The Sun. — London, England, 1828-07-19 00:00:00

views of that House. Thete did exist in the Colo nists a sincere desire to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, and that disposition was only checked by a due regard to tranquillity, and to the security of property. If, besides this, any other obttacle had arisen, it was to be looked for in the intemperate feelings and unmeasured language of the advocates of the slaves. • In sup pert of this position, he must be allowed. to call the attention of their Lordships to what their course had been. When this question was first brought before Parliament—in the very first instance —before the Colonial Governments bad been tried, and therefore before they could have given any grounds for distrust—a proposal was made, the effect of which was the destruction of a considerable por tion of the property of the West Indian proprietors. The first enactment was, that all the children of slaves born after some short period from the date of ' the enactment should be declared free. By this act men's property in fee was at once converted into property in which they had only a life interest. was not in the presence of the highest judicial au thorities of the land that he should stop to argue the title of the master of slaves, to the slaves,. and to their issue. This title had been recognized by the Privy Council—by the Court of Chancery; it was a title as clearly sanctioned by law as the title to any_ other property whatever. Was this attack upon property accompanied by any offer of compensation ? No. On the contrary, it was accompanied by a doc trine which struck at the root of all compensation. It was argued then, and it had since been many times maintained, that the title to such property was fundamentally vicious—that it was founded in injustice, and inconsistent with the 'rights of man kind, which forbade that man should be the pro perty of man. He would not take up the time of the House by showing the mischievous consequences which must result to every kind of property if such a principle were once adopted. If it were necessary to show that the title to all property was free from the taint of injustice, it might be difficult to prove that the Crown had any title to these Colonies. Had not this country originally given a monopoly of slaves to the West Indians ? Had they not sanc tioned by their laws the buying and the selling of slaves ? Such had been the conduct of , this coun try, and it was a bar to this country interfering or injuring property, the title to which they had them selves conferred upon the slave-owner. Besides this, it was attempted by this proposal to violate the constitutional privileges of the colonies. Could they blame the colonists for highly prizing valuable privileges, and for resisting any attempt to invade them ? But not only had the property and the pri vileges of the colonists been attacked—their cha racters had been calumniated and vilified. Every act of atrocity which the conduct of criminal cha racters among them could supply—(and where was the country which did not furnish instances of Priminality ?) —were carefully collected together, many of them vague and unsubstantial, but not for that reason more universally diffused with irri tating comments, and displayed to the people of this country as fair pictures of the morals of the colonists. Every instance to the contrary was said to be a rare exception, or the invention of partial persons. Until this intemperate conduct was abandoned, suc cess could not be hoped for. We must conciliate the masters of the slaves,—we must win their con fidence. By these means they might, as the Noble Duke bad very justly observed, prepare the slaves for the benefit they wished to impart to them ; but it must be by degrees. Thus, though they should proceed slowly, they would proceed surely to the accomplishment of their object, and have the satis. faction of knowing that they were doing good at every step they took. After a few words from Lord CALTHORPE and Lord REDESDALE, the petitions were read.—Or dered to lie upon the table. Their Lordships then adjourned . till half-past three o'clock to-morrow (this day.) HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, Jury 18. Mr. B. BARING presented a petition from Wm. Grant, complaining that his claims on the French Government were not liquidated. Mr. G. BANKES brought. up the-Report of the' Committee on the Roman -Catholic Land Tax Bill, which was ordered to lie on the table. PREROGATIVE COURT OF CANTERBURY._ Mr. HUME said he had a petition to present from a person named Clarkson, a proctor, prac tising in the Ecclesiastical Courts, complaining of a statement made last night by his Hpn. and Learned Friend Dr. Lushington. The SPEAKER said, that no petition could be receis'ed alluding to any thing which fell from a Membei in his place. It was a gross breach of the privileges' ef the House, and the last person who should state sti,ch a breach of privilege would be ha Member. Mr. HUME said that he was perfectly aware of the regulation, but the character of an individual was attacked, and he was sure the Hon. and Learned Gentleman himself would be desirous of giving an explanation. The SPEAKER said, that no person out of the House had a right to make observations upon what passed in the House. