The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-29 00:00:00

NT. hereto ',re been ist him ; f his tad was the npted to d r etired enough) is block - Frannize:, ,elthead a a broad• ;le to se re° corn► I cheers' way , de the h e pr• ' cl pnopolieh petition. he were ; but he of that ught d able t() is and all -rly luch nciple Of ht a rrive thou ao ,i t h loud the Be" eateucled liamo ts, theY Nay w ith of t h A ° stern L propos e , a d heel id of the the Cot they n ot I that ob the time , rajority , when be hem, lied 'lan cross vas the ir , d lf • himse the 1 0 1 ,downer s m then Tar the Ile' !atm sod aid th!t to their He '7l O did but i f y yeQuee n the ari l " aind thi° istoerael all their le them" on their se to th e eir very !nentiee; a rePe l " menu" eir corn r, 9 'h c : at rent being g Lis right Zeso " ion to en con' Ling the lairman, aeasores :h would deficient eceding qinq se ; 7ge r tinao fur Si; F lebole: st nig ht )roman ,r taking • in th e *. greeted f blage o ing to ° ,Icoined rpas- iings l e 0 0 a gen r of ,entle" Fie de decde en"' le 011 0 modore c a P s . for P r atiolo, e 6 " t ▪ my" jser of .reLa r i' ✓i t e ticm• a n u ,holo rool • tak e in ii` s ac 3 1 of e s uo a t tr r'e d Power • that d • an erirg' Ira f ° ' ntisi• .11 , Iter ed ; 0,1 y y ova s ,, a t 'l ,ors . 5 . ) exl°' ° e Ad", ion is n o in the han to I' 6 ' t y oeto • l ot ioci 'ether ;la b ° a ritl' 000 0 rd, no to , I sal- on ` r e the in it. . st ar) con oted fr t)11' biro Fre -13- ' 40 11 ef ec Ofr dee •-• i n 0 , Oil , ) , rri". B ing I . the - pier- itY- ,ton i uttU tt (ijl' tate" MORNING EDITION silent in the idveiiieinent, that the meeting last night broke Ns in confusion ?—( Cheers. ) Mr. WALL explained that he referred only to the meeting at the Yorkshire Stingo, on Thursday the 20th of this month. --(Laughter and cries of "Oh, oh.") Air. 11 LUMER then proposed, and Mr. Field seconded the restitution, pledging the electors present to support Sir C. Na pier, as a candidate to represent the borough of Marleyhone at the neat election. The resolution having been put from the Chair, was carried ItY a majority of 248 to 11. An Etzcl:oo. asked Sir C. Napier whethef he would resign !Ls command in the event of his being returned for the oore nag h ? Sir C. NAPIER—That question is easily answered. I have been down to the Admiralty to night, and I have resigned my command-4 Cheers. ) Thanks having been voted to the Cha i rman, Mr. Smart pro posed thre e c h eers f or th e Commodore, which were given most heartily, w i t h t h ree :t i mes t h ree, and the i meeting separated in the greatest possible g ood humour. UTCH . Tilt Hac UE D , M A y 26, —His MAIL Royal Highness Prince Join /Me, who, on his arrival in this town put up at the Hotel of the French Ambassador, Bai-on Bois le Comte, dined the day before yesterday with the Kin g and the Royal Family, and in the evening vi si t e d t h e F renc h Th ea t re . Y es t er d a y hi s R o y a l Highness went to view whatever was worthy of notice in this Vy and its environs, and gave audience to the members of the Tgoznatic bodies and to the Kin3's Ministers. We understand Mat his Royal Highness will set orLt this evening for Rotterdam rd Flushing. • His Highness the 13 eke of Nassau is expected "L! , on Friday, and after a short stay . P reparations are making at Nimegut n, will proceed to London. of great joy Amersfort, and other towns to receive his Majt sty, whose ex,pected visit is a subject a terrible , to the inhabitants. %Ln, Ala Y 24.—Yesterday afternm n, about five o'clock, occurred he re. Al ' "- te ,,_ accident 1 ,..'n drive with his family, the traces broke, and the horses hechaiseing unmanageable, dragged the Geveral out of the arse, who pitched on his head, and was so severely injured that died before eleven o'clock the same evening. DUTCH. FUNDS.—ASISTECDAM, MAY t 6 Money .• TVs. Actual Debt. 2% per Cent Oitto, ditto 5 per cent. DAssert Syndic 4% percent uoN 91 itto, di tto ' , • "'"" *********** " 7 , 3 4 7434 , 3% per cent. Cet2notri.efela Company , 4)i, per cent ' 1 1F5 ITI”e r!" 0135 and 1837) 5 per cent. ...... ****** 101% 104.' tni 18 37, 5 per cont. KaLmanne on London, 01h, 97% One month l2 05 , Dutch Two months ..... " ll V 5 Papers, May 27. FS ELWAN 10 UND3—nanams , MAT 26. Actual Debt, 51% per Cent. f tothschild's Loan, S per Cint ..... ...... 100% Loan of 'l'hirty Millions, 4 per Cent..." ..... 93 --- 3 per Cent. ------ ••Thirty.seven-- ..... ... 70'4 ....._ , .„—_—_. (I F4:0) 1( 034 Loan of City, 1932,-1 per Cent Bl% Society of commerce, 45.iper Cent.. ....... Rank of Melanin), 5 per Cent."... ...... Nationa I Society . ••• Exchange on London (short) ....Brussels Papers. May 2 6• ~., A USTRIAN FUNDS.—Vaanrus, MAY 19 10.1 e per Cants. M e t a lli ques • jog itr per Cent 5................ ..... ..... ..... " .s ' ; !hree per C ents Han k Shares. . ...... ........... ............. ""Allgemeine . .......... May 2:3, ri A a u n s kt rian S H ar A3IBURG BOR*ENHALLE, May. Bl. Mons) per Cents. .... ............ ....... ..... 16 1816 1_09 % ,on s 14,iti.n.Ruse,ian Loan l O -54 108 % / tii3Bl4 n 5 per Cent. let series, Cortificate iirlaerlption, IstrSeris lO2 " " a n 5 Per Cent. Hope and Co. 3d and 4th , Eii„e.r ie' ' 9 . 07 4 14 oin t ertilicatcs r j, 4 per Cent. (1S40) B7 bill; Ditto. Actual Debt, !isi per Cent 5 1 14 p . ................... 5 per Cent o,lth Bonds • 143 1 4 .... New ticket 5rknA,1.,,.1). anish Loan, 3 per Cent -751, 75 ~.. gian Loan, Ih3 t, 4 per Cent.... ji 1.4 10'2 , 4 "'WI, New 5 per Cents. l93i 3 , zisi 114 ‘IDURO EXCHANGES ON LONDON. M , MAY 25.-13 B .— T wo mon th s , 13 61 4 . 13ERLIM, AY Slocanota MAT 10venty.five days 11. 47. 24 —Three months, 6, 194. RA, I , nB illatOAD ACCIDENT.—DEATH THROUGH Z'3SENCE OF SURGICAL ASSISTANCE.—OR Wed ak an inquest was holden by F. H. Gell, Esq., at chin '3llssex Comity Hospital : Brighton, on George Hut -89. aged 18. Richard Hines, was a labourer on the ii, n `Lon and Brighton railroad, and was at work on 11 - 'e line on Sunday last, at Maiden Bower, near aid Tunnel. He saw the deceased on , -° ,The 'brick s in a waggon going along the temporary the'tl;,...." drawn by three horses, and on arriving near white House, the Company's beer-shop, he got de wn t 0 turn the points to carry the wheels from one li ne of the rails to the other, when his foot slipped, and ther wagg on -attached to the one from which he had yo u t d ' u rn passed. over his thigh. Coroner—When do w a n s ay this happened ? Witness—On Sunday . about °clock. The deceased was quite sensible,. and he i tir bl 'eught about two o'clock to this hospital. A 14,, °r-- -Wa s no surgeon sent for ? Witness—Yes,___ as not Smith, but he was not at home. W three done for him from ten o'clock tilltwo . or , --No except giving him some water, which he "Led for. What is the distance from the place where the • ident ha pp ened?—l should think about 12 mil es. Mr. w• Whitehouse, one of the surgeons of the i nstitution, kid the deceased was not brought in till ab ou t th ree ° 'elock. He had lost a great quantity of blood, and was e vidently dying. h thigh. He had received a ve r y severe injury the The femoral artery was w oun d e d an d t h e b one shattered. As soon as three surgeons were pre tent, which was in a few minutes, the injured limb was Inputated, but the deceased died about a quarter of an afterwards. Coroner—lf the blood had been stopped • lirst, d o yo u think he would have survived ? Witness d o ves ; if the femoral artery had been tied, it would no 'e saved life; the muscles were cut completely 0 t %„, - `ler: The jury returned a verdict, that death was partl y partly in consequence of being . run over and -TY through the absence of proper surgical assistance. tbr, 44 , 4 UNcut OF THE S OLWAY .--O n F r id ay, d yke li kbuilding yard of Mr. J. M'Mill an, Crawfards lt,', tireenock, presented an i n t eres ti ng an d an i mate d ar ance. The colossal Solway, of 1,871 tons, on the ~.4YB, .eady to be launched into the sea, was a powerful ": I , r aetion to thousands of the inhabitants. At twelve ° cl . ,, ea ' e k noon this gigantic steam-ship commenced sliding 1 :',11 the ways in tine style, but from . the want of water her stew stuck in the mud. With the assistance of an additional r a mer, she was safely moored next tide at the East n bet, ‘.cuay. This is the first of the ten steam-frigates, to the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company, w wi t i',nts yet been built of British and African oak, and ster n " la Pnal iron and wood fastenings, from stem in to 6urri z e is ni d n9 one in her Majesty's steam-frigates.—Ed - Courant thellpr.4l•ll4) MAY 21.—His Royal Highness k art .Ineof Prussia arrived here the day before yesterday, del..:ll.li.r.t:ileaitmetrhesbofurgh, though he was not expected on that ve ry sh uns to Highness performed the long journey in the andfour days and sixteen hours. su ppliedßristol markets are abundantly air at eh "u new potatoes that are grown in the open wht is near gr ow , tddar and Axbridge ; they are as fine as those Penzance and the price is about one half of a'il eirtirged for the Cornish potatoes.—Bath Chron. duringEil t!iLtellou. The town of Doncaster has, ' l st week, been canvassed, on the part of Lord th a n d r i h e a s : u e lt a . iso r r b h o e ‘, f -- " I l e l .,", Milton, with the most satisfactory n ave not "'is of the Hon. John Stuart Wortley -n c anvassing for that gentleman ; but we G euti seen any public announcement of that H . o . --shoelnan's intention of offering himself for the Riding. ?waster Gazette. D o ncaste r - ` 4 OF STROUD ANTI-CORN-LAW tablevt'st-.-sTitATlox.—.lVe have to congratulate the respec takentnhabitants of Stroud on the prompt steps they have t ,` ) wiPe away the stain which the proceedings of to their 41nti-Corn-law meeting on Thursday last affixed inde character as a liberal constituency. It would wiiiie°_,,be strang e if the electors of Stroud should be 1 6 n 0 ,2 to stultify their own choice, by opposing the po deet t, their r epresentative, now when his liberal con sul, nas Proved hi m more than ever worthy of their 41.I)10trt. We ha ve not been so unjust as to bl ame th e p ate: ef Reformers for the acts of a few misguided lif t „," e kno w i t i s easy for men to raise an outcry, and h ave their m ost sweet voices " at a public meeting, whoy e no stak e i n the town, nor interest in its prosperity. eeeti' pithl ic meetin g h av i ng b een called, and the .pro ut,,:ngs perverted f rom the i r only real purpose, it was de,i,,krY for the honest Anti-Corn-law Reformers to iviti o nie means t o ma k e the i r voice heard in unison aer t ,, i t : e rest of the nati on at t hi s i mportant crisis, and. s ~;,"."Igl* this evenin g a meet i ng was held in the Sub- Roc Room, • for th e purpose of passing resolutions, iu 4. 4 fitecing to a petition to the youse;lf is Co i n .o l e m e o m n i s . i,,' 4 ‘on r of the Ministerial proposition. ' e fis caries Very opportunely at the present imoment,.ppend ure".„"._edisctission of Sir Robert Peel's motion of want forwunitdence in Ministers—a motion evidently brought the in s by the Tories to avoid being forced to commit A n , tr op - e ves before the country on this important ques- Iv a ; :,On the .motion of Mr. Partridge, Mr. Parsons I' D ., b e ,aiksd to the chair. After several spirited and intel o4" SPevehes had been made, a petition to the House eQ t ',"'illons in favour of the Ministerial Corn-law and s,i,l-o.lrcreial Reforms, was agreed to.