption as the College of linysicians. 110 had sat on the M'Alical Committee, and as far a; he recollected ❑o charge of corruption had been brought forward, cer tainly none had been substantiated. 111 r. 11U ME sail the fauft was not in the men, but i❑ the system. Medical rferm was a great national objet', and the question ought to h e talon up by the Government. Mr. WAK LEY explained that he had n't meant to attribute corruption to any individual. He did not mean to say that any individual ba,l b,en dipping his hand into the pubbe purse. What he did mean by charg ing the Medical Corporations with corruption was this— tle meant to say, and he now did distinctly charge them, that in exercising the authority conferred upon them by Acts of Parliament, and by charters, they had legislated diAloncstly—that is, that they had legislated for their o►vn benefit, and not for the good of the pro fession and the public. If any doubt existed upon the mind of the Han. Baronet, ha would hold himself re sponsible when the Bid was read a second time, or when be brought in his WI, which► he hoped shortly to . be enabled to do—(Hear, hear)—to make goad the charge he had made. 111 r. II AWES then brought in the Bill, which was read a first tiino, and ordered to be read a second time that day fortniht. IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. Lord NIORPETII brought in the Irish Registra tion Bill, which was read a first, and ordered to be read a second, time that day fortnight. The Houso adjourned at a Quarter before Eight o'Clock to Monday. SPANISH FINANCE. The consolidated debt of Spain, both foreign and domestic, is estimated at near 6 010 millions of rials (every million is equal to about 10,3001. sterling), to which the R. gency decree, published in the Madrid Gazette of the 22J inst., for the conversion of the overdue dividends, would, if acted upon by the bend or titulo holders, have the cffcct of increasing it by a sum of near 979 millions, so that the grand total of the funded debt might then exceed 6,980 millions of rials. The irnp:acticable absurdity of of to pay compound interest, when the interest on the original ca pital cannot be, or at any ra t e i s not, pa id , is so very palpablo that it requires no further comment at athan seemin g lyt the b b are e c rrec t men tion of the fact. Agreeably to the information that I can obtain, it would appear that the va lue of the national property still on hand, including the census, exceeds 1,100 millions of rials; that of the pro perty and estates belonging to the high clergy, chapters, &c., converted into State property by one of the decrees above referred to, is supposed not to be under 1,950 mil lions; whilst the proper.y formerly belonging to tire Encomiendas, o.denrs Militaires, &c., now the nation's, stands at a valuation of upwards of 300 millions. The sums due by the various individuals who have bought na tional property since 1834 exceed the large amount of 1,400 millions, including the ceases, because most of them have not even paid up the ft. st instalment, through the connivance of the authorities, whereas they have been in the receipt of the rents or profits arising from their respective pis:chases The still outstanding ar rears by the purchasers of national lroperty in the years 1821 and 1822 arc about 67 millions of rials; and so lukewarm are those persons in coming for. ward nith the needful, that orders were issued laat even ing to the interdentes of the respective provinces—there are six millions due in Granada alone—directing them to enforce the payments within one month of the issue of the public notice, or otherwise to proceed to take possession of the estates and properties, besides enforcing the bankrupt laws for such balances as there shall still bo o ping. It will thus seem that the national property, &c., and outstanding debts due by purchasers, &c., are valued at 4,817 millions of rials, whereas the consolidated debt will now exceed 6,980 millions, independent of a much more considerable sum existing of certificates or debt without interest. It consequently follows that sinless a rigorous but possible system of retrenchment be forthwith enforced, nothing ultimately satisfactory can be looked for ward to on the part ;)f the bondholders, the more espe cially so since it has liecome a subject of general notoriety that MendizAbal is the dc . facto Minister of Finance, as well as the concoctcr of all measures emanating from that de partment. TIIE COAL TRADE.-TIIE RESTRICTIONS AT .AN END.—Our opinion has for several years bean cx p:osted from lime to time as decidedly against the system of restriction in the quantity of coals taken for sale to the London market as most impolitic for the coal.owners themselves. It always appeared to us that though the " vends," as they are calltd, had the effect, by limiting the quantity of coals sold in a given period, of obtaining a higher price than could be got otherwise, they operated as a bounty in inducing many other parties to open collieries in the surrounding neighbourhood, which in all human probability would not have been worked for ages to come. This system of reAiiction the coal.owners themselves hav e now resolved shall be put an end to ; the practice of sell ing ally a limited number of cargoes a; they arrive in ro tation at Gravesend on t he Thames, which has hitherto been observed, is hencef orth to cease. for though we fear it m a y b e ; and suffering, we do m os t fi rm l y that it will pl ace t h e staple 'Sc arc rejoiced th at p ee in s io m n ay tl n ia o t w th be e l onger t his district eventually on a much firmer believe the productivec h a n 2 g i, e tei 1 f i s a t ic s :c , taken eprocrla rplace), 1 i loope s s ' de N , V h w a e : t e v r r e de temporary eidedly s sacrifices i opinion trade of and of restriction was continued, t h e more severe and trying would be the change wh en i t did t h e system n h e c e a e lt s i s i a ie r r il) bas m is a . come, as sooner or later we felt convinced it must inevitably come. Th e coal-owners will, by this important alteration in th e mode of conducting their trade, be o bli ge d to do, what is unhappily experierced to be necessary from tremendous co mpetition in almost every branch of country—they will be c ompe ll e d business in Ws greatly to extend their sales in order to obtain a profit h ual to the produce of their mote limited vends. That which evil will, we trust, be ultimately . inay forh a time appear an found to -c a great good— not to the public merely, but to the coal ownerstheni selves, who are a highly respectable, enterprising, and de serving class of individuals.— yne Mercury. ~,,_ I.,EATII OF LORD HENLEY.We regret to have pzi announce the de m i se o f L o rd Henley, who expired at five minutes to:eleven c'clock on Wednesday morning, at the family residelsocie:Whitelaall-place, after a protracted illness of sexprakmonthi.- :"Itte Learned Lord, as most of our readers are aware, was a' Master in Chancery, but within the last few months it' bectrerfng apparent that his Lordship's disorder would mot allow 0f . 14 again resuming the duties of his office, it was given up to the Right Hon. 1 Sir Worge Rose, Bart, Fur some time tifriliglical atten • dams of his Lordship held out hopes to the (Tinily, but lat terly, from his bodily strength giving way under his suf ferings, no prospect could be entertained of his eventual recovery. The Rev. J. Peel, and other members of the family, were nrese nt at his Lordship's dissoluti on . 'SA iii3f :,' . 'tif.E.—A tailor at J o u e t, in the Nievre , sold his wire, a few days since, to an inn. keeper for 300 f., and 251. over the bargainto victuals. The transaction took place in the presence of witnesses . The seller afterwards wanted to break his targain, but the bud er would not consent. ()N. MI