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Hume) as a Member, was at liberty himself to ask for explanation on any point which he thought proper. Mr. HUME said, that when aspersions were cast on individuals he was sure his Hon. and Learned Friend (Dr. Lushington) would be the last person who would wish not to be clearly tinderstood. His Hon. and Learned Friend stated that Mr. Clarkson had been three times suspended, twice by Lord Stowell, and once by Sir John Ni chol!. Now he (Mr. Hume) understood that he had never been suspended but once, and that was for an overcharge of 101. in a bill of costs. Dr, LUSHINGTOW said he had only to repeat the statement he had mad Jast night, that Mr. Clarkson had bean punished three different times by the Court, and for a eorroboration he referred to the records of those Courts, (The Hon. and Learned Gentleman here read the judgments of the Court in three different cases, in two of which Mr. C. was severely censured, and in the third he was ordered to be suspended foe one year, and until he came into Court, and faithfully promised " to abstain from all mal-practices in future, in the exercise of his business as a P roctor. ") After this evidence the Hon. Member put it to the House whether he stated any thing concerning Mr. Clarkson, which Le was not justified in stating. Mr. HUME said that he had given notice of another motion on this subject, in which he would take an opportunity of replying to the statement the House had just heard. CORN LAWS. • Mr. HUME then presented a petition agreed to at a Meeting of Deputies from the counties of York, Derbyshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire, praying for an alteration in the Corn Laws. General GASCOYNE moved for a return of the number of vessels navigated by steam in the United Kingdom. The Report on the National Debt Bill was brought up and laid on the table. The Welland Canal Bill was read a third time and passel. The Exchequer Bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion for the third reading of the Con solidated Fund Bill, Mr. SPRING RICE rose and said, that he wished to make some observations on the state of Ireland. He did not wish to draw forth any &eta• ration from Ministers; and, if they were silent, he would not interpret that silence in Any Way; for whatever might he their views, he admitted that it would be unwise and inexpedient to state them. He trusted that Irish affairs would never be con verted into a mode of attack upon any Government. People of all opinions ought to be united in the sup port of Government, and to be made to feel that it was their interest to be so, provided it was apparent that they entertained a desire to maintain its Iran quillity. It was not his wish to excite irritable feelings, but he thought that he would not be discharging his duty to his country if he allowed the Session to pass over, as if every thing was right, and as it should be. He was sure that no Individual in that HOuse could imagine that Ireland was in such a condition- as • he would desire to see her, .and ,he would-ask -if She could remain in that condition ? He begged to call the attention of his Majesty's Government to the condition in which matters then stood. They had closed the labours of the year, as far as legislation was concerned, and he would ask what measure there was upon the Statute book affecting the great .cause to which he was_ entreating their attention ? There was but one, and that was but a nega tive one. At the beginning of. the Session a laW was in foree for the suppression of the Catho lie Association, and that law had been permitted to expire. He was not disposed to quarrel with the Government upon that head, for he was op posed to the Bill as by no means .calculated to allay : the irritated feelings of the people of Ireland. But, except this, there was no other measure enacted to soothe away the inflamed passions of the people. Ireland was now an anomaly in the History . of the Nations of Eur Ope. Those who possessed the power weternot legally responsible, and those who were re sponsible possessed no power whatever. The Hon. Member then called the attention of the House to what had been.said by the Knight of Kerry, on the late debate on the Catholic Question, as to the power possessed by the . Association, and extent_of organiza bon of Ireland, and then asked if what he had then asserted was not more than borne out by the recent occurrences in Clare. Mr. V. Fitzgerald then doubted the extent of the organization, but he would ask, did he doubt. now.?--( Hear, hear.)—The Hon. Member then contended that, carrying the Catholic question to a successful issue was the only means of tranquilizing Ireland, and the danger was, that it would be delayed until it could no longer be beneficial, for it would come ra ther as a matter wrested from the Govern ment than as conceded to the people. The Statute declaratory .of theindependence of Ireland had Jost half of its. grace and all its activity, by delay, and, indeed, tended rather to sever than to unite the two countries; whereas it would haVe ce mented their mutual good understanding between them had it been acceded before it was wrested from us. A parallel to this exists in another great question unless something was done to give a grace to a concession that must come at last. The pre sent Government had more means of carrying this great question, than any that ever existed, for there were amongst them those who had only to pronounce the words to ensure its success. The character of the illustrious person at its head gave every facility for its success, for while none could say that he was influenced by motives of fear towards the As sociation, or of clamour on the part of the people, so none could doubt the policy and safety of the mea sure, when he gave to it his concurrence.—(Hear, hear.)—The greatest glory that he could now ac quire would be the having thus ensured the tran quillity of Ireland, and called forth the young strength of that country to maintain and support the wealth and stability of the British Empire.—The Bill was then read a third time and passed: SILK TRADE. Mr. C. GRANT would take an opportunity of presenting a petition upon•the Silk Trade, to make a few observations Which would show the benefits resulting from the system introduced by the late President of the Board of Trade. In 1826, the change in the laws of Silk Trade took place, and it had been urged that great injuries would result to the trade in general, and to the Throwing Trade in particular. The criterion was the consumption of raw silk in this country, and not the depression of wages, for that affected every trade. The year 1824, was one of great excitement ; 1825 was one of speculation ; and 1826 was a year of depression. 