The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-13 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION' , CB Irookti, rripbell, Ddie , Scott, Rich• th, Butler, West, Wllli a° 31•P'' n ' ;4 1141 1, jliedgei 4 ug heft S ravel' nOUr of nan e n . a i th L a , d io 'etheril on hit e Mar to i" for the ije ,fi'l • • • ayß ith ) r eel't' ince4 3f 4 " to•, 61 i!c° uPi P abet gee ! of the haN cel' by Col co lo . 4 Of itll- 'esbir e . d ,, er, bf si oti°°' ger" ' . .ari' l 3r Ar - 2010 1 .'1 0~0 .7. b' Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzroy, Grenad er Guards, on promotion, by Colonel Scott, Field officer in Brigade waiting Lieutenant-Colonel Johnston, 66th Regiment, on his promo. motion, by his father, the Right Hon. Sir. A. Johnston Colette! Doherty, on his teturn from the Government of Sierra Leone, and appointment to the Government of St. Vincent, by Lord John Russell Lieut. Cunynghame, by Lord Saltoun Lieut. Dickson, ob his appointment to the 13th Light Dra goons, by l•is father, Major-Gen. Dickson, C.B. Limit S. Goad. by SirJ. Hobhouse, Bait. Lieut. Radcliff, by Lieut.-Gen. Sir R. Wilson Lieut. Black, by Sir W. Warre • Lieut. Hepburn, by Colonel Scott • Lent. C. S. Hext, by Gen. Hodgson Cornet B. Harrison, by Mr. Breadley, M.P. Cornet J. Gwynne Hughes, be Lieut.-Gen. Lord Strafford Cornet Pitt, on his appointment to the 11th (Prince Albert's) Hussars, by the Earl of Romney Ensign Farrer, on his appointment to the 56th Regiment, by Lord Lake Capt. Pipon, on promotion, by Gen. Sir W.' Lumley Capt. Goodwin, by Col. Wylie Lieut. Colville, on his return from Canada, by Colonel Sir George Arthur, Bart. Lieut. Nicolls, by Lieut.-Colonel Nicolls Lieut. Milbank, by the Earl of Zetland Ensign R. B. Codd, on appointment to 17th Regiment, by his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex Ensign Mercer, by Lieut.-Col. Mercer Ensign A. Lord, by Gen. the Hon. Sir Lowry Cole Ensign C. Graves, on his appointment. and going on foreign service, by Major-Gen. Sir H. Hardinge, K.C.B. Lent Head, on his return from Canada, by Sir F. Head, Bart. Cornet Tynte, Prince Albert's Hussars, on appointment, by the Earl of Cardigan Lieut. Weguelin, by the Earl of Cardigan Lieut. Bedford. Paymaster Prince Albert's Hussars, by the Earl of Cardigan Lieut. Canon, by the Adjutant-General Lieut. Kennedy, by Lieut.-Col. Kennedy, C.B. Lieut. Alexander Caulfield, by Major-Gen. Sir Charles Dea con, K. C. B. Lieut. Dance, by his father, Col. Sir Charles Dance, K. H. Rub-Lie u t. F . Lovell. by Gen. Lord Cornbermere . Capt. C. Grant, - by Hon. Gen. Meade Capt. the H on . H enr y P erc y, on hi s p romo ti on and retu r n from Canada, by the Earl of Beverley Capt. Inigo Jones, Prince Albert's Hussars, by the Earl of Cardigan Capt. Henry Butler, by his father, the Hon. P. Butler, M.P. Capt. Butler, on his appointment as Deputy-Lieutenant, county Fermanagh, by the Marquis of Westmeath Capt. A. Mackean, by Col. Wylde Capt. R. Gloster, by Afajor-Gen. Sir John Gardiner, K.C.B. Cant. West, on promotion, by his father, Vice-Admiral Sir John West, K. C. B. Capt. Brandreth, by Admiral Sir Charles Adam, K.C.B. Capt. Augustus F. Blyth, by Lieut.-Gt n. Sir R. Wilson , Capt. Free, by Lieut. -Gen. Sir R. Barton Capt. G. Carr, by the Earl of Cardigan Capt. Pringle, Coldstream Guards, to restore the Badge and Riband worn by the late Lieut.-General Sir Was. Henry Pringle, G.C.B. Major Michel, on promotion. by Lord Hill. Maior Brookes, on return from Foreign Service, by Lord . itzroy Somerset Captain Wharton, by his cousin the Earl of Zetland Captain Soden, by Air. James Wigram, Q.C. Major Mackinlay, on return front India, by Gen. Sleigh major :11. G. White, on promotion, by Lieut.-Gen. Sir Ar thur B , iooke K C B . • • Major D Ake, by Alaj.- Gen: 'Sir James L: Lnshington, G. C.B. Lent. Bedford, by Col Sir George Cowper. The followino. Noblemen and Gentlemen had the honour of prftenting Addresses and Petitions to her Majesty : The Hon. C. C. Cavendish; M.P. for East Sussex. from the borough of Rye, of congratulation on the birth of the Princess The Earl of Manvers, from Householders and Inhabitants amounting to three thousand, of St. Luke's parish, Middlesex, ezpres.ing their conviction of the great hardships and griev antes inflicted on the poor by the Poor-law Act, and petition. mg her M a j es ty t o sanc ti on t i e repea l o f i t, an d to re f use h er 'loyal assent to the Bill for its continuance now in the House of Commons. 'lh e Marqu,s of Downahire, the Marquis of Abercorn, the Marquis of Londonderry, the Earl of Roden, the Earl of Mount cashel, the Earl of Hillsborough, M. P., and Viscount Castle "agh, from the province of Ulster against the Repeal of the Union. Lord 'Viscount Powerscourt, from the Bath Church of Eng hnd Lay A ssoc i at i on , p ra yi ng f or th e exerc i se o f h er M a j es t y ' s rerouative for the preservation of Church-rates, and in favour of Ch"urch extension. Mr. Robert Newland, Mayor of Bedford, from the Corpora tion and Inhabitants of the borough of Bedford, of congratula tion on the birth u f the Princess Royal. Mr. Mat ryat, from the House of Assembly of Grenada, of c ongratulation on the birth of the Princess Royal . Mr. Bailey, from the Mayor and Corporation of the borough °..! Sudbury, of congratulation on the birth of the Princess The Marquis of Breadalbane, from the Presbytery of Caith ness, of congratulation on the birth of the Prioress Hoy al The Marquis of Downshire, from the nobility, clergy, and 'gentry of Antrim, Down, and the adjacent northern counties, against the repeal of the Union. Mr. Jeremiah S oith, Mayor of Rye, from the borough of Rye, of congratulation on the birth of the Princess Royal. Mr. Smith w s presented by the Hon. C. C. Cavendish. The Bishop of Bangor, a petition from the clergy of the Deanery of Estimana, against the union of the dioceses of St. Asaph and Bangor. The following gentlemen accompanied the address from the province of Ulster, against the repeal of the Union :—Sir Robert Bateson, Bart., Mr. Dunbar, MP., Mr. Kirk, M.P., Rev. Dr. Cooke, Lieut.-Colonel Verner, M.P. , and Sir Arthur Brooke, RI.P.' Colonel Myddelton Biddulph, from the county and also the town of Denbigh, against the union of the sees of Bangor and Asaph, and against the abstraction of the revenues of the C hurch from the Principality. oat Majesty gave audiences to the Earl of Minto and Lord Her Majesty, Prince Albert, and the Prince of Leiningen, attended by .the Royal suite, returned to Buckingham Palace after the Levee. at- The Ai n r Mess of her Alsje , ty's Honourable Corps of Gentlemen dined togetl'er last evening at Long s Hotel. The Duchess of Kent took an airing yesterday afternoon in 1 . 11 open carriage. General Alava, the Spanish Minister, had an interview with th e Chancellor of the Exchequer on Tuesday, to take leave. GRE VILI E-STREET HOSPITAL. The Thirteenth Anniversary of this Institution, was ce brated yesterday, at the London Tavern, and we have gnat lileasure in stating that the room was crowded to excess. On Ile previous occasion have we seen such a number of ardent 3 2PPorters of this ho pital. Lord Robert Grosvenor was in the Chair, and was supported by many friends of the Charity. ,tinorlit others Lord Bolton, Lord Crewe, Sir R. Glynn, fla,lor York Scarlett, M.P., Alst on , E sq ., M.P., Wilbra ,arn, Esq., ALP , Captain De Saumanez, Rev. Dr. Rice, 44. Graham. • On the cloth being removed, the Noble CHAIRMAN gave (" Her Majesty the Queen, the patroness of the Hospital."— Loud cheers.) The next toast was "-Prince Albert and the Vrineess Roy 1;" and in proposing the toast the Chairman *aid he felt bound to make some allusion to the reports .I :hich had appeared in the papers respecting Prince Albert's health. As they all knew, he had the best information on that Point, and he was happy to state that the reports were entirely w ithout foundation, and that the Consort of the Queen never was in better health.—(Great cheering.) He then gave the 'first subject in the land. " Queen Adelaide," which was fol lowed by the " Duke of Sussex and the rest of the Royal Family' Loud cheers, mixed with cries of "the;Royal Family England") —which was put by the Toa s t m aster, am id s t ge teeal app'au-c. • Lord R. GROSVENOR said, in rising to propose success to the institution which they had met that evening to s uPPort, he begged to apologise to them for the very it'd& eient mannet in which he could perform his duty. He was lah•urin 4 it der a severe cold, but that circumstance had not deterred him from com - .ng f ruiard to aid the work of charity, and lend his assistance to carry into effect One of the most useful institutions of the metropolis. The institution was established for the distressed and the ,diseased of a 1 casses. Patients required no governors' orde-rs, no letters of introduction—al that was requisite was a prima facie case of destitution. He would not quarrel with other hospitals for the system they had adopted, but. he was happy to say that since the establishment of the Greville-street Hos pital, the accession to other hospitals had become much more easy. —(Loud cheers.) He was happy to say also that the funds were improving, and that white very lately the receipts were 0..1y 995/., in 1841 they amounted' to 4,700/. As a new however, was requisite more funds were still wanted, and he h d no doubt, from the excellent principle on which the institution was founded, that these would not be wanted long. The toast wa , received with loud cheers. The SECRETARY then read the Report, from which it ap peared that in the course of the last year 12,350 persons had received me.'ical relief, and 1,200 extn•me cases had been promptly att-nded to by the medical gentlemen connected with the institution. The subscriptions were liberal, among cellars the Earl f Eldon subscribed 10111., Lord Robert Grosvenor (fourth donation) 201., Earl Fitzwi ham Si., T. P. Lewis 20/., Lane Fox, Esq., 5/., and many other liberal donations, amount ing altogi ther to about SO 01. Dr. Alarsden's health, the founder of the institution, was proposed, and responded to by the most enthnsiastic applause. He returned thank: for the honour conferred on him, and stated briefly the circumstances which turned his mini to the relief of the afflicted and di.cased poor that were met with in every street. He was happy to say that his efforts had not been in wail and he trusted that he should live to see them crowned with PUCCC•S. More than 200 persons sat down to dinner, and it is but justice to the proprietors of the London Tavern to state, that they made every exertion to accomm6date the company. The dinner and wines were excellent, and the attendance good. Mr. Hobbs sang some excelent songs, and Mr. Fitzwiiliam in t:iodated a new ballad, « War in China." with great effect. MARRIAGE OF THE CROWN is°,' PRINCE OF RUSSIA. sli t ' ST. PFTERSBURGH, APRIL 28.