The Sun. — London, England, 1841-06-05 00:00:00

E'VENING EDITION in order to carry his Bill. They had yielded on that point their opinion to their opponents in order to secure the passing of th emeasure.—( Chee: s.) There had been no less of dignity to he Noble Lord by the adoption of such a proceeding, and reference to the House of Commons and the House of L e'dss while they were constituted as they were at present, he w as. Persuaded that every Ministry to carry their measures mus t be prepared to m a ke compromises and concessions to their opponents —(Cheer s )— an d that if any Government were erer to adopt an opposite course, and attempt to pass measure. 4'ollU -tout listening te their opponents, such a Ministry would vu lose th e con fid ence o f t h e H ouse and of the country. ant another part of that Bill that relating to the interests of t he existing i ncum b ents, so strongly had Lord Alt the f e l t the force of the arguments of the Right Hon. I laronet the Member for Tamworth that after requesting a short time to consider the subject he had acceded to the sug gestions o f the Right Hon. Gentleman, so that these con 'ions were not matters of such entire novelty—( Cheers) — and without them it would be impossible to conduct any Go atee anent, more especially if the necessity of carrying through ftreat legislaive measures should be imposed on them.— • Ch eers With respect to the general results of that legislae ( lon, if they looked bsek to the records of the Statute-book had the time in which any of those great mess to whom he trail alluded had taken a leading part in the legislation of the c ountry, th ey would find but few instances of the abrogation of t' !nut , esent had la ws , or of the introduction of new enactments ; Lo d when th ey looked back to the time that Lord Grey and Alellicurne had been in office, it was impossible not to see 4, ait treat at great chan ges h a d taken place, some of them ent i rely in of legislation, and others in matters relating administration as well —(Loud heers.) Th e Right L'anourable Gentleman had said that if he fame to the aadministration of the affair s o f thi s co untry it should re, recolle c t e d t h at he had been ten years nut of administration, d the refore he m us t ta k e t i me to cons i der t h e w h o l e fi nancia l feessituatio of the country. H e (L or d J o h n R usse ll) must con ti,_ that that seemed to him a somewhat curious statement of night Hon. Gentleman, as if he had not been narrowly i' h ale hi"g the progress of affairs.—(Cheers. ) But taking bue,llight Hon. Gentleman's o wn po s itio n , he (Lord John . 811 ) would d escr ib e to him the changes which he would t Chadtaken p l ace since lie had quitted the administration of left the country, When he left the administration off affairs, he e power of sending from 150 to 200 Members to that ~oeuse, entirely in the hands of individuals, who either returned or bargained for the patronage of the Government ti-" t ` e a.t r i :et n e's the friends of that Government, or sold the represen • towns, for a such}early pension. He Birmingham , the reat manufacturing „ as Manchester, Leeds, and Sheffield, th e great seats of our manufacture and commerce totally un- IP_Pwesented• lie would find no such nominees in existence ~,m s . and he would find the great manufacturing towns p ep . tecl to the elective franchise.--( Loud cheers.) When he detect Asi ministration; he left 800,000 human beings consi -14,e " Roods sod chattels, treated with all the humanity of liar to heasts—( Cheers )41i ' sposed of as mere property, and lie v all the misfortunes attending compulsory labour. euld souse s and now find th em a ll f ree men , i n th e enjoymen t o f face o f Property, and as well off as any labourer on the . the earth.—(Loud cheers.) He left such abuses in the the itaztration of the Poor-law as were rapidly swallowing up of th le d Ireperry of the country and debasing the character a nd atouring classes. He would find the landed property class" the country freed from that danger, and the labouring c r es raised in character.—( Cheers. ) He left the municipal j ratien ' , in many instances, self-elected, in all administer ht q ex! fueds, disposing of those funds; very often corruptly, % all , v aYs withont popular control or superintendence n , osdpr e u'd find that popular control had been introduced l ocal l ° improve the management of the funds and to reform of ec g°lzernment.—( Hear, hear.) He left the tithes a source c oos , fl a st ant dispute between the clergyman and his parishioners, p ea , , e tlY making those relations which should be those of of ij i e a ,n,d charity, and benevolence, relations of disunion and been . 1? " 1 . He would find that those sources of contention had whon, removed, and that that Church which the Noble Lord ( H e h ad just spoken, said they had done so much to injure— suroar' b ear)—was avowedly more strengthened by the' mea itu for their removal than by any measure which had been told b y any previous Administration. He was not to be Gentl e at that plan was partly the plan of the Right Honourable i f the"ernan' The attempt was first made Al Lord Althorp, an R.,7 had bad the misfortune, like Lord lthorp, to introduce Bill en the subject of tithes for two successive years av , without th e• t Y l et it thr oug h t h e House, they would no doubt he heard of fact as a part of t h e offence. ( Hear, hear.) The important c oo was that they had introduced a measure which, in the th e se , jof system year. promised to extinguish all the evils of law Die (1 - I , ear, hear. ) He had hinted at the Poor left itt for England. In Ireland the Right Hon. Gentleman out „." Poor, the d es tit u t e , th e ma i m ed, and the infirm with tleb:-Y l egal provisio n w h a t s o e ver. He would find that, after s olu t es whi c h occupied two months, provision for such per itle f ar Provided by l aw , an d lie believed the foundation was (H ess ''' . a great social and moral improvement in Ireland.— disp ute ) The Right Hon. Gentleman left a constant source of the betwee n th e Cl ergy an d th e Di ssenters w i t h res p ec t t o fit Performance of the marriage ceremony according to . the t a ".° l- the Church of Fngland, and the necessity of receiving _.Ptis to at the Church - of England in order to obtain the re flils_tration nf the births of children of Dissenters. He would find • Whets had been passed to remove those causes of . grievance, 11 that those grievances had been removed which were at ] 1 1 e simple, and which was not complained of by any party. ! h e had spoke n of the English Corporation Act. The Right ex o c rl it ; .Gentleman left the corporations of Ireland the seats of 1. isiveness and intolerance, to the injury of the great mass j t People. At present the right principle had been intro- ("esat although it had not been acted upon, as he (Lord rir,4ll.uasell).thought it would havebeen in its details, but the of' s j Principle had been introduced of making the corporntions Offe r. gr.aat towns of Ireland subject to popular control.— , alC d hews) . There was another subject to which he must , ezei,L.ne attention of tit! H a o r u t s y e for a moment ; it was one not discussion, but upon which a v es g o ng certainly much . eat change hadtaken place, and in which the present a mt ' sn ritstration had borne their part ; he referred to the I s le e p ailltents in the criminal law. He spoke, then, not of al e form a l amendments, but of amendments which had . 7ed th e inimbev Of prisoners who had been both sentenced i of " e a% and exec ed. He had asked for a return the other day that the number, from 1821 inclusive. He found t s in the first five years, to 1825, there were 5,220 5 I eni. 4y t i' lle ed to death, and 364 executed, being an average of 7 1 1 1; that from 1826 to 1830 there were 6,679 sentenced to thrps - ', l i e d, 388 executed; being an average of 61 yearly. Taking l .`osee . : ° ,,u s from 1831 to 383 b, inclusive, there were 5,059 sen- I ne fiv e -I 'ft% and 0 10 executed, being an average of 42. In death a L e ars from 1836 to 1840 there were 1,181 sentenced to that '), — ; ,', (4 11v 51 executed, being an average of 10 yearly. So 'a th .4 l - e in the Brat 19 years 672 prisoners were executed— tut 5 e i .4 t.„, 1 0 years there were but 261, and in the last five years t leiti'"ar this was a change which the Right Hon.. Gen ,egithan would find in the law. It was a change still going on eh a jeßard to the liability to capital punishment, and it was .th a kreat'e "hish he ( Lord J. Russell) certainly regarded with l', llll tut sfaction. Now put together these various Acts, the e- As o „,Acts the Abolition of Slavery Act, the Poor-law Act, the . Boor. 'e,'Pal Corporation Act • the English Tithes Act, the Irish ;:,.e Act, the Registration of Births, Deaths, and Mar lsters Act, the Irish Corporation Act, the Acts for the amend teateit of the Criminal - .Law ; added to those, perhaps, the a" U nion 'Act • and he would ask whether in an ten la 4 — r.4-- .( Hear; and l ' oud cheers from the Liberal Benches)— i,minsstrations of that country had ever introduced greater l o more important measures—( Hear, hear)—had introduced, (1.. 5 "t141 s a reater and more important improvemerits ? t ud cheers . ) And yet it was upon their legislation tha Wes e to be censured by Hon. Gentlemen opposite.— , tear h e „s "Irer 4 ) Putting aside and giving up every question of I . , tt ral and .axternal administration, every thing done by the eh a eet nive at Lome, in the colonies, and abroad, founding their t octt r ges solely upon wh a t h a d b e en done by Ministers to pro -1 legislation -La was upon legislation, and the failure of M ss that they f oun d e d t h e i r c h arges .—( Ch eers .) This a Part of what had been done, omitting minor and inferior eili• tylsich w ere not, without their importance; but with which he e e 4 not tro u bl e t h e H ouse then. T hese were t h e i mportant eh o ll ges which had been introduced by the Administration so . the Red, and, lie would say, so calumniated on the other side of let e ?se•—( Great cheering from the Liberal benches.) kith the reeellec , ed, too, that these great changes, beginning dig"f,,,tne Rtfurm Act, exhibited none of the fatal and had at effects of revolution ; that they had not seen what al loc ' ee mnranied great changes in former days m this country, th e s t in the present day in other countries. Civil war and e 4ffect s of the division of parties running to arms against with °li ter. On th e con t rary , w hil e th es e charges were m a d e 11., r espect to the management of the finances, the security of ri,. funds sho we d t h a t th ere h a d been increasing prospe 44trorn the time when, in 1830, Lord Grey's Administration t h e I s ,nee, he %you'd even say, from 1835, the period taken e =N oble Lord opposite ; nor *bile these changes were p sec - On. bad there been - any serious disturbance of the public might He (Lord J. Russell) had been sensitive—perhaps it rallyd " said rather too sensitive—with regard to what were i ; h sll organic changes ; fearing that, after the Reform . Act, As i a g's or the same kind would lead to a perpetual habit, and lag P"Petual desire of change, which at length might en liis all the most valuable and the most sacred institutions. But a nti v_esation was, that in making very considerable changes, es easf. e r_Y great improvements, the country had gone on to in trat.; t l'at prosperity had not been disturbed, but, on the con. Us s i4 'he peacef u l pursu i ts o f i n d ustry h a d t h r i ven as muc h as ,t 1 l e „ a T ury Administrati on , w ho th oug ht it their chief glory coea c -e things alon e —( H ear )—t o l eave up on th e statute- atilt, the l aws of the most barbarous tames, to leave in their l n ° hs4:istrati on relics of tae days of the worst and the greatest t ril Lion•—( Hear, hear.) ' He had stated what he thought did the general changes that they had made, and he think it n ecessary , at that late period of the debate, to whidetch the the 'Horse by going through all those instances f eet s e s' . , had been - stated of measures that had been (- ree- hat he would refer to three or four of the (Pr - earominent upon w hi c h this resolution was founded. s in s - s , hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman stated the th e . And s of th e A ppropr i at i on A ct , t h e J a m a ica , Act, and to the ed get. Th e N o bl e L or d t h en proceeds's: :—Mregard 111 11 Appropriation Act.' we thought it our duty to introduce ‘ whieli was likely to pass through Parliament without th,.