1n.1826, the laws affecting the Silk Trade passed, but did not come into operation'till 1827. In 1821, the consumption of raw silk amounted to 2,000,000 lbs.; in 1824, to 3,560,0001b5.; in 1825, to 3,460,0001b5.; in 1826; tile year. of depression, it was under 2,000,0001 W. ; but, in 1827, when the new Silk Laws came into_ full operation, the con sumption amounted to 3,760,0001b5.; being 360,0001b5.. beyond the maximum of preceding years, and 800,0001bs. above the consumption of the year 1825. The fact was, that the consumption of thrown silk had not increased, comparing the last year with 1824. In 1824 it was 460,0001b5.; in 1825, 465,0001b5.; in 1826, 560,0001b5.; and in 1827, it fell again to 440,0001b5. It was no torious •to all who had any acquaintance with manufactures, that none was ever so nurs ed or bolstered up by protecting laws as the silk manufacture generally, but especially the branch of it connected with the thrown silk. The throwing of silk might in some sort be looked upon as a separate manufacture, anti the whole trade had exhibited a singular exception to the activity and animation of other British manufactures : there had been no improvement, and contented mediocrity was all that it ever attained, without the display of that genius and invention which usually accompanied the enterprise of our traders. It afforded.a most remarkable and most humiliating proof of the para . lysing effect of protecting laws, that in this depart ment we were below foreign nations; while in other manufactures we feared lest the advantage of our machinery should be communicated to foreigners, in this we ostentatiously avowed our inferiority. It was an argument used in and out of Parliament, that in respect to the machinery employed in the silk trade it was impossible for Great Britain to com pete with France. What then had been the conse quence of pursuing that course, which it was said at the time would throw the nation prostrate at the feet of its rivals ? In proportion as the ordinary motives of human action were allowed to operate upon this branch as upon others—in proportion as a spirit of competition had been discouraged, in that proportion, had a new spirit been breathed into the Silk Trade, and new improvements had been adopt ed of which there had been no anticipa tion. These were not his sentiments only, but those best qualified to judge—even of the silk throwsters themselves, who candidly confessed that the measures of Mr. Huskisson had not so much improved an old as created a new trade. The price of throwing silk had been reduced from Ss. and 10s. per lb. to 3s. and ss. per lb. and one tbrowster in London had lowered it even to ls. 6d. per lb. The effect of the change in the law had been to produce a spirit of exertion, and an economy of labour. It had i4gen admitted on all hands, that if the old ma chinery were adhered to, it would be impossible to compete with rivals, and very recently only the spirit of enterprize and improvement which marked our other manufactures, exercised its influence upon that of silk. New establishments had started up in different parts of the kingdom, at Cardiff and at Macclesfield, while at Manchester they had risen like exhalations. But the throwing of silk was only a subsidiary and subordinate department; it was only 4 means towards an end, and if driven to choose betwoip the general m anu f ac t urer o f s ilk a nd the throwster, it ought tp be recollected that the one might flourish though the other might be destroyed. But the Legislature was riot reduced to that painful alteinative, for the result proved clearly that the throwing a silk might be performed even cheaper than it had yet been done, since the a l terat i on o f the law; the throwing of silL, he might add, was the only remaining difficulty, and if it could be clone cheaper, there was no part of the world to whi c h ' Great Britain might not send the productions of her looms. Attempts had been made to rival F rance i n different parts of the process, and wit h w h a t sitecess migh be sex) even by the unskilled eye Qf any gen, tleman who entered the Repository of Charing cross. It would be found that even in colour the comparison was not to the disadvantage of this country. What did lie argue from this fact ? That • if the cost of throwing silk were reduced, we need fear no foreign markets. It would be easy for him ; to multiply instances where similar success hal at ._ Wridetj the measures of his Right Hon, Friend (Mr. Huskisson), but he had said enough to prove what new spirit would be generated in all branches, if the Legislature would but relax the yet existing _restric tions upon this, branch. "We now (said Mr. G.), command the home market; we might then fear lessly enter the foreign market. I trust that next Session the Legislature will look into the subject ; it interests the nation most deeply, for the silk ma nufacturers of Great Britain do not dread foreign competition, but illicit introduction encouraged by high protecting duties. They ask only for justice; they do not claim restrictions in prohibitions, for they dislike the whole system; and they are ready to take their chance with other manufacturers who multiply productions at home, and, carry them to every quarter of the globe. I believe that in the statement I have made, I have been guilty of no exaggeration; lam not conscious that I have made any, and I am sure it was far from my intention; but having made this statement, I may claim for my Right Hon. Prim!, for 'his measures and policy, not merely a formal acquittal, "but. a complete, triumphant, and grateful recognition of the sound ness of hiss principles:"—(Hear, hear.) Mr. FYLER'denied that the silk trade was in a flourishing condition, although a stimulus had been given to - it, and the manufacturers had endeavoured, manfully to struggle against all the new difficulties to which they were exposed. He did not mean to follow the Right Hon. Gentleman through his speech at this period or the Session it would be attended with no advantage, and next year it was his intention to bring the whole subject under the notice of the House ; he should then move for a Committee, and he hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman would be a member of it, in order that he might receive information upon many points with which at present he could not be acquainted. . The petition was then laid upon the table. Mr. HUME presented a petition from a barrister at Plymouth, Mr. C. Bird, complaining that the second clause of what was called Mr. Peel's Bill, might be destructive of the Trial by Jury. Sir C. BURRELL (in behalf of his