--Chencaham Exa , " Alt, Al t "'LNG OF THE LIBERALS.—The Hon. Porteseue, the eldest son of Lord Ebrington, (I„l's* accepted the invitation to offer himself as a can lur7tl,. for tlae representation of this borough, he arrived pt,,ii "ide a l London on Saturday evening last, accm :lntl!'" by Isaac Nicholls, Esq., and T. W. Fox, Esq., Manediately proceeded to the Mechanics' Institute, wher e k nit a larg e and influential body of electors had te..;- Zi;` l , ‘ „?. , ed for the purpose of hearing a declaration of his b J,L.tt!cal sentiments. Many hundreds were unable . to I;ifi rt admittance —the hall, gallery, stairs, and lobbies crowded. W. France, Esq., was voted in the , aill a ir• The applause. when the Honourable Gentleman 11`:e on the platform was almost deafening. After lie th:ntaddressed the meeting at considerable i length, reso s Were agreed to, in which the Liberals pledged oiselves to do their best to secure his election.—Ply 'neath J ournw. LI E • b oro • CfI oNEERING.—Th e pa r ty f ee li ng i n t h e , Thz , nt ng.ll is roused up to the highest point of excite sqoibs, a d dressing themselves to the reason, the Y cur _ "H, and th e b aser passions of the electors, are cir ht,r,ttl in every direction, and meeti ngs are almost daily •m r ', l( l . l l each interest. Th e Gall ant C aptain (Boldere) and W. .1. L ys l ey have issued a ddresses during the but of Mr. Nceld th e electors have h ear d not hi ng. I Vitt s hi re Independent. e t , tv _ ANNUAL DEBATE ON THE CORN , Council of the League had decided to con htur a meeting of deputies in London on the 2d ofJune! 01 : as the notice of motion given by Sir Robert Peel th e y Possibly prevent any debate from taking place on cOntorit-law in the present Parliament, the Council will r'nt themselves with urging upon their friend s to be i'eo_Pared in thzir several localities fora possible dissolu -11.----Anti-Brea- Tax Circular. o tt , ke rie . - ) O P.--The hay harvest has already eerie rise _ ed in this neighbourhood. On Tuesday last, twelve 4 1 , 1 .w . cr . e hard at work in one of the flood fields belong t e,t ie o his Grace the Duke of Portland, cutting down one most luxuriant crops we ever witnessed.—Doncas ,ciazette. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, May 28. TheLoup CHANCELLOR took his Seat ai the usual hour. The Bishop of RIPON presented several petitions from various places in his diocese, praying for Church Ex tension. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from a place in the county of Gloucester against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Lord KENYON presented seTeral petitions from places in the county of Lincoln to the same effect ; also a similar petition from the county of Essex. The Earl of HADDINGTON presented petitions from Forfar against any interference with the Scotch system of banking. Lord SONDES presented petitions from Dover, places in the county of Kent, and other places, against any alte ration in the Corn-laws. _ _ The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented a petition from Turley, in Gloucestershire, against the profanation of the Lord's Day by Sunday trading on rivers and canals. Lord ASHBURTON presented a petition from the shipowners and builders of Whitehaven against any alteration of the timber duties. The Noble Lord said he would not then discuss the question, but he wished to relieve the public from the delusion that the Government measure was not one of taxation ; on the contrary, it was one of taxation to a very considerable extent. SPANISH LEGION. The Marquis of LONDONDERItY said he wished to know why no advertisement had been given out of the third payment of the claims of the Legion, which would become due on the Ist June. Ile wished to know if there was any reason why that advertisement was not issued. Viscount MELBOURNE said he was not prepared at present to answer the question, but would make inquiries on the subject. VICTORIA PARK. On the motion of Viscount DUNCANNON, the Vic toria Park Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Thursday next. The Earl of WICKLOW complimented the Noble Viscount on the exertions he had made to redeem his promise to the public on this subject. The Earl of GALLOWAY p . resented a petition from Wigtown against any alteration in the Scotch Banking system. OATHS. Lord DENHAM presented a petition from a Baptist congregation in Leamington Priors, Boston, in the county of Lincoln, Worslem, in Staffordshire, Sutton Borough, in Cornwall, Mount Zion Cha pel, Northampton, Devonshire Square Chapel, Lon don, and from some other places; against taking oaths, and praying for the indulgence in this respect allowed to some other sects. The Noble and Learned Lord said he apprehended these petitions had been intrusted to him under an impression that he was about to introduce some measure on the subject, but he had not entertained any such intention. Still he thought that any member of a religious body, stating that he had an objection to take an oath, should be allowed to make affirmation ; and if he (Lord Denman) received any encouragement to do so, he would introduce a short measure on the subject. The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce in the city of Bristol, against the proposed alteration in the timber duties. The Earl of GLENGALL presented petitions from the county of Tipperary, against any alteration in the Corm-laws. On the motion of the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, the Ecclesiastical Commissioners Bill was read a third time and passed. Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from St. Luke's, in favour of opening the Vauxhall and Waterloo Bridges to the public. ARMS (IRELAND) BILL. Messengers from the Commons requested a confer ence with the House of Lords on the Arms (Ireland) Bill, and the following Peers were appointed on behalf of the House :—the Earl of Devon, Lord Stradbroke, Earl Ducie, Lord Camoys, the Bishop of Chichester, and Lord Sudeley. The Managers retired, and, on their return, reported that they had met the Managers of the Commons, headed by the Attorney-General of Ireland, and had received from them the reasons why the Commons had disagreed with their Lordships' amendments. The reasons were ordered to be taken into consideration on Thursday next. The House then adjourned till Thursday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 28. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'Clock. Mr. Crafer presented papers from the Treasury. The Reports of the Committees on the following Bills were brought up by Mr. BERNAL :—The Blackburn Improvement Bill, the Nuffield and Farringdon Road Bill, the Wakefield Water Works Bill, the Covenden In closure Bill, and the Tinsley and Doncaster Road Bill. The Report on the Belfast and Cavehill Railway Bill was ordered to lie upon the table. IPSWICH DOCKS BILL, Mr. KELLY moved the third reading of the Ipswich Docks Bill. Mr. WOLVERLEY ATTWOOD moved the intro duction of a clause to limit the amount of the tolls to be levied by the Commissioners. Mr. KELLY objected to the clause. The object of the oils was to pay off a heavy debt of 70,0001. incurred by he Commissioners. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the :ouse divided, when there - appeared— For the clause 29 Against it 92 Majority Mr. ATTSVOOD then moved an amendment to the effect that an equal toll should be placed on all vessels whether they belonged to the port of Ipswich or not After a short conversation the House divided, when there appeared— For the amendment 39 Against it 96 . . . . Majority against the amendment... —57 The Newry Navigation Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of Mr. GRIMSDITCH the Salisbury Small Debts Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. On the motion of Mr. EWART the Wigan Small Debts Bill was read a third time and passed. DISTRESS IN THE MANUFACTURING DIS TRICTS. Mr. SCHOLEFIELD gave notice that on Thursday, June 3, he should move a resolution to the following ef sit :—" That the extreme suffering of the industrious classes from low wages and want of employment renders it the imperative duty of Parliament not to separate until they had devised some measures for alleviating the great misery whicji now prevailed throughout all the manufac turing districts of the country. ST. ALBAN'g ELECTION. Mr. WYNN gave notice that he would on 'Wednesday next, if the present debate were brought to a termina tion, or otherwise on the first day after the debate was closed, move a question of privilege—a resolution for the prosecution of Dr. Webster for bribery at the St. Alban's election. Mr. SANFORD wished to observe that if the Com mittee on the St. Alban's election had intimated to him its desire to prosecute the party in question, he should have been ready to accede to their request. As however he had received no intimation on the subject, he did not feel it his duty to take any proceedings in the matter. On the motion of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, the Stamp Duties Bill was read a third time and passed. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the House at its rising adjourn to Wednesday next. Sir R. PEEL said that it had been stated that he brought forward his motion with the view of interfering with the discussion on the question of the Corn-laws. He (Sir Robert Peel) dis claimed any such motive, and if the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) had proposed that instead of meeting on Wednesday next the House should meet on Mon day or Tuesday, he (Sir Robert Peel) would not have objected to it ; however as the Noble Lord proposed that the House should take the usual recess, it being un derstood if the debate should not terminate to-night that the discussion on his (Sir R. Peel's) motion should take precedence of the other business of the House at its again meeting, he had no desire to interfere with any measure which the Government might think fit to propose. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he had no objection to the debate on the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet taking precedence of all other business on Wednesday next. Lord TEIGNMOUTH wished to put a question to the Noble Lord the Secretary fer the Colonies with respect to the insurrection that had broken out in Crete. He wished to know whether the British Government had taken any measures, through the British Consul in that island, to prevent any cruelties which might possibly re sult from the insurrection. Lord J. RUSSELL said he would rather not answer that question in the absence of his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston), who would be better able than himself to answer it. VOTE OF NO CONFIDENCE. The Order of the Day for the Adjourned Debate on this motion having been read, Mr. R. M. MILNES rose and said, that belonging to that small minority of the Members of the House who did not take part in the late debate, he thought he had now some small claim on the atten tion of the House and he assured the House that if it were granted to him he would not abuse it. He wished it had been his good fortune to have caught the Speaker's eye last night, because he should then sud denly and unpremeditatedly have uttered his opinions, which the House, under such circumstances, would have received With its usual indulgence. But, rising this evening to speak first upon the adjourned debate of a former day, he feared the. House might expect from him that which he had it not to give. It would be expected of him or of any other Honourable Member who would ad dress the House this evening, that he should address his attention to the speech of the Right Honourable Mem ber for Edinburgh (Mr. Macaulay). However they might differ in opinion as to the reasoning of that speech, they must all allow that it was one of the most interest ing speeches ever delivered on the floor of that House.