The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-01 00:00:00

MAGAZINE DAY. BLA CKWO OD. Thanks to the untiring industry of the poet-novelist, Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton, we may now always feel assured of listening to the accents of genius in Black wood. While North is lying dormant in the folds of his shooting jacket, while Warren is forgetful of the seduc tions of romance, and is paying reverential homage ex clusively to the austere phantom of the law, while the Noctes are assuming to themselves month after month More of the semblance of antiquity, while the contri butions of Jerrold and of Barham are remembered only his a select few, w hil e Si mmons n e g l ects th e c h o rds of nis teolian lyre, and W. E. A. is scarcely ever audible for eight weeks consecutively—it is more than a consolation, it is an exquisite and ample c ompensation to meet with the effusions of such a mind as that which has recently celebrated the glories of the Saxon Harold and of the Cymrian Arthur. " The Caxtons" continues to be the grand feature in Ebony. It recounts in this (the tenth) in stalment the removal of Pisistratus to Cambridge ; and t hose who cherish the recollections of Alma Mater will revert with joy to the revival of old and pleasant remi niscences. Of the rest of the master-magazine we may speak in general terms of commendation. Among other excellences it certainly possesses that of being singularly miscellaneous. From the first article to the last it con trives to be attractive, even in the very head ings —from the " Cossacks in the Caucasus" to the " C ar li sts i n C ata l on i a ," Th o latter will be Perused with profound interest by every one whose heart beats with sympathy for the nationality of the Peninsula, no matter whether the reader be of the party of Isabella or of Montemolin. Thcse who bear in recollection the frequent and picturesque commemora tions of the Carlist hero Zemelacarregui, which have appeared in the pages of Maga, will turn with a cer tainty of entertainment, at the very least, to the present narrative, in the came organ, of the adventures and aicissitudes of the renowned leader of the Montemo linists—Cabrera. In a paper relating to " Modern Biography," we have a very rational estimate of the merits and demerits of Beattie's Life of poor Tom Camp bell. Delta chauuts, as Delta only could chaunt, the " Covenanter's Night Hymn ;" and all who have lingered over the mention of the cruel persecution of those sectaries among the moors and mountains of Caledonia, in the History of England by Mr. Macaulay, will appre ciate to the fullest extent the earnest passion breathed into every syllabl e o f t hi s song of secluded adoration. Dalmatia and Montenegro" are delineated in a clever contribution, in which—be sure of that--we hear some what of the eccentric magistrate, half-bishop, half-prince —the Vladika. In " American Thoughts on European Revolutions," we can detect, or we are much mistaken, the cunning band that fired the petard among the literary pirates of the United States by contributing an article to Blackwood, and retaining the American copy right of the contribution. The " Poetry of Sacred and Legendary Art" affords the magazine a graceful theme for criticism on a recent work by Mr. Jameson, and does not, as might at first be con jectured, present an opportunity for passing an eulogium upon William Edmonstoune Aytoun, the gifted Professor of Rhetoric and Belles Lettres in the Univer sity of Edinburgh, who has created for himself many admirers through the poetic fragmenti adorned with his initials. " Statistical Accounts of Scotland" contain agreeable stores of information, and stores that are not exclusively valuable to the habitants of the " land o' cakes," but in a particular manner to every subject, English, Irish, Scotch, or colonial, of our Sovereign Lady Victoria. A severe and searching com ment upon our "English Universities and their Re forms completes the contents of the number for February -_a number which is memorable as the four hundredth of this celebrated publication. BENTLEY'S MISCELLANY. One of the most capital articles in Bentley's Aliecellany --and the number for Ftbruary contains a variety—is fro m the pen of Alfred Crowquill, and tells of a "King who became young again." The astonishing metamor- Phosis of King Humdrum is rendered peculiarly striking by the inimitable manner in which it is related. We ha . ve read nothing like it since good's mourner "went and told the s -xton, and the sex• ton tolled the bell;" or since Madame Mantalini " wrung her hands with grief and rung the bell for her hu'band, and fell into a c h a i r an d afit of hysterics simulta r°llslY." As an example of the f e li c it ou s a n d telling (inner of this narrative, let us quote one singularly effec ef fective o b servat i on. Speaking of King Humdrurn ' s tive propensities, his historian remarks en Pasant, th at " Rulers are all very well, but they should n be always drawing lines for • other people to fantastic tale Another very interesting paper, " a tale of feeling," by Horace Mayhew, Isn entitled "The Headstron-4 Phrenologist." It is a hu morous but well nigh lamentable history of one Karl Von berief e i r n g ruell the hapless victim of a master passion— . firer% °logical science. Innumerable and some timesirremediable are the misfortunes which this sci ence entails upon its votary. On one occasion he re fuses an eligible situation because his phrenological ob t.seewrvaotions assure him t h at t h e i n dividual under whom h uld have to act is an evil- disposed man. Again he em broils himself in a serious quarrel with an officer, a stranger t.,0 him, because he volunteers to inform him that he has the m ost perfect monkey's head that, in all his experi ence, he ever recollected seeing." But the crowning e atastroplt e is K ar l' s phrenelogical exam i nat i on o f t h e bead of his lady-love —an examination which, in spite of . his d evoted affection; comFels the unhappy philoso pher_ to insist upon on immediate separation—his lifew ould not b e safe with her. For the very marvellous denoue ment of thi s very marvellous tale, we would refer our ea ders to theMiscellany,pat 54. The magazine abounds this month in the s e light a nd agreeable articles, which tre und ou b tedly the most pleasant description of ma- Razine papers. Nevertheless, more serious tastes are h ot unprovided for, as Charles Whitehead's interesting Sketch of Schiller" (accompanied with a very beauti fun -ey-( ngr ave d portrait of the great German) may testify. Christian Andersen has written a pleasing account of the " Visit of. the Swedes to Funen, in 1 848," which, in many respects, reminds us of the recant visit of the French National Guards to Eng land. Leech's terrible illustration, " The discovery of Ilafforde's body," greatly increases the gloomy interest of the " Coroner's Clerk," the eventful narrative now emanating from the pen of the author of "Experiences of a Gaol Chaplain." We have not space sufficient to do more than enumerate the remaining contents of this agreeable number of Bentley—they consist of a tale by the author of the famous " Stories of Waterloo, " Wayside Pictures through France, Belgium, and Ger many," " The Bye Lanes and Downs of England," by Sylvanus; " A Day's Gunning in New Jersey," &c. &e. Among the poetical contributions the most meritorious are " The Watchmen," by Lord Maidstone, end " The Annus Mirabilis, 1848," of which it is said— " Convulsion rock'd thy cradle, and thy toys Were thrones on fire, and sceptres wrench'd from kings." LITERATURE. REMARKABLE AND ECCENTRIC CHA- RACTERS. ry. " Variety is charming," say s the adage, and so, it b ra B nla, " thinks the compiler of " Bentley's Cabinet L.l - " What I saw in C aliforni a: , The interesting narrative of . which we noticed the other day, is n ow bY a volumeby Mr. . Fairholt, the author of "The 0 som e • " re f ---en 'a of Shakespere " which contains the history observes e eight or ten individuals justly designated Markable and eccentric." Mr. Fairholt very truthfully in his pr e f ace , th a t " the biography of the aimplest individual, if well and truly told, has a fuel- Ilati "* " If a simple biography, well told, be thus I t itt e ra ; h ° Lye how great must be the charm o d f t„ the most extraordinary biographies, narrate t} ;_`"eY are in the most interesting manner. Among trw.t, characters here portrayed are the Chevalie r 0 ,0001 zllia: Peter the Wild Boy, and John Elwes, th e_ 80 0,0001 . who, after a life of penury, died possessed 91 Some of the an' ecd-ites to be found in this _latter history are of a very amusing, albeit a somewhat mir jiancholy character. Among others, we read a three hilserlY baronets, disputing over the reckoning at an 1" ) when a wag. passing by, called out to a friend, here ur 'leaven's sake, step up stairs, and assist the poor I are three baronets, worth a million of mo I;,eailng about a farthing." ne y, guar. Hudson, portra are nontihneg; , char actersjeffrY Count Ankastrom, Elizabeth , e a d n v Antonio ve re ing an from quOt agliabechi, yof the interesting 3 anecdotes with which the volume abound s • - frai M n perused together , they will be better appreciated when The littl e with the narratives to which they refer. volum e tonal emb e lli shmen is also bountifully adorne d with Pic ts. y "Costly th y habi t , as t h y purse can buy, But not expressed in fancy, rich, not gaudy ; For the apparel ofr proclaims the man." THE POPULAR COSTUME now generally recognised _as belonging to that period alluded to by the B - ard of that iTsaY perhaps be considered sufficiently becoming. Be that ° lay, the spirit and meaning of the quotation may with Jt;sltice be applied to THE NICOLL, for this is the distinctive taei no w given to a Patented Paletot, which is express ly adapted for changeable weather, and should, moreover, be Neer in all such climates where the atmosphere is subject to much variation is its temperature, especially at ere rapid changes are not only eccentric in result, but also in this country, ..., Imes highly prejudicial to the health of those persons "',,,!.? do not properly regulate their out-door covering. (a -Now as this same outer-coat, or over -coat, or great-coat, toPcoat, or in more modern phrase, Paletot, will in future ao called THE NICOLL, it might be necessary to say . - Tne .thicg about the motives that have induced the creation e 1 this new ROlll4 was it not obvious to all that the patentees have a peculiar protection from imitations in this their Peculiar title ; suffice it to say, that THE NICOLL, the Peculiar in question, possesses the valuable advantages of being instantly convertible (at the wearer's option, however) from a warm to a light coat, or vice versa, and that, too, in a Manner simple but ingenious, which should be seen and worn to be fairly appreciated ; which should all this, it has two other high claims for recommendation—tlae first being that in form, appearance, and durability, it is tleman can desire with this necessary itemevoefrhyiTiwnagrlrgobene; and the second consists in the moderate price charg I alike by the patentees in London, as by their agents in:the e( o try sad abroad ; but it should , be borne in mind, - chat i u n u the metropolis it can only be purchased at those spacious ware rootns in Regent-street, which are formed by the union of opposite the Royal the three houses numbered 114, 116, and 120, Regent-street, as also of the City depot, 22, Corniiill, Exchange.— Globe. TH E FIRE IN Liricomi's-INN.—Many documents of gre a t value and importance have been rescued from the aebris of this fire; and one which is said to involve the re ceipt of upwards of 70,0001. a year has been preserved intact. There are many others, however, still missing, and and_their l t o h s e s rec overy of which there exists now no hopes, Must entail the most serious consequences upon those on- cel led. A contemporary, in alluding these frightful calamities,_ calls attention to a patented la . o c :) . - to the frequency r _ess of hlessrs. Fox and Barrett, of Leicester-square, which ti applied with the most marked success to the er t l°° ef buildings perfectly fire-proof, at a cost no greater t an by the ordinary means. The new lunatic asylum at trY 'pie ap- C°l neY Hatch is to be thus built, and as the principle .