brother) gave notice that in in the next Session he would submit a motion on the state of the laws relating to wool. The Sugar Bill went through a Committee. Re port to-morrow. TARIFF OF THE UNITED STATES. Mr. HUSKISSON—In 1815, very soon after the termination of the unfortunate war in which we were engaged with the United States, a Convention was entered into for four years; the principle of it was very short and clear, and it was one of those treaties, not quite the first, but very nearly the first, which had been since so much abused under the name of reciprocity treaties. The simple principle was this :—That all articles the growth, produce, and manufacture of either country, should be re ceived in either upon duties as low as those paid upon any the like articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of any other country; and further, that there should be no discriminating -duties in reference to the national character of the respective ships. This Convention was renewed in 1818 for ten years, and it would expire in October of the present year. It was necessary to state, that when this Convention was first made, the policy, the wise policy of the United States, was to impose no other duties on articles imported for the consumption of the popula tion, than were required to raise an adequate reve nue for the purposes of the State. The duties on the woollens of this country did not exceed fifteen per cent.; on hardware they were lower, and on cotton goods lower still; and such continued to be the state of things, and the principle which regu lated the Government of the United States in 1818, when the Convention was renewed. A change of policy then commenced, and when this country was about to explode the doctrines of prohibition, and high protecting duties, they adopted them into their commercial code. He was bound to state that in adopting them, for the purposes of revenue, the Go vernment 'of the United States had in view those articles which form the great staple manufactures of this kingdom. The duties on woollens, hardware, and cottons, were raised to between thirty and forty per cent., and other articles of the same charaCter were included in the Tariff, About the same time the United States passed ano ther measure, which was a complete violation of the principle, and of the stipulations of the Convention of 1818, so far as related to one branch of our manufactures. They imposed an ad ditional duty on what is called roll-iron, or plates made by the process of rolling instead of the old method of hammering. Thus the increase was oc casioned merely by the improvement in the mode of manufacturing, and without reference to the quality and description of the article. This tax met with remonstrance on the part of the Government of Great Britain, and it was but just to the American Executive to say, that it thought the re monstrance well founded and inconsistent with the spirit and provisions of the Convention, which ought not to have reference to any improved process of manufac ture. It would certainly be most unfair and preju dicial that the American Government should thus countervail a more expeditious and economical me thod of accomplishing the same end, when the ar ticle itself was unaltered. Although the remon strance was made, and laid before the Senate and House of Representatives, it , produced no effect ; and in 1826, the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States proposed to renew the Convention of 1818 for a further term of ten years. He (M r. Huskisson) was charged with the ta sk of negotiating that subject, and some other m atters then pending. between the two Governments. He (Mr. Husk's son) did not consider that this country ought to ea ter into a Treaty for another ten years, but that the Treaty should be of such a nature as to be dissolved by either party, by giving twelve months' no ti ce . This convention was renewed in August last upon this principle ; but since that period the A mer i can Congress had added other duties, particularly upon wool, hardware, and cotton, and those - duties were so great as to amount almost to a prohibition ; and, as in the year before the proposition for an increase was rejected by a majority of one, in 1827 it was carried by a great majority. But he understood that those best informed upon subjects in the United States, looked upon the increase as highly prejudi cial to their interests. He was not one of those who advocated a system of prohibitory warfare ; but if we did not adopt some course of the kind we should forfeit our claim to impartiality. The United States deceived themselves if they supposed that we had not ample means of manifesting our feelings, even under the Convention ; but it was, however, open to us to put an end to that Convention by due notice given, and this was, in hi s op i n i on , the more manly course, if redress could not be obtained—if we could not terminate that system of commercial hostility which England was not the first to begin,but was the first to lament. The principal exports of America—tobacco, rice, cotton, and turpentine — were not manufactured in this country, but were merely sent to this country for consumption, and with those articles it would not be difficult to sup ply ourselves from other sources. It would there fore be a question at least worth consideration , whether we ought not to look to our I n terests with reference to protection agai ns t a s ystem which too plainly indicates a wish to exclude the United States. Bllieiti bsleilive nu . ff owed it s existence i less to the opin ion that it would promote na tionalthan electioneering.