The Sun. — London, England, 1870-04-22 00:00:00

NOTICE TO QUIT TENANCY BY POST. THURSDAY. Ta-day in the Court of Queen's Bench, Mr. Cole, Q.C., in moving for a new trial, raised the question whether a notice to quit tenancy sent by post was a good notice to quit. He said that the Rossa Grundy Gold Mining Company were the tenants of the Gresham House Company, who are the owners of large City buildings. The latter sent to the Rossa Company notice to quit on the evening of the day on which it ought to have been pasted. 'Mr. Justice Blackburn (before whom the case was tried at Guildhall, where the verdict was given for the Gresham Company) said he had reserved the point on the authority of a case in Roscoe, which he now found to be wrong. His lordship considered that service by post was insufficient unless evidence of receipt was given. Mr. Cole contended that the posting of the letter was not prima facie evidence of its having been delivered ; and further, that the notice was posted too late. Tho court held that the posting of a letter was prima facie evidence of the determination of a tenancy, unless the contrary were proved, and the jury not believing the rek . 7. 4 *- ing evidence, the rule was refused. ALLEGED ILLEGAL POSSESSION OF PROPERTY BY THE CROWN. THURSDAY. In the Probate Court to-day, a case which does not often occur occupied the attention of the Judge Ordinary. The cause was that of " Griffin v. Greenwood," the defendant beine , the Solicitor to the Treasury. The plaintiff alleged that she was the next of kin to the late Martha (or Sophia) Griffin. The case for the plaintiff was that the testatrix, a governess in the house of Lord Bandon was supposed to have died intestate, and her property, owing to no next of kin appearing, went to the Crown ; but that this supposition was erroneous, as she had a next of kin in Fplaintiff's husband. The pro perty is worth £1,500, and the question resolves itself into one of pedigree and identity. Many witnesses are sub poenaed both on behalf of the Crown and the plaintiff. Sir Travers Twiss (Queen's Advocate), on behalf of the Crown, contended that the identity had not been made out, and that the person spoken of by the plaintiff and her witnesses was not the intestate. Re called several witnesses, but none could swear to her handwriting. The learned counsel contended that the intestate's proper Christian name was Sophia, and that she was a different person from the Miss Griffin who the plaintiff alleged she was the next of kin to. _ _ _ Lord Penzance in giving judgment, said the evidence failed to establish the identity except by the evidence of an interested witness, on whom the court could not rely. The letters of administration would therefore again be de livered to the Crown, THE NORWICH BRIBERY PROSECUTION. THUESDAY. To-day the question was raised in the Court of Queen's Bench as to the validity of the certificate under the Corrupt Practices, in the case of Mr. John Hughes Hulme, who had been found guilty of bribery at the last Norwich election. It will be remembered that a criminal information was filed by the Attorney-General against the defendant for bribery, and tried before Mr. Justice Byles at the last Norwich Assizes. Mr. Buller, Q.C., now moved to stay proceedings in pursuance of leave reserved by the judge. He said the commissioners sent down by her Majesty to inquire into cor rupt practices at Norwich summoned the defendent, and gave him a certificate, which by the 7th sec., of the 26th and trdth Vic., chap 29, indemnified the defendant from all penal consequences on his answering. In obedience to that summons the defendant tendered himself before the Com missioners, and he was required to answer questions which criminated or tended to criminate him. Application was made to the commissioners for a certificate in January on defendant's behalf, but it was not given till February, shortly before the Spring Assizes. The certificate was granted according to the section ; but they added that divers of the answers to the questions were unsatisfac tory to the Commissioners, and which they believed false, and false to the knowledge of the defendant. Upon the case coming on for trial, the learned counsel applied to ,stay proceedings under the first section which gave the defendant a full indemnity from all penal consequences. An argument then took place be tween himself and the Attorney-General, on the validity of the certificate. Mr. Justice Byles consulted Mr. Justice Blackburn ; and the case was allowed to proceed. Mr. Justice Blackburn : I thought if the certificate was good you had applied to the wrong court. Mr. Buller said the certificate having been given after term, they could not apply to the Queen's Bench.—The Lord Chiet Justice : Does the certificate indemnify the defendant when he gives his evidence honestly and truthfully only ; or is it intended to indem nify him supposin g he tells lies throughout ?—Mr. Buller : I shall contend as far as the latter alternative.— The Lord Chief Justice : That is rather a startling propo sition.— Mr. Buller went on to say that the alleged perjury was with regard to defendant having received eighty half - sovereigns, and his having stated that he gave £5 to a person name Houghton, and another £5 to some one else, but they had not spent it in bribery, and had kept it. Those two persons however came. up, and one of them deposed that he had only received £210x., and the other ss.—The Lord Chief Justice, after consulting the other members of the court, granted the rule to stay proceedings, remarking that it was a case well worthy of argument. Rule granted accordingly. THE CASE OF SLANDER ON DISTINGUISHED PERSONS. The following are the affidavits filed in the Court of Queen's Bench as grounds for the application for a rule nisi for a criminal information against Mr. Leng, printer, publisher, and part proprietor of the Sheffield Daily Telegraph, for libel against the Prince of Wales and the Earl and Countess of Sefton : Affidavit of Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, of Marl borough House, Middlesex, sworn on the 14th of April, 1870, states as follows :-- 1. I have read the paragraph in the She f field Daily Telegraph. 2. I was never guilty of the slightest impropriety with the said Countess of Sefton, and there is not the slightest foundation or pretext for the statement that I am likely to be mentioned in the Divorce Court as a co-respondent Jn a case by the Earl of Sefton against the Countess. 3. I know of nothing, and I cannot conceive of anything which could have suggested or given rise to such a state ment. The joint affidavit of the Earl and Countess of Sefton stated : 1. We have read the paragraph in the Sheffield Daily Telegraph. 2. We were married on the 18th of July, 1866. 3. We have lived together from the date of our marriage down to the present time in perfect harmony and affection, and we have three children. 4. There is not the slighest shadow of foundation or pre text for the statement above set forth, as contained in the Sheffield Telegraph. 5. And I, the said Earl, for myself say I know of nothing and I cannot conceive of anything which could have suggested or given rise to such a statement. 6. And I, the said Countess, for myself say-that I . know of nothing, and cannot conceive of anything which could have suggested or given rise to such a statement. 7. There has never been the slightest impropriety of any kind between his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales paid myself. 