— He felt that in coming into competition with such an au thority, he would need all the kindness of the House, and must place himself entirely at its mercy. If he (Mr. Milnes) understood his Right Hon. Friend rightly, he thought he admitted that the Govern ment of which he was a member was not able to carry certain measures, which, nevertheless, they believed were most important for the interests of the country ; but that notwithstanding this, he was not prepared to come to the conclusion of the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, that her Majesty's Ministers were unworthy of the con fidence of the. House. If his Right Honourable Friend had made good his proposition, he must say at once that he considered that the debate was at an end. In answer to the subtle disquisitions and historical dis sertations of his Right Hon. Friend there were two simple questions, which . seemed conclusive against his argument, and these questions were, that if this were true if a Government were capable of administering the affairs of the country with out demanding the legislative confidence of the Parliament, whether they would not ar rive at these two conclusions first, that it was next to impossible to turn out any Government at all, and that it was next to impossible to pro ceed with the Government of the country ? Ifhe was not wrong, the principal of those precedents which refer to the present case were those of Mr. Pitt, during his long warfare Administration, and that of his Bight Hon. Friend the Member for Tamworth, during the six weeks in which he was defeated in that House. But there was this difference between those and the 'present case; 'those questions were solely questions of party, and were carried by party spirit ; the questions then were, not whether such and such questions should be carried, but whether the Government should be confided to certain men. He was sorry that he did not see the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire in his place, for he wished to tell him how inconsistent it was in him to vote "no confidence" in the Ministers on one night, and vote confidence in them a few nights after. That was not the way in which the question would be looked at by the constituencies of England. They were now in a dead fix (Loud laughter) — they were in a dead lock, and was that a fit state of things for a great country like this ? It appeared to him that something should be done at the present important juncture. It was said that in their Administrative functions there was no fault to be found with the present Government, and that it was only to their legislative measures that objec tion could be taken. He would remind the Rouse, however, of the conduct of the Government with re gard to the measure of the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, for the amendment of the system of registration in Ireland. They did not come forward to co-operate in the good work—they did not take objec tion to its details, but they threw the whole weight of their influence into the scale to throw out the Bill, al though they must have been aware that there was no pos sibility of their new measure being carried. They were at present in a terrible crisis ; but that crisis had been the work of Ministers themselves. It was at the very time when they might expect a sufficient supply of sugar from our own colonies that the Government came down and put the whole question of negro emancipation in peril. It was in like manner, tiller the country was subsiding into habits of peaceful industry, that the nation was to be agitated by a discussion of the Corn-laws. At a public meeting the other day he had heard it stated by a gentleman who had attended that meeting, that he rejoiced at the difficulties in which her Majesty's Ministers were placed, because the deficiency in the revenue, and the difficulties with which they were sur rounded, were the means of causing them to bring for ward the great question of the Corn-laws. He did not doubt that if her Majesty's Ministers had gone on as they had done there would still be found men who would be glad of the difficulties in which the Ministry. was placed. He thought that by a more cautious line of .policy the deficiency in the revenue which had t a k en place might have been • avoided. The Ministry being in this difficulty they had thrown down the question of the Corn-laws, and if ever there was a question that demanded the calm consideration of the House and the country, it was that question, and upon the agitation of it, the Ministry depended to retain their seats. Ho would venture to say that the Noble Lord on this ques tion was meeting the country under false pretences. The Ministry was raising the cry of the alteration of the Corn-laws, which alteration they never intended to carry into effect. It was said that the side of the House on which he sat were afraid of the dissolution. They were afraid of it for the sake of the people, not for the sake of themselves. He would not say that this question would not be carried, but if it were carried, it would be by agitation and agitation alone. If he could be persuaded that an alteration of the Corn-laws would set matters right, and would re solve the great question of the famine or the sustenance of the people, he, as a landlord, would be too glad to sacrifice some of the income he received, in order to effect so great a good. If his Right Hon. Friend, the Member for Tamworth, when he crossed over to the benches on the other side of the House, which he soon would do—(Laughter)—could not carry forward measures which he conceived to be for the good of the people, he would not remain there, but would send the present Ministers back again. —(Hear, hear.) The great constitutional question must be decided, whether the Ministry were to be defeated, or whether they were to remain in power, the contempt and ridicule of the world. lie would not say what a Conservative Government would do, but he would state what it would not do ; it would not lay the train of agitation.—(Great cheering.) In conclusion, he begged to say that he cordially sup ported the motion of his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Tamworth. Mr. SANFORD opposed the motion. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had screwed his courage to the sticking point, and brought them at last to a real stand-up fight. The present question was not whether therowas a want of confidence in her Ma jesty's Ministers, but whether that confidence should be transferred to the Right Hon. Baronet. For his own part, he must say, looking at the course of policy the Right Hon. Gentleman had pursued, that he could place no confidence in him. Should they do so becanse of his conduct in 1829, when he so suddenly changed his prin ciples upon the Catholic question ? The Right lion. Baronet, asking, as he did, for so high an honour as the Premiership, ought to speak out plainly, and tell the country what were his principles, and how he would govern the country. When the measures of the Reform Government were looked at without any tinge of party spirit, it would be found that more real legislation had been done during the last ten years than in any previous period of the same length. He would not vote for the motion, because he would think it not a vote of no confidence in the Government, but a vote of confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet. Mr. DARBY would not follow the Hon. Member who had just spoken, but would confine Himself to prov ing the fallacy of some of the arguments of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary at War. He stated that the resolution of the Right Hon. Baronet was dan gerous because the Opposition could not form a strong Government. But why not ? Look at the way in which the people had withdrawn their confidence from the Government. In 1833 the majority was 400 ; next year it was 300 ;—in 1836 it had fallen to 50 ; in 1837 and 1838 it was 30 ; in 1839 it had fallen to 10 ; while in 1840, out of eleven divisions, which they called great party divisions, they were beat in eight of them.—(Loud cheers.) All this proved to him that the Right Hon. Ba ronetthe Member for Tamworth was justified in bringing forward the motion, and that he had a good prospect of forming a strong Government. His opinion was that if the Government went to the country upon their Budget, with all their agitation, they would find not Peel martyrs but Russell martyrs.-2(Cheers.) The policy of the Go vernment was the author of all the Chartism which they bad seen ; they had sown the wind, did they expect they were not to reap the whirlwind ? They for party pur poses had excited the people, they had promoted those who misled them, and having been obliged to punish them for their disturbances, the people calling them selves Chartists were disgusted with their peddling policy, and gave their unsolicited support to the Con servatives. Were they to blame for that ? No, the Government had themselves to blame ; they having first excited the people. They had pre pared fearful weapons of agitation, and they must not be surprised if other parties took to the same means ; but they alone would be responsible to their Sovereign and the country if tumults arose, if such should be the re sult of their misleading the people. Suppose the Noble Lord were to succeed, was he prepared to quell the tu mult, and make it recede to any point . he pleased ? But if he failed, as fail he must, the Right Hon. Secretary at War acknowledged they had been humiliated during the last two years ; but, if they now failed, that humi liation would be immensely increased, for they mottle have to resign their offices in the face of an insulted peo ple whom they had grossly misled. If the Noble Lord dissolved, as he supposed he intended, he (Mr. Darby) would look with fearful apprehension at the difficulties in which the country would be placed. For his own part he had always denounced agitation, and he would continue to do so, for he thought it was unstatesman-like to resort to such a trick. The Go vernment could not go on—the business of the House and of the country was stopped. They were without finances. In 1784 Mr. Erskine deprecated a dissolution under such circumstances, but the same party to which he belonged were now about to take that step, when the country was in much more. difficulty than it was then. In his opinion they were wholly unfit to carry on the