„ e u f tt the clause which we had insisted on. We agreed, ( Lid o (4-e t to the change proposed its the Bill, but that change ro ati; °,t carry out the change made by the Right , Hon. Gentle ro,„4neeausts we were supported in it by the llouse of Com ar - ly e , i We cried it th roug h t h e H ouse o f C ommons , and it 'art ti 1 le House o f L ords the propos i t i on was ma d e to l eave ees,trie • clau se. 1 admit that we had not the support of the wa n )1111 the manner we expected, but that was no proof of a 11, 41 ‘ . coinid ence.—( Hear, hear.) But when the Right Paronet says that he considered the resolution as no ul t :2 'nal, although I considered myself bound to support the . th os e nt that hail been made, yet I could not advise "lasi uilln opposed the resolution to be so extremely ( ! lea n fhat the time will not come when it will be earned.— bee t , r' Hear-) I say this, provoked by the allusions that have fr,„l: l s k ade, t I state is without any intention of departing `le settlement which has been made, on the contrary 1 Pre as r r en it my support, and intend to uphold the law as it at r o ,„, it exists. T.he next case to which the Right Hon. Ba• u.bi,iiallud ad was the Jamaica Bill, and I think the manner in 'oar , tile Right Hon. Baronet treated that question was not to e xpect with his usual candour nor in a manner we had a right gestaiopte,et,. for he had stated that because we agreed to his sug ceessie with •respect to that measure that therefore it must be aitt erett V that we had not the confidence of the House. We con -11,,,a_ that the defeat we received upon that measure xas such %p w, 7 " ere called upon to resign office. We did so, and for doing !•ven by the Duke of Wellington that we were pre- A lh ,7_• ,The Right Hun. Gentleman was called upon to form an svh i 7 l . l tatson, but in eoesequence of the circumstances, to ro oet . r ,s will not recur—(Hear, hear)—the Right Hon. Ba emit, Ind not succeed in doing so. The Right Hon. Baronet had r oa n l e 'll to the House and stated various reasons why he i re... l it difficult to carry on the Government of the corm • c is. .. the Hon. Gentleman has taunted us with our small 0 1 ,?Te's but lie should recollect that such Was not the care otlZes!tuestion of the Speakerslap. The Gentlemen on the could L i e 01 the House proposed a Gentleman to whom there th e s ae no objection in point of character and fitness and ea _ ,e:ult was that there was a majority cf 18 in fabour of the bigetsetoeluidteia)sskors:d by her Majesty's Ministers, Was not this proof that the House of Com mons ha d 11,4. fidenc e in the Honourable Members opposit e , ti ! l at it had confidence in us ?—( Hear, hear.) tee,tr_,lght Hon. Gentleman has quoted another instance, with iss; lt !' tr , the New Poor-law Bill. I wish, Sir be had not ali ne ?tied that question on the present occasion—the proper li otts ro Mention that Bill was when the 13,11 was before the ststel,--( Cheers.) Had the Flight Hon. Gentleman then in lay ,' his objections • I should have been ready to give him an th en ", to v each of th ose o bj ect i ons he now makes. I should e been prepared to have given a proper answer to those objections upon which he so unfairly states our conduct ; • but I do not think it is fair to interpose the merits of that Bill , ' in a great party question, the Right Hon. Gentleman having remained silent during the numerous debates which took place upon it.—(Cheers.) I will, however, mention one instance ; lie finds fault with us for not incorporating in our Pill those alleviations which were recommended by the Committee, and made by the orders of the Commissioners. Now, Sir, those mat ters were very fully discussed by the Government, and had the question been brought. forward at the proper time, I could have given him an answer. I had directed clauses to be drawn in respecting those' alterations recommended by the ComMittee, and embodying the orders of the Commissioners, but when I came to consider the eaust's, it seemed to me, and to others well acquainted with the subject, that looking at the Act of Elizabeth, and the wide interpretation which had been given to it, it would he better to keep those matters of detail to be carried out by orders of the Commissioners. Take, for in stance, the case of a labourer, with one of the family ill with sickness, and relief were to be given to him, as it now is, in order to enable him and others of the family to go on with their work ; but suppose that were to be introduced into the Bill, who could say that it would not renew all the evils of the old system, and that labourers in full employment, and obtain ing wages, might not again be paid out of the Poor.rates ? ( Cheers. ) The security of the orders by the Commissioners is that they might be varied from time to time, according to circumstances, without any appeal to the superior Courts of Law. Sir, I should have been ready to di-cuss all these points had they been fairly brought forward, when the. Bill was under discussion, instead of bringing them forward now as a poisoned garb.—( Loud cheers.) Without going into other questions which have been introduced into the debate, I will now come to the last clause of the accusation against us, of having lest the confidence of the House, viz. the Budget. Denying that the resolution of the Right Hon. Baronet is at all in the spirit of the Constitution—denyine that it could ever be generally ap plied without great mischief—there still remains to the Mi nisters the alternative of resigning their offices, or to advise the Crown to appeal to the country at large for a decision upon the points in dispute. Now, Sir, with respect to the Budget, not intending upon the present occasion to relate to free trade further than the questions carry me, I must say that I consider the most important question involved in the proposal of my Right Hon. Friend is really the question, whether by a change in the diffe rential duties un sugar and timber—whether by dim;nishihg restrictions, and abolishing prohibition, you cannot greatly in crease the fund at the disposal of the Treasury, and, at the same time, save any new taxation.—(Loud cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet said he would take a calm review of all the cir cumstances of the country, but I do not think that any person in the House, even without the ability and information of the Right Hon. Baronet, can avoid coming to the conclusion that there are very few means for making up the present deficiency. The one mode is by reducing the navy, diminisbing the army, and other means at the disposal of the Government. Probably the state of Europe may in some short period justify the Go vernment of the country in making some reduction, but I do not think that any Minister could undertake to say that a mil lion could be saved in those establishments. Another mode is by going on continually from year to year to bor row money, thereby, in fact, only increasing our bur dens, and at the same time greatly diminishing the credit of the country—that, therefore, is a resource which is shut against any Minister. Then there remains only one mode, that is the proposal now made by my Right Hon. Friend, a mode which has never been disputed—a mode by which we may be enabled to make the revenue very considerably larger. One other mode alone remains to leave on the old restric tions the differential duties on sugar and on timber, and to leave the Corn-laws as they now stand—to leave the entire question as it now stands before the country, and to impose new taxes, or increase the old nnes, or both.—(Cheers. ) That is the only alternative left, and it is an alternative which presses grievously on the people in two ways. It leaves on them the existing burdens on sugar, to the growers of that article, and continues the burdens on the people in respect of colonial timber, and in fact a double burden upon them, for the new tax would have to be paid in addition to that which now exists.—(Cheers.) It is to such a recourse as this that those who will notj adopt our plans must come ; and, it appears to me to be a question of such vast importance, that we would not be justified in bringing it before the country, connected as it is with the Administration of the country, without consider ing it, not merely as a question of legislation, bet as one of vital importance to the Govei nment.— ( Cheers. ) But then the question arose that being a proposal so deeply affecting the in terests of the people, and opposed as it naturally would be, but opposed as we certainly did not expect it would be by the com bination of great party with the monopolists, the question arose whether we were upon the first opposition to resign our offices. That was a question for grave consideration, and I will not deny that many reas ms offered themselves to the Go vernment for taking that course. But powerful reasons as af fecting the interests of the people, as effecting the great prin ciples which we have put forward, the reasons for not offering our resignation seemed to me by far the stronger. If we had offered that resignation, would it not have been said that we proposed those measures, not with the intention of standing by them, but were ready to give them up at the first opposition offered to them? and should we not, in fact as well as in feeling, have seriously injured the very measures which we thought beneficial and necessary to the peace of the country? Why, Sir, so long as there was a chance, so long as it was possible that by continuing in propounding those measures and holding ourselves responsible for the consequences, so long as we had a prospect of carrying those measures, and thus ren dering an essential benefit to the country, we felt ourselves justified in . undertaking the risk and responsibility. ,Sir, I think the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke has re ferred to the opinions of a great man with due authority. When the Whig party was in a state of discomfiture, and al most despondency, Mr. Fox said if he had any hope to pre vail aaain in the great cause of civil and religious liberty, he would not desert that cause.—( Hear, and cheers.) We, who no doubt are the followers of the principles of Mr. Fox, cannot pretend to his eloquence or abilities, but with regard is the nature and importance of the measures themselves, as they affect the future welfare of the country, I believe we cannot exaggerate their importance.—(Cheers. ) There was another course which we might have followed. It is the course so alluded to by the Noble Lord, who seemed to say that we held it out as a threat ; but which, so far from alluding to as a threat, we were accused, in a former part of the debate, of being so ambiguous as not to be understood. I allude to an appeal to the constituent body of the country. The Noble Lord quoted a passage of the rebuke given to Mr. Canning by Lord Grey and Lord Lansdowne when he uttered that threat. Did we utter any threat, or attempt to influence the House by any threat? Sir, we never uttered any threat on the subject. There have been threats used, but they were used by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke, who threatened my Noble Friend and my lion. Friend the Member for Lincoln shire with the consequence of their votes.—(Loud cheers.) I need not say that I trust these threats will have no influence on the conduct of my Noble and Hon. Friend—(Laughter from the Opposition benches) —but I think that my Noble Friends the Members for Lincolnshire stand on far better ground with respect to their constituents than those who come forward to supplant them, on the ground that they have at tached themselves to the Right Hon. Baronet. What did my Noble Friend say at Lincoln and in this House? He said "these measures were brought forward by Minis ters whom I support —my opposition may lead to e dissolution I care not for that ; I will give them no support whatever, because I consider my princi pal object in legislating, as regards the Corn-laws, is an adherence to the existing law." Now a man might adhere to those principles, and yet not desert his other principles.