8. And we, the said Earl and Countess, say that we cannot look upon the said statement as anything but a rigked falsehood and calumny. MAZZINI AI,ID THE REPI3BLIC. The Times observes that next to the benevolent Pontiff, Giovanni Mastai Ferretti, we know of no man more hope- lessly a prey to sore tribulation than " the High Priest 'of the Idea, ' Giuseppe Mazzini. Indeed, those two dis tinguished Italians have not a little in common between them. Both are labouring under a morbid conviction of their own infallibility ; both are anathematizing a sense less world that refuses to acknowledge it. Mankind re fuses to be converted to the tenets of Mazzinian Repub licanism. But what is it but the terror the revolution inspires that stands in the way of the true republic ; that induces the majority, despairing of the omnipotence of its predominant vote, and losing all trust in the calmness and security of free discussion ' to place its reliance on the army and a d m i n i s t ra ti on ? At all times and in all coun tries it is revolution that plays into the hands of reaction. You constitute yourself a self-governing nation ; you esta blish universal suffrage on the broadest basis ; you have a free Press, the right of meeting and association, and, upon any question arising, instead of joining in a legal opposi tion—instead of awing authority by an attitude of firm but peaceful resistance —y ou strive to ripen discontent into rebellion, to pervert demonstration into riot. In the rear of those who seek for redress there are those who are bent on mischief ; under the pretext of a legitithate grievance, they come out with their watchwords of Repub licanism, Federalism, Communism ; th e y m i x up soc i a l with political questions, till the people who understand them little, and trust them even less, shrink back terrorised, and seek safety in big battalions, in a state of siege, in anything that can put down riot and save society from anarchy and the State from dissolution. Th e majority can never be revolutionary. It will always oppose revolution. Nay, the wish for reform itself will die away before the dread of revolution. We shall certainly not be suspected of any partiality to the scheme of a plebiscite. We deem it an unfair and But t Tational B means of putting any question to a people. let the I appeal be made on tnat or any other principle , so long as the choi ce li es b e t ween an indifferent or even a bad bro vernment and no Government at all—between a Napo leon and a liochefort, a Victor Emmanuel and a Mazzini —there need be no uncertainty as to the result. A Bristol paper says tam, at a largely-a t ten !ecl meet ing of - the executive comm itt ee an d counc il o f th e Bristol Working Men's Conservative Association, it was unam -nously resolved to present a petition against the return of lir. Robinson at the late election. The official returns issued by the Indian Govern the messages exchanged between India and Europe has been published. The total number during the past mouth was 5,406, being an increase of 1,004 compared With THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 22, 1870. A UNIVERSAL SOCIALIST STRIKE. Socialism was never more active in France and other continental countries than at present, and across the Channel two societies, which seem likely to give much trouble, are in full swing. They are the Association Internationale des Travailleurs, and the Societ6 des AU - tiers Parisiens. Their titles sufficiently explain their duties; the first has its head-quarters in London, the second in Paris. Considering the rapid spread of Socialist doctrines, a correspondent cf the Paq Gazette, who has sought an interview with one of the chiefs in Paris and learned something of the inner life of the system, must be held to have done good service. The chief he " inter viewed " resided in a garret within a stone's throw of the Paris 'Prefecture. The Republican was siuTounded with books and manuscripts—volumes on positive philosophy, Moliere, and other poets. The correspondent's account of the interview runs thus :—After a few preliminary observations, I asked him about the strike at Creuzot, which has just'come to a termination in consequence of the men being unable to hold out any longer. As M. Schneider has always been reputed a kind and liberal master, I inquired if he had not been badly treated by his men. The answer was that from M. Schneider's own shewing he was making 10,000,000 f. a year. When I remarked that this large profit included interest on the capital in vested, he replied that capital should bear no interest; and this is one of the Socialist ideas, deeply rooted, and against which it would have been useless to argue. Find ing that the Republican Socialist exhibited no timidity and was evidently willing to give information, I asked him whether the society to which he belonged had insti gated the strikes at Fourchambault, Conunentry, &c. He attributed these strikes to purely local causes, and said that they received neither material nor moral aid from the central committee of Paris, but were on the contrary, disapproved as so much useless skirmishing. This led me to the main object of my visit, and I thereupon ven tured to ask him point blank whether the society to which he belonged—the International Association—was not endeavouring to brffig about a general strike. Without answering my question categorically he immediately began to expatiate on the effectiveness of such an attack on society, in a manner which left but little doubt in my mind that such an extreme measure was really in serious contemplation by him and his brother agitators. I pointed out that it seemed to me that the working men would almost inevitably succumb in such a struggle, seeing that the capitalists would have the interest of their money, &c., to live on in case of a general strike, while the workmen would not be able to receive such aid as is usual in ordinary strikes from their brother workmen, .inee earning any money, and the accumulated capital of the very recently organised societies in France would not last a week divided among all their members. "Oh, but their capitalowould be no use without labour," he answered. "It would absolutely be no more use to them than a twenty-franc piece would have been to Robinson Crusoe in his desert island. We should take care to make the strike particularly strict and universal in aliptrades having relation to the food supply—when the butchers would not kill meat or the bakers bake bread, it would be a question of who could fast longest." All this, says the writer, sounds like the wild talk of a visionary ; yet it came from the mouth of a very intel ligent, well-educated man, who, though not himself a working man, is in daily contact with the working men of Paris. The conversation went on : But are not all your societies illegal ?—Perfectly so ; only they are now so widely spread that no prefect of police would care to deal with them. In fact, both the Association Inter nationale and the Societd des Tailleurs have been prose cuted and condemned—the one word includes the other. Monsieur, here are the reports of the trials, but these prosecutions caused so much scandal and indignation among the workmen of Paris, that there is little chance of any of us being prosecuted again. Whenever we desire to hold a meeting of more than twenty persons (this is contrary to law) we just send a notice to the Prefect of Police, who sends a commissaire to take notes, and it is understood that so long as we do not pass all bounds of moderation nothing will be said. I think you said that the head com mittee of the Association Internationale sat in London; that is, of course, for political reasons. I suppose the English Ogvernment never interferes in the least with you ?