Government of the country ; he would therefore give his unhesitating support to the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet. Mr. HUTTON said the lion. Member who had just sat down, had greatly mistaken the result of the present agitation. It would be for the country to pronounce its opinion upon the measures which had been brought for ward by the Government, for the relief of the distress at present prevailing to so great an extent. He did not think that distress had been overstated, but he rose principally for the purpose of expressing his gratitude for the benefits conferred by the present Government upon the people of Ireland, which had produced an un heard of tranquillity and repose in that country. The Right Hon. Baronet had • studiously refrained from alluding to the state of Ireland, and he feared that he would find that country one of the greatest obstacles in the way of his carrying on the business of the coun try. It had been stated by the Chancellor of the Exche quer, that a great deficiency had been caused in the re venue by the recent efforts that had been made in Ireland to shake off a most oppressive vice. He was gratified that so flatterirg a picture had been drawn of that coun try, but he would, remind the House that the deficiency which had been caused by the reduction in the quantity of spirits consumed in Ireland could be amply supplied by the increased consumption of sugar, tea, and coffee, if Hon. Members on the other side of the House would only allow them to have those commodities at a mode rate price. The Bill which had been introduced by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, for the amendment of the Registration of Voters in Ireland, and the provisions of that Bill, would give the people of that country a foretaste of what they had to expect from the Noble Lord when he became a member of the Go vernment. From all he had seen of the policy of the Noble Lord, and of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, . lie was satisfied that they would never give satisfaction to the people of Irelard; and on these grounds he should give his decided opposition to the motion of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Lord NORRE YS said the present Government had vio lated every principle on which it had set out. Th ey question duringof peace, th last year, in more than one quarter? And as regarded retrenchm en t, called themselves the friends of peace, retrenchm en t, an d not ref o involved rm:Wit t h he re c g o a u r n d tr t ; in theo war, had they not seen the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer coming down to the House, on more than one THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 29, 1841 occasion, to demand increased votes of the public money? —(Hear, hear.) As regarded reform, also, were they not every day bringing forward propositions for new changes and alterations in the Constitution of the coun try? Had they not embarrassed and interfered with the trade and commerce of the country, by bringing for ward measures calculated to unsettle them, but which they could not hope to carry into effect? Why had not the Government imitated the manly and independent policy of Lord Grey, who, when he found a small majority against him, had by next day resigned office.—(Hear, hear.) He need not remind the House of the policy which the present Government had pursued with regard to Ireland. Had they not seen the laws set at defiance in that country, and trial by jury rendered a complete mockery.—(Hear, hear.) He should like to know what the present Government meant to do when they were defeated, as they most assuredly would be, on the question of the Corn-laws ? Would they re , sign office, or would they continue to struggle on, con tent to wield the patronage, without the powers of office? —(Hear, hear.) It appeared to him that the present Government had completely lost the confidence of that House and the country,—that they had violated their pledges and their professions ; and on these grounds he should rote for the resolution of his Right Hon. Friend. Mr. H. GRATTAN complained of the silence of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth on the subject of Ireland and the distresses of the people. These were the points on which he felt the greatest deli cacy in touching, because they were those on which he was most vulnerable. He had heard a great deal of " a weak Government" and " a contemptible Government," but he could assure them that they were terms which the people of England would bear in mind.—(Hear, hear.) What was the cause of the difficulties in which the country was at present placed ? Why, that other countries had heads and hands as well as themselves — that they were able to compete with them in manufac tures, and that they would not take the commodities of England unless the people of England would take their produce in return. To secure that most essential point, the Government had brought forward its present propo sitions, and he had no doubt, whatever might be their fate in the present House of Commons, they would re ceive the sanction and approval of the country generally. He would now allude to his own country. The Right Hon. Baronet had said Ministers had not the support of the people, but when he said so the Right Hon. Baronet did not take into consideration the eight millions of the Irish people who supported the Government. The Right Hon. Baronet in his* speech used these words— " I propose nothing. I reserve my opinion." Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he used those words with respect to matters of finance. Mr. GRATTAN went on to say that the Right Hon. Baronet had not taken into account, when talking of the people of this empire, the population of Ireland, by whose means lie was turned out of office when his foot was at the threshold of the bed-chamber. lie (Mr. Grattan) thought that Right lion. Gentlemen totally and absolutely un fit t o direct the affairs of this great empire. He (Sir Robert Peel) was not present when the Hon. Member for Pontefract (Mr. Milnes) said that if the Right Hon. Baronet got into power, they would have a strong Government, a phrase which fell upon his (Mr. Grattan's) ear with peculiar horror. They had strong Ministries before in Ireland, but those strong Ministries cost them an insurrection in that country, and a union ; when, then, they spoke of a strong Ministry, it created horror in the minds of Irish men, because they dreaded as well as detested it. The Right Hon. Baronet and his adherents provided nothing for the comfort or benefit 'of the poor manufacturer or consumer, who could neither breakfast, dine, nor sup, without having before him the proofs of the indifference or the contempt for his wants which that party entertained. They called the Irish people an ignorant rabble, emancipated cowards—such were the terms they applied to a people towards whom they now observed a most ominous silence—a silence which was the more unbecoming the Right Hon. Baronet, as he was looked upon by that people with peculiar suspicion. A clause had been in troduced into a particular Bill for the purpose of excluding the Right Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets (Dr. Lushington) from that House, and in another Bill a clause was inserted for the sole purpose of en abling the Hon. Gentleman the Recorder of Dublin to have a seat in this House • and yet both lion. Gentlemen were subject to the same objection, that of filling a judi cial office. How different a course was pursued to conci liate the affections of the people of Ireland by the Mem bers of the present Government? The Marquis or Nor manby acted in a manner which not only secured tha good will of the Irish people but produced the greatest content throughout the country. If the Right Hon. Ba-. ronet got into power what would he do with the Hon. and Gallant Member for Sligo (Cot. Perceval)? what would he do with the sly and insidious Member for the University of Dublin (Mr. Shaw)? what would he do with theactive and energetic Member for Bandon (Mr. Sergeant Jack son)? or with the ferocious phraseologist the Hon. Mem ber for Coleraine (Mr. Litton) ? The Right Hon. Ba ronet was so checkmated by these Honourable and Learned Gentlemen that he really knew not what to do.—(Hear.) As an honest man he (Mr. Grattan) could but lift up his voice against the shameful practices which took place at the late elections for Ludlow, and Cambridge, and Sandwich, where 5/. was commonly given for a vote, or at Nottingham, where 15/. was giv en for votes, and where if, any individual had come forward, and given more than 15/. for a vote, he would have ob tained the assistance of the Chartists, and would have been elected, instead of the present lion. Member, In Liverpool they built up a wall with a hole in it, into which the five fingers were thrust, when it was meant to give five guineas for a vote, and the ten fingers, when ten guineas were meant. He wished t o ask - the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Sandon) if he was not aware of such being the fact ? Lord SANDON--No, no. Mr. GRATTAN—Did the Noble Lordmean to say the fact was not so, or that he was not aware of its existence? In Ireland, the land they so stigmatized, he (Mr. Grattan) never in the course of his experience knew of bribery having occurred ; but the Hon. Baronet obtained his majorities in that House iby such elections in England as he (Mr. Grattan) just alluded to. The correspon dence, too, which had lately been published relative to the Ipswich election, where Sir J. Cochrane, on refusing to give as much as was necessary to keep a Whig or Radical out of the field-2,0001. was the sum named—was given to understand that he could not receive the sup port of the Conservatives ; that correspondence showed how the majorities on th other side were obtained. When Hon. Gentlemen opposite held the reins of office, they were defeated on all diplomatic occasions. They beat France in the field, but France beat them in the Cabinet. It was reserved to the Noble Lord (Lord Pal merston) only to defeat them in the Cabinet.—(Chcers.) They should rise and do homage to the superior genius of the Noble Lord. They were fond of talking of a strong Government for Ireland, but, from the bottom of his heart, he warned them to avoid what they called a strong Government. He would not take the character of the Government from those on the opposite benches ; he would appeal for it to his countrymen. They (the Opposition) were silent as to their future policy to wards his country. They , said indeed they should be mad to repeal the Emancipation Act, but a Noble Lord once said he should be mad to become a Minister, and yet became a Minister. The people of England were crying for cheap bread and cheap sugar, but the people of Ireland asked for what was dearer to them than cheap bread and cheap sugar—the liberties and rights which it was threatened to take from them. He said the people of Ireland would not trust to them, and in proof of it he would read their address to the Queen. — (The Hon. Gentleman read the address.) Were those statements true or were they not ? Let Ministers put themselves on God and their country, and see whether the issue would not decide in favour of those in whom the people had found the best security for the throne and their own liberties.