— But what are the principles of the Hon. Gentlemen who are to succeed them ? They have no ground but that they are hostile to the present Government, and will support the Right Hon. Baronet. Support him for what? Not on the great ques tions on which he differs from us. For the present Corn-laws? By no means ; but for that wondrous and inimitable principle of the sliding scale, which, as my Hon. Friend most truly said, may be no protection at all, or may be absolute prohibition.—(Cheers and laughter.) My Hon. Friend the Member for Lambeth has gathered from the Right Hon. Baronet that he stands by the _present law. I did not so understand him, because the Right Hon. Baronet could not say both last year and the present that he was dissa tisfied with the present law without contemplating some change, and Ido not think a great question of this sort ought to be disturbed for the sake of a trifling alteration. Sir, I believe that if the Right Hon. Baronet had the power he would make a very great alteration.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Lambeth and 1 have to read the oracle, and we read it very differently.—(A laugh.) It is a very obscure and mysterious one ; but I gather from it that a gentleman of his long experence and pros deuce, intimating that he was not satisfied with the present Corn-laws, will, when he has the power, make some alterations, still preserving the sliding scale • but how far he will do so must depend on his discretion.—(Much cheers and laughter.) My Noble Friend, the Member for Lincolnshire, has been menaced and threatened with the vengeance of his constituents ; but let them have two men whose on) , object was to support the Right Hon. Baronet, they would say, " Never mind the Corn-laws—let the scale slide down as low as it may, being proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, who has our confidence, and his object must be to secure the welfare of the agricultural classes."—( Hear and laughter.) Sir, I say, then, the great question we had to consider was beween resignation and an appeal to the constituency of the country. In a question of such importance, it is our bounden duty to offer such advice to her Majesty as will procure the decision of the representative duly consulted on this occasion. I may be told that this resolutiou is intended as a bar to the exercise of the prerogative. I cannot deny, though in appearance it may be, that it is so. I cannot agree with the Noble Lord who spoke last, that they had no right to interfere with the prero gative in the matter of a dissolution. I do think that it is a matter in which the House has a right sometimes to interfere ; but the only ground en which it ran be properly interfered with is, when the House can say that tie course of legislation and the wishes of the people are proceeding harmoniously ; and with respect to legislation, if this Hon e :is not dis solved, it will be beneficial to the interest of the people. Then it is that interference is admissible. Sushi was the ground taken by Mr. Fox in 1784. He said that the House of Commons was ful . y able to u .dertake the question relative to India, which n 3 new House of Commons was competent to do. It was on that ground we proceeded when in 1835 we moved a vote of censure on the Right Hon. Baronet for advising the Crown to dissolve Parliament. But is that the ease with the present Parliament ? I have listened to this debate, and I have heard, neither from the Right Hon. Baronet, nor any other person of authority, an assertion that it was likely, if no dissolution of the pre sent Parlihment took place—it was likely that if it was extended to a longer period. or even to the full period of six years, that it would be at tended with benefit to the country and improvement to the legislation. With respect to legislation, and with respect to the particular question now at issue—the question of the Budget—various decisions were come to. That was a ques tion of great importance, and one that would hardly be brought to a final issue without applying at one time or other to the sense of the country. With regard to legislation, such are the divisioss of party in this House, that it is not likely if we surrender the reins of office to the Right Hon. Baronet, he will find himself able to continue the adminis tration of affairs with the present House of Commons.—( Mi nisterial cheers.) I think that the Right Hon. Baronet and others who have spoken in this debate, will, as well as every person out of doors, find that the symptoms of disorder in this House are such that the Parliament cannot be of long duration, wit bout some appeal to the people, in carder to show who are the men in whom they place confidence. If such, then, is the case—if we cannot produce any effect by avoiding a dissolution, and if we cannot produce any effect by resignation, but the apparent effect of abandon ing those measures which we have proposed, and deserting those friends who have supported us—which Lord Melbourne d e , dared world be the imputation which he would least of 41 like to have cast upon him—and perhaps of throwing for some years to come impediments in the war of those measures of Le pislatiog by which they thought they were likely to secure the welfare of the country. If then, such would be the case, is it not sufarient to justify the course we are now pursuing—to justify us in nut kiting the course which t w he Right Hon. Gen tleman says is incumbent on 44 ppurs!3hich 'do not thin just, either to our principles or to our measopee, —Cheers.) We will leave this whole question to the judgment of the country to decide as they think fit. With regard to the resolu tion proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman, as a - general resolution airesithtg the Constitution, putting aside the merits or demerits of the Administration, I think it is not right to found a precedent, above all it is not suited to the present state of Governmoiat,—( Haar. ) I do not think that was tha ground of the dissolution, and I think it was an unfair charge to bring against his opponents. But the Noble Lord the Member fur North Lancashire had THE SUN, LONDON. SATURD-k Y. JUNE 5, iSil. declared his opinion on that subject. In 18.31 he said that if it appeared that a 111inister brought forward .measures for the good of the country, and found himself defeated, refcrenci should be made to the opinions of the country. Such was th opinion of the Noble Lord in 1831, and why was it not his (pinion now? The Noble Lord had assented to tliis opinion then,why support this resolution?—(Cheers, and cries of " rh, oh !") On the whole state of the case, and the whole ease of the Administration, I beg the House to consider that this is a resolution supported and made out by a reference to various legislative measures, the Ministry having , brought forward more tegisla'ive measure s , an d carr i e d more legislative measures of a useful nature titan perhaps any other Ministry with the exception of Lord Gley's.—(Cheers. ) • • With respect to the state of affairs of the administration of the executive I beg the House to consider that during the whole debate no debt'. quency has been proved against us.—(Cheers.) No weakness has been shown—( Cheers, and counter cheers)—eitherat home or abroad. The Right Hon. Gentleman on one occasion ac cused us of wishing to abandon a vessel we were found unable any 1 eager to manage. I must say with regard to the present state of affairs I see nothing to induce any 111inister to des:re to quit office, or_ any gentleman to be wiwilling to accept office. On the corerary, I think the state (if affairs at home and abroad is such as to give great facility to the Ad ministraeion, that the affairs of the country, if we leave office, will be found in as flourishing a condition, and its character to stand as high as ever it did.—(Loud cheers.) Your only difficulty is an unwillingness to deal with interests which are opposed to measures useful for the future welfare of the coun try.—( Cheers.) If you can deal with these interests with (Inc care, giving them every consideration due to their long establishment, and taking upon you the alteration of the law, proceeding on sound principles, and determining to go on in the application of those sound principles—Cheers)—then I say. if you do that, if the Parliament and Government of the country can do that, then there will be no difficulty what ever in carrying on the Administration.—(Cheers.) If you do not do that, if you will undertake to protract vicious legis lation, to consider the interests of particular classes rather than the well-being of the whole, then, indeed, you may enter upon a protracted struggle against measures founded in sound policy, and which are certain ultimately to triumph.—(Loud cheers. ) Sir R. PEEL—Sir, a great deal of the speech of the Noble Lord was occupied by information kindly conveyed to me as to measures which I should discover to have passed, in case, after the lapse of almost ten years, I should be cal'ed to office ; and I have not the least doubt, if there should be in the House at present, as there was some time since, some eminent stranger to whom the speech of the Noble Lord could be translated, and who might be presumed not to comprehend the Parliamentary history of the country, that emizent stranger might suppose that I was a person to whom it was necessary for the Noble Lord to convey information of the measures to which he had alluded—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers)—that I had been excluded for ten years from Parliamentary ex• perience, and had taken no part whatever in those measures —( Cheers.) I can assure the Noble Lord that such re miniscences are unnecessary. With many of these measures 1 am fully conversant—l think I know something of the con solidation and amendment of the criminal law.—( Cheers.) It is true I did not appoint a well paid Commission--(Loud cheers)—to sit for years. I effected those improvements with no other aid than the ordinary official assistance—(Cheers) — and after the testimony I heard borne to their utility from that side of the House, I think it hardly necessary for the Noble Lord now to claim exclusive credit for them, and to re mind me that such things were done.—( Cheers.) Then with respect to Dissenters' marriages. During the short period I was permitted to hold office in 1835 one measure which I in troduced was a measure for the removal of grievances of which the Dissenters complained, both in respect to marriage and baptism—(Cheers)—and upon my statement of that measure on the part of the Government I well remember that to the principle of that measure, to the spirit in which it was con ceived, ample testimony was borne by those who now inform me of these matters before unknown to me.—(Cheers. ) With respect to the English Tithe Commutation Act, I think I should know something; for though it is true that the Noble Lord did, after the lapse of three years, introduce the compul sory clause—an important alteration, no doubt—yet with that exception the whole of the Bill of the Noble Lord was copied from mine. Again, with respect to the Irish Tithe Commutation Act, all that I know is, that after a laese of three years—after much confusion, and disorder, and bloodshed in Ireland—(Hear) —and I was not responsible for that—after three years the measure which I had introduced in 1835 was tardily and reluctantly assented to by the present Govern ment. The Noble Lord says, " Do not feel too confident as to the permanency of that settlement."—(Cries of " Hear.") Oh, no ; I feel no such confidenee.—(Loud cheers.) I know that the Noble Lord has the power to disturb it.—( Re newed cheers.) God forbid that the pressure of political ne cessity should ever induce the Noble L,.rd to disturb that settlement.—(Cheers.) But I should feel much greater con fidence in its permanence, if I could be assured that no such necessity would occur than if the necessity did occur that it would riot be yielded to.