—Oh no ; on the contrary. On one occasion it has protected two of our members. In 1867, two English delegates to the yearly congress, were returning from Switzerland through Fiance ; at the French fr on ti er th e i r b oxes were opene d , an d all their papers seized. When they arrived in England application was made to your Ministre des Affaires Etrangeres, Milord Stanley. He soon settled the business. He ask e d only one question, "Are they British subjects ? " Answered that they were, he at once demanded the papers back through the British Ambassador in Paris, and soon received them. Let me tell you, Monsieur, that the Belgian or Swiss Governments would have asked a long time before they got them. The same writer has obtained possession of some of the rules of the Association Internationale des Travailleurs, taken from the printed statute handed to me by the secre tary. To show how thoroughly democratic the society is, take the following rule :—" Seeing that it is not dignified that a society of working men should admit of the monar chical and arbitrary principle of electing a president (though the president should have no power), purely honorary distinctions being contrary to democratic ideas, the Congress invites all the sections and working societies affiliated to the International Society to abolish the office of president." Another rule says—" All news papers containing attacks against the association should be immediately sent to the General Council of the respective sections." Looking at the tone of some of the resolutions which follow, it is Praable that the sections have made a toler able collection of hostile criticism. At page 13 one finds -" The Congress declares that the society leas the right of abolishing private property in land, and making the soil common property." Further on the ques tion of resistance is dealt with in this manner .—" The Congress is of opinion that all working men should employ themselves actively in creating societies of resistance in the different trades. By degrees, as the societies are formed, it invites the sections and federal groups or cen tral councils to give notice of the same to the societies of the same profession, so as to lead to the formation of international unions of trades. These fede rations will be charged to collect all the information which may interest their respective industries ; to agree upon measures to be adopted in common ; to regulate strikes, and to labour for their success, while waiting for wages to be replaced by the federation of free producers." Afterwards, in accordance th Article V., the Congress invites the working men's societies to communicate to the General Council during the year as detailed a table of statistics as possible upon the number of workmen of each branch on the scale of salaries, the cost of pro duing goods, what they fetch, what the workmen have to complain of, and all the information which can be gathered upon raw material, and the market for each industry. It may not be amiss to add a few extracts from a manifesto put forth by the workmen of Paris at the time of the first strike at Creuzot, in a document which shews pretty clearly their tendencies and doctrines : " All the workmen of Paris (says this proclamation) tend more and more to form one vast federation of fellow labourers organized in a hierarchy, and having at their head a regular responsible ministry, whose duty it is to resist the encroachments of capital, and to enter into com petition with it. Thoroughly convinced that right is might, and that might is order, they have more especially occupied themselves with the creation of order among the masses, and they may be said to have very nearly attained their end. They have made use of the right of meeting, in order to reorganise on a new footing the feudal corpora tions or guilds of trades which 1789 abolished, and in so doing, delivered over the working man, bound hand and foot, to the tender mercies of the capitalists. . . . The end sought by these societies is not to force capital to come to a composition, but to do away with it entirely, and to replace it by the collective capital of the fede ration of working men. . . Working men are thus laying the foundation of a new social edifice, created entirely by them and for them So we shall very shortly see begin between the capital of working men and that of their employers a strike of which all preceding ones could give us but a feeble idea —a pitched battle in fact between the masses, well organ ized and disciplined, and the financial oligarchy which has succeeded the old feudality of the middle ages—a strife between intelligence and intelligence, capital and capital, a manly, downright, and loyal struggle, which , is destined to settle once for all the conditions of modern democracy. Mr. Christopher Hodgson has resigned the trea mirership and secretaryship of Queen Anne's bounty, which he has held between forty and fifty years. /11r. Hodgson, who is eighty-eight years of age, is the author of " Instructions to Candidates for Holy Orders," and several other works on Church matters. The appoint ment is in the gift of the Crown. A woman named Grace Gabbott left Blackpool the other evening at Manchester, When the train arrived at Poulton she was unable to move. The woman was suffer ing from the effects of chloroform. and she died on Tuesday morning. In the pocket of the deceased were found two bottles which had contained chloroform, and were labelled " Chloroform—Poison." A new hospital is beino. erected at Rotherham, and. there has been a strike of the labourers who were em ployed upon the work. Other men have been engaged ; and the builders have complained to the police that every evening, after work has ceased, damage of a more or less serious nature is done to the walls or the scaf folding. The Toronto correspondent of the Guardian de clares " advisedly, that the removal of the troops will have a most dispiriting effect on our colonial soldiery— that it will lead them to believe that Bright's views are triumphant in the Cabinet, and that should England get into trouble with the States, Canada will be left to take care of itself—a country with a population of four millions against one of thirty millions." LABOUR MOT IN SOUTH AUSTRALIA.-011 the Ist of March " a riot of the unemployed " took place in Adelaide. A large proportion of the labour of that colony has, for some years past, been taken up by th Government, but owing to the greatly reduced sums placed at the disposal of the Ministry for Public Works, the demand for labour tins largely fallen off. The Govern ment—hitherto the la'rgest employers of labour—are now incapacitated from giving employment at all. The crops being bad, and trade consequently dull, considerable numbers of labouring men have been thrown out of em ployment, and on the above date hundreds of working men assembled in front of the Government offices demand ing "work or bread," their demonstrations being even tually carried to such a length that mounted troopers were engaged to clear the streets at the point of the sword. Several of the men were arrested, but no life was lost. It was feared that an attack would be made at night on the WA% 41.04b 3 g fleriNik iNg-Urrtdt. Government offices, and troops were kept,ll,!,. readiness to AMERICAN EXCLUSIVENESS. (From the Anglo-American Times) Sir GEORGE E. CARTIER, in a recent debate in the Dominion Parliament, is reported to have said, " Individually the Americans were kindly neigh bours, but as a nation they were the most illiberal in the world, except the Chinese." There