—(Cheers.) The domination of a tyrant, whether on these benches or those, might be more dangerous than that of a tyrant who sat upon a throne only to dis grace it. He repeated, he would not take the character of the Government from Hon. Gentlemen opposite. He would appeal to France for it.. What did M. Berryer say of the Noble Lord (Palmerston) ? That ho had not been a friend to France, but that lie had extended the renown of England from east to west, and from north to south, and had made her name respected throughout all the countries of the world ? There they sat, they had done honour to their country and to their Queen, and they. had secured the liberties of the people ; they wanted to increase their comfllrts also, and he said when- ever the? , fell they would fall like honest men. Lord TEIGNMOUTI - 1 could not ocinsider the tone of the speeches of the lion. Gentlemen is actuated by any thing but that party spirit which they generally as sumed in their addresses to that House. It showed that They felt that they had a sinkin g cause, which. was _ _ not to be supported by argument. The Noble Lord op posite (Lord John Russell), was deserving of immortal hokum for certain measures which he had adopted in support of the 'Established Church, in the alteration of the Poor-laws,- and in the noble stand he had made last - Session for the privileges of that House, but this did not indicate that he enjoyed the confidence of the House; it indicated nothing more than that he was not met by a factious opposition. The Right lion. Gentlemen. had said they were not states men, but could anything be more unstatesmanlike than not to judge of the conduct of the Government by their par ticular measures? But had the measures of the Noble Lord been met by • the confidence of the Home ? Had they forgotten the appropriation clause ? The merit of the Government in Ireland was to be attributed to the opposition in that House. Then on the late debate, how had the House exhibited its confidence ? The effect of the Noble Lord's speech on that occasion was to prevent all fair consideration of the question. The Noble Lord was then brought to this question, and then he intended to bring forward the question of the Corn-laws. Suppose he did and it succeeded, he asked if that would meet the deficiencies of the country? The only other points he would advert to were two questions affecting the prero gative of the Crown, first, that of the annuity of Prince Albert, and the other the recent 'motion for the discharge of political offenders, and on both those ques tions how had the House manifested its confidence ? The Ministry could not properly be said to have the con fidence of the House, even though the division in the present instance were not unfavourable to them f or their majority was formed of Members who differed from them on many important points of policy. This was a critical moment for England ; one party in the House was for the maintenance and the other for the overthrow st rs.: . involving be- the .of the Constitution. But h e ( L ord Teignmouth) was persuaded'that there could be no doubt as to the ulti ma t e triumph of sound and const itution al tactics. The country would take up the question o f the Budget, not as on e o f le c io o 6n r l, n .li , dd t e i ti n hle l a li lletr,hleoierHhsoun. cou ld ga r G , e b b t ne t t t lreepa as monsd a e q o t p ; n e p s omi t s to i tnue,ie the Member for Finsbury (Mr.Walcley), who took so great an interest in all matters which related to this industrious classes, often mistook their wishes and interests. He had hiinself lately received a deputation of Chartists, and,, the mem bers of that deputation had all told him that they preferred a Tory to a Whig Administration, inasmuch. ;.~-`, , as the Cons erva ti ve. Party would not, at all events, de lude the country with false promises. —He had before given his vote against the Ministry on a motion similar to the present ; and as that was the last time he might have an opportunity of addressing the House, he had no hesitation in saying that he felt himself bound to give a similar vote now on the motion of the Right Hen. Ba ronet the Member for Tamworth. He would retire from the House with a deep conviction, and a sanguine hope that the dynasty of the Noble Lord opposite was near about to draw to a conclusion.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. INGHAM said that however much he might have agreed in the general policy of the Right Hon. Ba ronet the Member for Tamworth, he felt himself unable to vote with him on that occasion. —(Hear, from the Mini sterial Benches.) He understood the cheers of Hon. Gen tlemen opposite, but he feared he would not equally meet their approbation on all the grounds which influenced his vote upon the subject. A Member like him, not belong ing exclusively to any party, must look to the merits of any proposition on which he may be called to ex press an opinion.—(Hear, hear.) If he thought that the Government, after their recent defeats, were determined on continuing in office without appealing to the country, he should certainly vote without hesitation for the pro position of the Right Hon. Baronet. But the members of the Government had expressed, if not in worgs, at least by implication, that it was their intention, after they had submitted the entir e of th e i r po li cy to the con sideration of Parliament, to appeal from the House to the people. Now, he could not say that a Minister en joying the confidence of the Crown, and finding himself opposed, even oa important measures, to the sense of Parliament, should not have the right of appealing to the country.--(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) lie could not call it unconstitutional of a Government to state their sentiments to the House, and afterwards ap. peal to the elective body. He thought that the case of Mr. Pitt, to which the Right lion. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, had referred so ingeniously, did not bear him out in his resolution; and for his (Mr. Ingham's) part, he looked on the conduct of Mr. Pitt as an in stance of a heroic determination to stand by the Crown, and afterwards ask for the approval of the country. lie could not say the course about to be' pursued by the Government was unconstitutional, although he felt that if they were to dissolve Parliament, and to find public opinion arrayed against them, they would have a heavy responsibility to answer for.— (Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) No Govern ment, however, could now expect a preponderating ma jority in that House ; and, therefore, he did not think that a casual vote or two should compel them to resign office. His own opinion at the same time was that the Ministry would be disappointed in the expectations they entertained from an appeal to the country.i--(Hear, hear.) lie thought, too, that it would be' wrong to dazzle the country with promises which it was not expected could be realized. These, _however, were considerations for the Government in their future policy ; and he did not think that in the present instance they were pursuing a course which could be considered unconstitutional. He did not, .therefore, find himself at liberty to votefor the pro position of the Right lion. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. HUTT said that it was with great satisfaction he had heard the speech of his lion. Friend.—(Hear, hear, and laughter on the Opposition benches.) He had often differed from his Hon. Friend ; but he was happy to know that he coincided in opinion with him on this _ _ most important motion of the Session. With respect to the resolution of the Right Honourable Baronet, he thought a sufficient answer to it might be found in the . notorious fact that Government, after having brought forward the measures which they deemed essen tial to the public service, were determined on appealing to the country. After being beaten fourteen times Mr. Pitt's appeal to the country was considered a sufficient justification of his course. If the present Government had in any degree lost the confidence of the public, it was because they had not brought forward those great measures of commercial reform which were opposed on the other side of the House. They were told that the monopolies under discussion were essential to the pro sperity of the country. It appeared, however, that there was a difference of opinion, even on the other side, in reference to these monopolies. From the latter part of the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet he was led to the opinion that the Right Hon. Baronet intended at some future period to propose a modification of commercial duties. He admired the talents of the Right Hon. Ba ronet ; but he could not help saying that he had been prevented by party connections from proposing measures which, in reality, he thought would be beneficial to the country. He (Mr. Hutt) believed that the measures proposed by the Government were far more important to the social welfare of the country than any that had been proposed for centuries. Unrestricted commerce was the ancient policy of this country, and it might be expected to flourish in proportion as it returned to that policy. Lord SANDON said that, however satisfied the Hoe, Gentleman might be, the House had shown that they did not concur in the sentiments expressed by the preceding speaker.(lfear, hear.) His Hon. Friend (Mr. Ingham) had shown throughout his address much of that subtlety ' of reasoning which he had displayed on former occasions, admitting most fully that the Government were unable to carry measures which they considered essential to the welfare of the country, but justifying their retention of office by the uncertain result of a dissolution. He (Lord Sandon) had no hesitation as to the course which he should pursue. He had a thorough want of con fidence in her Majesty's Ministers on almost every particular, but especially that at a time when commerce was confessedly labouring under great difficulties, they had brought forward measures which they never expected to carry.—(Hear, hear.) This re mark applied both to sugar and to timber ; and with regard to corn, they had the confession of her Ma jesty's Ministers themselves, that when they proposed the measure they never expected to succeed.—(Hear, hear.) Was it common sense, or common honesty, to to embarrass the monetary and commercial affairs of the country, by throwing down this bone of contention among different classes, in the face of their own declara tion that such questions ought never to be mooted unless there was a prospect of success? If her Majesty's Mi nisters were not responsible for the debates which took place in that House, they were responsible for the de ' claration of the Prime Minister ; and though that Prime Minister had endeavoured to explain away his declara tion of last year, that it would be madness to touch the Corn-laws, there was another expression which could ' not be mistaken, that measures like these should not be proposed without a moral certainty of their being carried by the Government. That certainly did not exist with regard to the measures before the House ; and the Go vernment proposing them, under such circumstances, was, in his opinion, totally unfit to be entrusted with the management of the country. Even with regard to sugar, what reason had they to suppose that the argument which was applied last year would fail to apply in the present year ? He had been taunted on the other side with respect to his conduct on this subject, and not having had an opportunity before he felt himself bound to take notice of those taunts. The Hon. Member for Edinburgh had, last night, taunted him with hypocrisy. Why was it hypocrisy in him to use this argument, and not hypocrisy in the other side last year ?