—0 n Wednesday, the 2t4th ultimo, the ceremony of the marriage of his Im prO' - penal Highness Cesarewitseh Grand Duke Alexander Nichgloievritsch, with her Impe r i a l Hi g h ness t h e G rand Duchess Maria Alexandrowna, took place in the great Chapel of the winter Palve, in the presence of their Majesties, the members of the Imperal lamely, and of the Foreign Princes, now at St. Petersburgh. '1 he members of the Council of the Ernii-e, the Ministers, the Senators, the Court, the Foreign eri l Ambassadors, and the General Officers and Officers of the . Army and N avy, were assembled in the Palace, to be present at the:solemnity, to which his Majesty was pleased to invite the cP' 'Russ,an merchants of the first two clas , es and the foreign merchant s . A grand entertainment followed. An Imperial ar j order of the day announces numerous promoti,ms in the army. The capital was splendi.lly illuminates! on the 28th, 29th, and th e 30th April. th e A ..ceording to pr:vate letters from Rio Janeiro late] received, it appears the young Emperor of Brazil had. bee n specia ly invited to send a R.presentattve to the grand Cons ention proposed to be held of all the new States of America, North and South. The place of meeting had•not been dett rmined on, but it was not suppo s ed that it would be at Panama, as fixed upon some years ago when this Coriven- Lon was first talked about and agreed upon. It is stated also what an E nvoy f rom B raz il to Paraguiy had been resolved I , l'n, and would Le received fav o urably in that Republic, ac cord!ng to accounts received from th, nee. This event may tend to facilitate an opening to commercial intercourse with that , N:truparatively unknown country, for when once opened to Brazil, there will be less difficulty about th.. admis , ion of other States to the same privilege, and in any case tir,i gn c .o nmod i_ ties will find an ea-ier vent there by transit through Brazil, when onee the two neighbouring States have come to the de sired understanding The now well ascertained d eat h of Dr. Prati c i a i s caleulate d . to work a complete revolution in Paraguay. ALARNIING DECLINE: IN WOOLLEN Ex- PPORTS —The quantity of cloths exported last year was 7,L 5 ' 7 ' 16 now the export the year previous was 392.854 shown , - a 16 filliref p roof of 1i7.10b ieces, or 4.5 rr ten'. ! This is a. striki " woof of the extreme tivresston Itnder which-the - Yovlrsli•rre" ag •t l ra d o L ai beer. a.. - 4 is still labou r' itt..-Leeds Km, 0 0 t IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 12. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'Clock. Mr. LINDESAY took the oaths and his seat for Sandwich. The Hon. Member was introduced by Lord Granville Somerset and Captain Gorden. He was re ceived with loud cheers from the Conservative benches. The Report on the Sougiampton Trust (St. Pancris) Paving Bill was brought up. LEVRINGTON INCLOSURE BILL. On the motion that the Levrington Inclosure Bill be brought up, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from cer tain poor cottagers who had brought a portion of the common into cultivation, and who had held their pro perty for sixteen years. In the preamble to this Bill, it was stated that these persons had no right to this pro ' Perty. At the last Summer Asssizes the promoters of the Bill had tried to eject these poor persons, but had been foiled, and had had to pay the expellees of both parties ; and now they tried to do that by this Act which they could not do by law. He contended that if this Bill passed, these poor persons were entitled to compensation, and he should propose to introduce words for the purpose of exempting these holdings from the operation of the Bill. The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member could not move the amendment without notice. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE would then move, that the third reading of the Bill be postponed till to-morrow, and he would give notice that on that occasion he should move the addition which he was now precluded from moving by the forms of the House. Mr. HOME DRUMMOND said that the usual course had been pursued with regard to this Bill, and he was satisfied that these parties had not the shadow of a claim, as 20 years possession was required to give a legal right, and tkese parties had only had sixteen years pos session of these cottages. Mr. PRYME thought that as the owners of this com mon had rested quietly for sixteen years, and as they had been unable to prove their rights in a Court of Law, this case was one well worthy of the con sideration of the House. He should support the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury. It was ultimately arranged (as we understood) that the amendment was withdrawn on the understanding that on Monday the Hon. Member should have an opportu nity of proposing the addition to the second clause. The Kidderminster Small Tenants Bill was read a third time and passed, after a clause had been added to it byway of rider. The Lords amendment to the_ Slough and Colnbrook road Bill were agreed to. - Mr. T. PARKER presented a petition from Preston, signed by 4,000 persons, against any alteration of the import duties. Sir H. FLEETWOOD preiented a petition from Preston in favour of a repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. BROTHERTON presented a petition from Worsley, in Lancashire, containing 2,436 signatures, praying that the Corn-laws may be entirely abolished ; also fourteen petitions from operatives of various trades in Lancashire to the same effect. .. Mr. L.A.NGDALE presented a petition from Lancaster, in the county of York, to the same effect. Mr. W. EVANS presented petitions from Nottingham and Derbyshire, to the same effect. Mr. LISTER presented a petition from the labourers of Bradford to the same effect. Mr. JAMES presented fourteen petitions from various places in Cumberland in favour of a repeal of the Corn laws. Mr. BAINES presented five petitions from Leeds and other places, in favour of the measure announced by her Majesty's Ministers for altering the duty on timber and sugar, and for an alteration in the Corn-laws. The Rijn. Member said he had also five petitions for the repeal of the Corn-laws, principally from working men ; and if the House would allow him he would state shortly what it was the petitioners alleged. They said that they had nothing but their labour in the way of property ; that they had laboured under great distress for many years ; that they had made application to that House for the redress of their grievances, and that they had always been told, and properly told, that Parliament could not legislate for the purpose of increasing the rate of wages. They further stated, that they had found that Parliament could legis late for the purpose of increasing the rates upon land ; and finding that Parliament could legislate for the purpose of increasing the rates of landlords, they thought they ought either to legislate for the increase of wages of labour, or to , repeal the Corn-laws. And as they found it was impossible they could legis late for the increase of the rate of labour, they prayed that Parliament would forthwith make such alterations in the Corn-laws as would make thee efficient for the purposes -of raising the revenue, and not the necessary supply. Mr. CORRY presented a petition from Tyrone against patronage in the Church of Scotland. Sir C. STYLE presented a petition from Scarborough, signed by upwards of 1,700 of the working classes, in favour of the plan proposed by her Majesty's Govern ment, with reference to the duties on sugar and corn. Mr. BUSFIELD presented fourteen petitions from Bradford, and other places in the neighbourhood, to the same effect. Mr. B. SMITH presented a petition from Norwich, praying for an alteration of the duties on corn, sugar, and timber. Mr. BROCKELHURST presented a petition against Church Extension. Mr. MUNTZ presented a petition from Ebenezer Chapel, Birmingham, against Church-rates. Mr. CLAY presented a petition from the Tower Ham lets, praying for the abolition of Church-rates. CORN-LAWS. The HoN. MEMBER presented twelve petitions from various trades in Manchester, and several from London, praying for the repeal of the Corn-laws. Petitions to the same effect were presented by Mr. Turner, from Lancaster ; and by Mr. Hindley, from Warrington, Ashton, and other places ; against any alte ration in the Corn-laws by Mr. Waddington, from Suffblk ; and by Sir Charles Burrell, from Sussex. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Leeds, praying for the release of all political prisoners ; and from Leicester, stating that Mr. Feargus O'Connor would be a proper person to represent that borough in .Parliament—(Laughter)--and praying that the House would allow to him the liberty to address the electors through the public press. Mr. L. HOI)GES presented a petition against any grant for Church Extension. Col. CONOLLY:presented a petition from Armagh against the present system of Scotch patronage. Mr. -BARNEBY presented a petition from Lincoln in favour of Church Extension. Mr. BROADLEY presented a petition from Beverley, to the same effect. Lord WORSLEY presented a petition from Lincoln against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Sir T. ACLAND presented a petition from Yeovin against the grant to the College of Maynooth. Mr. R. CLIVE presented a petition in favour of Church Extension. _ _ Colonel SALWEY presented a petition, praying for the extinction of Church-rates, and the abolition of the jurisdiction of Ecclesiastical Courts. Mr. MILES presented several petitions—one in favour of Church Extension ; another in favour of the exclu sion of Roman Catholics from Parliament, and against the grant to the College of Maynooth ; and another against some parts of the Corn-law Amendment Act. Mr. ELLIS presented a petition in favour of the mea sure introduced by her Majesty's Government for the re duction of the duties on corn. Mr. ORMSBY GORE presented a petition in favour of Church Extension. Mr. P. HOWARD presented a petition from the Me thodist congregation of Carlisle in favour of free trade, and especially in favour of a revision of the Corn-laws. Mr. OSWALD presented a petition signed by 15,200 persons, from Glasgow, in favour of the abolition of the Corn-laws, and the revision of the Customs Duties. Mr. O'CONNELL presented several petitions from the soap-boilers and other trades in Dublin, which were very numerously signed, in favour of a repeal of the Legislative Umon ; also three petitions against the Registration of Voters (Ireland) Bill, and several petitions from Wigan and Bolton praying for a _Repeal of the Corn-laws ; also a petition signed by a a very respectable constituent of his, Mr. James Haugh ton, of Dublin, praying that the House would not permit any trading with Brazils and Cuba, as it would only tend to increase slavery in this country ; also a petition &Om Mr. Acland, the Anti-Corn-law lecturer. The petitioner Stated that he had been inquiring for the last ten weeks into the state of the labourers in the county of Buck ingham, and that he was able to prove that the labourers of that county do not receive above 2d. or 2id. a day as wages, for their subsistence, and that many of those poor men are actually turned out of employment unless they signed petitions against the repeal of the Corn-laws. The petition prayed the House to institute an inquiry into this state of things. The LORD ADVOCATE presented a petition from Leith, praying for the abolition of the Corn-laws. Mr. LABOUCHERE presented 19 petitions to the sum effect from Manchester and its vicinity. 1-13 5,1 r. HUME presented several petitions from Castle town and other places, with a similar prayer. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER pre sented a similar petition from Portsmouth. •• Sir G. STRICKLAND presented several petitions from places in Yorkshire, many of them numerously signed, praying for the abolition of Church-rates, and a relaxation of all the duties which fetter trade. _ _ Mr. WOOD presented a petition from Kendal, pray ing for a revision of our commercial code, and in favour of the measures of the Government. . Mr. AINSWORTH presented a petition, with a simi lar prayer, signed by one thousand inhabitants of the town of Bolton ; and a similar petition from an indivi dual in the same town, praying the House to disregard the cry raised in favour of the negroes. He was himself an advocate for the abolition of slavery, but she found that the negroes had less to complain of than our own population. A number of emancipated slaves had, he stated, lately purchased 20,0001. worth of land in the West Indies, and that could not be done by any number of our labouring classes. Mr. CHARLES WOOD presented 39 petitions from Halifax and other places in Yorkshire, in favour of the Government measures for an alteration of our Commer cial Code. Mr. MARK PHILIPS presented 35 petitions from Manchester, Rochdale, and several other places, praying for a total repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. E. ,BULLER presented 4 petition from the Pot teries praying for a total abolition of the Corn and Pro vision laws. Mr. F. HOWARD presented a petion from Cumber land against the Corn-laws. Mr. THORNELY presented a petition agreed on at a large meeting at Liverpool, held on Monday last, pray ing fur a total repeal ot the ta-x upon bread, stating the great satisfaction which those present felt at the step taken by Ministers for that purpose. and also stating Alat tUe citivulatiow ot 440 - tcts LI favour of tigr. doctrines of free trade entitled them to support, and pray ing. the House to give effect to those declarations. The pe tition was signed by Sir.J. Walmesby, the late Mayor of Liverpool, on behalf of the meeting; also a petition from 'Galley, near Manchester, praying for a repeal of the Corn-laws. On the motion of Mr. HUTT, the Hull Flax and Cot ton Mill Company's Bill read a third time and passed. TIIE - EARt OF CARDIGAN. Mr. MINTZ gave notice of an - alteration he pur posed making in ,the motion 9f which he had given notice for to-morrow, relative to the Earl of. Cardigan. The motion which he should bring forward would be, that an humble address be presented to her Majesty beseeching her to cause an inquiry to be instituted into the conduct of the Earl of Cardigan during the time he ' has been in command of the 11th Hussars, with a view of ascertain ing how far such conduct had rendered him unfit to be continued in her' Majesty's serviee. PARISH CONSTABLES. Sir E. KNATCHBULL moved the second reading of the Parish Constables' Bill. Mr. F. MAULE said that the Right Hon. Baronet was aware that he objected entirely to the principle of the Bill, and could not allow it to be read a second time. He was placed in this difficulty, that an -Hon. Member, sitting on the same side of the House with himself, had introduced a similar Bill, and he had induced the House to throw it out. After a few words from Sir E. KNATCHBULL, the Bilr was withdrawn. The intervening Order of the Day was then disposed of, a: d the House resumed the ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. CHOLMONDELY said he should not go into the great commercial details connected with the measure that were under the consideration of the House. It was admitted by the, Hon. Gentleman on the other side of the House that those measures would have a ten dency to encourage the slave trade, and would injure our West Indian interests. But they said, "Do not waste your sympathy upon the West Indians. We have already done a great deal for them ; leaVe them for the present, and turn your sympathies to the suffering artisans of your own country ; above all, support this measure, which, besides increasing the reve nue of the country, will confer the benefit of cheap sugar upon the labouring classes."—(Hear, hear, from the Liberal benches.) The Noble Lord the Secretary for the ' Colonies, in his speech on Friday night, had . drawn an affecting picture of the poor man being obliged to turn away from a shop because his scanty means were not sufficient to purchase one of the necessary, articles of life. God forbid that he (Mr. Cholmoiidely) shoiddiriew with any degree of levity any statement. of the sufferings of .the lower classes,' or `any Measure bronght forward to relieve those sufferings.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But in this case what was the amount of relief which would be adminis tered ? Why he believed that according to the Noble Lord's own calculation the reduction in the price of sugar would not exceed. Is. 6d. per cwt. Could the 'consumer be benefited by such a reduction ?—(Hear.) •• The only , class that would benefit by it was the intermediate' link between'the great merchant and the &eat iiiiporter—, the retail dealer: ,As in the case _of .the.. reduc tion of the duty on leather; the man' Coth plained that the retail dealer gained, and that he did not get his shoes cheaper. Let the House strike a balance between the good and the evil which would be derived . from these measures. Even the increase in the revenue was a mere matter of asser tion. It was simply stated that in some way or other, there would be an increase of 700,000/. a-year from that. Even assuming that to be • true, they were called upon to render almost nugatory the enormous payment of nearly fifty millions of money expended in putting down the slave trade ; and after all the exertions which they had made, they now called upon them to hold them selves up to the mingled astonishment and derision of the world by retracing their own steps, and passing a measure which even its ,promoters confessed would have a tendency to re-establish that accursed traffic. There was one more point to which he wished to allude. The Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) had characterised the amendment introduced by his Noble Friend (Lord Sandon) as the most factious step that could be resorted to, and as a merely party movement brought forward to serve a party purpose,--(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. (Cholmondely) thought a more unfounded accusation was never made, nor one more easy to be retorted upon those who made it. When the heat and animosity of these debates had passed away, and • these event ful days had become matter of history with what feelings would an unprejudiced observer review these transactions—to what party would he be most likely to apply the term " faction ?" On whom would he cast the accusation of having acted from party pur poses 'I On the one side he would see a Go vernment involved in difficulties, with a deficient revenue with adverse majorities in both Houses of Par liament, and with the feelings of the country, if he might judge of the result of recent elections—(Cheers) —but little in their favour, come down to the House and bring forward hastily and without notice three great measures striking at and involving three of the largest interests of the empire, while on the other side he would see a body of men condemning such sweeping measures as productive, not of good, but of evil to the country, and standing- up to prevent the State being shaken to its centre by the rash hand of innovation. He thought under such cir cumstances there could be little doubt as to his decision. Upon these grounds, and objecting as he did to the mea sure brought forward by the Noble Lord opposite, first, its provisions would damage the West Indian proprietors ; secondly, because it would be an additional stimulus to the slave trade ; lastly, because it would damage the national prosperity—he should give his strenuous oppo sition to the Noble Lord, and support the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool. Lord HOWICK hoped he should be pardoned, considering the interest that he had always taken upon the question involved in the dis cussion now before the House, if he was un willing to give a - silent vote. It had been as serted that this measure would have a di rect tendency to injure the national prosperity, but upon this subject he must first observe that he was not aware that any Gentleman had ventured to as sert that the introduction of the produce of slave labour was to be objected to. That argument had not been put forth. Those Gentlemen who had argued it had not taken the high ground that if a great fundamental principle was involved in the ques tion, they should be bound to admit slave labour. They had not pushed their argument further than this that the abolition of slavery and the slave trade was the object of the policy of -this 'country, and that it ought not to be interfered with by a measure like that proposed by the Noble Lord. But it was said that the consequence of the course to be adopted would be encouragement to the slave trade. Now, on that point he was entirely at variance with his Right Honourable and Learned Friend, who said that if sugar produced by slave labour were allowed to be consumed in this the richest . country in the world, the necessary effect of that would be to raise the price of such sugar, and therefore to offer an encouragement to slavery and the slave trade.—(Hear.) That assertion appeared to him (Lord Howick) to rest on a most unsound foundation, and the policy which his Right Hon. and Learned Friend recommended seemed to him erroneous, because that policy, and the arguments which had been addressed to the House in support of it, went entirely on the supposition that it would be vain to hope that free-labour sugar could successfully. compete with that produced in Cuba and the Brazils ; and that they ought consequently to give up the market of Europe, and of the world, to slave sugar, and remain passively content with excluding such produce' from their own markets. That was the assumption' on which the argument of his Right Hon. and Learned Friend rested. But if that , assumption were correct—and if it were really hopeless . to think that free labour could compete with slave labour sugar, he should say that that was a most mortifying conclusion, .and one which he should only admit upon the clearest evidence, and with the greatest reluctance. Bit he to tally denied that that assumption. was supported either by reason or experience. He remembered well the debates on the measure for the abolition of sla very, and he had often listened with approbation to his Right Honourable and Learned Friend, and another Hon. Friend, now no longer a Member of that House, who took so distinguished a part in the agitation of the question ; he meant, of course, Sir T. F. Buxton. He had frequently listened with approbation to those gentle men, while, by the most elaborate reasoning and enume rations of facts, they had endeavonred to proye thatslavery was not only.a crime, but an error and a mistake ; and that slavery was not only iniquitous, • but that in the end it was the dearest and the most expen sive labour that could be employed. For his part he still believed that if free labour was duly encou raged it could carry on.. a successful competition with the labour of slaves ; arid however other lion. Gen tlemen might be disposed to think that they were tbrmerly in error, and that they had now reason to change their views upon this subject, he not only believed that such compe tition could be waged, but that if due means were taken to encourage the production of sugar in our own pos sessions in the East and, the West Indies, the free labourer would be found more than a match for , the others. He did not, on the contrary, think that they could hope for any success while they leant upon the broken reed of protection and monopoly.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He believed with his Noble 'Friend (Lord John 'Rus sell) who had spoken so eloquently on' Friday night that trade when nursed by protection and restric tions never could attain a healthy and vigorous growth. What reasons were there for despairing of the success of our own possessions in the race of competition ? Hon. Gentleman opposite talked of the -climate:of Brazil and Cuba, but he would ask where better soil was to be found than in Demerara and in Trinidad ? (Cheers) --nay,. even in our old colonies, lie be lieved that the soil was not exhausted naturally ; but that it was w0rn.....0ut by the great want of a proper system under the old system of slavery. He would ask whether there was more capital, more intern gence,,.or more energy among the planters of Brazil or Cuba, than there was among the planters of our own colonies.