is more truth in the remaik of the Canadian statesman than Americans are prepared to admit; indeed there is in it a curious combination of fact and error. It is not because Americans are averse to a fair criti cism that they angrily deny the assertion, for their day of extreme sensitiveness has wine by, but be cause they cannot see its justice. To know what a house looks like, it must be viewed from a point out side, and to appreciate Sir GEORGE'S remark, the observer must be placed in a foreign country. The idea of coupling the great Republic with the Chinese Empire strikes an American as ridiculous, these being the two Ja'thons most widely dissimilar. The one is the oldest, the other the newest of great communities; the one is the most passive and im moveable, the other the most sensitive and progres sive ; the one that people which most looks to the past, the other that which most looks to the future ; the one a despotism ruled by a Brother of the Moon, the other the only genuine Republic which ever took root on this earth. Still extremes are said to meet; and again and again have doctrines of Ame rican policy been not inaptly compared with those of the Chinese both abroad and at home. The truth is, that two dissimilar elements, in extreme, enter into the American system, both being main tained by the great body of the people as the best principles upon which to ground the national policy. The one is in advance of all other countries in its liberalism ; the other is behind all other countries, except China, in its exclusiveness. While the eyes wlr taLeti aaeanced gnaw anti they take credit for leading in the van of civiliza tion, they see nothing of their lagging rear guard on which the eyes of their foreig❑ critics may be fixed. Hence the charge and hence the incredu lity ; for the people who make it and those who dis pute it, are looking at two very different things. On the one hand, Americans regard the vast na tional domain they possess as a trust from the world's CREATOR, to be used for the benfit of man kind. Grounding their policy on this, nothing can exceed the liberality of the measures adopted to wards the word, so far as the invitation gois to make that land the home of the world's industrious ocr. The welcome is extended to all races and tongues to settle on the larid at the disposal of the Government, and to become citizens of the great Re public, possessing equal rights with the native born. Whatever tends to facilitate this ingress is adopted, and has caused a very enlightened code of laws in the relation of the Republic to the rtst of the world in this respect. While all must admit this to be the case, the answer will arise to the lips of many that such a policy was dictated by motives of self-inte rest ; but the reply is that a liberal spirit of legis lation is almost certain to forward the interest of any nation adopting it, and success should not be advanced as a reason for impugning the motives or generosity of those who adopt it. On all matters of legislation, however, where the interests of Ame ricans are brought into collision with those of foreigners, the Republic is said to be actuated by precisely the same motives as those which actuate the impassive Celestials. The design is to bui d a Chinese Wall round ttie Union, so as the more effec tually to exclude the work of other men's hands ; and were it not for the tastes of the individual Americans, the statesmen of the country would long ago have succeeded in raising an impenetrable bar rier, to shackle and shut up the freest country on earth. Not only is this policy seen in the laws enacted, Lut in the motives avowed by the legisla tors in debating the proposed rnea. , :ur,s ; indeed no subject having a foreign connection is ever handled in a liberal sprit by a large Eection of Americans except such as facilitate the ingress of settlers. It is to th's GEORGE CARTIER alluded; it is to this the English and the European press generally point when they write on American exclusiveness; and it is this feeling against the " foreign barbarian" which brings the American in one point of his character so close to the Chinese. Take the Civil War ; and it is found that the most strenuous upholders of rebellion in every other country, fiercely denounced everyozher country which gave aid and countenance to the rebellion at home, showing that what was "sauce" for others, was not "sauce" for them. Take all the fiscal legislation of the United States ; and it is found that the object of the laws is to make the United States supply every want of its citizens, which means the identical policy adopted by the Chinese and Japanese before the red-haired barbarians with gunboats and muskets broke down their ring fence. Take the late Messages delivered in Congress by the PRESIDENT, and the general tone of the debates; and the avowed object is not to forward the na tional trade with mankind on a free field and no no favour, but the absolute exclusion of compe titors, to grasp everything foreigners will give, but to let nothing go in return ; members making ro concealment of this, but urging it on the national attention as the wisest policy for the country to adopt. '1 hat it is a mistake we have little hesi tat:en in asserting, at.d that a wider and more Ca tholic policy will eventually prevail, we have every reason to believe. But it is at the same time evident that officials in the very highest plipes lave much to lear4 in the mere rudiments of politi cal economy. Among the most striking instances of the " want of reciprocity" feeling which dictated Sir GEORGE CARTER'S remark are the extraordinary arguments which have prevailed in America to defeat the clause which could alone have made the Funding Bill a successful measure. We give one or two extracts from the American newspapers : "It dues appear to us that such a proposal (to pay the i❑terest in Europe) implies a very imperfect appreciation of the credit of the United tates Government, and a very derogatory estimate of its dignity. After having gone triumphantly through the war without asking for ono dollar from foreigners, it seems strange, indeed, that we should now open shops in Europe to peddle out our bonds. Such a proposal brings the blush of shame to tln. cheek of every citizen who properly respects the dignity and the independence of the Government." Another says : "Still no harm can result from the passage of a Fun ing Bill that simply permits the Secretary of the Treasur i to receive in exchange our present 6 per cent. 5-20 Bonds for longer bOnds bearing a lower rate of interest, if any holder of the bonds may desire to make such exchange, but no humiliating peddling of our securities through Europe." And this is the way, both in the Senate and ii the House, that the subject is discussed. Now, who that read such remarks, or first bear them, without any knowledge of the subject, would suppose that the Secretary merely designed to get foreigners to whom Americans had sold a thousand million dollars of their bonds to accept on an average 4i per cent. instead of 6 per cent. for the loan ? Here was a simple business proposition calculated to benefit immeusely the tax-payers of the Union ; but because it recognized any agencies out of the country, or any debt due by America to foreigners, implied a small benefit in return to these foreign holders, the bill is denounced as calculated to bring "the blush of shame to the face of every citizen." Well might aleading New York newspaperexclaim, "Is this rank nonsense, or are we insane?" Yet strange as it may appear to the Triliune, there is non sense almost as great which it