* eminently calculated for the praiseworthy objects it . ill Tiew, to much publicity MAO be afforded to it' .eat at utton, 6d per rately which f, from 1; and Calves Other- Mut o 4s 4d d Store to say rms :--- , 4s to ►ved off as well 10d to per 81bs. 5 morn f, from 4s 6d ; 18s to Clover 93 per 15s ; t 5s to steady 31 13s; to 11 95 ions. RN ns of the ,nd \Valet PEAS. 32, 8d PEAR. 18 04 IA Y.) w.s.W., g up to ans. Dole, was :ut away t Talbot I pumps lm oil of )1, which as come om Lon - ) owoprit, London, at thr ee attended I Bowle s ? lone' the lexander he Great a special 1 Palace, re twelve ed at the the Mar . Edward from the oncester• loucester• Lyn, Lady PhipPor !ourt and audience ie. High ness 'resident ivy Seal; ir . Georg e ent ; Affairs; r Charles lobhouser of India; ester ; the roods and larquis of F Norfolkt the most ) be Lord rquis tool arliamellt e Council adore all 3 to delive Republic► ter Pleal' the Qua° Republic epublic of Repablio Minister resent D° d to th e ity's Pris conduct , Majesty ice of file 'us of the Earl of red to bet ie Garter, een, at all cipal $8- Sir JOlO ; Coinb°s Lord 0 ce-Chair' ptain the rforinance • even,. I}•n,lf n j iippsy •"- )rge Gig also so we a rar n i s ol: Party of ,emi n e ! pow-, costumierm panY r - o t 'arliarne spes il io ; r Se c° Sir WO, Sir ir e od, 11°°. gip. Lo iv. goo. u e )lonel tPri. gut o° g 1011. sir ØOO. t he L eral, 'l'. the Sod yi poor bri b ole ), gi e h M r. g r. 0. I. ' rd Joil o ,o ro per, e , 2 aneagee t; • P n. Grey, of ra rtY t 9 Obesll3ra a the Co' A , \ . :' ~ T 1 #1 111 ILY 14, LONDON. Yit IT RSDA E 'MN I N G , INAUGURATION FREE TRADE. THE GRAND BANQUET AT MAN- CHESTER LAST NIGHT. The proceedings of last night at Manchester will be for ever memorable in the annals of political demonstrations, and must create an interest not confined to the inhabitants of that city and neighbourhood, but extending to every class of the population of the British empire. The 31st January being the day fixed by law for the extinction of the last shred of protective duties on the importation of foreign corn, and the consequent abrogation of a system which had long cramped the energies of our national commerce and industry, has been looked forward to with interest in every quarter o the country, but especially in those great seats of trade and enterprise, which took such an important and influential part in promoting the great movement which has now reached its long desired consummation. A preliminary meeting was held at the League office in Manchester, on Thursday, the 28th of December last, at which it was resolved to celebrate the final repeal of the corn-laws by a grand public banquet, to take place at the Free-trade Hall, in the same town, on Wednesday, the 31st of January. It is now our duty to lay before our readers an account of the proceedings which took place on this remarkable occasion, standing perhaps, for magnitude and interest, alone amidst public celebrations' The preparations at the Free-trade Hall were on a very splendo and costly scale, producing when completed a de corative effect of unsurpassed brilliancy and tastefulness. Flags with rich blazonries and expressive mottoes, tapestries, floral wreaths, and festoons of evergreen boughs, were dis posed about the hall and hung from the pillars in gay pro fusion. The long range of tables, neatly covered with white and -pink cloth, bore a plentiful dessert of fruits and sweet meats, with generous wines at the choice of the visitors. At the back of the platform allotted for the president and distinguished guests was placed a large white silk flag, with the emblem of a wheatsheaf worked upon it in gold, and the words " The League," in large letters, the same which brought up the rear of the procession held to celebrate the passing of the Act for the Repeal of the Corn-laws in 1846. On each side of this giant banner were placed union jacks and other national flags, the whole being surmounted with crimson drapery, and the royal standard at each side. At the lower end of the hall was a large crimson flag having up on it the words " Free trade with all the world," on each side of which were suspended British ensigns. At the top of each of the pillars supporting the roof was placed a group of three silk banners, arranged in a very pleasing form, and bearing appropriate devices (the royal arms, the wheatsheaf, awl other emblems of the useful arts being conspicuous) and mottoes, amongst the most remarkable of which were the following :—" Liberty and progress"—" Peace and plenty , — " Speed the plough" — " Let us live together in unity '— " Peace and goodwill to all men"—" God save the Queen"— " Measures and men"—" Who is he that will harm you, if ye be followers of that which is good ?"—" Victory to free trade"—" Retrenchment and reform"—" Prosperity to com merce"—" Success to agriculture"—" Repeal of the Naviga tion-laws"—" The welfare of the labourer"—" Love thy neighbour." In front of the gallery, at the lower end, directly opposite the chairman, were placed three large and fine mirrors, whose surface reflected the whole of the picturesque and exciting display presented by the hall and its crowded array of banqueters, thus doubly enhancing the charms of the scene, The company were accommodated as follows :—On the platform, at the four guests' tables, 72 ; at the eight vice-presidents' tables, 168; at the two reporters' tables, 24; in the gallery, 700; in the body of the hall, 2,020; making a total of 2,984. In spite of this ample amount of accommodation, hundreds of intending visitors were disappointed, and the tickets had borne, for some days, a considerable wemium ; thus testifying, in the m os t f orc ibl e way to the interest' with which the occasion was antici pated. The refreshments, provided by Mr. Royle, of St. Mary's-gate, consisted of 2,500 sandwiches, 2,500 veal pies, 1,500 pork pies, 600 mince pies, 2,000 preserved tarts, 600 lbs. of figs, 600 lbs. of almonds and raisins, 6,000 oranges, 6,000 American apples, 300 lbs. soda biscuit, 600 lbs. Carr's fancy biscuits, and 600 lbs grapes. The list of guests who received the honour of an invita tion from the committee of management was as follows: The Right Hon. T. M. Gibson, M.P.; R. Cobden, M.P. ; C. P. Villiers, Esq., M.P.; J. Bright, M.P. ; A. Henry, M.P. ; J. Brotherton, M.P.; J. Kershaw, M.P. ; J. B. Smith, M.P. ; J. Williams, M.P.; A. Anderson, M.P. ' • W. Scholefield, ' M.P. ; M. Wilson, jun., M.P. • Colonel T. P. Thompson, M P.; C. Hindley, M.P. ; G. Thompson, M.P. ; A. Hastie, M.P. ; J. A. Hardcastle, M.P. ; T. A. Mitchell, MP. ; J. S. Trelawny, M.P. ; W. Fagan, M.P. ; J. Reynolds, M.P.; W. Jackson, M.P.; J. Pilkington, M.P. ; W. S. Crawford, M.P.; Colonel Salwey, M.P. ; L. Heyworth, M.P. ' • R. Etwall, late M.P. for Andover; D. R. Ross, late M.P. for Belfast; W. Williams, late M.P. for Coventry; R. Gardner, late M.P. for Leicester; Sir J. Walmaley, late M.P. for Leicester; John Denistoun, late M.P. for Glasgow; B. Escott, late M.P. for Winchester; George Hope, Fenton Barns, Rev. Thomas Spencer, the Mayor of Ashton, the Mayor of Salford, the Mayor of Wakefield, the Mayor of Leicester, the Mayor of Warrington, the Zlayor of Br4dford, the Mayor of Halifax, the High Sheriff of Southampton; C. Hill, late Sheriff of London ; Major-General Briggs, R. H. Greg, Esq , and Elihu Burritt. _ _ _ G. Wilson, Esq , late president of the Anti-Corn-law League, occupied the chair. Upon the platform we observed the following distinguished and influential gentlemen : —Aldermen Sir G. Armitage, Mayson, Lockett, Harvey, C. J. S. Walker, and Bradford; Thomas Ashton, Esq., Hyde ; Joseph Acton, Esq., Wigan ; Robert Ashton, Hyde; Henry Ashworth, Bolton; Edmund Ashworth, Esq., Egerton Hall; John Allen, Esq., Warring ton ; William Brickhatn; Esq. ; Nathaniel Buckley, Ashton ; Jacob Bright. Esq.. Rochdale; Thomas Bright, Esq., Roch dale; Thomas Bazley, Esq, president of the Chamber of Commerce • Sir Ralph Plendleburv, Knt., Stockport; Alfred Reyner, Alton-under-Lvne ; C. - E. Rawlins, Liverpool ; R. Platt, Stalevbridge; W. H. Petigean ; Peter Rylands, War rington ; It Pease, Darlington ' • William Morris, Esq. ; Robert Munn, Bacup ; J. S. Oreurod ; Salis Schwabe; James Simpscn, Foxhill Bank; John Walker, Bury • Absalom Watkin, Esq. ; Peter Whitehead, Rawtenstall ; David Whitehead, ditto ; Thomas B. Turton, Sheffield ; Town end, Esq., barrister-at-law, London; W. Chambers, Edin burgh ; F. W. Cobden ; J. T. Crook, Liverpool ; F. Carbutt, Leeds; John Chadwick, Esq., Eccles; Henry Coppock, Stockport; Walter Crum, Esq., Glasgow; J. C. Dyer, Bur nage ; John Dixon, Carlisle; E. Grundy, Bury; George Goodman, Leeds ; Samuel Lucas ; N. Lees, Dukinfield ; Samuel Higgenbottom, Glasgow. The doors were opened at six o'clock, and the spacious ball rapidly became fillei—the number of ladies in evening toilet giving the assemblage a very gay appearance. Exactly at seven o'clock— Mr. GEORGE WILSON took the chair, appearing on the platform, followed by Mr. Cobden, Mr. *right, Mr. Milner Gibson, Colonel P. Thompson, and the other leading Mem bers of the League. Their appearance was hailed by a uni versal burst of cheering, from the occupants of the hall, and " See the conquering hero comes" from the band. The proceedings were opened by a short prayer, proneunced by the Rev. Mr. Spencer, of Hinton. The banquet, which, as we have stated, was composed of a handsome dessert, having then been done due justice to, The CHAIRMAN opened the proceedings of the evening by apologising, in the name of the managing committee, for any disappointments which might have occurred with respect to the accommodations and arrangements, one of the worst of the latter being, he feared, the selection of himself as chair man. The Hon. Gentleman continued as follows :—We meet this evening to celebrate the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Loud and long-continued applause.) We meet this evening, after having been united for more than ten years, for the promo tion of a great object, to take our leave of that first organisa tion which has created one of tbe greatest revolutions in the policy of the country ever brought about.—(Hear.) We meet to hail the inauguration cf a better era—an era better, I hope, for all classes, but especially for that class which is the greatest of all, and of which the destiny is for its mem bers to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow.—(Cheers.) Like all great associations, the League has had its friends and its enemies. It has often been condemned for sins of which it was entirely innocent, and it has been occasionally, though but seldom, praised for benefits which it had no :claim to have attributed to it.—(Hear, hear.) I am not one of those who pretend—l am not one of those who beg the ques tion, by asking whether, on all occasions, and in every re spect the League conducted itself precisely according to the most approved methods which the very fastidious might require.—(Hear, hear.) I will not say but that the League might occasionally have done things, in the course of its operations, in its farmers' meetings—in its meetings of mi nisters of religion—things which a man in his slippers and morocco wrapper would not quite approve of; I will not say whether, in distributing its tons of tracts—some of which were read—some returned unread, and others burned—whe ther in getting up and applying its vast subscriptions—its subscriptions of tens of thousands—of fifties of thousands— of hundreds of thousands—nay, of a quarter of a million— I will not, 1 repeat, say, that in reference to these matters the League did all which some men at head quarters would be prepared to sanction.—(Hear, hear.) But this I will say for the League, that, taking it all in all, when you consider the vast and momentous interests with which it had to deal—the vast influence which it had on party—the destruction which it dealt to the spirit of party—when you consider all which it had to do—the temptations which presented themselves to it in its progress—then, gentlemen, I do say that, under all these circumstances, the League made fewer mistakes, and left less for its members to reproach themselves with, or to blush for, than the most sanguine of its supporters could have reasonably expected.—(Cheers.) I will say, further, too—as one of those whose duty it was to watch those momentous operations—l will say, on this 31st of January, 1849, that from the 12th of March, 1839, the day when the League was constituted, to the 2d of July, 1846, - when its proceedings were suspended—that there is no record of its meetings which we would desire to blot out—no entries in its books, which we would desire to rescind; while there are few or any of its public proceedings which we would wish to change. --(Hear, hear.) The League, of course, did much mischief ; it disturbed political relations.