—(Cheers.) With respect to the Irish Poor-law Act, do I not recollect the bitter and en venomed opposition to that law which the Noble Lord met with from those who were the chief supporters of his Govern ment? And do I not know that with respect to that measure, or the half-measure to which the Noble Lord thought it necessary to recal my at stention do I not know that without my aid the Noble Lord weld not command the necessary majority: With respect to the English Poor-law Bill, does the Noble Lord really think'it necessary to inform me, as if I had been banished from the House, that the Poor-law Bill had been un der our consideration ? Again, on the Jamaica Bill, the No ble Lord says that I have no right whatever to taunt the Go vernment upon that Bill. I am not particularly conscious that in introducing the present resolution I did offer any taunt to the Noble Lord. I said that the Noble Lord had been compelled to adopt the suggestions which I offered with re spect to the Jamaica Bill. The Noble Lord says that those suggestions were slight and unimportant. And why ? Because he says there was no difference. in prin ciple between us, inasmuch as I said that if the Legislative Assembly continued refractory, s the time might come when I would consent to a measure similar to that of the Noble Lord. But then, if the difference between us were unimportant, how did it happen that the Noble Lord, on the rejection of his motion, resigned office?—(Hear, hear.) And I yet the Noble Lord seeks refuge in the authority of the Duke of Wellington, from the deliberate acts and expressions of him se.f and his Cabinet ! In the course of this Session of Parlia ment, the Noble Lord was compelled by a sense of duty and I necessity to admit that it was well our counsels had prevailed, that our predictions had been verified, and that there had been no necessity for sacrificing popular Government in Jamaica, and to set an example for its forfeiture in every other colony which had liberated the negroes. The Noble Lord, instead of disturbing the peace of society throughout our West Indian colonies, and shaking their confidence in a representative form of Government, in consequence of differences which he now says were unimportant, but which were important enough to justify his abdication of his trust, was compelled to admit that by taking our advice lie has secured the object to which he had looked, and had prevented the confusion and the disturb ance which would have followed the abhorrence of his own principles. For my part, I recollect not only the measures which have been passed, but also the danger that had been averted through our interference—danger which without our assistance he would not have had the power to overcome. What would have become without us of the question of the Ballot ? —( Hear, hear,) What would have become of the New Re form Bill ?—( Cheers.) Would the Noble Lord by the strength of his own hands have been able to prevent, in the midst of the 'storm, the raising of the anchors by which the Briti•li Monarchy was moored?—( Loud cheers.) What would have become of many of the prerogatives of the Crown if it had not been for our intervention ? Why, have I not seen the Noble Lord abandoned by those who will give him their support this night? Have I not seen them not only .acting in direct opposition to him—but have I not seen him sit almost alone, while some of the most important preroga tives of the Crown were under consideration, with seemly ten of his official colleagues to assist him in their vindication ? (Cheers.) I recollect, therefore, not only the measures which have been prevented by our opposition—which have been modified at our suggestion—which, when good, have been car ried exclusively by our aid—but I also recol'ect the important changes in the British Constitution, returning once a year, which the Noble Lord used to deprecate. I recollect all these things, and I know it has been by the aid of the Conservative party, that the Noble Lord has been able to avert the evils which he apprehended. The Noble Lord described the present Covet 'anent as a Government successful abroad, possessing the confidence of the Crown, and submitting important measures for the consideration of Parliament. But let me ask the Noble Lord how it happens that with all this glory and these advan tages, he has not possessed more of the confidence of the House? The Noble Lord says that I had promised to take a calm re. view of certain matters; but not of those matters, surely, which I had debated over and over again in this House.— , (Ch( ers.) Among other differences which I should find from the time when I left the administration of affairs, I should find this :—.l left a surplus of two millions after an administration of three years, during which the public debt had been re duced twenty millions by the Administration of which I was a member, while the interest of the debt had been reduced one million per annnm. Among other changes 1 should find a de ficiency of eight millions on an administration of five years. (Loud cheers.) True I sllou'd find reform, true I should find the Poor-laws, true I should find the Jamaica Constitution preserved— ( Cheers)--true I should find that I,had introduced into a certain Canada Bill— into the preamble—au amendment, which the Noble Lord at the time told me would be fatal to the Lill and to the Go vernment— (Cheers) which Government, although such amendment was introduced, still oecueies office.—(Loud cheers.) True, I should find all these changes ; but my satis faction in finding them would be much abated when I found in the midst ef all these successes—when I came to consider the state of the finances, that in five or six years of administration there had been a deficiency of 7,600,000/. (Loud eh( ers)— and it was with reference to the means of supplying that de ficiency when I expressed my doubts as to your whole system of finance, when I had declined all your proposi tions, that you came forward with the demand that I should come forward and state what measures I would pro • thatpos e — if cc l h % e v e e r r s e ) —and said that k e l otileelw l w oul ( d iul propose d certainlyen,,ontshiing der , t but hie causes of the deficiency, with a view of devising some method of making it good. You have at your command all the sources of official information ; you can command the assist ance of all these holding public situations; you have every means at your command of knowing the causes which led to that deficiency ; and then you tell me, without any of those official sources of information, that it is my duty to suggest. to you the means of supplying that deficieney.—( Loud cheers.) I now come to the constitutional objections which have been made to this resolution, and I must say it has been impossible to discern an objection to the resolution on constitutional grounds, without deserting every principle for which Whigs have hitherto contended.—(Loud cheers.) 'rho ni e ce o ge n iss s i u t 4 r t, u l di l e : : n reso lution, Right Honourable the Secretary at War says that the resolution is merely an abstract proposition, that it merely lays down a dry principle of constitutional law. Does the Right Hon. I G ut e i n o t n l , e mwainthroeuatllybelie referenceve tthoaattr:ainelymemipmgaruntmaw:itflal t has been brought forward ? I really propose by . thet reso e I ition to lay it down as a proposition that ey el ty elif ilstry so4h finds itself In a minority on ought to resign ? Do 1 contend for that principle ?—( Cheers. Q ) roefsigthneeoffinc4ivr osetiM-e Do I say that if a Ministry, on the first fermatien of a G o _ vernment, finds itsi If obstructed in its legislative course be a powerful opposition, it is bound to resign ? — (Cheer,.) ; 0 - f course I should not so condemn myself, and the example I set in 133.5•—(Cheers.) Do I say that any Ministry, finding itself in a minority, is bound to resign by this resoluti ' o ' n ? No. --(Cheers.) No Government woule be bound by it ; and if I were in power, you might taunt Inc as inch ytlet Pleased with this Lh S oshyPrriloil:Qet cheers sintelimincludsenti laughter ; h i ftebro consider: fr ati o el . ( S i t ie ihn e e e e s t i ryn o ri nni e s e t4 t7o i n uiPl with the circumstances of the present case. Wh) did you resign,Dn the Jamaica question ? I maintain that the ' dut of resignation must, in every instance, be determined by the y had i sh ia l l u s larger 'danb and peculiar circumstances of the case. The Noble Lord recollects the Jamaica case. In that case the Ministry were net de feated—they were in a majority of five, but they considered thet yictory indicative of e want of confidenct! in ca t s ht e i ., Since that has the Government they resigned. measure of the confidence emntLi o nt f : Qthifne4dcucHeectoiunighseer eniftoCowmitniioilsie On that occasion the Ministry took upon themselve s to deter . Arc they c m o i n n s e id w er h ed at, su u ffi n e d i e e r a t t h o e in et d r u c c u e m t t h ta em nce to s rt. d n er w e h t i b ch e I H wl o y us li e e of u C fli eg , their confidence? Now, I have the admission of the 11: ht Hon. Gentleman that he brings forward the question of I he Corn-laws without even the expectation of carrying it. - )id that seem as if they he'd the confidence of the louse of Commons when they brought forward such a epics' ion without the expectation of ca ruing it,' nteiely to agitate the eiestion ? Wny, th e Government had said tt at they hail eistained such defeats. and suffered such humiliations, that mating could reconcile them to retainin , office hut a para mount sense of the.r public duty. What had the ;Noble - Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, said too years ago? Why, after suffering innumerable taunts, he had summoned up energy suffielent to make the frightful an nouncement that the Government had at length •leterreined to exist no longerupon sufferance.—( Loud cheers. ) Two years ago the Noble Lord had toll us that they had suf fered such humiliations that their situation had become into lerable ; but they have suffe: ed several humiliations since— " Still have they borne them with a patient shrug, For sufferance is tho badge of all their tribe." (Cheers. ) A n d t h ere f ore do not tell me that this resolution will be referred to as a precedent in case of a single defeat. Do not tell me that in such a defeat any future Government would be called upon to resign. Do not me that the po liticians of future times will take the mere dry'bones of this re solution w ithout considering the circumstances under which it. is brought forward. No they will look to your admitted sari, s of defeats, to . your O'An - adinissions that -youreituation has be. come intolerable—to your own boastings that you would no loneer be content to exist on sufferance, to yo r measures, your own acts, vour own confessions.—(t.heers. ) The e oble Lord, at the close of the debate, argued as if the Government had had the confidence of the House of Com mons, while almost all his colleagues bad admitted that the time had come when the confidence of the House was not sufficiently manifested. They had admitted that the Government was now placed in such a situa tion that it had only two alternatives—either resignation, or dissolution of the present Parliament. Now limier us hat circumstances did I give notice of tl:is resolution—( Cheers) — this unconstitutional resolution, the facts of which, ant the inferences drawn from which, are positively denied? But I got this admission after the discussion of the sugar duties, that the Government was placed in a situation where they had no alternative but resignation or dissolution. The doctrine, therefore; of retaining office after defeats was all at an end. After the admissions that had been made. I think it cannot be said that my resolution is so unconstitutional as has been re presented. Can any man survey the course of the Government of this country and not see that the acts of the Legislature are so interwoven with the acts of the Executive Govt.' xi ment as to render it impossible to separate them ? There cannot be any doubt that the character and vigour of the Government do not depend more upon the Executive than the Administrative Government. As an instance of that I may refer to the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, the Reform Bill, the Poor-law Bill, and the Repeal of the Cornslaws; those were the great measures by which the fate of a Ministry was deter mined. If the legislative and administrative Government were not placed upon an equal footing, the Crown might labour to place the House of Commons in opposition to the Constitu tional body, and lower the Reuse by inducing it to reject popular measures. See what is the position of the House of Com mons. The House disapproves of the Government. The Government says, " We are independent of you •upon legisla tive measures; that which is your peculiar function we will disregard ; our conduct shall not be influenced by your rejec tion of our measure ; nothing but an interference with execu tive administrative acts shall influence our destiny." The House of Commons knowing, then, that the only way in which it can influence the fate of a Government is by an interference with its administration, will press for the production of dispatches, the production of which may be injurious to the public service ; the House of Coin mons may question appointments made by the Crown, knowing th a t b y the exercise of its ordinary legisla tive control it cannot interfere with the Government. You are offering the greatest inducement to it to der:et from its proper sphere and interfere with - executive prerogatives.