upholds. A batter in stance reaches us while we write. A letter al pears in the last Nation, which has arrived, awarding high praise to the PRESIDENT fur his words in a recent Message showing that freight money or passage money paid to foreigners is a direct drain upon America—indeed, equal to casting the money into the sea so far as the nation is concerned. At the same time the writer censures the PRESIDENT for arriving at a halt and impotent conclusion; there is but one mode of reviving American shipping, which is to create a vacuum, a demand to stimulate a supply ; "we must exclude all foreign vessels from our ports, and then native vessels will do our carrying trade." The editor fills nearly a column with his reply, h ilf jocular, half grave ; but bad not the writer formerly appeared in the columns of the .Nation we would have imagined that the letter had teen concocted at the office of the paper in a spirit of satire. The fact is that Arncrica com bines the extremes of liberalism and exclusive ness ; and, after all, both flow as a natural con sequence from her institutions. The more en lightened and better educated a man is, the more cos mopolitan will be his views. The more ignorant he is, the more contracted and prejudiced he surely will be come. The masses are less enlightened than the wealthy classes, and as the masses rule in the Union, they must impart in some measure a narrow tone to its legislation. At the same time, as they are the most strenuous upholders of individual liberty, that spirit will also pervade the Government ; but the spread of education is more and more enlightening the masses, and with it will grow a more liberal spirit in legislation on those subjects wherein the American system is now so contracted; and surely 40,000,000 of an enlightened and energetic people, inhabiting the finest territory give❑ to one com munity, might not fear boldly to enter the ring and compete on equal terms in trade, commerce, arts, and science against all corners in the world. RE-OPENING OF THE LEGAL-TENDER QUESTION. Judging from the tone of the American press the ch... Q. R.aearenae Court DTO nouncing Legal-Tender not a valid payment for debt s contracted prior to 25th Feb., 1862, has been gene rally pronounced by the country to be sound law. That an effort was being made to re-open the ques tion in the hope of having the decision reversed was known, and by most journals censured. The outcry against the judgment was attributed to the corpo rations interested, a few politicians, and those lawyers wha had strongly committed themselves to the constitutionality of the Act. But though the nation showed no sign of discontent, a movement against the ruling was progressing in high places; and it is evident from the result that those who wade this assertion were not misinformed. The Nation attributes the scheme of reversing the deci sion to a political intrigue, based on the well-known fancy of the Senate for grasping at power, and on the notorious dislike of Senators to the Chief Jus tice. lYe adhere to the opinion (expressed in this paper last week) that the Executive, through the Attorney-General, has succeeded in getting the case re-opened with the object of protecting the freedom of the Government to act in an emergency. The decision, however, in the case of HEPWORTH V. GRIS WOLD implied a great deal beyond what it settled. It settled, for instance, nothing more than that the Act was not retrospective, and did not therefore affect contracts made prior to its passage ; but that does not declare the law to be unconstitutional, nor raise any issae with Congress on the subject of its power of dealing with Legal-Tender. Such points were carefully avoided, but the arguments used both by .the majority and the minority of the Justices incidentally touched on these ques tions, and it appears probable that if the Court is obliged squarely to meet the issue, it may affirm the Legal-Tender Act from beginning to end to be unconstitutional. It is c'ear that there never existed any necessity for making the Act retrospective, though it is grounded on necessity solely, and jus tified alone by what is called the War Power. Congress made a mistake in not distinctly enacting in the measure that it was not ex post facto, and debtors naturally took advantage of this oversight materially to lighten their burden, or, in other words, to defraud their creditors. A well informed writer in the Philadelphia Ledger asserts that the Court within his personal knowledge has decided several cases, where the question of legal tender was elaborately argued as being involved, but in which the decisions proved it was not involved, as they were given on other grounds. He adds that there are no cases on the docket involving the ques tion, though two are erroneously supposed to do so. The subject hes been argued six times by the ablest counsel in the land, having been held for nearly two years under advisement before being finally adjudged. Several times have decisions in the U. S. Supreme Court on which the Judges have been much divided been brought up again by counsel on a change of judges in the hope of a reversal, but in no -instance have they suc ceeded. The Judges have invariably regarded the the question as closed, though they themselves may have recorded their own opinion against the judgment. Nor can the U. S. Supreme Court be packed or materially influenced by politicians or caucuses. The Judges are not elected by a vote, while their term is for life ; hence when they take their seats, however they may have before inclined to bend to the mandate of a caucus, the atmo sphere of the Court makes nem independent, as has been proved in numerous cases. Again and again have judges, under strong obligations to a party, given decisions in utter defiance of the howl of wrath raised by the very party through whose instrumentality they had reached the Bench. The last man to degrade the Bench will be one of its justices; nor has he . the excuse of judges in many of the other coarts, who are elected by party majori ties, pledged to decide as that party bids, under the penalty of being set aside at the next election. There is nothing the Supreme Court so much respects as its own decisions, and it, is wise in setting such an example to the nation ; therefore we hold to the position we last week took, that the decision will not be overthrown, and that if it is, it will he solely on sound reasons, based on constitutional law. The Nation, in an article on the Senate and the Chief Justice, gives the following problem, commonly known at Washington as"" General G A RFIELD'S Conundrum," as he proposed it in a conversation with Mr. Justice MILLER : "The opinion of the Court carefully avoids the general question of c orstitutionality. It is confined to contracts made prior to Feb. 25th, 1862. The dissenting opinion, OD the contrary, covers the whole subject. It rules that g the law was in any sense essential, the degree of neces sity was for Congress to determine. It affirms that a necessity did exist ; that the necessity was ono of war; and that the Legal-Tender Clause was necessary to meet. it— the degree of necessity being determined by Congress, and the decision of Congress being final. Now, it happens that only a few months since, in the case of the United States against Anderson, the Supreme Court, Justice MILLER, and all, unanimously ruled that Congress has by its own legislation fixed the 20th August, 1866, as the close of the war; and the Court went on to say that there is no reason why this declaration should not be received as settling the question wherever private rights