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) It was no party movement. It has, in the minds of many, many sins to answer for, but it never made merchandise of itself to any political party.—(Loud cheers.) It has been charged upon the League, however, that, though it did much good, it yet did harm, in this, inasmuch as it dis placed other questions, and prevented them from progressing in the public mind—hindering the onward movement of such subjects as economical reform and extension of the suffrage. Perhaps to a very small extent such may appear to be the case, but I doubt if it was so in reality. Indirectly the pro gress of the League tended to assist that of every good mea sure which the country could desire. With one great pies. tion, indeed, that of the suffrage, the League fairly grappled. It had showed bow the suffrage can be extended, without a new Act of Parliament, and how counties which had from time immemorial returned members to the old political par- ties, may declare themselves free, and send a champion to Parliament, to figh,t, the battle of the people. Thus we found leaders from amongst our own ranks—we found our Villierses, our Cobdens, our . Foxes, and our Brights.—(Loud cheers.) We prep are d for a fair stand-up tight.—(Hear.) No man can charge the League with having ever depar t ed from its fundamental principle of being a League of the middle classes.—(Louct cheers.) It would indeed have been a source of great regret to myself, as well as to others, if we thought that we had intercepted for a moment the march of any other great question. But, of a great n r iT .: ll e contrary, it was the League which united all the great purpose.— "" together, for the first time in this country's history, and it showed by doing so that there was no coalition of party which could c for any length of time sustain the attacks purpose.—.(L oud combination, directed for a great national found, by the experience which Ten years of experience has each other for entirely, how reliably, the towns respond to which we leave as a legacy, as a good and proper object. And we have moat 'valuable le gacy , to the country, that the cry lint mind within these four walls will find its responses—will find its echoes ringing through and agitating the civilised world.— (Long continued applause.) The lion, Gentleman then mentioned that apologies had been received from the follow ing gentlemen, all of whom were prevented by different un avoidable causes from being present—Mr. Fox, Mr. Moffat, the Hon. Mr. Bonverie, Baron Rothschild, Mr. Brown, M.P., the Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel, Dr. Pye Smith, Dr. Bow ring, Mr. Hume, and Mr. Ebenezer Elliot.—(Cheers.) He had now to request them to fill their glasses while he pro posed—" The Queen, may her reign be long, peaceful, pros perous, and happy."--(Cheere.) The toast was:drunk with the usual honours. The CHAIRMAN then said that the next toast on the list was the "Health of the free-trade Members of both Houses of Parliament."—(Loud cheering.) In support of the toast he would say nothing but this—the merits of the gen tlemen in question being as well known to others as to him - self—that he never knew a question which had been pre sented to the HouseofCommons on all occasions with ability equal to that which had characterised the anti-corn-law agi tation.—(Cheers.) • They had present this evening their friend Mr. Villiers, and he should call on him to return thanks for tho toast.—( Long-continued cheering.) Mr. VILLIERS, who was received with long-continued plaudits, said—l beg to acknowledge with every feeling of respect and gratitude the cordial welcome 'with which you have honoured my name, and I beg to offer, on the part of the Members of the House of Commons, who are associated in the sentiment just enounced—my warmest acknowledgments for the honour you have done us. —(Hear.) I assure you it would have been a matter of deep regret to me had I been prevented from attending this evening. There is an appropriateness in this assemblage, whether I look to the place, or to the purpose, or to the persons whom I have the honour of addressing. This I think must be felt by every man who laboured in this cause, and who does not regret his services. Ladies and gentle men, I need not say that I am not one of those penitent free -traders to whom the Protectionists refer, who are sighing still for the sliding scale. On the contrary, I am proud of having taken a prominent part in the late struggle; and I now feel more assured of the wisdom, the justice, and the policy of our exertions, than I ever felt 'upon any previous occasion. —(Hear, hear.) It was ten years ago, when I first appeared in this town to state to you the difficulties with which I was encompassed, in my then single-handed efforts to repeal the corn-laws, and ntoeead not say y a ou t r ha a t ss l is m ta u n e c h e imn more e m g o l v a i d n l g y t a h p o p se ea d r iffi on cu t l h ti e es. pre sent occasion gratefully to acknowledge the extraordinary r a e . ff ) o r t A s n w d i g c e h nt y l e o m u n m , made t O O O l a d e c n o o m t pl havei sh that for o a b n j d o s t c ( e C s s h f e u e l gotten, even if I had not been reminded of the tact by my friend the Chairman, that I do now stand in the capital of that district which conferred upon me the signal mark of confidence—almost the highest which a man can receive from his fellow-citizens—of having entrusted to me the rep4sentation of your interests in Parliament, and coming as it did from one of the most important constituencies in the United Kingdom, I shall ever refer to it with proud and grateful reflections.— (Cheers.) And knowing I now speak to many of the electors of the South Division of Lancashire, I hope I may be excused for taking this somewhat appropriate occasidn of making, what I have long desired to do, a personal acknowledgment for the honour.—(Loud cheers.) I cannot but observe that there is a peculiar propriety in the time that has been chosen for this meet ing, for I believe it is the only one, as it is the earliest, which we have held to celebrate that for which we have fought—that which we have had in view throughout— and that which we have invariably refused to compromise.— (Loud cheers.) For, regarding the corn-law, as we did, to be one of the greatest blemishes, nay, as one of the greatest blots which disfigured British legislation—regarding the law as injurious to all, and its repeal as unjust to none—we con sider that the character of the country could hardly be re deemed, or the justice of the case satisfied, without the effacing of that law from the pages of our statutes—(Cheers) and it is gratifying to think that the hands of the dial will make but a few revolutions more, before the results of your toil and the wishes of the country will be fully realised. • (Cheers.) It is not my fault that you have had to submit to a sort of transition, or modified form of corn-law fur the last three years; for true to the instructions I received from you, and in consistency with the annual motion which I was entrusted to make —(Clheers)—l did,' previous to the passing of Sir R. Peel's Bill, propose, as I had done for eight years before, that all duties on the importation of the necessaries of life should cease and determine immediatelv.—(Cheers.) And it is curious to consider the way in which' events have justified everything that you have done upon the subject for the thirty months that a modified form of the sliding scale had been in operation—during fifteen of those months the law has been suspended altogether. And what is curious enough, I may mention that a year after I had made my motion, which was in March, 1846, I happened one night to come into the House of Commons, and heard the Protec tionist member for Dorsetshire (Mr. George Bankes) make precisely the same motion in March, 1847. What could in duce Mr. Bankes to make such a motion it is not for me to say—whether it was that he had become a convert to the League, or whether it arose from certain scruples of con science, I cannot determine; but I believe the fact was, that no grain could come into the ports on that occasion.— (Laughter.) I am not sorry, however, that an interval has occurred. I am not sorry, because it has given you time for reflection—time to see yourselves, and to ; . satisfy the world whether you were right, or whether you have repented before it is too late of what you have done ; because this is not a meeting following up the first flash of victory, when men do not see clearly what they do, and who act in parties; but it is a meeting held three years afterwards, di liberately to consider what has been done or acquired—a meeting held at a time when disturbances at home and cala mities abroad have withheld from us many of the material advantages which we expected from the measure—at a time, I say, when the world has been convulsed—when all Europe has received a shock—when the intelligence of our leaders has been called in question—when everything, in short, has been done to shake our faith on this subject. All this has been done, and the world is curious to know whether the men who had the power to effect these changes in the com mercial policy of the country, are still true to their con nexions, and adhere to their principles.—(Cheers.) And now they see that all those men that rendered such service to the cause, whether by their munificent contribu tions in this district—whether by the consecration of their talents, or by the sacrifice of their time—are again assembled on the present occasion, and so met, not only to express their continued and confirmed satisfaction with what they have done, but also to express their more than satisfaction, their utmost gratitude, that events enabled this question to be carried before it - became the cause of similar calamities to those which have - befallen other parts of Europe. They do not offer this as a mere display of con sistency and of public spirit, but as a manifesto to the world, on the part of the men who have been engaged in this struggle—that they are still of the same mind—that they bad not changed their opinion—that'they still hold as sacred the principles of commercial liberty, as they do the principles of political liberty, or the principles of religious freedom.— (Loud cheers.) I believe you have accomplished a still further triumph; for we have so far converted our op ponents, that there are not ten sane men in the country who, if called to the councils of the Crown, would re commend the adoption of the syStem of protection, or who would propose a restriction on the importation of those necessaries of life which, through your means, have been abolished.—(Loud cheers.) If I may refer at all to what has occurred since the Act passed for the abolition of the law, I believe 'that if Sir Robert Peel had proposed that the duties should cease on the 10th of April, 1848, instead of the Ist of February, 1849—1 believe you would have had all our friends in 17, Old Bond-street, sent down here to cele brate its expiration.—(Laughter.) I believe you would have had all the Protectionists blessing the efforts you have made, for I never met with any person at that time last year—so great was then the alarm that we should follow the example of our neighbours—who did not think it a Godsend and a blessing that this sore and grievance had been re moved. I believe they were ready to have asked my friend Bright to the Carlton—( Laughter and cheers)—as a man who had assisted in time to remove the greatest, and, perhaps, the only excuse for such convulsions oc curring here, as had taken place in neighbouring coun tries.—(Cheers.) If I may venture to account for the confidence with which you have maintained your opinions and the impossibility of shaking your faith, I would say it was because every thing you did was done deliberately; everything in Sour proceedings was dictated by reason. Nothing was done in passion—nothing was acquired by violence, and this furnishes me with a useful hint. It. may not be an exciting sentiment to utter, but it may supply a useful hint to this and other countries, that if changes are to be rendered complete, and changes that will endure, see that they are practical and just in the first place, and the next that they are obtained by peaceful means.