—(Hear, hear.) An appeal to the miseries of the country would, last year, have formed a sufficient excuse, but it did not when the price of sugar was re duced to a considerable extent. He had been reminded of the expression of disapprobation of his conduct on the part of the Anti-Slavery Society. The first impression of that Society, as stated to the House. by the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets, was against the pro posed measure. In the course of a few days there was an agitation amongst the supporters of her Majesty's Government, and then, for the first time, they declared that the only way to extinguish slavery was to expose free labour sugar to the utmost amount of competition. He had also been taunted with the expression of the Anti-Slavery Society of Liverpool. Now, what were the facts ? That Society had fallen al most to pieces, it being considered that there was no longer any occasion for its existence. But when it ap peared that her Majesty's Ministers attached great im portance to this question of sugar, a little knot of gentle men collected the friends of the Anti-Slavery Society, and in the name of that Society published their opinions. —(Hear, hear.) If such were- the manner in • which these measures were supported, it only showed how little importance was to be attached to it. A Birmingham paper that he had seen that morning would show that the feeling of the ant'-slavery party was not universally in favour of the o vernme nt m e asure . (The Noble Lord then read a lett .r to the editor of the ant '-slavery in a Birmingham newsp per, signed " Charles Sturge," stating that he himmtlf was opposed to the Government proposition, and that he was con vinced that if his brother, Mr. Joseph Sturge, were in England, he too would lae . , strongly opposed to it.) Now what was the position of the present Government ? They had been dwindling in their numbers for session after session, in every successive election, which showed that . they had lost the confidence of the country ; their majorities had progressively diminished ; out of twenty elections sixteen had terminated in favour of their oppo nents.—(Hear, hear.) It was idle to say that this was to be attributed to bribery and corruption. Had not corruption been resorted to by the partisans of the Go vernment ?—(Hear hear.) Had they forgotten St. Al ban's ?—(Chers from the Opposition benches.) Had they forgotten Newark ?—(Continued cheering.) Had they forgotten Nottingham ? Time after time had it been shown that where money could be used successfully there were no scruples in using it. The allegations of corrup tion on the part of their opponents might be true in some cases, but in the majority they were false. The Hon. Mem ber for Westmeath had talked of Si. in one place and 151. in another, but lie spoke only from common rumoar. The present Ministry could not do that which it was their duty, as Ministers, to. do—namely, restrain a single encroachment on the prerogative of the Crown without having the assistance of that side of the House. He had been forced into these remarks by what had been thrown out against him on the slavery question. In conclusion, he would say that the Government had only kept their places by throwing away, one after another, every prin ciple which they had hitherto professed. Lord MORPETH then rose to address the House. He should be the first both to appreciate and acknow ledge the tone of mxleraton and temper in which the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet who had submitted this resolution to the House was conceived.—(Cheers.) But whether the speech of the Noble Lord who had just st down was conceived in the same vein, and exhibited the same quality—the same absence of personal imputation and party differences, the same willingness to d o j ust i ce to political opponents and to acknowledge their merits h e would leave to the House to judge.—(Hear, hear.) That Noble Lord had not confin©d his imputations to the members of her Majesty's Government, but he had included in them many men, and bodies of men, through out the country, who had spent the greater part of their lives in long, devoted, and persevering, exertions to strike off the last remnants of the fetters of slavery, while the Noble Lord himself was acting with many of those who had done their utmost to rivet those fetters , more tightly. He recollected that the late Mr. Cobbett . I vied to say that the abolition of slavery cry had been raised to please the cracked-skull county of- York.— (Laughter.) For his.own part, whenever he should be called upon to appear before that con •itituency he should not fear to meet them, or dread their displeasure, on account of the part he had taken on the subject of *slavery.— (Hear, hear.) While, however, he gave what he con sidered a just meed of praise to the Right lion. Baro net's speech, yet-he could not carry further his commen dation with respect to the resolution with which he con cluded; not that he (Lord M.) thought that the resolu tion could be charged with any thing approaching to intemperance or passion, but he thought that its prin cipal defects were a want of logical soundness, and that it would be wholly inefficacious for the objects it had in view. In fact, it seemed to him (Lord M.) to be thrown out as' a sort of squib to amuse the great crowd of fol lowers of the Right Hon Baronet from more mis chievous and dangerous pastimes.—(Great laughter.) It seemed to be conceived very much ,in the spirit of oompromise between two opposite currents of opinions and purposes, and it might have been devised by the art of which the Right Hon. Baronet was so great a master, rather more as an emollient than a sedative, in order to let down the blood from fever heat. The question seemed to have been taken up in .two points of view, first, that in which it had been presented by the Right . lion. Baronet—that which related to the spirit of the Constitution ; and next, in that which was its real and practical point of view. The Right Hon. Baronet said that the conduct of the Government, in retaining office, after so many Parliamentary defeats, was against the spirit of the Co ns tit u ti on . N ow he (Lord M.) tnought that on that point the Right Hon. Baronet had but qualified success.—(Hear, hear.) He denied that the conduct of the Government was against the spirit of the Constitution.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He put out of view the defeats they had sustained previous to the late defeat on the Sugar Duties—(Hear, hear) — they might have been right or wrong in considering them not sufficient notices to quit, or a conclusive indi cation that they had lost the confidence of the House— (Laughter)—but what was the fact? Why, in the last Session by a majority of 21, the House had declared that the present Ministry possessed the confidence of Par liament, after a long debate. They might have been wrong in retaining their seats after the number of de feats they had sustained ; but, on the other hand, was 'the Right Hon. Baronet right' in . going on with the Go vernment after he had sustained an equal number of de feats ? There was this difference, however, in the de feats of the Government and the Right Hon. Baronet, that the latter had been unbroken by a single success, and it was to be 'remembered, too, that those defeats were concentrated within a period of three months.—(Hear.) His!' object, in alluding to these bygone matters was 'wither to attack the Right lion. Baronet, nor defend themselves.—(Laughter.) They had been reminded that upon a former occasion they had said' they did not command the confidence of the House when they had a najority of five. Undoubtedly they had set that prece lent,—but Hon. Gentlemen opposite must at the same time remember that their own most distinguished leader said he saw no reason for the resignation of Ministers, — s that, although they had set the precedent, they had not by so doing incurred the censure of the most distinguished leader of toe Conservative party. lie admitted that the 'ate division on the sugar duties did so far alter the state if things as to make itself felt by every one that natters could not be allowed to continue as they were, — that, in the language of the resolution, the Government lid nut possess sufficient of the confidence of the House enable them to pass their measures into laws.— ,Cheers.) On that point, he was glad to say, they .vere quite agreed.—(Laughter.) No controversy could arise on that point. The question might then arise— " Why do you not resign?"—(Cheers.) The resolution seemed to censure them for keeping office, for even one hour after that division. But it had been shown that the case was not without a precedent—enough had been . aid about the case of Mr. Pitt, in 1784—he would only say that if the cases were not altogether analogous, they were so in this, that they (the Government) ware op posed by a coalition between tho se w h o , d ur i ng t h e i r whole previous life, - had been most opposed to each other.—(Loud cheers.) It was said that they would act at variance to the spirit of the Constitution in dissolving a Parliament which had been summoned by themselves. But that was not the view of the Constitution which he took. The Parliament, although summoned by the grown upon the advice of the Ministry, still, consti tutionally, the Parliament must be taken to be chosen V the people themselves.—(Hear. hear.) In a consti tutional point of view, it ought not to be fatal to the confidence placed in a Ministry that they remained in office after a hostile vote—or if it was to be so under one set of circumstances it must be so under another. lie would for a moment allude to the dissolution of the Parliament by the Right Hon. Baronet in 1834 that was certainly a Parliament called into ex i s t ence by its predecessors i n office, but he (Lord M.) did not see that the Right Hon. Baronet had any grounds for resorting to that extreme expedient, unless they con tended that it was more important to test whether the country would have the Right Hon. Baronet for Prime Minister, or have a free commerce, with cheaper corn, cheaper sugar and timber in lieu of higher duties.