are affected by it. The exigency, therefore, which was the authority of Congress for interfering with private rights in the matter of legal tender as on other matters, was declared by Congress itself, and affi med by the entire Court, to have terminated the 20th August, 1866. What then, asked General GARFIELD, is the authority which upholds legal tenders since August 20, 18,36." Since writing the above we have received the Attorney-General's argument. He said '• A more important decision, in its consequences, it seems to me, was hardly ever made by this Court, as I understand it and have it here. Speaking upon the record, it stands thus: Your Honours have not decided that this Legal-Tender Act did not, as a matter of construction, apply to contracts made before the passage of the Act. If that were so, it would settle no very imporiant and greLt principle ; but your Honours have decided that it was not within the constitutional power of Congress to insert that provision making Treasury notes a legal tender for private debts previously contracted in the statute. We have, then, this position of affairs which bear on private and public grounds. I feel that I have a right to press upon your Honours' notice a statute passed by a large majority in both Houses of Congress, approved by the President, having all the forms of law—the attention of Congress, when it passed, being called to the question of its consti tutionality. With this weight of authority to begin with, on one side a statute substantially acquiesced in by the people of the United States for eight years, more than seven years of which millions upon millions of contracts have been settled to the great loss of the parties to them --a statute which, so far as I am aware, with but one ex ception, has been hold constitutional by every State Court, upon and after the most thorough, elaborate, and exhaustive discussion—a statute upon the constitution ality of which this Court, at a time when, by law, it con sisted of nine judges, did, by a majority only of four to three, enter its judgment. with two vacancies upon the Bench, and it stands, therefore, reducing it to its essence, that upon the judical opinion of a single man, whose voice turned the majority, that great question is adjudicated ; and if (which is a supposable case) it turned out that it was an opinion about which even the deciding judge of the Court had entertained a different opinion at some other time, it would come down to the point that on the differing opinions at different times of his life, of a single man, the whole constitutional power of Congress and the execution in time of the direst national necessity of this long-popular acquiescence and the decisions of State tribunals was to be subverted and set aside and expunged from the practical powers of -this nation by the judgment of this Court, and, upon the question whether it was necessary for the exercise of admitted con stitutional powers, to deciding that that necessity is a judi cial and not a political one. The gravity of such a deci sion, your Honours, 1 have no doubt, justly estimate; that it was my duty, if the question could be presented again with propriety in the exercise of my official functions to do so, seemed to me clear ; and may it please your Honours, involving as it does such a great mass of private interests, but more, because it seemed to me to involve a fundamental principle in the powers of the Government, and in my apprehension to involve the question whether it is ever constitutional to have a rebellion beyond a certain magni tude, I have decided at the earliest possible period to pre sent it to your Honours, when the Court should be full, and to ask that if this is not to be bencelortn and for ever the settled view of this land." It appears, then, that we are justified in what we have said, the-Attorney-General having based his argument almost wholly on the broad cons itutional power of the Governmeht to act in an emergency. —Anglo-American Times. Saints and sinn.ers when thexgetinto a fix use much the same means of wriggling out of it. The Methodists con nected with the Book Concern, finding that they wore ac quiringa disagreeable publicity from the interest an inquir ing public took in its affairs, have been skilfully handling the light so as to throw it in dazzling effulgence on the wrong place, leaving the right place obscured in darkness. Had it not been for the new superintendent who injudi ciously publicly reported peculation, all that clirty linen might have been washed at home; but an investigation was thus necessitated, and "how not to do it" has ever since been the aim of the investigators. A second in quiry followed the first, with which no one was satisfied, and the majority report that there is nothing amiss, while the minority state that there is a great deal wrong. The person most implicated has been appointed to a high office, and the New York papers remark the curious similarity of the proceedings of this religious ring with those of the Tammany ring, or an Erie ring when striving to screen an offender. It is curious to note how important events shower down on the head of an individual, fortunate or unfortu nate, then pass him unnoticed for a long spell. Just at the time that Vice-President Colfax was being elected to the highest post in the land next to that of the President, and during &lithe turmoil and excitement of the con test, he was paying his addresses to his present wife, and his oleo tion and his marriage occurred almost simultaneously. One of the men lately moat discussed in the United States has been Gen. Ames, who was taken from his command in Mississippi and sent by that State to Congress as Sena tor eleot. While the Chamber has been in fierce discus sion over him and his right to the seat, which gives him a place in dignity only atter the Vico-President of the United States, he, if report speaks true, has been paying his addresses to Miss Blanche, the charming daughter of Gen. Butler, to whom it is now said he is engaged, and will speedily be married. A letter has been received at Washington from the Darien Canal expedition, dated March 4th, to the effect that a road had been cut three miles into the inte rior, and a river had been mot which was said to flow int(' the Pacific Ocean. All the party wero well, except Commander Selfridge, who was suffering from lameness, which would prevent him from crossing the Isthmus. Captain Heins, an American, who says he knows a route across the Isthmus of Darien superior to all others, by which he can pass from Aspinwall to Panama entirely by water, has chartered a sailboat to make the voyage, and has gone to Caledonian Bay. There was no doubt that Columbia would ratify the Darien Canal Treaty. An important case lias just been decided by Judge Blatchford of the United States District Court in Admiralty, in the case of John N. Cushing and others against John Laird, the younger The motion was made by the counsel of the defendants to dismiss the attach ment on the ground that the Court had no jurisdiction of the person of the defendant Laird. The ruling of the Judge was very elaborate, wherein he emphatically affirmed the jurisdiction of tho Court in the case, and the motion was denied. The merchants of New York and Boston, who suffered from the depredations of the cruisers, have petitit,ned Congress for a commission to establish proof and certify the amount of their losses, as with time the evidence may vanish, perhaps hereafter throwing insur mountable obstacles in the way of the claimants should the matter continue to lie dormant. It is to be deplored that this matter