—(Cheers.) I think it not only useful to mention this, but it ought 'to be said to the credit of those whom I address, that while they wish to bring about changes in the legislative policy of this country, they are de termined to obtain them only by moral means ; that they will not be satisfied unless they enlighten the judg ments of the ignorant, and fairly convert the pr,ejudices of their opponents; and s therefore I, for one, would admit that, however much we may deprecate existing evils, however ' much of reform needs still to be accomplished, still it is gra tifying to'reflect that we have reached that pitch of civiliza tion, that, if a cause is just, it will be advocated perseveringly, but peacefully, by the removal of prejudices•and the enlight enment of opinion, and before such an influence as this, every power and every Government must give way. I know it has been said that we were a long time in procur ing this act of justice, and that it would be extremely tedious if we were to go through the same process whenever we want further reforms. But I say in the first place, that what appears long in the life of an individual, is short in the history of a nation ; and I say, in the next place, that having watched this movement from the first to the last, the difficulties were such that my wonder is at the accomplish ment of so much in so short a time, for it was not only that we saw a majority in both Houses against us—it was not only that the powerfal co-operation of the working-classes was withheld from us—not, indeed, that the working classes approved of the .corne law, they were the first that rose against it—but they were treated with great severity by the Government at that time, and they determined to agitate for nothing but political power to themselves. But I beg to say, and the truth ought to be known, that when the question was first agitated— when I was the unfortunate person to move this question year after year in the House—there was something like apathy in the manufacturing districts, and there was little sympathy with us in the commercial towns. When, early in the day, I communed with my friend Cobden on the sub ject, I said to him, if we intend to attack the agricultural gentlemen we must begin at home, and before we throw stones at the House of Lords, we must be sure that our own houses at Manchester and Liverpool have no glass windows. The fact is, that when Mr. Cobden and I began to con sult as to the best means of getting rid of this monstrous system of protection, we found that monoply had a large family—(Loud laughter)—and though cer tainly the corn-laws was the finest child amongst them, the hope. of the family—(Laughter)—yet there were some of the younger members of the family who were as lively, as active, and as tenacious of what they held as the first-born—(Laughter and cheers)—and no class of persons whom you could meet displayed more prejudice in defence of the corn-laws than our old friends the sugar hogshead men, the timber merchants, and the shipowners of England. These _were all friends and • leagued with each other, and though they might quarrel among themselves now and then, the moment we appeared they were all in the same boat directly.--(Cheers..) So that it was not all plain sail ing when we first began this agitation; and nothing could be more true than what my friend Cobden used to say, that this was not a battle of class against class, but that it was rather a battle of the intelligent and liberal-minded of all classes against those who had ignorance, and prejudice, and interest on their side. It was when Mr. Cobden was taxing his brain night and day to get rid of this ig norance and prejudice, and to obtain a co-operation among all classes of the community, that he saw the necessity for an organization of no ordinary kind, and it is to him and his friends) the formation of the League is due. He saw that it was not a matter which we could ac complish at once; that it was not a thing to be done by violence, for to the honour of ray friend be it said, he is the last man to accomplish his purpose by violence.—(Cheers.) He saw that it was a question of time, and to be brought about by public discussion, and therefore those who organised the LOBO said, we aulit rotga UP; tibloot mon Slat wo can find on our side—we must have the ablest speakers and the ablest writers—we snust look to the press for the accomplish ment of our object, and for these purposes we must ask our friends who have wealth to contribute to our funds. I refer particularly to those friends, because I do not think that justice has been done to them. When I think of the importance of maintaining this agitation for a series of years, which could only be carried on through these means, I think that justice has hardly been done to the mu nificence of their contributions,—(Hear). —Speaking in an swer to what I have heard said about the long time we took to accomplish our object because we were quiet, I say that in the House of Commons it was not a mere question of right against might; that the agricultural gentlemen were wise in their generation, and that though they said nothing which on examination could not be proved to be foolish, yet they said some things which had great effect at the time. They said that if food was dear wages would be high, and people were taken with that sentiment. They said that if rents were high they would be good customers, and the tradespeople began to believe that they would get their bills paid. They said that if rents and wages were high, faith would be kept with the public creditor. All these had their effect at the time, and 'it was of no use to deny them. If we said the people are poor and bread is dear, we were said to be a set of grinding capitalists, who were intent upon pressing the wages of the workmen to the lowest pitch ; and if we said, if the people are obliged to spend all their money upon food they cannot purchase clothing, we were told that it was all the effect of over-production. All these things were said, and said with effect, and it was a question of time. We were obliged to depend upon the seasons—we were obliged to depend upon nature to assist us in proving that everything they said was false, and everything we said was true.—(Laughter.) And we were favoured in that respect. We had bad seasons, and we had good seasons; and the League, as a sort of body guard, was always on the watch to enable us to take advantage of every circumstance that oc curred to our advantage. About six months before the re peal of the law, and after six years of discussion had wrought a change of opinion in the country, the question began to be, enne Peel r c an o nm m d e i s n n i g z — ja t na h md a et t ws a Go s rin e n a ho r era more y s awg w ea a s rcei o i t n uhs o p nm r o en s - nt what Ministers would do? Mi n i sters saw, as every b o d y e l se G the c . h th e a n S t a i r a o ß l t b n h e i f hardly ever existed—(Cheers)—and It became a curious question to know what they would do. I shall not easily forget the impression that was created among the country gentlemen about six months before the repeal, when Sir James Graham said to one of his speeches that a high price of food was, in his opinion, the greatest curse that could befal a country. He said he had been in power when food was cheap, and he bad been in power when food was dear, and he prayed that he might be in power again when there was a scarcity in the country—that he ,knew the one led td turbulence and crime, and the other to peace and content ment. This sentiment struck directly at the roots of protec tive legislation, which said that high prices were good for the poor; and I shall not soon forget its effect upon the agricul tural mind. They said what have we been doing for the last thirty years? If this is bad, what have we been about with the corn-law, which was formed for the express purpose of raising the price of food ? I need not tell you that the famine did come in Ireland, and that every potato that rotted there wee a nail in the coffin of the corn-law, and that siy months after that declaration, the Minister showed all the country that everything that had been done in a contrary direction was wrong. I need not tell you that the corn-law which we had assailed so long was at last strangled by its very authors. This is not the place to enter into the motives of those who repealed the corn-laws, but my impression was—without entering into the quarrels of former periods— that if those men were convinced the law was wrong, if they were persuaded that it was injurious to the country— then I say they acted wisely, honourably, and justly, by admitting their error and repealing the law.--(Hear, hear, and great cheering.) I may just refer to the process by which the law was repealed, in order to show the advantage that the League was to the country, in discussing and arguing the question, and because I am satisfied that but for its organization, it was almost impossible to have accomplished what you wished in so short a time. It is not necessary, perhaps, to refer more to the; corn-law. There is no difference of opinion, I take it, in this assembly. And as we are, I suppose, on this occasion, rather averse to pronounce funeral orations—(Hear, and a laugh) —and it is not usual to say anything against those who are gone, I shall not refer further to the subject; but I cannot help calling your attention to what I may term the legacy of the protec tive system, as it has been left to us, and in justification of all that we have done against it.—(Hear, bear.) There was no argument urged so strongly in favour of the corn-laws, as that the agriculture of this country could adequately supply the people, and that we ought not to b e dependent upon foreigners or a supply of grain, That was an argument used for upwards of 30 years in this country; an argument upon which the corn-law was introduced was passed, and was recom • mended and supported afterwards; that our own agriculture could supply the people adequately , wish to be dependent upon foreigners.— and that we ought not (Hear, hear.) I just to call your attention to the manner in which t hi s p romise was realised. I wish to show you exactly how far the de ficiency extended, and the supply of provisions that act uall y was necessary to feed the people of this country. From June 26, 1846, to January 5, 18 49 , I have taken from the official tables published by the authority of the Go vernment, that we imported into this country 23,600,000 quarters of wheat.—(Hear, hear .) That is, in two years and a half we imported 23,600,000 quarters of grain necessary for the sustenance of the people. This protec tive system, that was to be the means of making us per fectly independent of foreigners, and providing a perfectly adequate supply of food for the people, after two years; and a half left us with a deficiency of 23,600,000 quarters —very nearly 8,000,000 quarters a year, and at a cost of 53,000,0001. sterling.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") That was the promise of the corn-law supporters; but now see what actually happened. During that time we had brought into the country 581,000 head of cattle, and of provisions 2,716,000 cwts. of flour.—(Hear, hear.) In 1843, I pro posed, in the House of Commons, that there should be no duty at all upon live cattle and provisions, and a division was taken upon the question. Well, you see we had 581,000 head of live cattle, and 2,716,000 cwts. of flour, from fo reigners. That I quote to show how far the promise of the corn-law was realised in fact, and now that a system does exist which permits the importation into this country of large supplies from abroad, you may see not only how far short we are of an adequate supply, but may learn what In amount is actually imported into the country which is neces sary- as a supply of food. There was another argument I remember to have heard frequently put forward in the House of Commons, that if you refuse foreign supplies of food, you will drive the great mass of the people to feed upon some inferior kind of food, and if that fail, there will be a dreadful famine in the country.