— The Hon. Member for Lambeth says that history is to con stitute no precedent for us, that in consequence of the Reform Bid we are to disregard the precedents of all farmer times. —( Hear, hear.) Why, I should have thought that a great advocate for the Reform Bill might have said. " The Re formed Parliament-has a right to exercise a greater influence over the Government than an unreformed Parliament," but for an Hon. Gentleman to contend that the Government is to be indep, ndent of Parliament, because Parliament is reformed, is a most unconstitutional doctrine.—(Cheers from the Tory benches.) But these are the shifts to which you are pushed, to find a plausible objection to the resolution which I have moved.—(Loud cheers.) You are obliged to abandon every constitutional principle which you have hitherto maintained, in order to attempt to show that my resolution is at variance with the spirit of the Constitution. The Noble Lord has re ferred to alr. Pitt and Mr. Fox in support of his position. I thought that I had the other night proved that Mr. Fcx recognized the principle that the confidence of the House of Commons was necessary to the Ministers of the Crown. The Noble Lord had read a passage to night, which seemed to assert another principle. Out of the Fame page I will produce the authority of each of those great men. (The Hon. Member then read a passage from Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, to the effect that the confiiit nee of the House was necessary to the existence of an Adminis tration.) If I have the admission of the Government that they do not possess the confidence of the House of Commons, they ought either to resign or to dissolve. if 1 have got the affirmative of my first proposition, on what ground do they reject the second? What were the circumstances under which I moved this resolution ? On Tuesday, the 18th of May, the Noble Lord was defeated by a majority of 36. He proposed an adjournment until Thursday, the 20th of May, in order that the Government might review their position. The universal impression was that the Government intended to resign. The Noble Lord had admitted that that. was anti cipated. The first proposition, therefore, cannot be so very re mote. On Thursday, the 20th of May, the Chancellor of the Exchequer quietly moved that the House should on the Mon day following vote the existing sugar duties for the year. That was the whole of the intimation conveyed to the House. The question was put to the Noble Lord when he intended to bring forward the Corn-laws, and the answer was, Friday, the 4th of June. What reason had Ito infer that the Government me ditated a dissolution—what reason had Ito suppose on the Sa turday morning that the Noble Lord did not intend to put sue his usual course and to conduct the business of Parliament in the ordinary way ?—( Hear, hear.) I took time to deliberate upon the course which I should pursue, and having no reason to suppose that the Government meditated a dissolution, think ing that it was not d ing homage to the representative principle that. after this long succession of defeats they should remain conducting the ordinary busi ness of the country, I then determined to give the Noble Lord every advantage which a direct, intelligent, and straightforward course could give him ; and on Monday I gave notice that 1 would, on the earliest day, move that the Government had not the confidence of the House of Com mons, and that its continuance in office was at variance with constitutonal principles; and it was after that notice was given that we first heard of the intimation of dissolution. ( Cheers from the Tory benches.) Up to the period that the notice was given, not a word fell from the Noble Lord, not only had he not pledged the Government to dissolution, but had indicated no intention, on their part, to dissolve; but after that notice was given, —about ten minutes after,—the Noble Lord got up and said that the Government did net mean to bring forward the Poor-law Bill, because Alen.bers would make speeches to recommend themselves to their constituents. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Therefore the Noble Lord has accepted that alternative which he admits to be inevitable, and if my motion has done nothing else than this, to force the Government to the adoption of that other alternative, it has not been absolutely nugatory ; because at any rata it has forced an admission from the Go vernment that to retain power, conducting business in the ordi nary mariner, and without resigning or dissolving, would be at variance with the spirit of the Constitution.—(Cheers.) I admit that they had no right to dissolve without the Sugar Bill, but having adopted the alternative, and determined not to resign but to dissolve, it was their duty to adopt the re soluCon at the earliest possible moment.—( Cheers.) It is incon sistent with all usage and with the spirit of the Constitution that the Government should be able to select measures for the consideration of the condemned Parliament, that they should withdraw some and select others, and bring forward those only which were likely to damage Honourable Mem bers in the eyes of their cons ituents. "We shall bring forward such measures as may serve our purposes, but with regard to those measures which may be considered essential to the welfare of the country, we shall exercise our own discretion." Sir, I say there is no precedent for such a course. ‘Vhen Mr. Pitt got the Mutiny Bill, after some slight opposition from Mr. Fox, he dissolved the day after. Lord Grey took the earliest opportunity of dissolving; but whether there is any precedent or not, I say it is unconstitu tional, and contrary to Whig principle, to condemn a House of Commons, and then exercise its own discretion as to the measures it would bring forward. Nothing surprises me more than the desperate fidelity with which the Whig Ministers cling to the example of Mr. Pitt. They bring for ward the precedent of 1784 as a justification of all their pro ceedings. We had, first, the Right Hon. the Secretary at War, then the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Control, and then the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Co lonies, all anxious to plant their shoe in the footsteps of Mr. Pitt. As Trinculo said, " the storm is coming, and there is no hope of shelter except in creeping under the gaberdine." The Noble Lord would not then depart from his gaberdine, and the moment he showed his head from under it he uttered some unconstitutional doctrine.--( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) But he had vindicated these two propositions, first, that the Ministers had not the confidence of the House of Commons ; and, secondly, that in coeformity with all constitutional pre cedent and principle, Ministers riot having the confidence of that House, be should relinquish office.—(Cheers ) The dissolution should be immediate, and the House of Com mons has no other mode of declaring its sense of the unconstitutional tenure of power than bee moving some such resolution as I have proposed. Si r , I' conillain tsf the references that have been made to an individual Member of Parliament like myself in the course of this debate. I com plain of the injustice of the imputations cast upon nee. The Right Hon. the Vice-President of the Board of Trade claimed perfect freedom of speech, and contended that the maintenance of courtesy was consistent with the utmost latitude of seep e le The Right Honourable Gentleman said. he w ou ld 'Wean unless picking youme aotultt to matters, unless you intended to re re sent my conduct and Thai be charged tee w ith when the proposal .a.ny part in doing all in my power to excite religious animosities at the elections in Ireland in that year, 11 s t i r r , R SI - I p I E E E L L -1 to the date, I find T sa h id en r l i y t h e a t t h d e id con yo tr u ar m y e . time r 1 tvas this Appendix certain sent me as an advocate of Orange Lodges? Why. did you refer to the Appendix at all to show that meetings of ninny In t g he course which I clitookotooli connect te p ahet l et a in c rni e :: : 11 1 0 : 1 m e i r tno e hf , and peormv ee s s.r4l? oin eN a ro n ,po y :al.it a ,, o t ow_n a? e o e t t eh ; . e r, Now, Is it fair to act in this way ? Would it ice .enoa. ' ° • 1 "" -- ei an estimate of - not be fair to ntieman ought to have looked at the course have taken in ostler to The Right lion r" • my character? the proposal was made to address the Crown to I tools_ n . FrFriends animosities n ds tahreoruen mood discourage Orange Lodges in Ireland. Sir, I say it is not fair, and Ido not deserve it from those of the faith the Right Hun. Gentleman belongs to—(Cheers)--that such unjust imputations should be thrown upon me for the purpose of raising excitement in Ireland, and propagating the belief what (Cheethat I would govern that country through partyasfemeliandge.—to rs.) If I had encouraged religious H must have engaged the assistance of Orange Lodges ; was my conduct in 1836, discourage Orange Lodges? I was then in opposition, and there was no compulsion upon me to take me, who felt deeply on this subject, and to whom it would have discussion. I was obliged to many been pleasing had I taken no part. But what was my conduct on that occasion? Sir, I did every thing I could for the aban donment of those Orange Lodges ; and whatever the Itioht Hon. Gentleman may think, I have done more towards that end, I have given more advice, Which lam happy to • say was most willingly attended to, and having been accepted, has been most religiously observed. I think it rather hard, thee, that I should be taunted in the way that I have been on this sub ject. (The Right Hon. Baronet then read a long extract from the speech made by him in 1836, on the subject in question, in order to prove that he then discountenanced all se cret societies. Then came the Honourable Member for Lambeth, who supposed that I brought forward this motion, because I found that the clamour raised respecting the Poor law Bill had failed. And then the Hon. Member for Lincoln shire esked my opinion respecting the Charter.—( ch eers and laughter.) He says I have stated my opinion respecti ng the e franchise, but that I have stated my opinion respecti ng th • - ranese Ise but I have not stated' it - with respect to the Chatter, anti that was one of the reasons why he withheld his confidence from me. Now, Sir, 1 will ask whether there is an honest doubt on It t m4ll upon this subject, whether the course I took the other tight on the motion for the release of the Chartist Prisoner , . was not enough to satisfy him as to my opinion orl! the subject? Can it be one of the grounds for his with hating his confidence from me that he doubts, although I ha se dedared my opinion on the ballot and the franchise—can he really doubt that I have some secret understanding with the Char.ists ? Then, Sir, wills respect to the questions which 4te been put to me, they have been so numerous that they really mate me a man of very great importance. tihie Gentleman gets up and says that I withhold the expres sap of my opinions on the subjects of discussion—that I hare picserved a great latitude. Why, I think my political prin (isles are pretty well known.