— ;Cheers.) After the Sugar Duties division it was made manifest that it was impossible that the Government could go on with the present Parliament, that with it they could not complete any important measure; but he could not for a moment allow that it was at all at variance with the spirit of the Constitution, it was not, in his opinion, at variance with the true meaning of the principle of the Constitution, that the Government should ascertain what the sense of the people was with regard to the measures which they deemed of importance enough to take that step upon. It would not be contended by any one op posite, that under any conceivable condition of affairs, the Ministers of the Crown, though defeated in Parlia ment, were not entitled, in the spirit of the Constitution to go on with the business of the Government so as to enable the Crown to appeal from the Parliament to the people. —(Cheers) He did not think it could be said that any Ministry which had brought forward such important measures, thinking as they did that they would receive the warm support of the people, ought- to be debarred from taking the sense of the country upon them. It was his lot to represent the largest constituent body in the empire, and within the last few days he had laid upon the table petitions signed by thtmsands, tens of thousands, and he believed he might carry it to hun dreds of thousands, from every branch of employment and every pursuit of industry, but chiefly connected with the woollen trade, which was the oldest staple trade of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He was far from wishing to impart exaggerated views of the existing distress—lie did not wish to paint it in overglowing colours, or to seek to create agitation on the subject. The Right Hon. Baronet had given the same grave admonition upon the subject of agitation, and when they were thus admonished • he turned from the lecture to the lecturer.—(Hear, hear.) He could not forget the great questions of Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform ; and when he looked at the result of these two great national movements, •he could not help thinking that those who, to a certain extent, sympathised in the present propositions of the Government, should put themselves at the head of the popular agitation on the subject, and guide and master it, rather than permit it to exceed the limits of fair discussion.—(Cheers.) But to return to the petitions and to the representations he had received from quarters in which he could place the utmost reliance, these statements all went to show that business was hardly ever known to be in a state of such depression. Many employers were stationary —mills and manufactories were closed up, and a great portion of them were working half time, while vast numbers of hands were thrown out of work; and bad as that state of things were, there was no satisfactory glimpse of improvement for the future.—(Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances, Ministers brought forward proposi tions which, whether expedient or not, were calculated in their view greatly to remedy the existing evils. Par liament rejected, or showed unequivocal and unmistak able signs of rejecting these propositions. Now, he would ask was there anything at variance with the spirit of the Constitution, if Ministers, who thought they had right on their sides, who knew they were called on by a large portion of the people to stand by these measures—(Cheers)—and there was reason to believe that to a great extent, they would support these measures—was there anything at 'variance with the spirit of the Constitution, that Ministers being defeated in Par liament, should put their propositions upon an issue to the people, in a regular and authorised way.—( Hear, hear.) It was true that the Right Hon. Baronet after his defeat in 18.35, resigned office, being in perfect possession of the confidence of the Crown, without resorting to a dissolution ; but he had d one so a short time before, and that dissolution had been taken upon the precise issue of whether the House would entrust the government of the country to the Right Hon. Baronet and his friends—( Hear, hear)—and when Parliament had assembled and decided against his retention of office, his Noble Friend admitted that he had acted in the spirit of the Constitution, when he aevr taMed that he was in a minority. And thus, after having ap pealed ward, to andthfien d pe m o g a l e themselvesupon t e o m a e yit a t s m;ti u onii r fo e :t oh s eorfenei t tr h rfiyee e ini y i o now e b r n o u o e ,r h t p fo u r: th eamn o ds s e e tlny m etsb e c a l , i n a sr e m e seo,nnttlb,yec they should would f ld t o th g e e t t yb h be e ne r bl e iea x bs p al r eb e j to ses el i d c r i e o n a g e t h o l t b . in a minority, they hesit a t e d f or a moment to resign the Government.—( Loud cheers.) The Noble Lord the Member for of oteing to dissolve Liverpool nd said thatdlyothat they_had shown no after sustaining asdtanin s an f ns a decisi ve d e f eat they appeared in their places, and n announcement, as if th ey were p repared to goon with i i ri g g the Parliamenta r y b us i ness already brought orward. But it must be notori ous to every one that thestate of the supplies did not warrant an instantaneous dissolution, and if they had come down and stated that they were about to punish Parliament fir its vote by an immediate dissolution, he could imagine the outcry that would be raised against them , and it might b e said 'with some sh ow o f j ust i ce, that they acted at variance with the spirit of the Constitution.--( Cheers. ) He thought that to any fair and candid mind the announcement of ,the Chan cellor of the Exchequer that he meant to move the ordinary sugar duties, and theannouncement of his Noble Friend thathe meant to postpone the Poor-laws and other public measures, sufficiently indicated the course they meant to pursue (Hear, hear .) G rea t stress h a d been laid upon the intimation they had given , _ that they meant to take a di scuss i on upon the Corn-la ws . Upon that subject, he would only remark, that , after the great weight, and the vast preponderance of interests ' which on both sides of the House, and in all parts of the coun try, was attached to the subject—when he knew that it wa s looked upon as forming the main and essential ingredient in th e n scheme they had brought forward, he did not think it was reasonable to expect that before Parliament clo sed , an and u before they returned to their constituencies, at . leas t discussion on the subject, and fur making manife st op portunity would be given to them of enteringintotbaerregnupiat.r n it i ae on re u 3 p ts on o a f empire. the mattereeu country, r tyh,eamndostnfmtobrneemntnosetsiimmmpoerdttaanteeebetaorttnhge he must say that While on the subject of the disso lutio n, upon the state of parties and the prospect of the to them the Member for Shields had given a strong . in duceme nt a even independently of other considerations, his Hon. Friend th e , gr eat probability b th t th e majority of t o o f. t r b e e so m i t it en to re i t t , u n rn am ed el w y right in this anti violence.—( Hear, hear .) ' mild not be in d flu h e e ne w e a d s ri y ,„ p a rt y )Freedom f r om pa rty heats --(Cheers. changed for the wors e cipation, and he did not th i i; e k ho t p h e e present House could be heats which could be most justly pro nouncedwould no address himself for a was upon not the encomium ne w mome nt to the practical e ff ect o f the resolution of the bi g h t Hon. Barone t. Whatever vote the House might come to p aßs upon such a resoluiion, submitting himself with d e f erence to 'i ts high decisi on, he should wait with anxiety, but MORNIN G `lr . s thheohboapredoefilt,huhealiolmonpeisos,iotnt c ( o L n o fi o rm d a c t h io ee n rs i . wo ur ul h d at re w ee as ive th a e t immediate cause of the dispute that had lately arisen in the House ? The Noble Lord had reproached them with the time of bringing forward these meamres; but what were the circum stances under which they had done so ? There was a e icier able deficiency in the public revenue of the country. Aa the the deficiency did exist, it must be dealt with ; then the course • which Ministers had taken was, instead of proposing tempo rary assistance by a loan—instead of, as they did in the first instance last year, endeavouring to impose fresh burdens on the' struggling industry of the country, they proposed to recruit the public coffers by relaxing the restrictions on the suffering poor, and by increasing the necessaries and comforts of life for the people, whom he hoped the House would not consider as being animated with mere animal wants. To increase the command of the people over the necessaries of life—that was their scheme—that was their defined and previously-avowect object. What, he would ask, was theirs (the opposition) ? They (the Conservatives) had not thrown any further light, in the course of the present debate than in the last one, on what they thought it necessary to do. When the Right Hon. Baronet seemed to treat the House with thegreatest frankness, he only left them more in the dark than ever. Amongst the industrioas classes the greatest distress prevailed, and such a state of things must he met by those who proposed to rule the destieies of the coun try. What was the sum and substance of what the opposite party stated ?—That they would not in the course of next year consent to the introduction of foreign sugar; that they would not touch on the timber duties until they were 'become better acquainted with the despatches of the Governor-General of Canada—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition. ) that they would adhere to the sliding scale of of duties labitur et labetur in omne rolubilis ceentn.—( Loud cheers.) The present was the first time when they heard of any great party attempting to seize the reins of power, not by the avowal of any fixed priniples. or any defined measures or ascertained purpose, but by resting on the persevering du- plicity of their leaders.—(Cheers.) What was, the actual source of dispute and conflict between the two partite' and the courses of policy which were now making an appeal to the de cision of Parliament and the public. There was no part of the general policy of the present Government, as it appeared by the state of things in this country, of which, if a chal lenge had been thrown ,down, he (Lord Murpeth) would have shrunk from the fullest inquiry before the people of this country. With respect to the dependencies of the em pire he could triumphantly refer to the results of the manage ment of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies. fie could point to the islands and •continents of the southern seas, teeming full with the seeds of future civilisation and order. He felt equally proud when he turned to the depart ment of his Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to whom in the course of this debate well-Merited testimony was borne, as one who had Caused the flag of England to float triumphantly on coasts where it had not been planted before— ( Hear, hear, and cheers) —be would point to the peace of Europe, which, though menaced to the utmost, yet remained untouched. With respect to the internal, government of Great Britain testimony had been lately borne to the cessation of all insurrectionary movements. With respect to Ireland, that was a topic on which he would not enlarge, because it was natural that he should feel a stronger temptation to do so than on any other subject. Com plete internal tranquillity—cessation from all tumult and dis order, and all the blessings of temperance prevailed in that country. Power might pass away from their (the Ministers) hands.