— He had thiss fromta tariff own decided imp ress i on , t hat the interests United States would b e greatly ofti ehis pre judiced by the course they were a b out to pursue ; and he could prove it to demonstration by a detail of the history of the growth and progress of the com mercial intercourse between the two countries since the termination of the last contest, and under the Treaty to which he had referred. But-without going into detail, he should state the progress of the trade in a single article—cotton. In 1815, the first year after the peace, the quantity of cotton imported from the United States into this country, was CO millions of pounds; in 1816, it was 49 millions of pounds, there haviti& been a large importation the previous year, owing to the lowness of the stoCr; in 1817, the quantity imported was 58 millions of pounds ; and in 1818, 65 millions of pounds. He would not go on through each successive year, but he would point out to the House thut in 1818, ten years ago, the quantity imported was 65 millions of pounds, and in 1827, the quantity was 194 millions of pounds. Yet the United States had now adopted this tariff, which would put it out of the power of Great Britain to exchange our manufactures for their raw material. It would clearly be impossible for this country, under these circumstances, to import s u n o c t e a d quantity States, a N s v h l i e 9 14 m 1 fo i r l m l i o e n of ds three-fourths e po e_ u fo nds urt hfsro of m t the whole amount of the cotton imported into this country. If America pursued this policy, the day would probably come when her trade with this country, which now formed' half the gross exports Of the United States to all parts of Europe, would be as much restricted and as diminutive as that between : this country and France. It was im possible not" to advert to this rapid groWth of the consumption of the cotton of North America in this cetuntry, on account of the prodit afforded of the increased powers of consumption among the people in this country. According to the best infor mation, relative to the state of the cotton trade in 1817 and 1818, it was of this description—one-half of all the manufactured goods of cotton was con sumed at home, and the other was exported. Lias much as the consumption of the raw material was far more than doubled during the last ten years, it followed that the consumption of cotton goods in this country was more than doubled. In like manner the raw cotton exported from America had been duadrupled, during the last ten years; and he hailed the increase of trade all over the world as a proof of the increase of the comforts of the 'people, produced by ate long period of peace that had been enjoyed by all the States of Europe. He believed that the people of Europe were at this moment in a happier condition than was ever known before in the civilized world. He did not apprehend that this country would suffer by the duties of 80 per cent. which the Americans had imposed for the protection of their own industry. The effect of the prohibition of sup plies from this country, by the Americans, would be to raise the price of wool by raising the price of American cotton; and thus wool would again re sume its station in the consumption of the country. The madness of preventing the importation of foreign wool could only be equalled by the madness of the United States in preventing the growth of its own staple commodity. It was with much gratification he referred to the fourth Report of the Finance Committee, in which the House would find abundant proofs that the power of the industrious classes over every branch, not only of the necessities but of the luxuries of life, was rapidly increasing. After the discussions that had taken place with the United States in the year 1825, he was sorry that the House had again so painful a subject be fore it as that to which he had called its attention. He referred to what had occurred with respect to the intercourse between the United States and the British Colonies in the West Indies. He had the honour to submit an Act to that House for opening the trade of the Colonies—till then a strict mono poly—to the commerce of all other nations, on cer tain conditions therein specified. Some States ac cepted the terms; but the United States, instead of making an arrangement of a reciprocal nature, which was the basis of the proposition, insisted upon im posing upon British shipping duties which would have given their shippins , the monopoly of the trade. This country subinitteffor one long year patiently, he had almost said too patiently, to this vexatious return for the benefits we had tendered to the United States; a t th e en d of th a t period, his Ma jesty was advised, under the power of the Act, to Prohibit the intercourse of the United States with the West Indies. Then came a tardy proposition to accede to the conditions which for twelve months they had spurned, as he believed, in the expectation of compelling this country to abandon them. He spoke in the hearing of those who knew that what he was saying was true—that the advice to his Ma jesty to issue that Order in Council was given with reluctance arid regret. But if a course of policy un friendly to the extension of our commercial inter course was once forced on the Councils of this country, it became his Majesty's Government, in vindication of our own honour and character, and in preservation of our rights, as well as injustice to our merchants and capitalists, to persist in it with firmness arid perse verance. In respect to the present Tariff of the United States, he would say, as lie did in the case of the Order in Council--" Do not be hasty in de termining what you will do. Consider the subject in all its bearings. Consult the interests of the country carefully. But if they were forced by cir cumstances, after due deliberation and adequate cir cumspection, to take a course of retaliation, he did implore the Government, if they once determined on that course, to persevere in it with steadiness and decision. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving for copies of the American Tariffs of 1824, and of the present year, with any communica tions from his Majesty's Ministers in the United States on the subject. Mr. HUME did not think that the Right Hon. Gentleman had well considered the different in terests that prevailed in the American Congress. He had himself truly stated that this Tariff had been only carried after years of discussion, by a colourable ma jority. He would not, therefore, pay attention to this endeavour to establish a foolish and injurious policy, but let it fall to pieces by its own weakness. But the Right Hon. Gentleman had expressed his astonishment that a country, claiming the reputation of being liberal, should have adopted a policy so narrow and mischievous. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman look at the policy of this country to wards the United States. Nothing rankled more in a the breas ts of the Americans than our exclusion of their Mr. corn. This was the staple of half the country , and i t was by the influence of those States which grew corn that this unwise and impolitic Tariff had been passed. The Corn Bill acted as a positive prohibition of foreign corn, by the heavy duties which the present prices impos e d. Was it to be wondered at, that when we set this example, the Americans should feel justified in retaliating upon us ? The Right Hon. Gentle man had alluded to the intercourse with the West Indies. H e (M r . H u me) believed that the Order in Council had tended more to raise the spirit of op position on the part of the Americans than any other measure of this Government. He had no hesitation in saying, that if America chose to shut out every article of British manufacture, we should soon fi n d markets for our exports, whichl would enabl e us to pay for the articles America had hithe r t o supp li e d us. He doubted whether it was expedie n t, f or t he sake of maintaining the monopoly of our nav i gat i on, PEELoid the irritation. i o n u te d ll igent men in the C ongress h a d manfully to exclude the Americans f rom t h e West Indies.— Besides, it was not ce r t a i n t hi s Tariff would con t opposed it. Th e proper course, therefore, wags con tinue.to All v not possibly have any objection to his Non. Friend's motion, as he thought that by the House being put in possession of the facts which it desired to get at, they would be enabled to see the real object of the Tariff of America, as well as the probable manner in which it would operate on this country. He, however, thought that sonic of the views which the Hon. Gentleman who had spoken last had taken, were to a certain degree erroneous. The Hon. Gentleman had attempted to defend the American Tariff on the ground that it was a retalia tory measure ; he (Mr. Peel) did not know whether the Hon. Member for Montrose had read the docu ments connected with the subject; but he should rather think not, as in that case he thought that the Hon. Gentleman would hardly have defended the Tariff on the ground of retaliation; nor could he at all see how that ground was to be supported, when in the very year that the Tariff was introduced, this country had relaxed in its rules with respect to American corn. The fact was, that this Tariff pro fessed to he for the purpose of affording encourage ment to the American manufacturers—(Hear), — arid certainly their trade might in some measure be *4 k so extended, though there could be no doubt that the final effect would be against that country. — (Hear, hear.) . • Mr. TRANT supported tlie motion. Mr.•ROBINSON thought the view taken by the Hon. Member for Montrose extravagant. Mr. ATTWOOD said a few words, which were inaudible in the Gallery. Mr. STUART concurred in the motion. Mr. C. GRANT was glad that his Right Hon. Friend had brought forward this motion, as it would serve in some measure to show what were the feel ings of this country on the subject, and would have some effect, he trusted, in advising the Americans of the mistaken course of policy which they were pur suing, and which must, in the end, operate to the detriment of the funds of that country, by lessening the amount she received from the merchandise car ried thither, and consequently obliging her to have recourse to an increase in her internal taxation. (Hear, hear.) Mr. HusmssoN having_said afew words.in.reply,. the motion was agreed. to. • PREROGATIVE COURT. • Mr. HUME moved " That certain returns of the amount of fees and profits of the Judges, and other Officers of the Prerogative Office of the Archbishop of Canterbury, be laid before the House ; and also an account of the Proctors' Fees." After a few words from Dr. PHILLIMORE, the motion was agreed to. SESSIONAL ADDRESSES. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the House resolved itself into a Committee to vote the usual Sessional Addresses. Mr. HUME inquired if any arrangement had been made to carry into effect the recommendation of the House for raising the Librarian's salary ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER had had a personal conference on the subject with the Lords of the Treasury as soon as the feeling of the House was made known, and the Treasury had agreed that the usual warrant should be issued. Mr. HUME thought the sum intended for Mr. Carlisle for making an Index for the Reports of the Commissioners on Charities might have been spared, if those Commissioners and their Secretary had done their duty. The SPEAKER said, the Index to the first fourteen volumes of the Reports was Most valuable. Another volume ofJndex would complete the whole, and then the Index would form a most useful record for all the Charities in the kingdom. Mr. PEEL said, that he had been willing to re duce the expellee of the Commissioners as much as possible, and had therefore not filled up two vacancies which had occurred since his .re-appointment to office. _ _ _ _ _ After a few words from Mr. HUME and Mr. PEEL in explanation, the several votes were agreed to. The House then resumed, and the Report was ordered to be received to-morrow. RETURNS—PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS. Mr. HUME gave notice that he should, next Session, act on the resolution of a report on the table of the House, to make Members moving for private returns to be printed, pay for the printing 'of such returns, and should enforce that resolution. Some MEMBER asked if Mr. Hume had paid for his own, and the Hon. Member was understood to answer that he meant to act himself on the rule lie should enforce against Otheri. • Mr. Secretary PEEL would be ready to adopt any suggestion which would relieve the House from the mass of papers that now were likely to over whelm rather than instruct them. Mr. COURTENAY hoped . that lie should be prepared at the beginning of next- Session tolay on the table a complete return of all the exports and imports, and other things connected with his office. CORPORATION FUNDS. Mr. H. GURNEY gave notice, that if the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite did not bring' forward some measure early next Seslion, to make Corpora tions responsible for the appropriation of'their fund, he would himself undertake that 'task. The House adjourned at Nine o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. lIQUSE QF COMM(); , 7,S. ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR THIS DAY,. National Debt Bill—Third reading. Sugar Bill—Report. Sessional Addresses—Report thereupon. NOTICES GIVEN ON THURSDAY AND. YESTERDAY. Monday, July 21. Mr. Robert Grant—Two Petitions from Robert Cowie, on behalf of certain Merchants of London, Claimants against the French Government in respect of property confiscated during the Revolution :—Similar Peti tions from Mrs. Samuels, widow ; and from Nodes Dickinson, on behalf of certain inhabitants of the Co lony of St. Martin—and to move an Address to the Crown thereupon. Mr. Secretary Peel—To move . adjournment of the Llotise till Friday 25th instant. Next Session. Mr. Fyler—Select Committee to inquire into the state of the Silk Trade. Mr. Burrell—To bring under the consideration of Par liament the state of the Law affecting the importation of Foreign Wool, to the manifest injury of the Wool-Growers of all descriptions throughout the United Kingdom. Viscount BERESFORD transacted business yesterday with Sir Gxo. MURRAY, at the Colonial-office, Downing-street. A Naval Officer arrived at the Foreign-office, Downing-street, yesterday morning, with despatches. from Oporto. Mr. VESEY FITZGERALD transacted lausi ness yesterday at the Admiralty. The fishing vessels on this coast, during the past week, have been more successful than for seine time past. Sherborne Journal. The Royal Adelaide will be launched at this Dock-yard, on Monday, the 28th inst.—Plymouth Jour nal of Thursday. ANOTHER IMPROMPTU. —On Monday even ing last, at half-past nine o'clock, RICHARD RIPON, driver of a hackney chariot, was called from th e stand in South ampton-row, Bloomsbury, to go to a doctor's shop in Great Russell-street, for the purpose of taking up a fare. On his arrival he found two gentlemen and a woman in the shop( they requested him to drive her to Bell street, Edgware-road, and gave him four shillings, at the same time pressing him to hasten there as fast as he possibly could, as she was in a pregnant state. Lie proceeded on his journey, and on the road she screamed out, and put her head through the front window of the coach; he thought as no one was with her that she was tipsy, and took no not• drunk, ask the coachman," who in notice; in a few minutes after all was quiet. On his ar rival in Bell-street, the husband and sister-in-law of the a s m a id he had brought her from a doctor's shop. woman were at the doer, when the husband exclaimed, What, BET, you have come home drunk, as usual ;" she erTexhielliaehnltb:oa‘tnlsd on hearing this, said, "BET, you had better jump upon my back, and I will carry you up stairs." ShC said she would prefer her sister-in-law to go up with her, who immediately replied, " I shall not go up with you, you itaiv i f area she(the w drunkenb o e m a beast." w . The coachman in the fa asked family-way; hes.ir sheerin replied, " No ; she has been that way these two years, and •that it was only the dropsy." The coachman then went to the stand in Great Quebec-street, and on opening the door to pull up the glasses, he discovered-the body of a child lying on the straw; lie then called to RICHARD Winmorr, another coachman, who said We had better send fur a doctor, and accordingly sent to Mr. JAcOmn, of Upper York -street, who instantly attended, and on viewing the body, ordered him to return to B ell-street with hi m. On their arrival the husband and sister both denied th at she had been in the family-way , t he y both then looked i nto the carriage, and exclaimed, " Oh! it is true enough ; " in walition the husband exclaimed, Aye, this can't be the first time; she has been so many times, and I have been often laughed at fur it, and said it has been a dropsy.. They then took the child from the coach, wrapped it up in a cloth, and said they would put it away. Mr. Jaco3ta finding the child to be dead, thought it prudent to take it to Marylebone Infirmary, where it was opened in the presence of Mr. GOODYEARS and other medical gentlemen, w h ose opinion was, that the child was not horn alive.— The woman remains in a very bad state at her lodgings, in Bell-street. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the. Gazette de France, dated July 17.) ODESSA, JUNE 24.—Our army is in full march against the capital of the Ottoman empire, and we shall soon learn some event which will be decisive to the duration of the present campaign, for it does not appear that the Sultan is disposed to profit by the declaration of our august Monarch, and to send deputies to treat at the Russian head-quarters. The Turkish policy will, on the contrary, persist in the way which it has laid down for itself, and gather together all the means it can command to repel force by force. The Grand Vizier, as in preceding wars, is going to Shouinla to wait for the Russians and to give them battle,—a plan which has hitherto always served •to hinder the Russians from advancing to the other side of the Balkan to approach Constantinople ; bat the Turkish tactics would act on an uncommon basis if all the hopes entertained at . Censtantinople are centred in the position of Shoumla, which of undoubtedly, very important, and an opportunity will soon come to convince people, that in tnilitari operations different roads lead to the same object; and that our Monarch may very probably have adopted a plan for the campaign different from that of his predecessors. The arrival of his Majesty , with the vanguard, at Kiustenza, proves, that the main body of the army will proceed along the co ast, and will pass the chain of mountains at Varna, to penetrate into the plain of Adrianople, and to co' operate with the corps under the command of Gene , ral Roth, coming from the Upper Danube, with which it will act against ConEtantinople.—Augsbut,o Gazette. PARIS, JULY 16.