—(Cheers.) It was said that the great cause of the shortcomings of our colonies arose from the deficiency of labour.. There was no doubt but labour was far from plenty, but that he thought had been caused by the.mistaken measures taken, H o use,. partly in that but greatly by, the ; local authorities in fact it had been caused by a reluctance to conform to the new' system, a strong . desire to retain as much as pos .sible .of the system which prevailed before 1833. He believed it was impossible that yroprietors residing in that country, and carrying on their business by means of paid agents in Jamaica, would be able to do so. It was clear that the profit would be considerably reduced- Let the House consider what would be the effect of at tempting a similar system in that country. The ma 4avipmat Warms bygeljukFArsk tit often a prolt4lke PHI ', SUN, LONDON. THURSDAY, MAY 13, 1841. it H owever i t m i g h t answer f or amu s emen t, I it certainly seldom answered in the way of profit. ' The same system 'was in operation in -the West Indies, where gentlemen conducted the management of their estates, and the entire process of the manufacture of su gar b y agents an d l e tt er s ; the process was one requirin g great s kill, energy, and experience, and he thought it could no more be conducted properly by persons residing at a distance, than the great manufacturers of Leeds or Manchester, could carry -on their concerns at two thousand or three thousand miles distance. Under the new arrangements of his Noble Friend, he was satisfied that capital would accumulate in the colony, that proprietors would let their estates to re spectable tenants, and that in many instances the negro population would become themselves the tenants. They knew of some cases in which that had already taken place, and where the negroes had associated, and purchased estates to carry on the manufacture of sugar. The white inhabitants of the colonies, who were employed as book keepers, agents, and attorneys, instead of managing . the estates of others as deputies, would take estates 'on .their own account. He (Lord Howick) believed that that process had begun to a considerable extent: The estates of such persons would be managed with an energy which belonged to men free from responsibility, and acting on their own account. He had not the smallest doubt that when that system came into action, the cost of cultivating sugar in our West Indian colonies would be materially lessened. He was persuaded that if the sugar cultivation were carried on with intelligence, enterprise, and activity, by free men .acting for their own interest, the article would be produced much cheaper than it could be in Cuba and Brazil under a system of slavery. In the East Indies there was no deficiency of labour ; what was want ing was British capital and intelligence, which were ra pidly going there, and the removal of fiscal obstructions to enterprise and industry. One great advantage of this measure was, that it would lead the British Parliament, the merchants, and the capitalists to look into the state of India, to see what it was that impeded its prosperity. They ought also to promote the success of the competi tion of their own colonies with slave-grown Atgar. His Hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade. had brought forward a measure for removing the restrictions upon them. He was sure that the House would support him in that measure. Much might also be done by in creased efforts to suppress the slave trade. Papers which had been laid on the table of the House had shown that an officer of the name of Denman had destroyed the slave depots ; that was a most effective blow to sla very. The Hon. Member for Nottingham told them the other night that they had expended a great deal of Money in efforts to suppress the slave trade, and after all it was carried on to a great extent. What would be the result of the success of the measure of his Noble Friend. Why, if they suc ceeded in producing sugar cheaper than it was produced by free labour, the fi rs t pound of sugar produced by slave-labour which was sold at a profit," would seal the entire abolition of slavery. He thought the measures of the Government were well calculated to answer the purposes intended. Government had not attempted to alter the duties upon immediate abolition of. slavery. It was now three sears since that measure had been carried, and he (Lord Howick) thought,. that now, if eyeraias the time to prevent: another bad system from- taking' root. - Now was the time to prevent vested inter ests in-monopolies.. Now . was . the time to -excite • competition: . On the other side it was urged • that his Noble, Friend to leave the colonies of this country without any protection, he had done no such thing, for he had proposed a protecting duty of 50 per cent. The Hon. Member for Antrim would not admit competition ; in that he (Lord Howick) thought he was in error, for if a moderate competition was admitted, he thought it would tend to hasten the abolition of slavery in Cuba and the Brazils. But when a measure was proposed fur the relief of our own population, it was for those who opposed it to prove that it would be for the encouragement of slavery. They had not proved it. He was convinced they could not prove it, and unless they did so, it was the duty of the House to adopt a measure which was clearly for the relief of our own population.—(Cheers.) Although attempts had been made to prove that this measure would not be for the relief of our own population, yet the argu ments advanced in support of the position were so palpably fallacious, that he could not believe they would at all influence the decision of the House. The Hon. Member for Newark had gone into an elaborate calcu lation, for the purpose of showing what might be the amount of sugar which we might expect from India and the West In dies during the present year. He had tried to prove that the utmost that could be expected from the proposed reduction of duty •weuld be a reduction in price of Is. 6d. per cwt.—a reduction which would not be at all felt by the consumer. He (Lord HoWick) would admit to the Hon. Gentleman that he thought the Chancellor of the Exchequer might safely have carried his principle further.—(Cheers. ) That it would have been more judicious to have made'a reduction in the duty en colonial super of 7s. or Bs., leaving the proportion of duty between foreign sugar and sugar the production or the British possessions the same as that now_ proposed by the Government. --(Loud cheers .) But, if the House thought proper, that al teration could be made in the- Committee.--( Loud cheers.) But taking the measure as recommend,d by the Government, stil the amount of the relief which it would afford to the con sumer would be great indeed. He considered the calculations which had been made with regard to the sugar which might be expected from the colonies, was quite beside the purpose. The plain and simple case was this ; foreign sugar was at present subject to a prohibitory rate of duty ; the Government pro posed to admit at a rate of duty amounting to 150 per cent. on its value in bond, and exceeding by 50 per cent. the duty le vied on the same production from our colonies. The result must be the extending the source of supply. it was no answer to say that without this assistance 200,000 tons could be pro duced in the present year, and that the annual consumption of the country had never exceeded that amount, and that there were no means of ascertaining to what the consumption might reach, if a cheap supply were placed within the reach of the community—(Cheers)—and the very determination with which this proposition • had been resisted by the West Indian proprietors the eagerness with which they had sought to main tain their present monopoly, convinced him that it was impos sible but what they must consider that some great advantage must accrue to the consumer, and some great fall in price must be the result. He would not now advert to the langua g e of the Hen. Gentleman opposite., who spoke so slightingly of the advantage to be derived frim the reduction of one penny a pound its sugar; but when he recollected the sufferings of the untortunate population of Bolton, whose eondition haa been so , feelingly and so eloquently described by his Noble Friend the other evei.in , s—when they read the authentic accounts of the lowstate to which our manufacturing population was every where reduced, he would say that even a reduction on sugar of one penny in in the pound was not Wbe lightly spoken of. It' was no such trifling boon. The Hon. Member for London had shown that it was equal to a reduction of taxation of 1,600,000/. But large as the amount was, that. was not the source of relief to which he looked for the improvement of • the condition of the people. He looked to the increased field which would be opened to their industry—(Loud cheers) —to the increased and advantageous employment both for capital and industry, which must result from a removal of those restrictions and monopolies which now fettered our commerce, and prevented it. from ,expanding.—(Cheers.) And because he knew that an alteration of these duties must form a necessary and indis • pensable part of any measure for a general revision of the Im port Duties, therefore it was that he considered that it would afford a great relief to our own population. Could any man deny that, who considered the great progre4s which public opinion had made, and the extended position which they then occupied of attacking monopolies generally, instead of being forced to confirm their efforts to branches only? Would any man deny that this must form au essential part of any measure for the improvement of our commercial system.? .We were ourselves great importers of sugar. Brazil was one of our best customers, and it • had been stated that our future trade with Brazil would, in a great degree, depend on the course we should take with re g ard to foreign sugars. This was part of a grand plan—of a grand attack on all monopolies—and his Hon. Friend the Member of Lincolnshire had so treated it, when he stated the other evening that he should vote against any alteration in the sugar duties or the timber duties, because, if he did not do so, he could not call upon the House to main tain the Corn-laws.-4 Cheers:). .House and the country perfectly understood that that. was the real question at issue.— (Chee: s.) The House and the country perfectly understood that the plea of humanity which had been so freely made use of, was nothing more than a popular mode of disguising the ugly and repulsive features of monopoly.—(Loud cheers.) Many Gentlemen, no doubt, bad been actuated by a profound and conscientious objection to the slave trade. Ne man i could doubt but that such was the nature of the . Objec tions entertained by his Right Hon. and Learned Friend. the Member for the Tower Hamlet, who had ;evil. acted so distinguished and consistenta part on that question.—( Hear, hear.) No man could doubt . that. such was the nature of the objections entertained by the Hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford, who had spoken last night ; but he .could look with nothing but disgust at those petitions on the table of that House, signed by all those mmes which he remembered to have seen attached to every remonstrance against every measure which had bean adopted for the benefit of our negro popula tion.—(Cheers.) When he knew what the past conduct of those gentlemen had been, this new cloak of philanthropy could not conceal the strong interest which they had in the ex isting monopoly—( Cheers)—and he could not regard their peti tions with the same respect which he paid to the conscientious ob jections of his Right Hon. Friend the Member for the Tower Hamlets.—(Cheers.):lle would not follow the example set him by the Hon. Member for Newark, who had attributed the con duct of hii Noble Friend and the Government to low and son- didmotives, but he must tell that Hon. Gentleman, that it was impossible for him (Lord Howick) to forget the part which he ( slr. Gladstone) had taken in the debates in 16.33.—(L0ud cheers.) it was impossible for him to forget who was the owner of the Wendell-Hoop estate ill Demerara—(Continued cheering)—it was impossible for him to forget that t had been clearly shown that the rates of production of sugar per head on that estate, with the corresponding mortality among the slaves, had been shown to be higher than had ever been known even in the colony, high as the general average there was.