—( Hear, hear.) I believe it is within the knowledge of all of us, that in the last thirty years the people of this country have been resorting to the use of the potato much more than ever before. In every di rection the potato has become more plentiful, and the people more dependent upon it. There is nothing more clearly substantiated by the testimony of every writer and speaker than that the corn-laws drive the people to an inferior kind . of food, and if that fail they must starve. In 1847, we had the realization of the prediction. The food of the ;people failed, and there was one of the most frightful famines ever heard in the history of this country, or the world (Hear, hear.) One of the good things this corn-law has done, was to leave us with a deficiency of nearly 24,000 quarters of grain, and to bring about a famine, by which the lives of thousands of the people were lost, and which cost us nearly 10,000,000/. sterling.—(Hear, hear.) Again, it was said that under a free -trade system, the gold would leave the country to pay for the food brought into it, and would go into the pocket of the foreigner. Now we have imported all this quantity of food, and we have just as much gold as we know what to do with. What is the inference? That we paid for all this quantity of food with manufactures. Surely that was no disadvantage.—(Hear and a laugh.) Is it not good that if we import food we should pay for it in manufactures; is it not also good, that, if we are to pay with manufactures, we should have the raw ma terial introduced into this country as cheap as possible?— (Hear, hear.) How was it we es cape d f rom m any of the evils which the calamity of famine threatened to bring upon us ? Because the duties formerly imposed upon the most impor tant raw materials of our indust ry , h ave been very much reduced, as in the case of timber, an d, i n som e cases, as those of cotton and wool, altogether re m ove d. I s it not better, then, that we should have the raw ma t er ial brought in at the lowest cost, instead of being subjected to a protective or prohibitory duty ?—(Cheers.) These are so many arguments for the free-trade system"; wherever you turn for them, there is not one single fact that can be urged against it. They are working every day against the free-trade system, because other countries do not receive our goods, These are not facts they bring against us; they do not tell us what we receive we pay for—the goods we import, some way or other. When we find that our imports have greatly increased, the fair inference is that we pay for what we receive by the ex • ports of our manufactures. There have been three startling instances within the last twenty years in which we have re duced our duties upon the products of foreign countries, whilst they have not relaxed the p rov i s ions of their restric tive system directed against us, yet we find that our exports to those very countries have largely. increased. I refer to France, Germany, and the United States. We have been gradually relaxing our duties on the goods of those coun tries, whilst they have not relaxed their duties upon our i m portant point to products, yet our exports to th ose countries have been gra dually increasing; and as thi s i s a very establish, I will quote a few ret urns to ill us trate my position. In. 1829 we exported to F rance goo d s to the value of 491,331/. ; in 1846 our exports had risen in value to 2,715,9631. To Germany in 1829 we expor ted goods to the value of 4,470,0001. ; in 1846 our expor t s amounted to 6,606,0001.—(Hear, hear.) T o t h e United States, in 1829, the value of our exports was 4,800,000/. ; in 1846 it was 6,Boo,oool.—(Hear, hear.). .None of those countries have relaxed the heavy duties they" still unwisely, and for themselves most injuriously, maintain' upon our manufac tures ; yet we have increased our exports, and it is clear that the only way in which we can pay for them is by our manufactures. — (Hear, hear.) It is said that our example will have no effect upon the people of those countries. I deny that ; the presumption is not supported by facts. The people lately have had a voice in the Governments of the Continent, and I say, that wher ever that has been, they have been decided partizans of free trade and enemies of restriction. I was upon the Continent in autumn, and I ascertained that in Germany there was en thusiasm for free-trade. I found at Frankfort a collection of delegates, composed of men of every description of trade, assembled to press on the Legislature the adoption of a free commercial system.—(Hear, bear.) A large free-trade club is duly established in Frankfort, to which sixty of the members of the Legislature, belong, doing everything they can to impress upon the Legislature and -the public ' the adoption of their doctrines; and it is only within the last few days we have seen published in the newspapers the reduction of duties recently determined on by the Z o ll vere i n . I n France everything concurs to show free-trade principles have made great progress ; the feeling in favour of liberal commercial legislation is much greater in th e N at i ona l A ssem bly than it was in th e o ld Chamber of Deputies. The influence of the south of France now sincere. that w Wee a leave is more con s id era bl e . Th e y now treat with much g rea t e r respect whatever we do. Their doubt before was whether we were meeting that you are as firm of the faith as ever.—(Cheers:) If we wanted ev id ence o f t h e i n t e rest felt in the f ree d om o f trade, and the tri u mph o f t h e c ause on the Contin en t, w h a t could we refer to b e tt er th an the reception given t o my l r ia e laws, and they see the corn sincere;by this repealed - a nd they will see Ho nourable Friend (Mr. Cobden)? Was not he the champion of free trade in every country he visited ?—( Hear, hear.) Was not he received with gratulations and open arms in every quarter to which he went, because he had contributed to es tablish the triumph of free-trade in this country?—(Hear.) Does any man believe the United States are less well affected to free -trade because we have repealed the corn-laws? If any man does, he knows little of what is passing there. The southern states have ever been in favour of free-trade and unrestricted intercourse with England, and now there are the vast north-western states directly interested in ob taining the freest communication with our markets, in which they dispose of the great hulk of their exported products.— (Hear, hear.) We import their grain, and, under a better system, each of us might take far more largely from the other: nobody, then, who knoWs anything of American notions, although the President is stated to be a Protec tionist, can suppose that there is the most distant chance of the tariff bolpg maintained...v(llmi km.) I may briefly rEB BAT A Y 1, 1849, advert to some of the arguments used against the course which this country adopted two years ago. We ate askedwhether we think the p eo pl e , are likely to be happier, wiser, more moral, or :more prudent, becane they have obtained free-trade? I say I am not bound to answer that question; it has nothing to do with the matter. We have removed a great source of grievance and disaffection amongst the inhabitants of this country by the repeal of the corn-laws; it was the fruitful parent of intolerable inconveniences, and led to those great fluctuations in prices which deranged the monetary affairs of the country, and brought disaster to every man's door. By repealing those laws, I believe we have removed the occasion of great evils. I never supposed that the repeal of the corn-laws was to be a substitute for other reforms. — (Cheers.) I just supposed the Other thing.—(Hear, hear.) I was told that it threw obstructions in the way of other re forms, and that, until this question was disposed of, the people would attend to nothing else ; but I never supposed that, be cause the corn-laws were not repealed, that was any reason why we should not advocate a better constitution of Parlia ment, or a greater amount of retrenchment. The fact is, that any amount of constitutional or political reform is use less, if the people are to remain miserable.—(Cries of " Hear. hear.") We must improve their physical condition before we can hope for moral amelioration.—(Cheers.) I believe a cheap and abundant supply of bread to be the first condition of all progress, civilization, and refinement.—(Loud cheers.) Unless a man, after lie has provided for his internal wants, has enough left of his earnings to clothe himself decently, lodge himself comfortably, and educate his children, he is at the lowest point in the scale of human society.—(Hear.) It is the condition of all human improvement that the people should cease to be anxious about the amount of food they can possess themselves of; I believe that will be one of the consequences that will follow from a repeal of the corn. laws. —(Elear, hear.) I like not to' prophesy—l have a mistrust of every prophet; but I do believe that one of the effects of the repeal of the corn-laws will be that we shall have bread both cheap and abundant, that we shall not be subject to those scarcities which have so often and so grievously afflicted us, and that the physical condition of the people generally will be improved. If I am asked where this abundance of food is likely to come from, I should say that it is as likely to come from our own soil as from foreign coun tries.— ( Hear, hear.) I believe that agriculture, subject to the fetters of monopoly, withers and pines, just as much as any other branch of commerce.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I believe that the removal of those fetters will be the date of great improvements in agriculture. I can refer, in support of this view, to no authority so strong as that of the agri culturists themselves, who say that the soil of these islands is capable of producing much more than it does at this time produce. We have only to look back to the last Smithfield Cattle Show, where the Duke of Richmond addressed terms of reproach to the agriculturists, be cause they did not improve their lands, stating that he knew of tracts which were capable of yielding twice their present produce. The Duke of Richmond told the squires that if they would but apply themselves to the pursuit of agricul ture with something of the energy and judgment which was shown by the Manchester manutactarers, they would double the produce of their soil. I expect, therefore, that when the agriculturists are exposed to the influence of the free breeze of competition, and relieved from the blighting influences of monopoly, their produce will be largely increased, and that abundance will result, which nothing but bad legislative arrangements could have prevented: We are told that the re peal of the corn-laws has done no good, because it is to be suc ceeded by another agitation. A paper of last night says that the agitation against the corn-laws ought never to have been conceded to, and that the only result of the concession has been that we are instantly to have a fresh agitation di rected towards another object. Ido not think that this is any argument to us, who are corn-law repealers.—( Hear, hear.) It is no argument against certain other improve ments, that one has been conceded already. It seems to me that, if there be any agitation in a country, there probably also is a grievance, and the best way of stopping the agita tion is to remove the grievance.—(Hear, hear.) The people of this country are enlightened enough to see when there is a cause for agitation and when there is not. I should say, from past experience, that the reliance of the country would be upon those who were the leaders of that agitation, and that public opinion would declare that to obtain the measures pro posed by them, the agitation should proceed. I never was fond of agitation; considering the time and energies ex pended on the struggle, now victoriously closed, I feel some what tired of agitation, and disinclined to any new agitation that may be set on foot; but I am not at all prepared to say that there are not other grievances, or that the memories of our rulers do not require to be reminded of them. The people of this country have generally profited by agitation, and are not likely to be frightened at the sound of that name.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) We have nothing whatever to do with the repeal of the corn-laws. It was an unjust law, and we have repealed it. We are on the eve of deriving benefit from that judicious measure—we are, I trust, on the eve of a great return of prosperity to this country. I believe that is owing to the cheapness of goods, and the easier access we have given to foreigners for intercourse and commerce with us.