--(Cheers.) Take the Co. n lass s, for instance. I should like to know who has come fur wrd noire than I have done in defence of the existing law. I should like to know whether any man, looking to these de bates, CAI) have a doubt as to my desire to maintain a just and adequate protection for the interests involved. The fast is, you are so disappointed at the comae I have taken that you want me to pursue the course which you do. -- s ( Hear, hear.) You want me to call a meeting, and move some resolutions respectiror the adjustment of this ques tini. The lion. Gentleman (Mr. Handley) says I ewe him scone giatithde for his vote on the sugar. - duiiea The ilon. Gentleman .considers that I am guilty of inerseitude because I moved a resolution of want of confidence in Minister , , which paces him in a difficult posi ion as to she vote which he shot hi give on this occasion. The Hon. Gentleman thias that this rp . s, hit ion of want of confidence is some trap made specially for him—some immense pitfall for himself in particular.— . (Cheers. ) Why should the Hon. rtlember demand g•alitude tom me ?—gratitude from ore Member to another! One would suppose that the Honourable Gentleman had lapped the milk of Whiggisin from his earliest days.—( Hear.) I think the lion. Gentleman in 1820 voted against the removal of the Roman Ca.holic disabilities. With respect to the agri- Cultural and manufacturing interests I do not wish to appear the partisan of one party more than another; but I men tained that both in crests are mutually dependent on each other. Don't I know that if I said I would support the Corn-laws against a fixed duty and made no reset ve, why such is the manner in which you fasten me down to every expression —(Loud cheers)—that you would at once turn round and say that I had incurred some positive obligation of honour to stand by every detail of the present Corr-lags—that I had comm tted myself, not to a graduated duty, but to every detail of the existing law ?—(Cheers.) I know that would be said, and that I should be held to have committed myself to every figure and letter in the Bill.—(Cheers.) An Hon. Gentleman asked me whether I would maintain the pre sent protection to agriculture ? If I had answered yes, he Would have held that I had pledged myself to every detail of the present law. I will not do that. I say I prefer the princi ple of a graduated duty. I think protection to agriculture is consistent with manufacturing osperity.—(Cheers. ) Ido not attribute the present distress of our manufactures to the protection given to agriculture—(Hear, hear)—but I will not bind myself against any improvement in the details of Ihe Corn laws. Suppose I had entered into these details—and suppose I had afterwards altered them materially. Suppose I had altered them in the proportion of 5 to d.—(Great cheering and laughter.) I should have had great authority for it.— ( Cheers.) Why here is a Government who had ten months to consider upon no less a question than the amount of the franchise, that carte forward with details immediately preliminary to the introduction ofa Bill ; they alter the franchise froms/. to 81., and they then think it decent to call upon me to commit myself as to details. —(Loud cheers. ) Suppose I had given the details, and afterwards, after a discus sion in Parliament, for the purpose of conciliating the votes of three or four agricultural friends, or four or five at most, I had altered my details. 1 wonder what imputations I should be ' subjected to. But those " Charter Libertines "—(Laughter and cheers)—may alter their details at pleasure, to conciliate the votes of three or four Gentlemen behind them, and yet throw every sort of imputation upon me because I confine myself to a declaration of general principle, and not being in office refused to say what taxes I would impose, or any thing about a property tax.— (Cheers.) Yet, allow me to ask this question, why were not these three subjects brought forward at an early tieriod of the Session? What pretence was there for not having mentioned any one of them in the Queen's Speech ?-4 . Cheers. ) If you intended at the commencement of the Session to bring for ward the subject of the Corn-laws and the Timber Duties, why not mention them in the Queen's Speech? Is this the reason? that it is contrary to all precedent to refer to details of mea sures until you are prepar.d to introduce them ; that it could only have a tendency to agitate the public mind, and disturb . the application of capital? If that is your defence, on what pretence do you ask me to enter into details ?—( Loud cheers.) But the Corn-laws form no part of the Budget, yet the Corn-laws might have been mentioned in the speech from the Throne. There was no reason, also, why the timber duties should not have been so mentioned. There is a material difference between commercial relaxation and the imposition of taxes, but on all great questions relating to free trade, there is no reason why they should not be mentioned in the speech from the Throne, and public attention directed to them. It is this that excites suspicion, perhaps ill-founded suspicion, of your motives. —(Cheers.) There is an impression that y ou had two Budgets—one calculated for fair weather, and another for foul—(Loud cheers)—and I take it that it was not until foul weather took place that this Budget was produced; then, I say, that to remove that impression you ought to have announced some of these measures.—( Cheers. ) You describe these measures as involving many Important principles—you declare that those are measures which must ultimatetly pass—that the principles you avow must ultimately triumph. Well, then, in justice to those principles, why did you not urge them at an earlier period ? What was your conduct on the subject of the Import Duties Committee ? Your measures are founded entirely upon the report of that Committee; but was it the Government moved fur that Com mittee? Was the Government aware even of the intentions for which it had been moved?—( Hear.) Or did any one Ca. bir.et Minister attend during its proceedings ?—( Hear, hear.) Was there any one question put by the Committee :stied be a Cabinet Minister?—(Hear, hear.) And did the Right lion. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer take any part in its labour ? No, not for one day.—( Hear, hear ) But the report of the Import Duties Committee contains all those practical suggestions which the Lettislature is now called upon to adopt. Surely you must have been aware of the pressure of your finances last year; and yet so little convinced were you of the soundness of those principles which you now affirm to be essen tial to the salvation of the country, that you permitted that Committee to be appointed without knowing its objects, and not a member of the Government assisted at its proceedings. If you thought it desirable to adopt the measuros recommended by that Committee, why not have made that announcement from the Throne ?—(Dries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) But if you thought further inquiry upon the subject necessary, why not make a motion to that effect ? You did neither the one ner the other; and it was not until the month of May that you brought forward, at a time of pressing political necessity, those three great measures founded upon the evidence of the Import Duties Committee. I say that by the manner in which you have brought forward these great questions, you have not done justice to the questions themselves. And again I say, that it these principles are so necessary for the national salva tion, is it not unfortunate that you cucumber them with your help, arid create a prejudice against them, net of individuals, but on account of your position as the Executive Government of the country ?—( Hear, hear.) There is, depend upon it, a prevailing feelints that those measures cannot pass, on account of the mariner in which they have been brought forward—(Hear, hear)—and I must say now that your object being to remove the commercial distresses of the country —your object being to restore con fidence and find the means of applying capital —I must say that you are striking the severest blow against the industry of this country—( Hear, hear, hear)—by iseting left those great questions in doubt for an indefinite peri6d, by setting party against party on such a subject as the Corn laws—by stirring up society from its foundations, and by com mitting against each other, in bitterness and d scord, clasper whose harmony is ease tial to their mutual welfare.—( Hear, bear.) You ate now about to dissolve Parliament on the cry of cheap bread.—(Hear,hear.) You are proposing to substit site a fixed duty for the present Corn-law. It is my firm belief that a fixed duty will give no effectual protection to the agricultural interests of Ireland, or of many parts of this country. The good effects of it are entirely doubtful, and I think it may be attended with evil. I telieve, too, yeu cannot paralyse agricul tural prosperity by a duty of one shilling per bushel on corn, without seriously affecting the other interests connected with agriculture.—(hear, hear.) But my firm belief is, that the course which you have taken—that the ap peal which you have made—that the mode in which you have conducted that agitation —that the incitement to agitat' ion given by your mode of introducing the so) , " belief is that the circumstances will" cot —my time comes, make it impossible ." mi t ten the the application of a similar ar: iwai, and YOu t o maintain a i r n e t s a i in t that duty which you now sta f .:e would be fixed and unalter able.—( Cheers. ) That iP my firm conviction, and I take my leave of the discussion of the question, and 1 place it in the hands of the Hous,:,, content, whatever may be the issue, with the course which I have pursued, and which has been less intended to give any party advantage than to vindicate the j us t aut h or i ty of the House of Commons.-- (Cheers.) Many may think that it would have been much belles' to have permitted you to go on with the Corn-laws, and to undergo three successive defeats—three successive mino rities—each decreasing in number. That might have been the better and more politic course in a party point of view. I know the advantage which I give you by bringing forward this motion—l am content you should have it, because I should ha abandoning my duty —( Loud cries of " Hear, hear") —if after your determination to continue in office, performing the functions of a Government, notwith standing the de feats you have met with, I hail acquiesced in such a mune of proceedi ng , an d h a d not ca ll ed upon the House, by some distinct declaration of its opinions, to affirm or to deny that you do not possess the conlidenca of the House, and that your remaining in office under such circumstances is at vari. ance with the spirit of the Constitution. —( Loud cheers.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the house divided, when there appeared—, For the resolution Against it... Majority against Ministers —l The announcement was received with loud cheers front the Opposition benches, On the question that the H.buse do adjourn to Monday next, there were loud cries of Lord JOHN 111.T;;sE." Corn, corn," on which— LL said that he proposed to go into Committee ".. r . 'Supply on Monday next, and that he then pro- P? Sej ...o r into the Miscellaneous Estimates for the purpose of proposing those estimates, the deferring of which might be detrimental to the public service. ( Cries of "Cor n." ) lie would state on Monday what course he intended to ursue witk re gard to the Corn-laws.—(Opposition cheers.) He thought it right to add that as the Right Hon. Gentleman, in his re ply, had thought it right to bring several fresh charges against him he should consider in the meantime what would be the best course to vindicate the Government.—(Cheers. ) Sir R. PEEL said that a great part of the speech of the Noble Lord had been an atack upon himself. He should be exceedingly sorry, if it were possible, that the Noble Lord could impute to him that he had taken anv unfair advantage to bring forward any new charges. It had not been his in. tention to take any unfair advantage of the Noble Lord ; and he had consequently, in his reply, said not one word in relation to the foreign policy, or to many other points. The Noble Lord might pursue any course he thought prrper, but he had certainly Lot intended to take any unfair advantage of his right to reply to bring forward any fresh charges, and had confined himself to replying to the charges which the Noble Lord had brought a,rairot him.