— (Continued cheering.) That estate, for three or four years, had produced an enormous qusntity of sugar, and during that time this hail been attended by a diminution of the sieves, ot eig;..ty one being one-seventh of the whole number.—(Loud cheers. ) There was an old proverb which he would recommend to the attention of the Hon. Gentleman, which was, that persons living in glass-houses should not throw stones.—( Cheers, and laugh:er. ) He had referred to these facts not because the Hon. Member for Newark had imputed low and degraded motives to the Goverment, but in order to show the conduct which he had followed on this subject. He was persuaded the House ought net on such a plea of the encouragement' of slavery, hastily to reject a measure for the improvement of our own munition. No one could deny that some such m , asure was necessary to be observed in the intense compe tition which existed in every branch of labour, and the diffi culty experienced by every one in finding means for profitably exercising this intustry. To what could this be attri buted. but to the manner in which the field of employment was narrowed by our restrictive commercial policy.—Cheers.) The Brazils was willing to furnish us with their sugars if we would consent to receive them ; and no man could doubt but that they must be paid for by the produce of our industry, thus affording a larger field for employment. If they refused to adopt this plain and simple means of relief, only alteration would be the impo s ition of if they refused to impro ve their rev enue by a revision of the import duties, the some heavy tax upon the already overburdened population. Any tax upon articles of consumption must fall more parti cularly upon the lower orders, but even if they resorted to a property tax, or • the restoration • of • the house tax, it must increase the p ress ure upon the - labouring population, by depriving the higher orders, to a cer t a i n ex tent, Of the mean's of giving them employment. Therefore, he be lieved the present to be a politic Measure, and one which would be advantageous to the monopolist! themselves. He while it was thought the landoviner, the' West Indian, and the Canadian, .age which must accrue to would be respecively compensated by getting rid of the th tm e p ta o x ss w ib h le ich to th d i e s y g u p i a s i e d monopolists,tshreeaotthadervaita the great body. of the..nation: What the result might be he knew not ; but the man who watched the signs of the times with attention, ei,uid entertain a moment's doubt as to the re sult,—(Loud cheers-) The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, might P4/§llO tine sPle fatal course which he had doze with regasd to Catholic Emancipation ; he might, at ~the .price of great su4oting , 444 by great evert, stave off for a time commercial reform, but that he would ulti mately be compelled to yield to the force of necesiity must be clear to all who had watched what was going on in the coun try. If he wanted a proof that suchdnust be the case, he would only ask them to look to the debate. He well remembered the time when no man in the House dared to come forward boldly as the advocate of commercial freedom. Even Mr. Huskisson had, to a certain degree, to adopt disguise, and to flatter the preju dices, and nominally to acquiesce in the doctrines of those of whose ignorance he was well aware—(Loud cheers)—and • while the tendency of all his measures was to freedom trade, his language was often of a different nature.- 7 (Cheers.) In those days the advocates of monopoly had the field to them selves. How different was the case now ? Even the defenders of monopoly , were ashamed of the cause they had undertaken —( Loud cheers)—and to judge of them by ,their language -they were a House of free traders. • The principle had been 4 conceded on all sides, and no one now attempted to uphold the old doctrine, that an array of Custinn-house officers were ne cessary to uphold British industry. If the drTtrines of free trade had made such advances in such a short time, although some persons might be of opinion that the system of monopoly was destined to endure for many -fears, he was persuaded that it was not. (Cheers. ) He was persuaded it would not. Even though this measure were rejected, the ultimate result was certain, and for this reason he should vote in favour of the measure proposed by her Majesty's Government.—(Cheers.) Mr. C. WYNN said ne could not agree to the measures of her Majesty's Government, in the altered state. of society in the West Indies . . 'I hose measures themselves were of the most indefinite character, and they were adopted, like the reduction in the postage. as an experiment, without the least possibility of success. 'I he First - Lord of the Treasury had last year stated that he felt the greatest obj,ction to any al teration in the Corn-laws—that if any benefit could be de rived from it it would be ill purchased by the agitation. That reason was equally weighty at present; and it was evi. d.,-nt, therefore, that it was brought forward for the purpose of getting up a cry out of doors—an attimpt which hid entirely failed. The Noble Lord oposite in arguing this question with respect to slavery, had asked if they would admit no other article the produce of slave labour. There was a great difference between the not rejecting an article already admitted, am! proposing a measure for the admission of a new one. He thought the present time was not at all opportune to admit competition with foreign countries, and that observation ap plied in a tenfold degree to the admission of the pi oduct of slave labour. In conclusion, the Hight Hon. Gentleman stated that he Mt bound to oppose the proposition of her AN, stys Government. and give his support to the amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpo .1, feeling convinced that the proposition of the Government, whet e it would not benefit the people of this country would greatly aggravate the evils of slavery. Mr. W. EVANS su;iported the measure proposed by her Majesty's .Ministers relative to the duties on sugar. ' He did so on.the ground that the tio-se was not warranted ire impos ing enormous taxes on the people of this country on the article of sugar, when by the admission of a small quantity of foreign sugar it .might be prevented. With respect to the other parts.of the proposition-of her Majesty's Government he need hardly say that they had his hearty concurrence, and for his own part he believed that for years no Mini tees of the Crown had proposed measures so-calculated for the benefit of the country as those that had been proposed by the Noble Lord the Secretary for- the Colonies. In conclusion, he would only express a hope that, whether under the present -Go. itei•nment, or any utheri•no means would be lost to carry thyin into effect;•. • • • • . , Lord WORSCEY objected to the proposition _of her Ma jesty's Government, believing that it the Corn,laws were altered as proposed, there would not be that relief given to the manufacturers which was generally supposed. He, to gether with two other Members for Lincoln, had some years since joined in a vote of confideure in the pie sent Ministers ; but believing that the farmer, both rich and poor, in Lincoln shire would be ruined unless they had protection by the Corn laws, they had resolved to give the proposed measure their determined opposition, and for his own part he believed that her Majesty's Government had been misinformed as to the expenses of bringing coen into this country. The Noble Lord read the evidence of Mr. Saunders, a corn merchant, of thirty years' standing, who said that a fixed duty would never answer. When corn would be brought to this country at 3s. 6d. a quarter, a duty of 83. would be no protection to the farmer whatever. Had the low prices of 1833 continued for two or three years longer, many of the small farmers must have been ruined. They went on cultivating the land at a loss on the faith of the present Corn-laws. He denied that the agricul tural interest had had any notice of the measures of the Go vernment respecting corn, and as the Government could not have the remotest chance of passing such a measure, they ought never to have brought it forward.—( Cheers.) Those who had been agitating for a repeal of the Corn-laws would accept the present measure only as an instilment, and when ever the price rose to 605., they would say they could nu longer pay the Bs. duty. Entertaining these opinions. how -1 ever sorry he was to oppose the Government, although his vote might trarefer the powers of Government from those hands in which he wished to see them; still, in common honesty, he felt bound to vote against the proposition of the Government.—(Cheers.) Sir A. GRANT had heard the speech of the Noble Lord with much pleasure—(Cheers)—and thought he had come to a very . sound decision, and hoped his vote would help.to save those interesti, whore existence were now at stake. lie had heard, also, with much pleasure, the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for the Tower HaMlets, and he agreed in all the objections he took to the measure, but more especially in the first he took, which was the gross injus tice intended by the Government to the West Indians. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Devonport, had t:e sigrated the petition presented by his Right Hon. Friend from the West India merchants, as gross hypocrisy. He denied that the petition warranted the application of such terms, or that it contained anything to call down the stigmatising censure of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The petitioners had designated the slave trade as " atrocious." and he did not think it merited any other term. It was a strong proef of the badness of a cause, when parties were compelled to have recourse to such language, and when they were driven to misrepresent the lan guaee and sentiments of th dr opponents. The Right Hon. Gen tieinan had been Secretary for the Colonies from 1832 to 1839, and must have known ietimately, from his communications wit h the Governors of the West India colonies, the state of the cultivation of sugar in these islands. He must have known that in 1838 the planting of the sugar cane almost entirely ceased throughout the West Indies, the negroes haying been that year entirely emancipated It was clear, then, that it was owing to the measures of the Government itself that the supply of 3uear from the West Indies had been so much diminished. It was almost unnecessary to comment upon the futile argu ments that had been urged by the Noble Lord (Messick), who had addressed the House that evening.—(lronical cheering.) He should not be put down by the taunts and sneers of any Hon. Members, and he trusted the House would make some allowance for any inadvertent intemperance in the remarks of one whose very existence, he might say, depended upon the issue of the present proposition.—( Hear.) It appeareu to him that if the proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were carried, and he thanked God it would be indignantly scouted by the House and by the country—but if it were carried, it would terminate, nut in competition, as was argued by the Right Hon. Gentleman, but in the substitution of slave grown sugar for that of their own colonies. He trusted the House would not take a step the object of which was to en courage slavery and the slave-trade. Where, he asked, was the consistency of the present Government, when, after ex pending so many millions in putting an end to slavery, they now come forward with a measure which would go directly to its promotion and encouragement? He thanked the House fur the patience with which it had had heard him ; for his part he was perfectly satisfied with the argument as it stood, and how ever the debate might be prolonged (it might be protracted another week for all he eired), he should seek no arguments beyond those he had already heard, to induce him to give hie strenuous and determined opposition to the proposition of her Maj. sty's Government.—(Loud:cheers.) Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said that it had been stated on the other side, that the West Indian Proprietors had a right in the slaves they possessed. They had, indeed, a right which was recognised by the custom of the land, but not by the law of the land. As he had taken a part in the Anti-Slavery agita tion in Ireland, he felt that he owed it to some of his consti tuents to stale the grounds on which he gave his vote on the present question, which seemed ti have connection with that of 'slavery. He could not place implicit c:eitidence in the statement that the convictions of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, which led them so constantly to oppose everything intended to benefit the enslaved African, were suddenly changed with out some motive. Why had thel Noble Lord (Sandon) so framed his resolution, that it could bear a meaning which would not, under other circumstances, prevent . Hun. Gentle men opposite corning forward with a measure precisely similar, as far as the introduction into this country of slaveegrown commodities were ecincerned, to that which they now so violently opposed: . It was the doubts lot the. sincerity of the Noble Lord, which his resolution so framed gave rise to, that would induce him (Mr. J. O'Connell) to vote against him. Great quantities of sugar were produced in Java, China, and other eastern countries, and this year there were imported into this country 6,000 tons of that article from the latter country. Could not arrangements be made fur the introduction of free labour sugar from these countries, without any encourage ment being given to sugar the growth of slave tabour- The Hon. Member for Newark (Mr. W. E. Gladstone) said that treaties stood in the way of that. The Hon. Member ought to have informed the House what those treaties were, and whatever they were, they ought to be modified, when there were such strong inducements for so doing, as the desire to give the people of this country cheap sugar, and to avoid at the same time all encouragement to slavery. The Hon. Member for Wigan (Mr. Ewart) said it was impossible to draw a distinction between sugar the pro duce of free labour, and !that which was the produce of slave labour. When he (Mr.;J. O'Connell) heard that statement be said he should be obliged to vote with the Hon. Gentlemen opposite. However, he listened to the entire of that Hon. Member's speech, and he read the reports in the papers, and yet he neither heard nor read the reason given by the Hon. Gentleman to support his statement. The Hon. Gentleman also said that the only effectual way of putting down slavery was by commerce. Now he (Mr. J. O'Connell) could not con ceive how that was the case, and he thought the Hon. Gen tl. man was bound to show how commerce could have that effect. With regard to the general question before the House, he would not enter at any length into it. He would only say that as an Irish Member he might be supposed to be adverse to the-proposition for mitigating the L'sc' irn-laws.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Now he must say that he never knew of any good being derived f:om those laws. He was delighted with the proposition of the Government, both with respect to the Corti-laws and the reduction of the dutiei on timber. If the question were allowed to go into Committee, he would give 'his vote for the introduction into this country of foreign tree-grown sugar. Sir J. REID said that he was one of those who signed the h petition which was particularly alluded to bsrthedwhether Hon. Mem ber for Cambridge (Sir Ale xander Grant), and was a greater hypocrite or not—( Great laughter) —it was for the House to decide. On the subject which was at present under discussion, he wo uld re e d a note, with th e permission of the House, from a gentleman whose opinion ought to be va lued. The Hon. Gentleman read-a note to himself from Mr. Horsley Palmer, disapproving of the reduction of the duties on timber and corn, particularly in the present state of the Bank of England. From the members of the present Go vernment individually, he (Sir J. Reid) ,received every kindness and attention ; bat that should . ' not present his speaking. of them as a body as he thought; and.he did not hesitate to say that a more reckless, inconsiderate Govern ment he never saw or heard.—(Laughter.) He merely wished to impress that on their minds on the last opportunity which h e would hate of addressing them (Ministers) in their respec tive situations. —(Much laughter.) He did not say that their sun *as setting, and setting to rise no more.--(Continued l a ughter.) He wished, for the sake of the commercial inter estrof the country, that the House would decide the present important question as soon as possible, because, pending the d e b a te, trade was at a complete stand. • He said that as an old merchant-4nd it was impossible for one notisituated as he w as to conceive the- mischief caused by protracted delay. . T ra de; however, was not in such a state of despondency as was represented by the Hon. Member for Halifax (Mr. U Wood). hies GISBORNE said thathe did not think he should have troubled the House at that protracted period of the debate, if he were not unwilling that it should close without his returning thanks to the Hon. Member for Newark. He (Mr. Gisborne) tad often heard it said that those were the hest friends who told people of their faults. The lion. Member for Newark per•. rinisterlal) formed that service for the gentle ten of that (the D Bide of the House. That Hen. Member said that they were an infatuated set, and that their infatuation arose from laxity of principle. In that there was no appearance of the bgoted rengimest pealing the anathemas of the Church against those who differed from it.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Gisborne) had given way, on the preceding evening, to the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Secretary at War, to reply to some of the observa tions of the Hon. Alember for Newark. There was one thing which he (Mr. Gisborne) was not a little surprised at. The late Mr. Macaulay had been for many years the object of the foulest calumnies and the vilest slanders, which were heaped upon him by the West India body and its supporters. And it was strange to hea r th e ton o f a mem b er of that b o d y pass a splendid eulogium upon that man (the late Mr. Macau 12ty,), who, because Exchequery, had been so persecuted. Th Chancellor of the had stated to the House that there was a great defficiency. in the revenue, which must be s u u e pp a li l e sn d, st t a o t b ed oth th o a f t it h w i c o h u d i) r b e Pe o s d i i t s i e o r n e s d i the e H n o n u t s e t n a s r s e ai n , t e ed a . revenue equal to the expensesiof the year ; and for this pur pose the proposition of the Government was brought forward; but to this the Noble Lord had brought forward what was called in legal proceedings a demurrer, and which meant that the person making it would not meet his opponent upon the merits of the case, but upon some technical points re.ating to it. The Noble Lord (Lord Sandon) said that an equaliza tion of the duty on sugar would give encouragement to slavery, and that, morever, there was no necessity for it, since there would be an abundant supply. He said we should have 40,000 tons from the Mauritius, but the fact was that we never had 30,000 tons in any two years.—( Hear, hear. ) On this point, also, the Noble Lord was at issue with the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), who had stated that we must not expect an abundant supply of sugar from the West Indies, until there had b en a considerable increase in the negro population. With respect to the East Indies, he was aware that a considerable quantity had been imported, but this had been solely occasioned by dearness of West India sugar. He concurred so much with what had been said on the con nexion of slavery with the sugar duties, that he should say very little on that subject. Froin the change of feeling which was springing up on this subject in America, and other countries, he certainly anticipated the period when slavery would be abolished. He thought such a change would be more effectual for this purpose than any measure could adopt. He had never been able to observe that any efforts of this country had had any effect worth mentioning in diminishing the horrors of the slave trade, and such being the case he cud not feel justified in postponing, for the prospect of so uncertain an event, the relaxation of the sugar duties to the relief of the labouring classes. The Hon. Member for Newark said the Noble Lord was giving up a diplomatiC advantage which the sugar duties afforded him to obtain a treaty respecting the slave trade, but he (Mr. Gisborne) thought such au argument savoured somewhat of 't laxity of principle."—( Hear, hear. ) He would only further detain the House by reading an opinion delivered in the House of Commons on the 31st July, 1d33, and which was to the following effect There are many questions on which the declaration of the King% Government it, their favour is derisive of their fate. I find this is so on the question of the Cos n-laws. When the King and the Govern ment range themselves against any restriction, its fate is sealed, for it is impossible to restore respect to an authority so weak ened." These were the words of Sir R. Peel.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Gisborne) therefore took the liberty of informing the House, on the authority of Sir R. P ee l, t h a t th e f a t e o f th e Corn-laws and the present duty on sugar was sealed. —( Cheers. ) _Mr. SYDNEY HERBER said that a considerable por tion of that evening had been devoted by lion. Gentlemen on the Ministerial side of the House to pouring out the phials of their indignation against his Hon. Friend the Member for Newark, bearing thereby a reluetant tribute to the pungency of the remarks of his Hon. Friend. He need.say nothing in defence of that Hon. Member, and his character was too well known on both sides of the House to render it possible that he should be injured by such attacks.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to the general question, he would not discuss the principle of free trade, which had been already adverted to in speeches which would convince him, if he had not been already an advocate for that doctrine.—(Cheers from the Ali- Material benches.) 1114 principle had been defended with an unnecessary ostentation by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They were not the originators of it, it had already been developed by a Cabinet of which Mr. Huskisson was a Member. The principle of free trade was one which nobody could deny.—(Hear ; hear.) The only question was as to the mode of its application—( Hear, hear)—aud as to the time of its application. Any child could understand so simple a prin ciple if it were to be taken as a uniform arithmetical rule, and if it were not to be considered in its relation to the situation anti the immediate interest of a great commercial country like this. If that were riot the case sagacity and statesmanship would be unnecessary in those who directed the destinies of Great Britain, and any accountant in the City would make as good a Chancellor of the Exchequer as the Right Hon Gen tleman opposite. The main argument used on the other side of the House on the question then under discussion, was that which had been so ably stated that evening by the Noble Lord the Member for Northumberland, namely, that we had not a sufficient supply of sugar from our own colonies, and that we should consequently endeavour to obtain it from other quar ters. it appeared, however, to him (Alr. Sydney Herbert) that there was now a prospect of an ususilly large supply from the West Indies; and he also believed with the Noble Lord, • the Member for Northumberland, that the resources of those colonies were capable of a stilt further development. The truth war, that the Government seemed to have mistaken their own interests for these of the country, and to have overlooked the people of England for the attainment of party ends. There was a school of economists, of which the Henourable Member for Kilkenny was the chief, who appeared to think that patriotism consisted in an unwillingness to sup port the burdens of the State, or to make any sacrifice for the, public goed ; but there were others who felt that national honour should not be sacrificed to expediency, and that Great Britain should not crow abandon the great experi ment she had engaged in for the suppression of slavery and the slave-trade. He believed that tl at was the feeling of the peo ple of England, and he had no apprehension but it would be adopted by their representatives by the decision to which the House would come on the question then before them, a deci sion which must for ages affect the name and reputation - of this country.