—(Hear, hear.) If it did, he wished from his heart that it might prosper in theirs (the Conservatives), and. let the boast be theirs (the Ministers), that they had led to more brilliant views, and more extended advan tages. With those feelings, he hoped that .those who had hitherto supported and sustained their dim ts, would give to the censure contained in the resolution of the Right . Hon. Ba ronet, their decided negative.—(Cheers.) Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Noble Lord - who had just sat down said that power might pass from their hands. Their (the Conservatives) alleg ation was, that it h a d l ong s i nce passed from their hands. The Noble Lord was kind enough to wish that power might prosper in their hands. He (Sir J. Graham) thought that if some of that self-gratulation with which the Noble Lord concluded his speech, did not prevent his being just and generous, it would lead him to believe that the country thought that power might be entrusted in their (the Conservatives) hands.—(Hear.) He knew not what was the meaning of the tone.of triumph on the subject of the foreign policy of this country. What was that note of triumph, for instance, as regarded China.— (Hear, hear, hear.) He had yet to learn that our successes in that quarter had been signal. It was unfortunate that they knew little in detail with regard to any portion of the foreign policy of the Government. With respect to China, they tad still to learn the brilliant success which had crowned the efforts of this country. Did the Ministry pride themselves on the taking of Chusan amidst scenes memorable ;or their connection with the opium trade? Or on the withdrawal of our naval forces? or on the subsequent negociations, while the British Plenipot en • tiary was for years left without instructions, and who at last, acting on his instructions, had been recalled and disavowed by the Government ?—( Opposition cheers.) In a word until he saw the debt due by the Government to the East India Company for that expedition paid o ff— unt il h e k new t h at the ,000,000/. surrendered to the Chinese Government had been restored-- until he knew that the assurance held out by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs as to the objeds.of that expe dition had been realised--until indemnity for the past and security for the future had been gained by some new expedi tion, he would retain his former opinion, and he would venture to express his belief that the war with China was a great calamity. —( Hear.) He believed it was the opinion of Napoleon that a war with China would be one of the most detrimental events to the greatness of England, and to the security of her Indian empire ; and he ( Sir J. Graham) would, therefore, still maintain that the war with China was one insehich success would be attended with no glory, and in which 'a failure would be the heaviest misfortune that had ever befallen this country. —(Opposition cheers.) lie would now apply himself more immediately to the subject -matter under consideration. The Noble Lord . (Lord Morpeth), at the commencement of his speech, said that he should put out of view all the defeats of the Government before the introduction of the present budget. A very convenient course for the Noble Lord ! but one which, in Justice to the motion of his (Sir J. Graham's) Right Hon. Friend, it was impossible for him to pursue,— (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Secre tary-at-War, in arguing the question last night, had justly observed that the motion embraced two propositions ; the first of which was the statement of a fact, and the second the inference to be drawn from tliat'fact. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in arguing the question, found it convenient to invert the natural order of 'the argument, by dealing first with the latter proposition; _mot he expressed his astonishment that his (Si r James Graham' s Right Honourable Friend should have advanced, in this in stance, a principle of general a ppli ca ti on . S o f ar, h owever, was that from being the principle of the motion, that it was entirely drawn from a statement of a case si ccial in itself, and which case was strictly defined and limited by the fact alleged in the major proposition. That fact was not a single isolated defeat, which rendered it the duty of the Government. to resign, but the allegation was that her Majesty's present advisers did not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House to enable them to carry, not one or two, but a succession of measures, which they deemed indispensable for the welfare of the State. —( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman in arguing the case from analogy took a single instance of defeat in a long train of administration by Mr. Pitt, and referred to the example of Lord Liverpool, who had been defeated on the property tax. Bnt those were the defeats of Administrations which in general pos. , seared the confidence of both Houses of Parlianthit, and which had succeeded in carrying the measures which they believed to be conducive to the public good. He entreated them to contrast these cases with the state of affairs with which they were then dealing. What he alleged was, that her Majesty's present ad visers had, in their own Parliament, from the commencement up to the present hour, experienced a series of defeats or com promises, arising out of conscious weakness, and adopted against their own judgment, or altered in defiance of their former opi nions, not in consequence of any ostensible reason, except the pressure of the party opposed to them in Parliament. R ea lly if he looked b ac k to the measures which the Govern ment had carried in the present Parliament, he could not mention a single one which had been passed without .e concurrence of their political opponents.—(Hear, hear.), The Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board •f • Control enumerated certain measures on which he plumed' himself as proofs of the a d m i n i stra ti ve powers of the Ministry. He would begin with the English Municipal But that measure had been introduced by Lord Grey's Government, and it was a measure to which'his Noble Friend (l.ord Stanley) and himself were parties, and he was not aware that it had re ceived any opposition from those Hon. Gentlemen with whore they now acted. Upon the second reading the Right lion. Baronet the Member for Tamworth supported its principle. The next measure was the English Tithe Commutation Act. But what was the origin of that Bill? During the time the Right Honourable Baronet the Member- for Tamworth was at the head of affairs, he had introduced • an English Tithe Commutation Bill, and that Bill was the ground-work of the measure subsequently passed by the present Government.—( Hear, and criee of " No, no.") He contended that it was the stock upon which the measure of the Government was grafted ; although they were not identical in their details, as the Bill of his Right Hon. Friend did not sanction the compulsory process. 'I he next measure which he wou'd refer to was the Irish Tithe Bill; but the-real author of that Bill was his Noble Friend the Member for North Lancashire. The Bill was first introduced, he believed, by his Right Hon. Friend the M em b er f or L aunceston (Sir H. Hardinge) when Secretary for I re l an d . A memorable dispute arose w ith res p ec t flu that mea sure . H ec M a j esty ' s present Mi n i sters , th en i n op position, passed in the Committee of that. Bill the celebrated appropriation clause. Now, really the Government could net take credit t o it se lf f or t h e Bill in i ts present s hape, fur that w w -a ass notnot tthhaetßoifllnfonriewhhLicohrtdhtinsehaist: should remain unchanged on account of the pledge to which asa man of honour he was bound, and to which his publie had ind a u l e l ed the Melbourne eY e o n t eml ed declared Their tera present nature, no doubt, and of a public character, did happen that pledged.—(Cheers.) Subsequent considerations, of faith patriotic Noble Lord to relinquish that pledge. IS I in the same state in which it had been the subject, was Ons'ec of his Right which it had been introduced by the Government measures for which the Irish Tithe Bill, notwithstanding Bu t the contentions of Hon. Friend.—( Hear, hear.) Rural Polig.e and were the credit was taken by the Ministry f 0 these he would only say the County Constabulary Bills. uence, and modelled upon the that they were but the cons Police 13111 introduced example, of the Metropoli tan Friend.—( Hear, hear.) He by his Right Honourable Friend.—( The next Reform, which was next' came to the ' Hear, hear.") The Hon. hi m ; and he was not surprised Member for Bridport, e measure was a concession made by at that, as he believed th e more, 1 e believed in its weakness; nay, th at the Government who knew the matter well, had all their own. — (Loud the P os tmaster -Genera l , war ned the Ministry th at the y were tak in afa a t 1 prudence of the Po stmaster-General was. greater than that of Min isters ; ant i t gstep. H e believed that the prm that he had for eseen t h at the fase of the C ov ernment was involved in that concess i on ; and as it ba d led in some measure to the present. fi nanc i al embarrassments of the country, he felt th a t t h e prediction had been f u lfilled, and he wished them j oy o f the measure. The next measure was the Irish Municipal Bill. That was the only measure which her Majesty's Ministers had carried with out the full concurrence of their opponents, and even that was riot passed without so large a concession, that it was stated to have been deprived of its chief benefit. H e cou ld not conceive a greater proof of the weakness, imbecility, an d para l ysed nature of a Government, than that by compulsion from their opponents they would introduce that which was contrary to their own judgment, and which they regarded as destroying its efficiency ; yet in this measure the political franchise was a fran chi-e dictated by opponents of the Government.—( Hear. ) There was the English Chancery Bill, upon that he would not dwell further than to say, that itoriginatod in a Commission which was appointed on the motion of his Right Honourable Friend, while he was in power. He would now turn from the measures which her Majesty's Government hail passed, to those which they had brought forward and ebandoned. There was no question which, when the Government of Lord Mel bourne was formed, excited a greater degree of attention than the question of Church-rates. In the year 1834, just before he (Sir James Graham) quitted the Government of Lord Grey, Lord Althorp, on the part of that Government, intro duced a measure upon that subject. Ile never exactly under s'ood why th a t measu re was abandoned ; b u t,' h aving been abandoned, with great pomp and circum s t ance L ord Mel bourne's Government brought forward a measure to settle this was sand inqan introducedmrtbt calculations. It Wall y Lord M on t eag l e with a disputed greatp q a r u a e d s o o n l of . fi gut, es seut to a Committee up stairs ; the calculations were blown into air, th,• plan was abortive, and from that day to this tic attempt had been made to settle the question of Church-Tatra.