—(Hear, hear.) I believe the ex periment of free trade is now about to be fairly made; I hail its advent, and I venture in your name, and in that of the community at large, to return my thanks to the people of South Lancashire for the noble manner in which they have contributed to the triumph of our great cause.—(Loud and prolonged applause.) The glee, " Here in cool grot," was executed with great eclat. The CHAIRMAN here called on Mr. Cobden, who, on pre senting himself, was received with a burst of rapturous cheering, again and again renewed, and accompanied by waving of handkerchiefs and other demonstrations of attach ment. Mr. CODDEN spoke as follows :—Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen—So often as I have had the honour of ad dressing meetings in this hall, I think I may venture to say that on no previous occasion have I seen an assemblage so numerous, so influential, and possessing the singular charac ter of being literally collected front all parts of the United Kingdom. I have had the pleasure to-day of shaking hands with friends of our good cause who have come from North Devon, Haddingtonshire in Scotland, and, I believe, almost every intermediate county. And, Gentlemen, I take this demonstration to be the more important at this moment, because I agree with my friend Mr. Villiers, who has told us in the eloquent, able, and exhaustive speech which he has just addressed to us, that it is of the utmost importance that it should be understood— not merely in this country, but throughout the civilized world—that it should be understood that those who began the agitation for free trade, and those who carried it through, are now every one as stands and firm to their principles as they were during their time of trial f .—(Loud cheers.) I see all those old friends around me; they look as determined, as unwaverinit, as firm now as they did ten years ago, and I am happy to say that none of them look any older.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) And, Gentlemen, we are as united now as we ever were; we are unchanged as we were five years ago; and if we could succeed in putting down monopoly when its champions occupied the citadel, I ask our opponents now if they can succeed in restoring protection when their citadel is in the hands of free traders?—(Hear, hear.) I do not say this boastfully, nor in a spirit of triumph, for I am anxious that there should be nothing in this night's proceedings that should indicate for a moment that we are met to indulge a feeling of exultation over fallen foes.—(Loud cheers.) But when we see that other individual, the Duke of Richmond—(A laugh)—when we see a man who, however he may want discretion, want talent, want what we call here pluck — when we see a man who wears a coronet, and is called his Grace, summoning together large bodies of farmers belonging to the county in which I was born—Sussex; and when we see this Duke trying to hoodwink, gull, and bamboozle those poor men who have been duped for ten years past — (Laughter)—and trying to persuade them that he can restore protection, leading the farmers of the south of England after a Will=o-the-wisp—why, we will save those farmers from getting into bogs and mires, by telling this Duke that we in this hall, where we beat monopoly before, declare he shall not restore one shilling of protection again. I see that his Grace meets his friends, the farmers of Brighton, and tells them, that he will go to London, and present their petition to Lord John Russell, or to Lord Stanley, and that he, the Duke, will talk to them about restoring protection to the farmer.—(Hear, bear.) I tell his Grace that it is of no use his going to men in power to talk about restoring the corn-laws. We are in power on the corn-laws. —(Tremendous cheering, which continued several minutes.) Now I do feel somewhat indignant at this barefaced attempt to delude honest men.—(Cheers.) I have had credit given to me for seven years, for keeping my temper upon this sub ject.—(Hear, and a laugh.) But I can't keep my temper with humbugs.—(Loud cheering.) I want it to be understood that, in dissolving this League, we are not going to be re vived again, to have a fresh contest about protection. We have done with that.—(Cheers) If the Duke of Richmond had sense enough to be a reader, he would perceive that there is something coming up behind the Anti -corn-law Leagie— to see that it is not merely protective duties that are getting out of favour in the country, but that there is an opinion forming —aye, and gradually and surely growing up, too — which is decidedly opposed, not merely to duties or pro tection, but to duties for revenue at all.—(Hear, hear.) I venture to say that you will ne ver li ve t o see another states man in this country who will ever propose a custom-house salty on any raw material, or on any article of first necessity, such as corn.—(Cheers.) I question, indeed, whether you will ever live to see a statesman in this country—at least a statesman who has any aspirations for future fame, who will ever propose another excise tax, or another custom-house duty at all.—(Loud cheers.) Is this a time when a man who has an eye to look abroad, and sagacity to understand the tendencies of the public mind; is this a time for a man having an honest purpose in view, to tell a body of farmers that by running up and down the country, and shouting in articulate sounds at his back, that they can get the corn-laws restored.—(Hear, hear. ).Why, I am as anxious not to see such evident delusions practised upon the poor people, as I am that the League, which we are going to bury, shall not be resuscitated.—(Hear, hear.) Besides, I want to see the farmers, who are being bamboozled, look about them—consult with their neighbours as to the grievauces which they feel, and the difficulties which they have to undergo, in order that they may set really to work to remove any circumstance which may prevent them from ex ercising their industry.—(Hear, hear.) Why, if these griev ances or impediments do exist, either in the form of game-laws, or the want of better laws relating to the con nexion between landlord and tenant—if their difficulties refer to any local or general question which admits of legislation at all—then I do say that the farmers will find in this assembly, and those whom this assembly represents, a body as willing to do justice to them as to any Protec tionist landlord of them all.—(Cheers.) The only question which can now arise in the farmers' minds is this, how are we to compete with foreigners? It is no use talking of having a restriction put upon the supply of food. Farmers must compete with foreigners as we do—as you do.—(Loud cheers.) You must spin and weave as cheaply as anybody in the world. They must do- the same with regard to the production of corn and cattle.—(Cheers.) You seek for no protection. If the farmers can point out an item of protec tion which you enjoy, then I will vote against it. I will vote for protection neither to the farmer nor to anybody else. They say that they want high prices as a condition to their trade being carried on. I tell them on the other hand that such a wish is in compatible with the interests of the community, and that we will not foster the class of farmers at the ex poise of the other classes of the country. Let them go back and test the condition of the country iu every respect during the last ten or twelve years, and they will find that in pro portion as the prices of feael have been high, in proportion, in fact, as they have had their own wishes, have the rest of the community suffered in every phase, moral, social, politi cal, and pecuniary in which it is possible to view them.- soem.7-: (Cheers.) Then 1 say that we cannot, and we will in n no inereas b e • mit to a principl e w hicb, if it be successful, results of crime, increase of pauperism, diminishe d d . lashed prospe comforts, duns nished means of general education, and . ritv.—( Hear, hear.) What we say f m th u e st ea h r aji food as cheap as it can be produced upon"llitehmafaticweoe anybody We will allow no impediment to frustrate the importat . tom , of the first necessary of life, and if there be w hy . deems that state of w hich contributes to thy' happiness of the people to • thingsbncompatible with his own.• we'lk._ being—then to him I saye, '" Search out the cause, r he phenomenon, and if it can be removed, we will cunt ribs de to that removal, setting' work with as much ze a ad ardour as any Protectionist in whom you ever true tpd (Loud cheering.) declar at i o n 0 our d e- W4h this general termination na ....;nttua free trade In ctna-0 Vl v i iMn •••40. so. ii flees to help in the removal of any grievance under which. farmers may labour —and with the expression of our sin cerest hope that the farmers will not allow themselves to be duped, I pass from the subject, and that the more willingly, , as my friend Mr. Villiers has most ably said really every thing which can b e sa id a b ou t i t . —(H ear , h ear .) And now, as j we meet here for the last time as members of that great and united body which effected the emancipation of our i industry, I cannot help saving that I should feel the deepest regret in separating this evening, were it not, that there is something in the toast which I ant about to propose which leaves me a hope that we shall not separate after all. —(Tremendous cheering.) The toast which I have to pro pose is, " Free Trade and Peace--the best guarantees of po pular rights--the best promoters of national industry, and the most effectual means for the reduction of national burdens." —(Loud cheers.) Well, I repeat, I don't think that we shall separate for long after all, for if free trade and peace be united together, why then I think that we have something vet to do before we have finished our work.—(Hear, hear.) I think that we may conscientiously co-operate to carry out the second object of the toast ; indeed, I do not think that there is one of this assembly but will be as willing to work for one as for the other, and who will not agree with me that the most logical conclusion to which we can come in arguing the matter is this, th tt having effected free-trade, we are bound to see if we cannot carry peace also.—(Hear, hear.) Now, when I speak of peace, let it be clearly understood whati mean. I have not had, for many years, any great fear of war; and for this reason, that the nations of the world have already spent so much money in war, that they are too poor to go to war again—that what I want is, to reap the benefits of peace. We have not peace.—(Hear, hear.) The present state of things is but an armed truce.—(Cheers.) Our warlike esta blishments cost us more every year now than they did in any one year of the seven years' war in the middle of last century.—(Cheers.) Yes, we now pay more for peace than we did then for war. Now, I don't call such a peace peace at all.—(llear, hear.) What I want is, that the advocates of peace should try and secure to the country . the bene fits of peace.—(Cheers.) I can talk to you on this subject of peace in a very different spirit and with the expectation of very different responses from those which I am in the habit of meeting with in that assembly to which I ant about to proceed.—(Hear and a laugh.) Why, in that said assembly—as my friend Mr. Milner Gibson well remarked—if you prognosticate peace, they charge you with telling them of the millenium.—(A laugh.) Nay, if you even express a hope for peace, up jump halt a dozen gentle men, exclaiming, " Peace—nonsense! You see how wrong Cobden was when he talked of peace in Europe." Again and again have people declaimed upon that topic. Why, if they really represented the feelings of this assembly, they would not exult, even though I were wrong; they would come, not with smiling aspects, but with doleful counte nances, and say, " Well, you were too sanguine, and we are all much disappointed."—(Hear, hear.) But there is nothing of the kind. My alleged error is treated of in the most exulting tone, as if it involved a triumph over somebody else—a triumph not certainly for our interests. Now I will tell you how this arises. The vast expenditure you allow of in your warlike establishments creates a powerful interest with which you have to battle. The eighteen millions you spend in fighting men make fighting men more fashionable in society: they can give employment to the people—they can build the best clubs in London—they manage to give a tone to society— they can make it worth the while of journals to write for them, and altogether they exercise a greater influence than can be easily counteracted.