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. 'VERNON S shITH said that it appeared to him that Honourable Gentlemen opposite had not confined them selves to the resolution then before the House; and though they were prepared to back it with their votes, they did not back it with their speeches. The Honourable Gentleman who had last addressed the House had declared himself an advocate for free trade, al though with some qualification as to the application of the principle ; and the Hon. Member had gone so far as to state that any child should assent to that doctrine, forgetting, however, that two full-grown gentlemen, the Hon. Member for Antrim arid the Hon. Baronet the Member for the Uni versity of oxford, had last eight professed their inability to understand the principle.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet the Member for the Unisereity el Oxford had also expressed his anxiety for the discouragement of the slave trade ; but, as he (Mr. Vernon Smith) recollected, the Honourable Baronet had not advocated the same doctrines during the agitation which led to the measure of Emancipation, although he should be loth to impute anything like hypocri tical pretext to the Hon. Member fur Oxford, yet he mast say that the straightforeardness of his speech was not to be fol lowed out by the straightforwardness of his vote, for on prin ciple he ought not to vote for the resolution of the Noble Lord, which admitted that the necessity might arise for continuing the evil which he was desirous of exterminating. His (Mr. V. Smith's) objection to the resolution of the Nole Lord was, that the position it assumed did not contain a true statement of the facts. The Noble Lord asserted that the people of England had made a great sacrifice, not for the purpose of effecting a great practical good, which had been effected, but for sonic other purpose, of which they now heard for the first time. He denied that they had made that sacrifice merely fer the sake of example to other countries. tie denied that they had made the sacrifice merely for the sake of sticking a feather in the cap of the mother country. They made the sacrifice for a valuable purpose, and, in the spirit of that sterling sense which distinguished everything they did, for the purpose of extinguishing slavery in our own dominions.— ( ('heeis. ) That purpose had been effected, that bargain had been completed.—( Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) Could any one doubt it who looked at the present state of the West Indies, anti who compared the state of prosperity of those who had been formerly slaves in the country with the condition of the working classes in this ?—( Cheers.) With the view of showing the actual condition of the labouring classes in Jamaica he would quote from a ds spatch of Sir Charles Metcalfe, who said that the real difficulty which the holders of property in that island felt was " the not possess ing sufficient inducements to get the working classes to la bour. The mass of the population possessed the means of . comfortable subsistence without labour. They may, to obtain articles of luxury, be induced to la bour, but they never can be reduced to it by absolute necessity. • It is considered no favour to give employ - ment, but on the other hand it is considered a great favour to give labour." Such was the statement of Sir C. Metcalf. He with the would ask ail , Hon. Gentleman to contrast that con dition of the labourers in his own immediate neighbourhood. Did Gentlemen know of any district in the kingdom in which it was considered no favour to give employment, but a great favour to give 1. bour ?—(Cheers.) That was the position of Jamaica. For that the people of this country had made great sacrifices. They had made those sacrifices to make this people of Jamaica free and happy, but not to plae6 them in a position so infinitely . above the middle and labouring classes of this country. British Guiana was infinitely more pros perous. According to the statement of Governor Light, in 140 the negroes were all eager to buy land ; they were better dressed than the generality of the peasantry of England; they would not wear coarse cloth ; they slept on good beds, and pos sessed sideeboares, and other expensive articles of furniture ; they drank champagne, we: e fond of salt fish—( A laugh) —but preferred plaintain and coo food, which was a paste to; med by beating plaintains in a mortar, and which he supposed must be the dinner of herbs to which his Hight Hon. Friend the Mem ber ter the Tower Hamlets had alluded the other evening. (Cheers and laughter) —in a speech to the principles of which the Hon. Baronet the Member fur Cambridge had been so eager to tender his support, that he had thought proper to re peat it to the House that evening.—(Laughter.) If such was the state of the negro population, he would ask the House if the bargain had not been so Mr effective ? Die he complain of that state ? On the contrary, he rejoiced at it • but he would say that it was not f a i r to c a ll on th e peop l e of this coun try for fresh taxes after the bargain had been is fully corn pleted.—( Cheers.) The question was merely one of a mercan tile nature--it was a quest'ou of protection to the West India interest, amid not one of the slave trade or slavery—of protec tion granted to that interest at the time they were slave-owners —( Cheers)—although advantage was now taken of the question for another purpose, as he had already stated. If it were a question of humanity, some of the words introduced by the Noble Lord into' his resolution ought to be omitted. —(Cheers.) It was an attempt to carry out the ancient prejudices under the cloak of philanthropy. It was monopoly assuming the disguise of philanthropy.—(Cheers.) He would not then go into the question of cotton, tobacco, and other slave-labour produce which was freely permitted to be in troduced into this country, hut he would merely advert to the position assumed by his Right Hon. Friend the Member for the Tosser Hamlets, that it was not a question of free trade at all, because it could not be called a question of free trade or fair 'competition when free labour was brought into competition. with slave labour. He would admit it was not a question of free trade, because there was still a great protection cunt' ~ea to the West India interest—(Cheers) —but he w ou ld ask his Rion Right Honourable Friend when the experiment off Fonipert t ied? between slave labour and free labour had ever bee rl the Y ople of When they talked about the saeritices whic t h sami r es_f,r England had made—and they had made know agre what sacra the extinction of slavery, he should like t reprietors them'. flees had ever been made by the West India to that House, they selves ?—(Cheers. ) Whenever they cameation of their monopoly. • invaLlably came to complain of some cried out that the abolition of —(Cheers.) In Iwo7 they the slave trade would be their destruction. _ . They had ma de the same complaint when it was proposed to admit. _at urettes. sugar, and they, had repeated it when it was proposed that East Every alters ion that had b • India sugar should he admitted. Bee n their own ace, unt, be at t en d e d according to proposed would, n - yet there they were, at the with their immediate r ut pres:eut a m oment, in s tate infinitely more prosperous th an they hail been before the emancipatioile—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, the Member for Liverpool, had, when the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had brought forward his pl a n for emancipation, moved a resolution for giving 416 West India planters a larger sum than 20 minims, -on the ground of the =mews losses they woUld have to . i4cur. It had been calculated that, during the apprenticeship, the leas,to tilts ,West India proprietor! must amount to 150,0001. • annuelly sow, - • MORNING EDITION. he would ask if their actual annual loss - had amounted to any thine, like that sum?--.e Hear, hear.) If any Hon. Mem ber were prepared to maintain that position, he must do so in contradiction to all the returns which had been laid before that House.—(Cheers.) What had been the conduct of the West India interest? Had they endeavovoured even to raise productions by means of free labour, so as to enter into compe tition with slave labour ? They had done no such thing. They had always preferred lazily trusting to party interests in that House to exerting themselves in their own islands. What had been the first thing they had done aster the ,emancipation ? Their first was to import the Hill Coolies from the East In dies, but they had managed that proceeding so badly as to re tard for many years the introduction of free labourers into those colonies. Great facilities should be afforded for the emigration of labourers to the West Indies. The position in ' which they had placed those islands was a false one. The eon dition of the labourer had been raised above that of the mid dling classes in many countries. If they could not be induced, he (Mr. V. Smith) would not compel them to work; but he did contend that they ought to allow. free trade in labour all over the world, and that rivalry would be most beneficial both to the colonies and the mother country. It might be said on the other side, if the negroes were in such an excellent con dition, why alter that condition by the introduction of foreign sugar? His object was to put them in a fair condition. There was a state of things arising in the West Indies, which, if not checked, would supersede the planters in their proprietary rights. The labourers were now gradually acquiring property themselves ; and, if they did not do something to ie press upon them the necess:ty of labour, they would see small occupancies and tenancies in all directions, and the most vicious state of property that ever existed. There was no set of men in the world who had displayed more apti tude and ingenuity than the negroes ; and in all their sufferings they had shown no disposition to revolt, but had borne, with patience, all their hardships. They had borne prosperity with out exultation. They had reason to expect from these people that they would see the dilemma in which they were placed, and would know that, if they did not consent to labour for the planters, they would be superseded by slave labour. And the people of this country had a perfect right to call upon them to exert themselves in their behalf, as they had exerted them selves for their negro brethren.—( Hear, hear.) It had been frequently said, in the course of that debate, that the opening of fresh markets must increase the demand for slave-labour. They had to choose between two very great evils—the distres.ed condition of their own population, and the chance of creating some -distress to the negro population.