was not long ago settled, and it is cer tainly hard upon the claimants that they should have to suffer from the delay. The lion. George B. Upton, of Boston, has managed to write a letter to Earl Russell without once addressing that Peer as "My Lord." Mr. Upton does not object to term the Earl "Right Honourable," but the stern Republican can't bring himself to write "My Lord." The letter was a reply to the objections made by Earl Russell in the introduction of his recent volume to Mr. Upton's statements in his petition to the U. S. Senate against the settlement of the Alabama dispute on the terms proposed by the Clarendon-Johnson Treaty. Mr. Upton upholds his assertion that the Alabama and her consorts were British built, British manned, and British armed— the last two being digputed by the Earl. Three-fourths of the persons on board the Alabama when she left the Mersey were British subjects, three of them belonging to the Naval Reserve; and when sunk between 80 and 90 per cent. were British, four being of the Reserve. If Mr. Upton will turn to the list of the crew lost in the Oneida he will find that most of them were British born ; and if he overhauled the crew of the Kersarge it would be seen that many had been born subjects of Queen• Victoria. The tru h is that no two ships can fight in any part of the world without finding ou board Britisher arrayed against Britisher; and it could scarcely fail to be otherwise, con sidering how many of the population of the British Isles take to the seas, and how enterprising, and we may add how unscrupulous, many of them are. Governor Senter of the State of Tennessee received a despatch from General Butler inviting him to Washington, to testify before the Reconstruction Com mittee touching the condition of affairs in rennessee. He was to leave Nashville for Washington on Monday, March 28.—Mr. Trumbull recently introduced a bill into the United States Senate "for the encouragement and protection of dramatic compositions, by securing to the authors and proprietors of the same the right of exclusive property therein for the term of ten years." THE STATE OF lOWA.—The total population of lowa in 1869 was 1,040,819. Number of dwelling-houses in 1865, 114,351; in 1869, 183,921: Number of families, 187,407. Number of acres of land in cultivation 6,109,743. Bushels of spring wheat harvested, 16,823,520; winter wheat, 1,140,035; total of wheat, 17,963,555. Number of bushels of corn, 76,507,575. Fruit trees in bearing, 1,539,913; number not in bearing, 4,100,2(17. Number of hogs of al ages, 2,403.679; cattle 2,108,669. Number of mulch cows, 367,602. Number of sheep, 2,370,206. Pounds of wool shorn, 4,478,934. Number of horses, 482,786. Value of manufactures, $ 16 , 061 , 210 . Number of acres of land assessed, 30,109,771. Assessed value of laud and town lots, $222_,561,061; of personal property, $71,971,191. Total assessed valuation, $294,532,252. Number of miles of railroad, 1,900. The population of lowa in 1817 was 116,651; increase in 23 years, 921,168. MAILS FOR CONSTANTINOPLE via FRANCE AND AUSTRlA. —lnformation having been received of the re opening of the navigation of the Danube, closed mails for Constantinople, for conveyance by the route of France, Vienna, Ru,tchuk, and Varna will be made up at this office on the evening of every Tuesday and Friday, and supplementary mails on the morning of every Wednesday and Saturday, until further notice. No more closed mails for Constantirople will be forwarded via Trieste, so.long as the more direct route, via Ilustchuk and Varna, remains open.— General Post-office, April 11. Gen. Butler some time since nominated Charles Sumner Wilson, a coloured youth, as a cadet at West Point The cadet has been rejected in the War Depart ment for wanting eight mouths of the ago required by law, which is 17 years. MONETARY REP OKI S-YESTERD AY. •.t'ne tone of the stock market to-day has been less favourable. Numerous sales have been made to realise profits, and a degree of weakness has in consequence been Imparted to prices. Consols have been fiat, at a relapse of *, at 94, 94i for delivery, and 94k, 94i for May. Reduced and New Three per Cents 92a, 92k. Exchequer Wll4, par, 53. prem. India Five per Cents have been done at 113, 113 i, and India Bonds 205., 255. prem. English railway stocks have again been pressed for sale. and lower prices have ensued, except, however, in the case of Midland, which has recovered from yesterday's extreme depression. Metropplita,n has fallen *, Cale donian -1, -London and Brighton 1, and Great Northern (A) :1, and Great Western *. - Indian Stocks have been quiet. Canadian shares bSVO continued steady in value, with a moderate inquul• Foreign shares have been firmer, and Lombards ha" risen . _ The market for foreign bonds opened steadily, at a further improvement in some instances, but on a prepon derance of sales, prices gave way. Towards the close, however, a rally ensued, and the quotations again re covered. Chilian (1870), Turkish (1862 and 1869), ad' vanced ; Peruvian (1865), Italian (1861), , and Turkish (1865) 6 per Cents., 4 1 . _ • ' American Securities have been quiet. The Five' Twenties (1887) bonds have fallen and Virginia, 1. _ . . British Mining shares have been depressed, lissheton have receded Other mines also have been dull, and Pacific have been easier. Bank shares have been firm, and there has been a ten dency to higher rates. In the market for telegraph shares there has been .a continuance of quietness, and prices have been without important change. In Miscellaneous securities the busintes doing has been very moderate, and prices have shown no quotable change. There has been a good supply of money in the discount market to-day. The demand for accommodation bee been less active, and three months' paper has been talon at 24 per cent. _ No bullion operations have taken place at the Bank to day. The Clearing-House return for the week ended April 20th, shows a total of £60,403,000. At a meeting of the Oriental Bank Corporation, it W resolved to hold a meeting on the 26th of May, to vote Mr. Gordon a sum of £5OOO in recognition of his past ser vices. The Singapore Gas Company recommend a dividend at the rate of 7i per cent. less income tax. The dividend of the Scottish Australian Mining Coal' pany will be at the rate of 6 per cent. per annum. At a meeting of the Orienial Bank Corporation, it was shewn that there was a profit on the year of £187,962' A dividend of 6 per eent. was paid in November last, ab soibing £90,000, and a like dividend of 6 per cent. WO to-day declared, to be paid free of income tax on the tia proximo. A balance of £7,962 was carried forward. The report of the Scottish Australian Mining Conn:ail (Limited), to be presented on the 29th inst., shews a profit for the half-year of £4,884. A dividend at the rate of 6 per cent per annuli.' is recommended, which will a bsorb £3,825, and leave a balance of £1,059. The sales of coal have amounted to 79,227 tons, at the old price of 8a• ner tnn. The following are "'the" railway refl. - fins for the past week :—Great Northern, £40,445; increase on the cor responding period of last year, £1,035. Lancashire ana Yorkshire £56,348 ; increase, £10,016. Great Eastern, £41,495 ; increase, £3,143. Caledonian, £39,921;' crease, £379, Bristol and Exeter Railway, £7,813 ; crease, £432155. 10d. Great Western, £81,762 ; increase, £5,625. Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, £22,60; decrease. £135. MARKETS-YESTERDAY. IiONDON TRADE REPORT, THIIRSDAY.—The tallow Mark ed ,. is flat. Y. C., spot, 445. 6d. ; last three months, 455. 3d. per oNry• METROPOLITAN CATTLE MARKET, THIIRSDAY.