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I wish to see the same excellent people, who have been so long exert ing themselves to accomplish free-trade, exert their influ ence to bring about a real state of peace ; and, notwithstand ing all that has been said upon the subject, I believe that there never was a time when the whole of Europe was so much prepared to listen to the pacific advances of England as it is at present.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Villiers has told us that what passes in this room is not without its influence abroad and over the world. This I can cor roborate. I have seen the proceedings of our last meeting in this ball, in the French, the German, and the Italian papers. Indeed my own humble sayings have been made the subject of daily comment in the Paris as well as the London journals.—(fear.) Now this is a state of matters which gives us great opportunities for in fluencing public opinion throughout the world. Let us bear in mind that the press is now free throughout Europe. (Cheers.) There are no longer censors in Germany, ready to clip out with their scissors the objectionable paragraphs.— (Hear, hear.) More than that, they will not return, I think I may promise you that there will be no censorship in Germany again until the Protectionists restore the Corn laws in England.—(Loud cheers.) Therefore it is I am glad to have this opportunity of letting not only our own fellow countrymen, but all Europe, know that those man and wo men who exerted themselves with so much self-sacrifice and so much honour to themselves to emancipate industry—that they are as determined now to watch over and preserve the peaceable relations of this country with foreign nations— ( Hear, hear)—that they are as much opposed to war as to monopoly—(Cheers)—and as determined that peace shall be henceforward a real peace, and not a meek one.—(hear.) I am glad to tell you there are some pros pects of our making a little progress next session, even in the coming session. —(hear, hear.) I must not, and you must not, expect too much. We are not accustomed—we Leaguers—and we do not expect, to have these changes made in a session, or a year; but, at all events, we shall see a step taken in the right direction, and that is a very different thing from last year, when there was a step taken in the wrong direction.—(llear, hear.) What I want to see is our friends everywhere, in their different localities, uniting to put down this spirit of war, which has spread abroad amongst us, and helping those men in the House of Commons who will be prepared to bring forward measures for the reduction of our expenditure for warlike purposes.—(Hear, hear.) If we have the co-opera tion of those who are represented by this great assemblage, then I assure you that they will not take seven years to effect large reductions in the military and naval expenditure of this country.—(Hear, hear.) I hold that a reduction of our expenditure and a lightening of our burdens are abso lutely needful—(Hear, hear)—for the well-being of the com munity. I say that we are very heavily weighted—that there is too much money wasted—and that it is degrading to Us, and unbecoming of us, as a commercial people, to permit such waste, such malversation of our funds.—(Hear, hear.) I do not ask my friends to put themselves in the position of being taunted with the reproach that they wish by a hop, skip, and a jump to abolish all armaments, and to abandon all means of defence. I do not ask any one to put himself into that position. I do not in tend now, mark me, to ask whether that be or be not the only position tenable, when referred to the highest standard—that of the New Testament. If we judge by that test, then I fear that the extreme views would be found right, and the moderate views wrong. But, speaking as a politi cian, as a legislator, and as a man of the world, I stand here to advocate a large reduction in our expenditure for warlike purposes.—(Hear, hear.) I do not think it necessary on this, the 31st ofJanuary, 1849, to discuss the other, and wide peaceful alternative; I decline to receive it ; but what I do advocate is a long stride in the direction of the Peace So ciety—( Hear)—aud an instant start if we can make it. But when w e propose so rational a measure as the reduction to 10,000,000 e per annum of the amount spent in what is face tiously called our peace establishment, I am charged with wishing to disband the army and navy, and so to lay us open to any attack.—( Hear.) Why, think of the sum of 10,000,0,01.; it is twice as large a sum as the whole revenue of Prussia, it is larger than that of Austria, it is half of that of Russia, and twice as much as that of the United States; and yet, when I talk about paring down our warlike establishments to this sum, they turn on me and call me a Quaker.—(Cheers and laughter.) They say, " La! his head is turned with free trade—he went to the continent, was Jilted there, and came back saying that everybody was for free-trade and peace." `sow I never said, either in (public or in private, that I was sanguine that the nations of the continent would follow our example in a year or two. What T said was, that I believed that it would take foreign nations many years of discussion before deem was reasonable probability of their following our example; and I defy anybody to prove that, either in public or in private, I said more or less. As regards peace, I fully adhere, however, to my opinions. I do not think anything of the late revolutions. Why, almost every revo lution which has happened was justified by the events which produced it.--(Hear, hear.) 1 heard Lord John Russell say, in the House of' Commons, that the people of the Continent were paying a heavy price for their liberties ; but, he said not higher than they were worth. But I maintain this, that we have fairly and logically connected free institutions abroad with the progress of pacific principles; for, notwith standing what %as been said of the tendency of the demo cratic principle towards war, I deny it. I say that the more we have freedom of communication—the more the people are accustomed to take part in their own affairs the more that public opinion is brought to act upon foreign as well as domestic matters, the greater chance'there is for the preservation of peace. I hope to live to see the time when foreign affairs will be taken altogether out of the secrets of a cabinet, or of a foreign minister, and will be made to un dergo a discussion as publicly among ourselves as domestic affairs do now. I am against all monopolies of states, and I hope to see the monopoly of the Foreign-office and the mono poly of the cabinet so invaded, that they shall not be allowed to engage in a treaty which may involve you in the liabili ties a: ad risks of war without its first undergoing public discuss ion.—(Loud and continued cheering.) And I ant equally prepared to maintain that the free-trade prin ciples n ..ecessarily conduce to peace; and I maintain this without reference to what has been done on the Continent. I take fr ee-trade as the settled principle of England, and I say that . is a guarantee for the peace of England. Formerly our coloni es were the most potent argument—the most pre vailiag rem mon for our going to war. It was justly stated by Mr. liuelei sson that all the wars of England for the last two centurie s t am y be traced to our desire for a commercial monopc ay. I believe it may be fairly stated that all our wars— ill our bloody contests for the last 900 years, have sprung from a latent belief that by acquiring commercial supreme lacy, by dint of force upon the ocean, we should be able to • recompense ourselves fur the expenses of the war. So, ii i the beginning of the last French war. for seven years we were engaged, not in fighting the French at their own d oors, and on their own coasts, but in the capture and seizur a of their colonies. We were never happy unless the 1 xells were ringing for some island captured or some t antinent seized; and it was believed by the mass of the pen ple, and by many eminent statesmen in this coun try, wh net you were spending tens and hundreds of millions, that tht possession of those islands, the acquisition of those confine] its, would reimburse yon for all the outlay. But that delusior m is past. We have put in practice, by the triumph of Lea, gue principles, what Adam Smith demonstrated see-elite/ years ago, that a nation does not gain commercial Ile advaeen urges by confining its trade to a particul o ar t c a a ke tropical demons crated also, seventy years ago, that, kitchen- tp g cou.n trii se for the sake of growing our own as un pr ofitable as if we were to get a k f i o t; them to the common our o yen vegetables instead of sending thus demonstrated mark et.—(Cheers.) What Adam Smith tating a century in ad iacradlotogotodugrceowis by t he force of his genius, p ) But vance ] of his age, it so, how will it be believedtwe shall promote our own prose profit iu going to war—that that there is any we h „. e.pnaz t i a n e n : perk) r by engag in g in e t - f'sav that England has made a bloody war ? (Cheers.) arctice. We m ow better now, grew ; s tep towards end for it is n p o rre w aft de e m r:4 ons C tr h a e t e e r d s. that our our tropical colonies, on the capture o c f ol l o; than useless to us, e and that so turr.ed out worse has ' been great, while - time baliecsll awn-edsopamrtuicePuhelaaJolnygratulated ourselves during the last war , have and loss of the last year is concerned, far as the profit peace. - h • ill reciprocate these feelings— lo ,tisnian,;:A;eLsunbiaereynsNe.ansstaand overwhelming. I sav,ththeelno7Mtit's imports will lead, as, my yourti(nl S NV e i s another guarantee for the preservation of to an increas ai e ttl i ei n lyt ;o e i b tr ut exp export, increasethat otherthat bya'wethin n " full faith the wil principles gradually, - d m e e t e l l" that an principlesl t graduallyof peace, ati cer tainly, tainly, circulate and spread our opinions through Villiers has said, the uni versal world. I believe w e are now at the beginning of a great world-wide revolution, which is destined to circulate round the globe, and to end only with • time itself; and I be lieve that the beginning and the dawn of that revolution were laid at our own meetings in the Free-trades (Prolonged and universal cheering, in.the midst •of which the Hon. Gentleman sat down.) Colonel THOMPSON was received with load cheers. He said—My appointed missionto-night is to call yon atteu• Vital tgo tb,o organ o; holipcia*mtatil thmigh whom , you hive accomplished your great en d s . It is true, le one sense, that there is no existing mode, by which man, woman, or child, was taught or led to the truth, which does not claim to a certain extent a portion of our tribut of praise. But when that was done, it was still necessary that their efforts should be collected into certain leading channels,. which would convey 3 - our wishes to the audible nerves of those whose duty it was to hear and to obey.— (Loud cheer iug.) I need not tell you that I point to the consti tuencies of the country. You are a constituency, but you are not all. In speaking to you I speak to all, and if I point backwards to the success that is passed I also pint forward to the success that will be needfiel afterwards.