—(Hear, hear.) Te e. y had no direct power over the negro population of other countries , and he begged to ask Hon. Gentlemen opposite whether they were more likely to gain the votesof the Brazilian Congress by exclusive dealing, or by free commercial intercourse? That was their position. If they refused to have any traffic with them, they were throwing away the means of e.oing a great good with much uncertainty as to whether they were doing any good at all. Nor could he agree with the statement made to the House, that exclusive dealing was the oily mode of sup pressing the slave-trade. His Noble Friend (Lord Howlok) had referred to the successful exertions of Captain Diemen with regard to this traffic, and every day brought information of a similar kind. He had recently received a communication from Captain Tucker, who was stationed on the coast of Afri , a, stating that by blockading the mouths of the rivers, he would soon be able to put an end to the slave-trade. The plan which had been adopted fur the civilisation of Africa, might tend greatly to produce the same result. He had already stated that he should not enter into the larger question of free trade; but he must say that he was net er more rejoiced than he had been at the introduction of these measures by his Right Hon. Friend, because he conceived that they were then starting upon great principles, which must be the subject of discourse for many years to come.--( Hear, bear, and cheers from the Tory benches.) He hoped,ehat the House understood the meaning of the cheer, as he meant to elicit it by what lie had stated. He was prepared to support any Ministry which would bring forward measures similar to those that had been propounded to the House by his Right Hole Friend. On the question of the Corn-laws he would not now dwell, but he would merely say, in conclusion, that he was prepared to support the resolution that had been proposed en the subject. Lord STANLEY then rose, among some cheering, and said, that although he was well aware at this period' of the night, and after so many nights' discussion, it was little likely that he, or any one, could add much that 'Was inte.esting. Yet, considering the prominent part he had taken upon this question, he felt bound to trouble the House with stating, as shortly as he could, the grounds upon which he gave his con currence to the am en d men t o f hi s N o bl e F r i en d, th e Member ' for Liverpool, and would vote against the plan brought for ward by the Chancellor of the Ex - chequer.—(Hear, hear.) He used the worth, e the plan of the Chancellor of ti.e Exche quer," because his Hon. Friend, the Member for Halifax, last night had stated that the subject they had to discuss was seine new mode of carrying on the commercial concerns of the coun • try. The Hon. Member for Carlow; who had spoken in the early part of the evening, had said that they, on that side of the House, not venturing to meet the proposition ire front; they were meeting it by what the lawyers would call ademurrer. Now, with all due deference to the Hon. Member for Carlow, he thought they could not have taken a more direct course. Her Majesty's Ministers propounded what they called a Budget to the House—that Budget was to provide •for the deficencies in the revenue, with the exception of a small sum of 7000001., and upon the question of going into Committee of the first financial part of the proposition, by which this amount was to be made up, his Noble Friend the Member for Liverpool had told him, in direct terms, that he would not go into Com mittee, and assigned his ground upon the resolution of what he intended to do. The Hon. Member for Halifax stated that the real question they had to discuss was how the commercial relations of this country could he best carried on. Now, with all due submission to the Hon. Member, he would contend that that was not the question for their decision that night. The ques tion for the decision of the House was, would, or would they not, assent to the proposition of the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, with the view of lowering the duties on foreign sugar, for the purpose of raising the 700,0001. which would be defi eietit in the revenue. He (Lord Stanley) did not object to what had been stated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that this was only part of his plan, that he intended to include the timber duties, and the corn duties, and so on ' and that they must all hang or fall togeth er ; but wh a t he complained of was, that the House had been kept in the dark as to what the plan really was. He thought that the Government should have gone one step further, and told the House what this new plan really was. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Halifax, had told them that the pi inciple was tree trade. Sow, they had not heard a word either from that side of the House co• the other, except from the Hon. Member for the City of London, who advocated the principles of free trade on that subject. if he (Lord Stanley) understood those principles, they wet e, that you should buy the cheapest mai ket; that there should be no restrictive duties, but that when duties were nt , cessary to be imposed, ti e). should be as light as possible. But to assert the pi inciple more froadly, it would be to charge nothing upon those articles of primary necessity and I general consumption. Now, if these were the aoctrines of free trade, what approach, he would ask, was made to them in the present proposition?—( Hear, hear.) In free trade there was no question between monopoly on the ore hand and restriction on the other. A Noble Lord in that House, and a Noble Lord in the other, a Member of the Government, had stated that the object of the Government was protection—protection arid nut free trade—protection and rot prohibition, was toe principle i,li which that side of the House was: prepared to concur. How, he would ask, could the Government stand forward as advocates of free trade, and bring forward these measures with respect to timber, corn, and sugar? The Noble Lord said he was a free trader in timber, but what did he do, why he kept up the discriminating dirties between Canadian and Baltic timber.— ( Hear, hear.) He admitted sacrificing free trade fur the pur poses sf revenue ' • and such being the case how, he would ask, could he claim fur him.eif and the Government that they were the advocates of free trade Hear, hear. ) He would now take the article of sugar. The Noble Lord, with his principles of free trade, had stated that lie was anxious to abolish all the burdens that pressed ,upon the people, and to impose the lightest duties upon the articles which entered most largely into general consumption. The Noble . Lord proposed to effect a reduction of six-tenths of a farthing in the pound on sugar, but he lest on the whole of the duty on British and toreign sugar, and for the purposes of revtnue he imposes a tiuty of HZ per cent. beyond the value of the article.— (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lora might be right, and he might be com pelled by the circumstances in which the finances of the country were placed to de so; but when he taked of the prin ciples of free trade, and that his plans were to astonish all succeeding times, as they eclipsed all former, Governments, he must say that the taxation which he did not reduce de prived him of the character of a friend to free trade.— ( Hear, hear.) His Right Hon. Friend, the President of the Board of Trade, had stated that they were proceeding on the principles of illr, Huskisson. lie (Lord Stanley) had fur some short time acted in confidential communication with the late Mr. Huskisson, and he looked to his authority with as sincere respect as any Gentleman on the other side of the House. But what were the doctrines of Mr. Huskisson? N 1 ere they the doctrines of free trade on the one hand, or of mono poly on the other ? They were neither the one nor the other —they were the doctrines of common sense—(Hear, and cheers)—they were the doctrine of competition, checked, and limited, and regulated by protection—( Hear, ht ar.) Ile was happy to receive these cheers from the other side of the House, because he was endeavouring to establish that what they were now to discuss was not some new principle—that there was no broad line of de marcation which it was impossible to pass between Hon. Gentlemen on the one side and the other.—( Hear.) He re peated, that he adopted the principles of Mr. Huskisson to the fellest extent—namely, that protection should be substituted for prohibition; and he was ready to go further, and state, as a commercial maxim, that that protection should be limited to the minimum amount which, giving reasonable and fair encou ragement to their own rroducers, should admit the competition of foreign parties, and be a check upon them.-(Hear, h ear. . ri the Now then, as they were agreed upon the principle, but h t e li c e a di .. . fficulty was, to ascertain the point at which protection ) prohibition. It was a matter of principle to ascertain one rt!l side, or dwindled away and became no protection on print at which protection merged in prohibition on eap tn - - reared to him that that was no question to ditele Gentlemen because it was other. It on the one side from the other , bee case must' • stand upon agriculturist. He question upon which each all the circumstances its own basis, and upon s tite naturally and necessarily which in this highly artificial Now with oregard te the prot attended it.—( Hear, hear.) and the • ; e ` . h t a o t the the tion to be given to the manufacturer He thought it was manifest to the Hetre?tion must o u.et be considered at all events with reference were placed. The manufacturer had in which they locale had the power of selecting his own _ of a . plying h s capital in that part o f the country in which from various circuits stances his trade found itself most advantageously situated, an d could be most economically worked. hat trianufacture he could extend to an indefinite amount within the locality, limited e r of production and the:power of • only by the pow articles in consumption ; an d with re spect to lnch machinery entered into the manufacture more than . hmnan labour, he code calculate with great precision the prime cost of the article, and upon what •e: terms he could m eet the foreign manufacturer M she' market. With the agricultural produce the case was much miatecemplicatee and difficult. His labour was spread neer:the whale surface of the ' country, and was subject. to the influence ofesarmus soils and different degrees of fertility, which he could -not fozeake or alter. He was dependent, or nearly altogether, so, upon manual labour, and after he had expended alb his powers— after he had applied his best skill and art-aster he con sulted the means of draining his lands; and devised the moat effectual rotation of his crops, made the best selection of his seed, and cultivated his laud with unremitting diligence, the issue was not in his own hands but that of a higher Power than his.—(hear, bear, hear,) The sun and the rain, the wind and the storm—the various temperatures of ;he atmosphere, thine temperatures which the mannfacturer hid the paver of creating for himself, and'adapttne to the pe culiar fabric which he intended to produce, and which was es eential to its due production. These were not tinder the con trol- of the agriculturist, and thence a greater uncertainty and fluctuation upon the prime cost of whatever skill, I.lerur, and indestry he applied to the production , and in applying to the agriculturist the same principles that were applied to the menu tut:turtle they must make au allowance for the alt erna ti on o f bea,ons, for the different -circumstances under which he was called uponto compete. with' foreign rivalry, and in which they could only take an average of seasons, in apportioning the protections to be affo-cledtohim.— (Loud cheers.) The question was a very complicated and abstruse a i t d ha did not pretend to be deeply,akilled lathe practical o f 4 3 8 working of the sNstern:-..He knew •enongh of it, ;7 0 , 7 - 0 , t o know that it was.a complicated.diffieult ono, ane, fie trembled when he retacted,- upon . : the circumspection that *as ntteEary In PRlcachlrg such a subject. Dqt adoslt-