—The Minister of Foreign Af' fairs, and the Russian Ambassador, sent despatche the day before yesterday for the Ambassador' assembled at Corfu. The Journal du Commerce says," The Trident, the arrival of which at Toulon we have already mew tioned, is said to have brought word that the Sultan accepts the mediation of France and England, and that an envoy from the Porte has set out for Corfu' on board a Turkish corvette, escorted by the Pali' nore French frigate." On the 13th June, when the Trident leftNavariof Sir Edward Codrington had just had an interviS with Ibrahim. The plague prevailed in several, parts of the' Levant; it was even felt on board a Russi an v esie' , at Malta. M. Garneray,, who was sent to Navari ° to make a painting of the battle, has returned (3° board the Trident, with his picture, which he finishe d on the spot. .. VIENNA, JULY. I.—Metalliques, 92 11-16 ; 13 1441 Shares, dividend of the second half-year, 1,0701. FRENCH FUNDS..—PARIS, JULY 16.—Five per COO: - 105 f.. 95c. 7 • Three per Cents. 721. 95c.; Naples Stoci 73c.—.Exchange76l. 73c.—.Exchange on London, one month, 25f. 25c.; three months, 25f. 15c. • AMERICAN PAPERS. (From a New York Paper, June 24.) By the ship Atlas, arrived below last night, ff° lll 4 Rio Janeiro we learn that when the Atlas saile (June 1), all hostilities had ceased to exist betWee ti , the Buenos Ayreans and the Portuguese. li b : Brazilian Minister had sailed for Buenos Ayres igi British frigate. The Portuguese frigate had l e Buenos Ayres. • Lieutenant-Colonel AV. J. F. Carrera, a BueS Ayrean officer (who came passenger in the Attos i ?i has been a prisoner for two years and a half, 0 . 4 has come here with the intention to embark fort' . own country. He has friends in Philadelphia. The Atlas was detained at Rio several weeks, consequence of outrage practised-upon her by t . " Brazilians, - under the following circumstances • Capt. Townsend discharged six hands (Eriglishind! r who wished - to quit the vessel, paid . them It wages, and received their receipts in full, sign' and witnessed at the' 'United States' Consulate.' 'ulid ofer Three others of his crew (Americans) deserted, tbo,:' s t b h i e e k agreeably to the laWs of, the United . States, forf e !, i fl o u g e , n ce their o f a W n a o g t e o s r . .These u s.i a n nineof the men name sailor landlord, laid further claims against the sr P r' and obtained an order from a petty tribunal, (' „ A s doubtedly cor ru pt e d, as every f orm ' o f l a w v'd Waived), to s e iz e u p on th e ' carg o. A military gul'! e i of 16 men, headed by the before-mentioned S h 'd (which he no doubt obtained through the influenc e his friend the Minister of Marine), proceeded on to lr the Atlas, and took cargo out of her to the anio° l . l ; of 3,000 dollars. During the proceedings CaPt iii , Townsend .ordered his colours to be hoisted, 010,, down, as a signal of distress : the sailors drew toe;' swords, Would not permit the colours .to be hoist edll and ordered Captain Townsend not to - dare to h s or speak with any vessel. Having thus comPle t possession of the ship, Shiel informed the er e ` that if they Would quit the vessel he would obELa' their wages. • The AMerican Consul, immediately upon heari fi of the transaction, addressed the Government, if t monstrating against these outrageous proceeding but the officers of the tribunal, which issued ft: process, expecting -a dividend of the property, h ti to it with the voracious tenacity 'of starving wolve and it was only by'. the utmost exertions and peated demands Or justice, - that after 20 days it returned, the ship being made to bear the expel l of the process. The important service rendered by Shiel, in r ( i veiling upon foreign seamen to deseat and eater tt l e ol Brazilian navy, has obtained for him the unlitnit, confidence and friendship of his Excellency Pier, Jorge de Vritz; Minister of M ar i ne ; w hich °` , l ' counts for the influence of this notorious scoundr, e ,; The following i s a co p y o f C a pt a i n T ow nsen° protest : " Consulate of the United States 'of Anteri4 , Rio Janeiro, April 12, 1828.—Before me, W. D. C. Wright, Consul of the United States'of A rice, personally appeared James Townsend, mast ) of the ship Atlas, of New York, who made cA t i . upon the Holy Evangelists, that at six o'clock ih, morning his .t hip was boarded by 16 soldiers, a sailj landlord named Shiel, and three seamen who 1 0 deserted from the said ship ; that they took fr° the ship and carried on shore 33 bags of coffee 0,1:i 56 bundles of whalebone, which they said were wages; he the said master declares that they W i j no just claim upon the ship; and whereas the sa_, Shiel induced the said men to desert under the r,, mise that he could and would procure their wag e, ' and whereas it has no doubt been through his nl i o , representation that the said outrage has been co 01 mitted. The said master hereby protests spil l/ the said Shiel and the authorities who issued t, l order for seizing part of the cargo, and aga inst soldiers and their commander, and all others jo t rested in the arbitrary proceedings," &c. The United States frigate Macedonian conYei the Atlas out. (From a Washington Paper.) • • GENERAL JACKSON AND COLONEL BENTON. l i t We subjoin the letter of Colonel Benton, of t o United States Senate, giving an account of th e 0 1 rociotis attack m a d e upon him in 1813, by Gen e if Jackson. Th e c i rcumstan c e s and scene whiph l it discloses cannot b e too o ften pres ente d t o the p Ol/ 01 4 eye, at a moment when such zealons exertion 9 ef t daily made to elevate the assailant to the big office in the Union. He who, for the gratific ati of of revenge, could thus meditate the d e structilpis a fellow-citizen, and the violation of the laws ', t ot country, will never be selected as the cons e r, v ;ili , and dispenser of those laws by a moral and int gent people. " FRANKLIN (TENNESSEE), SEPT. ,9IIg 10, ,tll9 " A difference which had been for. some,trt or ce brewing between General Jackson and myself' ' n duced on Saturday, the 4th instant, in the toWsseb Nashville, the most outrageous affray ever wisp t bi in • a civilized country. In communicating affair to my friends and .fellow-citizens, 1 pi myself to the statement of a few leading facts, , o t ,truth of which I am ready to establish by proofs. c _‘ . Is That myself and my brother Jesse ' 13entgli •Sl