—The cattli trade has been quiet to-day, and the quotations have been with' out material change. The supply of beasts has been moderato In all kinds sales have progressed slowly, at the rates previously current. With sheep the market has been more freely suppliel The demand has been inactive, and prices have had a droop'' tendency. Lambs have sold at late quotations. Calve s h ave b e en dull'' Beasts have changed hands at from 3s. to s s. ; s h ee p, 35. ,„ ' „ l ' v ,, ss. ; lambs, Bs. ; calves, 48. to 5 5 . Bd. ; an d p i gs, 4s. 6d. to 55. 51 per Sibs. to sink the offal. Total supplies—Beasts, 657 ; aPe o ei r and lambs, 10,210 ; calves, 211. F ore i gn ; B easts, 125 ; sa e"d and lambs, 3,390 ; and calves, 135. BOROUGH AND SPITALFIELDS POTATO MARICBTI THURSDAY.—These markets hav e b een mo d era t e ly supplies with potatoes. The trade has been quiet as follows •„, English straws, 120 s. to 130 s. ; r egen t s , 100 s. t o 120 5 . ; ScotetS regents, 100 s. to 120 s. ; rocks, 90s. to 100 s. ; an d F renc h, 755. 10Js. per ton. METROPOLITAN HAY AND STRAW MARKET, TiIuRSDA:t• —The supply has been short. The trade has been (1 1118 1 as follows :—Prime meadow hay, 80s. to 85s. ; inferia ditto, 60s. to 70s. ; rowen, 50s. to 6.55. ; prime cloveri 110 s. to 1265. ; inferior ditto, 80s. to 955. ; prime second-CuY clover, 100 s. to 1108. ; inferior ditto, 80s. to 90s. ; and straw , M. to 30s. per load. LONDON PRODUCE MARKET, THITILSDAY.—Tea has beef dealt in to a fair extent, at late rates. Sugar has bee n d u ll, b e l without change. Brown to good strong yellow refining bougar, in at 30s. Od. to 355., is. 6d. less money being offered. Coffee /la* been dull and drooping. Low middling to good middling colon/ plantation Ceylon, 655. to 745. Rice has been dull, but aro. Hemp and jute have been inactive. LONDON 31ETAD MARKET, THIIRSDAY.—Iron has been Mini and there has been a healthy inquiry for tin. Copper has bee"' quiet. LONDON OIL MARKET, "'TITRSDAY.—Linseed oil has bee," quiet, at 325. ed. spot. Ra t ., oil firm. English brown, 31 04 423. 3d. to 425. ed. LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, THURSDAY.—The market is firm. Sales 12,000 bales, including 3,000 export and specula tion. BRADFORD WOOL TRADE, TIMRSDAY.—Since the holidail business has begun to look more hopeful. There was a fair In quiry to-day for best descriptions of lustre wool, which, being short supply, are a little dearer. Skin wool was also dearer, O n rather more active. The more abundant wools, stift as medium and halfbreds, are less in demand ; but am lone of prices throughout is against buyers. Fresh transaction . in alpaca are reported at 2s. 50. per pound. In worsted yl there is more inquiry by export merchants for singles, chie thirties, but also to a limited extent forties and lustre yarn' Twofolds are still much neglected. Spinners in some cases ba l l advanced their quotations, and the general tendency of price. upward. The home trade is quiet. There is very little fresl business in piece goods. Merchants are busy indoors, but not yet ordering autumn goods. GLASGOW IRON MARKET, THURSDAY.—Scotch pif; been firm, at 58s. 7i-d. spot, and 58s. No. one month. CORK BUTTER MARKET, THURSDAY.—Ordinary flrst 1225. ; seconds, 1225. ; thirds, 985. ; . fourths, 80s. ; fifths, 60s. sixths, not quoted ; 1,040 firkins in the market. Mild cured ,s firsts and seconds, not quoted ; thirds, 101 s. ; 77 firkins in I '7 market. PARIS CORN MARKET, Arm 12.—Wheat quiet, but fl 60c. higher. Rye firm, 20 ;to arrive, no change ; quiet, tendlui fiat. The Bavarian Ministry has introduced a bill in favour of direct elections with secret voting. Many changes (according to the Pall Mall Gazette) are likely to take place at the Board of Admiralty at 1 0 distant date. LADvEarfszuzwv.j—Efenceforth no one will doubt the valuable properties of Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta l[rabico, Invalids' and Infants' Food, since to the thousands of blessing ° it has already received from Invalids whos position had been deemed hopeless, we may now add that of his Holiness the PoPel whose health has been perfectly restored by it after thirty years of unsuccessful medical treatment. We quote from the "Gazette flu Midi," July 25th :—" Rome, July 21, 1866. - The health of the 1 ,101 / Father is excellent, especially since, abandoning all other ITO °. dies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barry's Revalentf Arabica Food, of which he consumes a plateful at every I : o ° 9 ',i It has produced a surprisingly beneficial effect on his health, 5„,. 0 . his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly." " extract a few out of more than 68,000 cures: — Cure No. 58,216, 0, the Marchioness de Brehan, of seven years' liver complaiu4, wasting away, debility, nervousness, with a nervous palpitati?n all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, and the most 11._ tolerable nervous agitation. Cure No. 1,771: Lord Stuart Decies, Lord-Lieutenant of Waterford, of many years' dyspep sia, No. 49,832: " Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsi: nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, sPasV i .: sickness, and vomiting —Maria Joly." Cure No. 46,270: James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of 30 years' diseased lung!. spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness. IT., portant Caution—Beware of the many unsavoury and mor ©big; sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron L name is most audaciously attached. In tins, at is lid; Ilb 2e Vd; 2 lb is 6d; 51b 1184_ 121 b 2- 15; 24 lbs 4 s.— tlso Do BARRY'S REVALRNTA RABIC& CHOCOId „, : POWDER is packed in tin canisters: for 1t cups at 28, for 24 03 ) ; at 38 6d, for 48 cups at6s, for 268 cups at 30 s, for 576 cup s at d, —being about one penny per cup. The 30 s and 558 tins are se free of carriage in England on receipt of Post Office BARRY Du BARRY and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; ap all Grocers and Chemists. BIRTHS. CAZENOVE —On the 21st inst., at 6, Beaufort-gardens, the wife of Frederick Cazenove, Esq, of a daughter. lirm..—On the 20th inst., at the Royal Mint, the wife of 11 * 13. Hal, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIAGES. CALLEJAS—SKINNER —On the 21st inst., at the Catholic Church, St. Joseph's, Kingsland, Juan Francisco Coileja°l Esq., of Chinandega, Nicaragua, 0.A., late of T o ttenhar a, Middlesex, to Susan Elizabeth, only daughter of t he lota Robert Skinner, Esq., of Southgate-road, Loudon. RAY—ELEY -On the 16th inst., at St. James's Piccad 11l George Young, son of the late W. 11. Ray. of T h°r ,,l lfruse, Ealing, to Jane, daughter of the late R. Elen Ileclgerley-green, Bucks. DEATHS. PRINGLE —O n Easter Monday, at the British Consulate, kirk, France, Sir Norman Pringle, Bart., of Newhall, age 82 of W AL KER -On the 20th inst., Oliver 0. Walker, Esq., Chesham, Bury, aged 78. London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDE W ,, S i of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office,_No• Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the CollatY Middlesex.—Friday, April 22, 1810. ,__ ,_ Ku\ b yhia .Liz e P - , ,1 • th e c A It gt I~U~ h)3 4‘ ,, d able Wee] 04 4 frl kit hoo, Ei aPar e rY ' ) ture.ahill( h e s a l at kl c4 re tallai i c te s h e AO; Opel) 11 °Z The E th e f or t ress f 4, trui ti e - 4lGai i, „lo t , Ai • lip x,, 0 4i t ,",t s ti C I,t o `t,Ltßl e th, nt e , ehairTz Dk, Mit t k" a'lit'c 14 b B tr e , ti EFE , tl n e ti ues tle m3tl 3 , n e , D44 , 14. 0 , 3? , may Cle a i ill4 141 th :P 4 R -o on ll t he 14 , I 1 72, isi ~,. ,___