—(Hear, hear.) If it does so happen that we da not all separate, then, the study of what is gone by must be our direction for the future. Remember, then, that so woe as it becomes manifest, through the legitimate organs of power in this country, that the popular will has decided wit the great point on which we meet to speak this evening, thy question is decided. If one power will not grant what the popular will demands, another power will take its place and do it. Have but the will, and if one power grant it not, it ' will but hold forth an opportunity for another power to bid higher. I can imagine many - things, which, with your habits and opinions, you wish for the cessation of as hurtful to the interests of the world, and most prejue dicial to you comforts at some expenditure. Useless expen diture is the tree which corrupts your domestic happiness, and you must and will law the axe to the root of that tree, and in no long time, you must meet again to congratulat! each other on a second series, of which the first was but the harbinger. Already your power is felt. What did I heat last but that the effect of your economical habits is rising tha a t t l C s t a i 3 r , is ; ti n n; upwards, and the L or d s o f the A dmiralty are about to take stock more,— Hea th r, er a e n i d s thelaughter) tyTehferseueiscehss id in it. You have hardly shown yourselves,: and here you have conquered—when you do show yourselves what demand wilt you be obliged to stop at, that you may have retrenchment, t t c o ut h l a et ve of p n ea a c t e ion w a e l m ex iis pe t n b di e tu p r r e e . par l e t d i f s o r a nw war r l d . sa w yin e peace; for peace is th e pl e d ge o f retrenchment, as war is the great suppose I close with that sentiment. You want to ,be prepared for, war. I have a principle which is not bran new, but which has some novelty on this sub ject. Suppose it is a settled object that we must prepare for war. Let us bear in mind, that in the uncer tainty of all human events, we do not know but that at some future time it may be necessary to make a great nil. tional exertion. What are we to do ? Look around at the men—the conduct of your neighbours—to whom every NMI can point, who have risen from small beginnings, tilt their wealth now appears to have no end. How did they come by it ? Not by spending every shilling as fast as they got it.—(Cheers.) Not by borrowing at the pawnbrokers.-- (Great laughter and cheering.) No man ever heard of them in these latitudes ; and what is funding by a nation but bore rowing at the pawnbrokers.—(Loud cheers.) What can be more clear, if there be any analogy between public and private prudence, than that the way to be pre pared for war is not to spend all beforehand ? Take the case of France. It is possible that a compact of the despots of Europe might invade that country, and so induce the same necessity for defence as in former times. What then ? Are the people of France to keep, themselves prepared? No, the last thing we hear of them is that they propose to reduce their army by 120,000 men. I congratu late them on the happiness which will fill 120,000 French cottages when all these men come home.—(Loud cheering.) What dancing and merrymaking there will be. What a crop of honest popularity for the Government which shall de this. And would it not give them strength ? Would not every man, each with two more by his side, come forward again, if foreign invasion rendered it necessary for the service of their country ? Now, in Heaven's name, if there is any prudence in this, do leave us in this country a few shillings to fructify in our pockets.—(Loud cheers) You have ways and means which none know better than you,_ to make an honest economy increase and multiply, if only you are al lowed a little in store, and why should the management of the State be different from the management of our private concerns? I believe that a sense of this truth has reached the nations of Europe. Well, let us take the lead in this as we have done in other questions—let us hazard a little, do not wait till others step into the front before you—but let us an nounce to the world that the people of England have asked their Government, and that their Government did not refuse, to take the lead in removing the greatest evil in the way of human happiness.—(Cheers.) There is work before you. There is agitation before it can be done; and what harm will there be in you when agitation is done with you?— (Cheers and laughter.) By some people that word agitation is very unjustly treated; for though there is a harmful and injurious agitation, there is also a healthy agitation, which is necessary to the existence of life. We have lived in agi tation all of us. It has brought no harm to us, nor to any body else, that we know of.—(Cheers and laughter.) Let us go on then. I hope we shall not be alarmed, though we see some small symptoms of another agitation. Let ue endeavour to do our best to improve the constitution that we may leave our posterity something to be grateful to out' memories for, as we have to the memories of those who pre ceded us. I propose that we should drink to the health of those constituencies which have returned free-trade Mem bers to Parliament.—(Loud cheers.) r. BitrGirr then came forward, and was warmly received. He said—Amongst the thousands present for the purpose of rejoicing over the final end of the corn-laws, he claimed to be one of those who had so much reason to rejoice. He had been looking back mentally to thirty-four years past, when the position of this country was very different to what it was at present. On the 17th of February, it would be thi rty . four years since Lord Ripon offered to the House of C ommon resolutions of great consequence. One of those reso l ut i ons asserted the desirability of taxing corn ; and a Bill, f oun d e d on that resolution, was introduced in March • two days after it was brought in, and passed its second reading; and seven days after it passed the house, with a hurry that the House of Commons would not employ on a Bill affecting dogs in draw ing carts. In the course of twenty days it passed the Lords. What was the object of that Bill? To raise the price of corn to eighty shillings per quarter, and whenever it reached that point the country was in a state of confusion. It w asi tt tracing back that law they saw the great revolution they had effected. He (Mr. Bright) conceived that the Corn Bill of 1815 combined within itself all the tyrannies that Govern ments had exercised over the human race. The corn-law was passed to make the consumers give a larger amount to the proprietors of the soil than they had a right to. How did the proprietors of land look on the League? They looked on the League with disgust, and when at this moment their possessions might have been wrested from them, word it not fur our victory, they were not thsukful to the League. Why? It was not until MEI that population had so in, creased, and that competition had become so sharp, that combinations were formed, and in the following spring the Anti Corn-law League was established.—(Cheers.) Within the last week he had been looking over the first pamphlet of the League, and in the first number there was developed something like the programme of the whole thing. Mr, I'aulton was then lecturing gratuitously. That lecturing was continued up to the sth of December, when he (Mr. Bright) and Mr. Cobden read the celebrated article in ti Times, announcing Sir Robert Peel's intention to repeal the Corn-laws, which he had made great efforts previously to sustain. Amongst other places to which Mr. Paulton wan was Tamworth, but he was refused the use of the Town hall by the Mayor. The people of Tamworth are extremely cautious—(Cheers and laughter)—and the con sequence was no lecture could be given in Tamworth. H hoped, however, that the people of Tamworth had since read the lectures which had been delivered to them and to th e country, upon this subject, by their celebrated Member. —(Hearty cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman referred to the presence of two farmers on the platform (Mr. Hope and Mr. Miller), and said that he wished that the land of the country was at the disposal of the capital and skill of the country. — (Great applause.) They did not speak of force during their agitation, though he bad been honoured by the notice of a Noble Lord, who stated that they were dangerous parties. He was listening to the Noble Lord when he was reading a paper in the House—and, though he did not wish to turn the Members out of that House, he did wish that the people should be so repre sented as to control the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) When meetings were held in this hall, and in Covent-garden Theatre, the country became aroused to the necessity ofeorn.. law repeal, and without risking something worse, the Go.. vernment could not hesitate to turn round and repeal the Act they had hitherto supported; they had no compromise, thepretence, and they demanded itS repeal, wicked d ted without a compromise; there was a comp lete capitulation; they marched out; the reason of the people was triumphant , therefore it was complete. — th thing was a wasw (Cheers.) What was to be done for the future? There was nothing which they wished for that was unattainable, if the same means were used.—(Cheers.) As a people we have found out we have some power.—(Cheers.) 'We have die.. covered we were not born with saddles on our beaus. and country gentlemen with spurs.—(Laughter.) We have also found out that we can use and combine our powers. He was anxious that the people should have an increasing intelligence, to show them how to use power.—(Cheers.) There was a revolution taking place in the country which was bloodless, but would the Government learn from the past? He believed that Government would not learn.--- (Cheers.) Their Government would not learn as long as they were irresponsible to the people.—(Cheers.) For thirty years they allowed the corn-laws to exist, and the result herd been to spread democratic feeling, and the people were 1o911?: ing at the Government with a different feeling from v,SII O it would, had these laws never been passed. He . M s. Bright) wished he could look upon the Governmensi= respect. Look at the House of Lords. Tb• but vs , of Richmond was one of its nrnamenglaiiinst its will it not humiliating to see that House passing e2 ts le From the Bill repealing the corn-laws. — ( C he ers ' ) new bra. They night he (Mr. Bright) looked forward to ad disasters in the sister had many disasters at home; dada P action in the island; but there was com pensation cations which existed of heal condition of freedonttbat country.—(Uproar.) It w e aisacussed, and he trusted that public questions should b the past would be useful for the learned from what they had ry of this odious corn-law was the Innr" • • the future; and whilst our r ejoicing, y should ever re about hyihyfor all this in the about to expire amidst no political good to which we' ten member that there by those means which aspire btain it morality we labour to p (Applauee.) Mr. Bright concluded b ctioned—y religion san e "Anti-corn -law struggle." and seek to beW.3:uccessful, which we cannot obtain, if th propos-no give the posaessori Mr. MILNER Gresox, in proposing the text sentans' sat, said that the Duke of Wellington had at one time situir4 oaf .I ri a c w ult w ur a e s . the land a position in the social scale, to keep dow n the trott ing and commercial classes, and to make them secondary that the object 9afnta.hetocoarng policy a g riculture. —(Ch eers.) The whole had been to elevate the landed interest, and to give it a higher position in the country. A ma* might sell beef and bread and have a place in the Government of the country, but if he sold calicoes or dealt in clothing he was not to be trusted. The repeal of the corn-laws was a theslrisotfo triumph over the spirit of Ch ) He ( Mr " feudalism.—( Pers. Gibson) was of opinion that free-trade would promote peace, and show to the, world that they had confidence in their principles, they alacoild reduce the expenses of their fighting establishmezds, which weighed so heavily upon them.— (Che ers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by pro posing " The Agricultural, Commercial, and Manufacturing Interes',s," whose welfare is best promoted by the removal Of all legislative restrictions.—(Cheers.) Mt. ROPE, of Fenton Barnes, was called upon, and re sponded in a brief speech. This gentleman, at a few mi nutes to twelve o'clock, concluded his observations , and a t . their close a party of singers, who were stationed in the g m al e lery, sang Mackay's celebrated song, " There's a goo o d ee coming, boys." That time had come, protection had.efasV and he proposed that they should show their apprece 1 Of it by giving three tremendous cheers. The call of the Chairman was, as twelve o'clock a who, etrteck, responded to in the mast enthusiastic manner. in iferously 'for company rose en masse and cheered most von waving, am. several minutes, bats and handkerchiefs were Atthe comic the cheering was again and again r"eweson (1 addressed a few sion of the cheering, Mr. Georbe Thomp ing - s terminated observations to the meeting, and the pro ceed at half-past twelve ( L or d President of the Conn- The Marquis of Lansdowne . at La sdo us • er ester y, wile 0 cil) gave a toil dress dinner y nous of to the mover and seconder o f the address in the but* Lords, several of the Cabin et Ministers and °Mc of of the C21.10111'6 Hows ll9l an d d An 0 PArt7 of twit 1)