—(Cher ra. ) He took it for granted that on Monday the Noble Lord would state his io tention respecting the Corn dews. Mr. HINDLEY did not care twopence about the eh irge, but lie was exceedingly anxious that they should h ave a rii - s c ussion on the Corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped that on Monday the Noble Lurd wyuld tell the Howe flirt he was determined to bring forward the question.—(llear, hear. ) Mr. HUME said he could riot understand why the Noble Lord was not prepared at that time to state it, as he had had ample time - allowed" As Tuesday wns the first open day, he thought the Noble Lord ought to fix that day before he left the HOW. The Punishment of Death 1111 was read a third time. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at 'Twenty Minutes past Three, till Monday next. When a man is about to enter into the sta . a of matrimony, he ought to have a clear underitanding as to whether he is to marry one individual, or a whole family. LITERATURE. .LANDLORD AND TENANT. By William Berwick, Esq. (At the request of a correspondent we copy the fuliowing notice o" this pamphlet from the Scot tish Pilot, but we cannot see oa what grounds Mr. Berwick complains of the Marquis of Down shire. The lease had expired, and the landlord :nieiit ask what rent he ph ased):— The author, understanding that Mr. O'Connell had • taken up the question of landlord and tenant, has ad dressed .a letter - to him for the purpose of acquainting him with an act of oppression inflicted upon lum by his late landlord, the Most llonimrable the Marquis of Downshire, which, he says, will serve to demonstrate to the world the absolute necessity that exists for the enact ment of a law to secure to the tenant jest and fair remune ration fur ins expendit ure qf labour and capital, and his enjoymant of the lands, paying fair and just rent. The author says— . • " With respect to t►i° motives which actuated his L 4 wdship in treating me in the cruel, unjust, and tyranni cal manner he has done 1 shall not pass any opinion ; but to enable you and the public to fia•m a correct judg ment on that head, 1 refa. you to the following nnrrati‘e to which I beg leave to solicit your earnest attention. In the first place, then, I wish you to understand that for ten successive years I was a tenant of his Lordship, holding under hint the mansion-house and farm of Us nabreen, in the parish of linockbreda, in the county of Down ; I regularly got up petitions to Parliament, praying for the total abolition of tithes and Church-cess. " The very head and front of my offending kith this extent, no more." The author goes on to say— " In despite of all the opposition I had met with, I continued every Session to get up petitions which I for warded to Mr. Ruthven, Mr. M'Cance, Mr. Sharman Crawford, Mr. Henry Grattan, Mr. Hume, and your worthy self respectively ; and, if I mistake not, it was owing to the representations you made, on presenting the petition from Knockbreda, against Church cess, that you had the good fortune to prevail upon the Minister to pro mise that he would either modify or totally abolish that odious impost altogether. Whilst I was performing what I considered a duty which I owed my fellow-countrymen, it frequently occurred to my mind that the course I was pur suing was in direct oppposition to the wishes of the Mar quis of Downshire. I concluded that my conduct would not be overlooked ; that I should be considered a marked man, and that no mercy would be shown to me when I went to demand a renewal of my lease ; the result proved that I was right in my conclusion, for, when my lease expired, his Lordship was not satisfied to raise my rent most enormously, but he .Also thought proper, contrary to all precedent, to impose a rent on the,dwellinghouse, a thing hitherto unknown in this country ! ! ! " The consequence was, my property was so much de preciated in value, that when I offered it for sale to the Rev. Adam Hudson, I could only obtain for it three hundred guineas, although it stood me altogether fully eight hundred pounds ! thus sustaining a loss of four teen hundred and eighty-five pounds." COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen held a Privy Council at half-past two o'clock yesterday afternoon at Buckingham Palace. It was attended by his Royal Highness Prince Albert ; the Lord President, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Privy Seal, the First Lord of the Treasury, the Secretaries of State for Home and Foreign Departments, the President of the Board of Trade, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, the Secretary at War, the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Master of the Horse. At the Council a new five pound gold piece was submitted to her Majesty and was approved of. Some Church orders were submitted to the Queen in Coun cil and were passed. The Hon. William Bathurst was the Clerk of the Council in Waiting. Her 3lajesty gave audience to the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Marquis of Normanby, and Viscount Melbourne. The Court was attended by the Vice-Chamberlain, the Treasurer of the Household ; Viscount Combermere, Gold S:ick in Waiting ; and Lord Alfred Paget, Equerry in Waiting. The Earl of Aboyne and Major the Hon. George Keppel were the Lord and Groom in Waiting, Their Royal Highnesses the Duke of Sussex and the Duchess of Gloucester took their departure from her Majesty's State Ball on Thursday night soon after twelve o'clock. Her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia Matilda also took her departure soon afterwards. After supper her Majesty and Prince Albert returned to the Ball-room, and dancing was resumed. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness afterwards passed to the Throne-room, where dancing was continued. His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge left soon after one o'clock, and at half-past two o'clock the Queen and Prince Albert retired from the State-room. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess and the Princess Augusta of:Canabridge left Buck ingham Palace at the same time. Dancing then ceased. Lord Hill had an audience of her Majesty yesterday. Her Royal Highness the Princess Royal was taken an airing yesterday, in an open landau and four. Her Majesty and Prince Albert, attended by the Marchio ness of Nurmanby, Hon. Miss Murray, Hon. Miss Lister, Earl of Aboyne, Hon. Major Keppel, Lord Alfred Paget, and Sir Edward Bowater, honoured the performance of Madlle. Rachel at her Majesty's Theatre with their presence last 'evening. Her Majesty the Queen Dowager rode out on horseback yesterday, attended by the Hon. Miss Gore, Hon. Miss Hud son, Earl Howe, and Sir Andrew Barnard. The Duchess of Gloucester visited the Queen Dowager yes terday at Marlborough Hou•e. The Duchcss of Cambridge, accompanied by the Princess Augusta and Mary of Cambridge, and attended by Lady Augusta Somerset, took a drive to Kew yesterday, in an open carriage. Mr: Gillon, M.P., Mr. Gibson Craig, M.P., Mr. Wallace, M.P., Mr. Dennison, 111r.Oswald,M.P., Messrs. Kerr, Croall, Wyllie, Chancellor, Newman, Laing, Gray (Chairman of the Postmaster Society), Nelson, Gray, Mountain, and Dixon, a Deputation of Coach and Postmasters, relative to the assessed taxes on carriages kept to be let for hire, and a per centage on the gross earnings, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday at his of f icial residence in Downing-street. Mr. Haw•k•ley had an interview with Viscount Melbourne yesterday in Downing-street. The Earl of Listowel had an interview with the Marquis of Normanby yesterday at the Home-office. Mr. Henry Waite, Surveyor of New South Wales, left town J esterday to embark at pravesend in the Florentia for New South Wales. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. HIPPODROME. RACES.—CoNcLunen. FitinAY.—.ll the races of this day were not so numerously attended as on Wednesday, it was not im lack of sport, for it is ill be seen that the contests were not only sufficient to gratify the niost ravenous appeti , es for such amusements, but were in all respects excellent. The company was select, and from the satistaction universally expressed, the proprietor is justified in anticipating ultimate success in his undertaking, a result to which the admirable manner in which everything was managed, and the liberality displayed, honestly entitle him. Among those present, we noticed the Marquis of Titchfield, Lords Veru!am, Maidstone, Ahltown, Chesterfield, E. Russell and Bruce ; Hons. G. Anson, C. Forester, H. Forester, and A. Villiers ; Sir F. Collier; Messrs. Brand, Etwall, W. Etwall, Payne, Greville, Gregory, Gardnor, Codrington, Shelley, Pettat, Hawker, Portman, Newton, jun., Ponsonby, E. Fox, Cockerill, Houldsh worth, &c. Sweepstakes of 8 Sots. each, with 25 added ; for throo ' yrs old, 7st 51b • four yrs, ast Mb ; five yrs and upward.. " .., 9st. Mares, T & . c Y ., . C al . low 7 ed Su 3 b l s b .''' . The winner 4 N. sold for 801., & c . Mr. Greville's Pickwick, aged Mr. Balchin's Clematis, d • (Nat) 1 Mr. F. Wood's Too , - y r s Mr. Smith's Ji,.. .iiament, 3 yrs Sir. Wai” ' ..I Crow, aged F ... .e's Kate Nickleby, 4 yrs ..eti on Pickwick, who won in a canter by at least three lengths. The Tradesmen's Free Plate of 50 Sovs. (Handicap) for all ages. Mile heats. Mr. Goodrnan's Mungo Park, 4 yrs, 7st 61b ..(Butler) 1 1 Mr. Balehin's Dromedary, 4 yrs, 7st 61b , 2 '2 Mr. Booth's ch b Benjamin, 4 yrs, Bst 21b Capt. Erskine's b f Amelia, li yrs, 7st Lord Huntingtower's ch fby Langar, 3 yrs, sst 81b . . - Both heats won easy. Match for 50/. ; Bst 41b each. Three quarters of a mile. Mr. Booth's b c St. Jean D'Acre (Sly) I Mr. Connop's ch c Little Johnny... Won in a canter. • Sweepstakes of 10 soy. each, with 100 added by the Proprie tor for two-years old cults, Bst 71b, and 21b the Bst , winner of the Hippodrome Paddock Stakes 71bs extra. About three-quartos of a mile. (12 Subscribers. ) Mr. Sad!er's Mule Col. Anson's Elopement '2 Lord Bentinck's Balcony The following also started but were not placed :—Mr. Ap lin's ch f by Ishmael, out of Dewdrop; Mr. Houldsvrorth's Dar ling ; Mr. Goodman's Banish ; Mr. Connop's May Day ; and Mr. Coleman's Gazelle. Betting-5 to 2ou Mule(taken), and sto 1 agst Elopement. Mule went off w ith the lead at a good pace, made all the 'run ning and won very asy by a length ; a capital race for second ended in favour of Elopement by a neck ; the others were tailed off. After the r.:ce Mule was backed for the Derby at 1,000;030. The We,stminster Handicap of 20 sovs each, It ft, with a sub scription of 3001. from the City of Westminster. The second saves his stake. About o ne - mile -and-a-half. 23 subs. Duke of Richmond's the Currier, 4 yrs, Bst Mb ( Rogers) 1 Mr. Morris's Fat Jack, aged, Bst Sib ........... 2 Captain Gardner's 10, 5 yrs, Bst 81b The following also started, but were not placed:—Mr. ' at son's humility, 3 yrs, sst 51b ; Mr. Rush's c bi- The Exquisite, out of Alarestield's dam, 3 yrs, bat 71b ; Lord Chesterfield's La Gitana, 3 yrs, sst 10lb ; Air. J. Day's Mulciber, 4rs, ist ; Lord Alihy own's Zulima, 4 yrs. 7st 9 1b ; and Mr. Lichtwald's and 5 The Plover, 4 yrs, i st 41b. Betting -6 to 4 a g s t M u l c ib e r, to 2 ast the Currier. Like the two ears old stake this race may b e g described in a fe w words. The Currier made all the running, followed nearly the whole of the distance by Fat Jack, and won cleverly by a length. Io and Plover made a waiting job of it, and finished third and fourth. Sweepstakes of 5 sows. each, with 25 added by the Propric tor, for 3 yrs, 7st 41b ; 4 yrs, B s t 91b ; 5 y rs an d upwards, 9st 21b ; mares, B ce., allowed 31bs. Winners this year 41b, extra. The winner to b e so ld f or 1201., & c . O n e mile. (7 Subs. ) Mr. Gr ev ill e ' s Pi ckwick, aged (Nat) 1 Duke of Ri c h mond ' s Bracelet, 6 yrs 2 Lord Huntingtower's eh fby Langer, 3 yrs _ The following al'o started but were not placed Ili ' s Wood's 'tournament, 3 yrs; Lord Miltown's Zu on 4 ye; and Mr. Tidinarsh's Lincoln, aged. 13etting-5 and b pa sad, Bracelet p Zuliina cut out the work to the turn, where kthen up' to 4 on Pickwick, and 2 Pickwick went u and Crade running to the di s ta nc e ; and won in a canter. to 1 agst Bracelet., MANCHESTER RA CES.—Tn UUSDAY. Sweepstakes of Sovs. each, with 40 added. About three quarters of a mile. Mr. Dawson's Terai tation, 2 yrs ...( Lye) 1 Mr. ‘Worthington's bc by Physician, Y. Joanna Southcutr 2 The following; also started, but were not placed :—Mr. Buckley's David, and Sir R. Bulkeley's Wideawake. sto 2 agst Temptation. Won on the post by a hca 1. The St. Leger Stakes of 25 Sov.. each, with 50 added. Mile and three. quarters. Mr. Vansittart's Galaor, 3 yrs Mr. M. Jones's Portrait 3 yr. 9 Me. Wormald's Millepede, 3yrs 7t04 on Galaor. Won cleverly by a length. 1001., added to a Sweepstakes of 10 sous. each. Two miles and a distance. 111 r. Murray's Lady Paramount (Hutchinson) 1 Mr. Heywood's gr cby The &idler, darn by Velocipede... 2 Mr. Graydon's Itoseins, 5 yrs The following horses started, but were not placed :—Mr. ylli.c:.l.rk.e ..77:1,21':Y28:#-,:r".-111j_4..:.--.;::N::.?-..7::,.11/4:,...Cd..2) EVENING Nebuchadnezzar. and lira 's ß :ll i e ,, l s, : , :i n t . pe s N rc t r b , Plate cf 60/. ;10 sot's. fur the t.ccund. Ilea two. iniioN4:ii l l 7 : . '''- ft a distance. - J s I.ONI 17:glint n's Amulet, 4 yrs s 0 -- '7 Mr. I:rust's Inurre, 3 yrs - _ ----.' Mr. Ilih's I.aily ' Flora, 3 yrs ......... .. ...... ... .....!... , 0 2 dr.. ~‘ •.,/ ‘ Mr. Mclyneux's Frank, 5x rs ................... 2 dr '• ' La: tington, Maria Monk, and Playfellow were not paced. FRIDAY. The Brough'on Stakes of 15 save. each, and 5 added. St. L'gtr Course. Mr. W. ratalti's Millepede, 3 yi.a (Francis) 1 Mr. Critchley's Durts.an. 4 yrs.- ................................ 2 .. Mr. Murray's Lady Pa ra m oun t, 3 y rs. . ... . 3 The Trade.. Cup of 100 soya., added to 60 sous., and a Handi cap cf 21t soya each, h. ft.. &c. Two miles and a dis. Alr. Vaneittart's Oslaor, 3 yrs (Cartwright) 1 hlr. Wortnald's Bolus, 5 yrs Ihe following sere not placed :—llumphrey, Wee Willie, llodanthe, Kingston ' Rain, Margaret, Ila n tb o y, Cli n k er, . Northenden, and the Maid. Plate of GU, 1.1 stirs. to the second. Heats, tno 'Tides and . a dis. , . . Lord Qtan'ey's Cornuto, 4 yrs. ...(M. Jones) 1 0 Mr. Meikhin's Wee Willie, 6 yrs .... .. 2 0 Mr. % it •1 el . 's Lady Liverpool, 4y s .. 0 0 Lord Eplintoi's Amulet, 4 yrs ... ...... 0 0 '1 he race was not run when our ar•count left. spnuT of the I - CU 13 EIC JOURNALS. mom mu MORNING PAPERS or Trus DAY. CIIIZONICLE.—The vote on Sir Robert Peel's mo tion was only interesting as a step in the progre! , s to wards dissolution. Ministers knew, and of course were from the first prepared for the defection of several of their usual supporters the moment they should announce an alteratiou m the Corn-law. The hopes and fears of men are now turned to the new Parlianient. lloweger unwilling Sir Robert Peel may be to state explicitly the nature of his policy, enough is known to enable the peo ple to choose their side with perfect certainty. They have to decide between monopoly and free trade—be tween sacrificing the industry of the country to a nar row and selfish polity, and relieving the finances of the country by means which shall give food to the poor, while it extends th e mar k e t f or t h e pro d uce o f our indus try. The issue is in the hands of the people. The cause is their own. Ministers are entitled to their gratitude for the opportunity which they have afforded them of fighting their own battle. Should they fail to do their duty, Ministers will have the satisfaction of knowing that they have done theirs. But what would be thought of a people capable of neglecting the golden • opportu nity ? Appearances forbid us to entertain the belief that exertions on the part of the p e opl e , c o mmensurate with the demands of the crisis, will not be made. POST.—In the course of the debate, of which we have given the result above the two speeches that will naturally b e l oo k e d t o with the greatest intense ness of interest were those of Sir R. Peel. and 'Loral Stanley. All we can do is to urge a careful perusal of the two speeches upon every man who has an honest desire to know on which side he should vote when the dissolution shall have taken place, to which Ministers have at length declared their determination to resort. Lord Stanley first, and Sir Robert Peel in his reply, gave so accurate an historical account of the conduct of the two great political parties, that there can no longer, be room for any mistake. The Conservative chiefs de monstrated, as the House of Commons afterwards de clared, that the Queen's present Ministers have acted at variance with the spirit of the Constitution. ADVERTISER:— The Tories have triumphed the " no-confidence " question has been carried by a majority of one—but not with an effectual majority; many Liberal Members having been loCked out, and their names not appearing in the division Lord John Rus sell, however, is as he ought to be—firm and unflinching. He yields not—he dares the enemy .again to the fight, and will on Monday state to the House the course which he is determined to pursue in behalf.of the people. We regret to state that Lord J o h n R usse ll i s exceedingly ill, and that he was literally dragged from a • sick coLch to reply to the stupid declamation of his opponents. We hope that his Lordship will continue long to preside at the helm of aftliirs, and that every professing Liberal who deserted him upon the division will be rejected br their present constituents upon the coming There are two classes of persons, whatever may be their politics, whom all honest men detest —coward s mud dr serters—and for whom they have no mercy, and ought not. MONEY MARK-ETil CITY NEWS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS Or THIS PAY. TIMES.—The arrival of the letters from India, this morning by the overland mail has given . peculiar satis factionin the City, as the merchants are enable.l at once to answer their letters instead of waiting three weeks or more, as has always been the case. On a former occa sion the arrival of the letters has been as near as, two days to the post-day, but this is the first time that the post-day and day of delivery have exactly coincided, The Post-office has acted very judiciously, anti, to allow the merchants the full advantage of this very fortunate coincidence, have deferred the post-day till to-morrow, conceiving that one day would hardly be sufficient to read the ccrrespondenee, give orders, execute commis sions, and write answers. A wish has been generally expressed in the City to-day that a repetition of the same convenience, which is now occasioned by a fortunate ac cident, may be secured by an, alteration in the Post-otiltY3 arrangements, so as to allow the„letters from India b e , always answered within a few days after their 'receipt Excepting in the monsoon season, the UV' age time which is occupied in the.- t rans f er o f lette.; i s f rom 35 • to 40 days, and the'cOnvenience 41e6fr e d m i ght b e ob tained either by making the vostklas'" live days later, or sending the letters from ‘ . lndia . :ie days earlicr than at present. 11EIULD.—The 1 1 :..ak notice referred to yesterday has had a favottrejte influence on ,the Stock Mark e t. Consuls are *shat of course. previous to Making up the books for the half year's dividend payable next month ; but the quotations for the opening were 89 to 89e ex dividend, which are equal with the dividend to. 90, to 904. SUN. --The Stock Mat ket to-day was rather buoyant, and tt ith a fair extra of business doing, better prices were realised, the advance being about 3-16 per cent, the payment of the Lids foiling due to-day haring eased the Money Market. At the close of business, prices did not look quite so firm as about. mid-day. Consols ranged from 891 to 90A with, and from 886 tq, Ito} ex dividend. Exchequer Bill% were Ba. to 10s. pr.,,,,h im Bank Stock improved f rom 16Si to 1 69 and 1694 -, the it,_ duced Three per C e nt. A nnu iti es were at 881 t, Is and the % Thiee-and-a-Half p e r C en t s . R e d uce d at 971 to I, The Foreign Securities have been heavy rigein to-day. Spa. Five per Five nish Active Bonds at Portugusw e N ew and Mexi- Cents. at 34 to :337 ; i Russian Bonds 11t° 0 113, can at 28. French per Ceuta, were at a slight rally, viz. 114 f. 25e. ; and Dutch Tw&-autt-a :Half per Cents , wet. steady at 52i. For Railway Shares thtre NN3', rather a bette- market, and quoted 2Fti to 30, prices showed some tmpror.enteut. Great Western were Birmingham 1-10,, ti'.e New 141, the Fifths 7 1 , the Loudon and The Brie. the Thirds 19L and the New 24 premium. )- ..ton were 31, and the Rlackwall 5 1 / 2 , the North Midi. nd 3 4 , and the Smelt Eastern 18 discount. 'the Foreign Exchange s were rather flat . this afternoon. The rates for three mon ths' bills were thee : —Paris 25f. 60e. to 65c. ; liamburgh 1391; Amsterdam 12 3 ; Antwerp 12 31 to 1 ; Frankfort 1491, and Trieste 9 56 to bB. At tiara. burgh, on Tuesday last, the Exchange receded to 13 51, and the price of gold was 429.4. THE WEATHER.-NOON, JUNE 5. ROYAL GALLERY OP SCIENCE, ADELAIDE-STREE?. Barometer Thermometer... 64 Highest 69 1 Lowest ... ...... 49 Wind N.W.—Freezing Point 32 Dog. CURIOUS INSTANCES OF LON- GEVITy. (From the Polytechnic Journal.) In the "Philosophical Transactions" the singular es's* of Henry Jenkins is recorded. This man died at the very advanced age of IG9. - A few veurs before his deatii he appeared in a Court of Justice. and gave evideuce is a cause. The celebrated ease of Thomas Parr, of Wen nington, Shropshire, is also detailed in the same publi cation. He died in the year 1638, at the age of 152. Dr. Harvey, who opened the body after death, states that he found it to be in a most perfict state. Ills death was caused by plethora, brought On by more luxurious living i n L on d on than he had been accustomed to in his native Parr lived during the reign): of. ten kings and Queens, and was verV.plakand homely. and r(as buried in Westminster: ,Abbey. He ma r rried widow after he was 120 years of age. Reis said toa in lU a man of a very different *stamina general. When he was 151 I he web carried to to London by Thomas Earl of Art r in t i t You e l'ive lii Tonger Court. The King said than other men, t() him ' " 1 1 . more thin other a I did penance when :" "Ile when I was lOU men ?" Parr replied, were well years old." Ilis chief rules for longevity temperance ; , . our known :—"Keep your head cool by a. a g o soon to bed ; feet warm by exercise ; rise early keep a your eyes open and if you are inclined to get fat, %%.cis, „ be modq and your mouth shut ;" or. in other or rate in your sleep and diet." who wrote a history (it • MafThus, a Portuguese author, the name of Nuintka the East Indies, mentions a man of died in the • Bengal, who year 1364 - , de Cugna, a native of f three hundred acid • ail ofintnts at the almost incredible age o years. . him to have been a persou,of gre a t MatTcus represents . . , butof so . --' d quite illiterate ; retentive it' simplicity an was a kind of living chronicle; relatinir memory that he what had _ . hin and e'actly, I l d v.e in the compass of his very long life,. .:now e ..., tck . othOr with all c ircumstances attending it. • Ile - hind ' four what have IY-eat's °f agf.l:6ir m ankind :'W brought new sets of teeth ; and the colour of his hair cad b i d hadfrequently changed from bl ac k to grey, and from grey to very died, and others he had put away. The first eentury of his life was passed in idolatry, from which he was con verted to Mahoinetanism, which he continued to profess until his death. J. Jacobs, a peasant on the estate of the Prince de Ileautremont, lived to the age of 120. He travelled' at that age from the Jura mountains to Versailles, to thank the National Assembly fur having released him-from the f.qulal yoke. He was received by all the Members wutd 7 ' ing,and uncovered, was allowed a chair, and to Lit witiß, his hat on. A collection was made fur him among th Members, which amounted to 5001. The tables of longevity published for the ycar 1817, in the Russian empire, give the fiaming results:—Amougat 828,561 persons who died, all belonging to the Gruek church, there appear to have been as follows :-1 above 140 years of age, 1 above 135, 7 above 130, 21 above 125, 51 above 120, 83 above 115, and 783 above 100. On the subject of longevity'. and mortality in Vrtamia, Dr. Hoffman btattS ZVitUng, NO. IV., the 18 years, comnte►king . Ist or 31st of 67319 in , g being the average populatiou Deeember, 1837, 44 J lB a : l 9 u ) a , ry tl: that tot and ending mortality in of Prussia during that period, amounted .to 6,653,161 ; of this number, 149 , 05 8 . .attained1he age of from 80 to years ; 67,754 that of Troin 85 to 90 years cid 31,516 attained the age beyond 90. Thus 248,3 9 8'44; viduuls, or 3,7$ per Cent. (.f the population, attained 01 age beyond 80. • ~i