The Sun. — London, England, 1841-08-26 00:00:00

which could never coincide with commercial interests. He (Mr. Ward) found also that significant words had been used in another quarter last night. He found that a Noble Duke was reported to have said that " if those absurd reports which are in circulation were well founded,—namely, that the opponents of the present Government would themselvespropose a similar measure, I say, in the name of the landed Interest, that should they do so we will turn them out. Let them only say that there shall be ad as. duty, and after that free trade, and we who , anthem now.m will put them out again."—(Hear, hear. Now, how was the future Cabinet to be cora .. •. ? The Noble Lord the Member for North Lan _whir% at his election, talked of the proposition of the Government as the destruction of agriculture. The Right Hon. Baronet had pledged himself to an indisso luble alliance with the sliding scale. The Noble Duke wished to adhere to the averages, and other Hon. Mem bers had told them that they regarded the proposition of an Is. duty as an absolute insult to the landed interest. Now, let him inquire what was the amount . of the Bs. duty ? Why it was equivalent to two rents for every acre. And could they ask more in the face of a suffer ing community ?—(Rear, hear.) What was the conse quence of this ? Why, that other parties were obliged to imitate the example. The result was, that manufac tures declined, and parties were obliged to seek refuge in other lands from the cruel effects of the Corn-laws. Now, what were the remedies whi c h th e amen d men t t o the address proposed ? Why, simply this, that they were to put implcit faith in the good intentions of those whom a majority' of that House were shortly to trans plant to that side of the House. What was there, he would ask, in the conduct of the Gentlemen on the other side of the House, to justify them in adopting such a course ?—(Hear, hear.) He did not see how they would improve the financial state of the country by placing in power men who had pledged themselves to the Hon. Member for Oxford to deal tenderly with the Church, and who had gloried in the short Con servative victory they had obtained with respect to the Poor-laws at Nottingham.—(Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Ward) had never shrunk from maintain ing his opinion upon the subject of the New Poor-law. He had doubts, however, as to the line which the Right Hon Bart. opposite would be allowed to pursue by the bulk of the party which he led with respect to that law. He knew that many of them had committed themselves against the measure during the elections and during the debates which had preceded the dissolution of the late Parliament, by expressing opinions which they now perhaps regre tt e d. And, threfore, he saw no reason on that account for transferring power to the hands of the Right Hon. Bart. There was one more subject to which he wished to refer—the condition of Ireland. It certainly appeared to him very singular that not a word had been said upon the subject of Ire lend in the course of that debate. If he recollected right the Right Hon. Bart. opposite had declared in 1839, that Ireland was his great difficulty ; but had anything been done up to the present time to diminish that difficulty ? Had anything been done to facilitate the possibility of goiterning that country upon principles of justice and ticy ? He imputed no intenti ons t o th e Right Hon. P °net, with regard to Ireland, which were not politic and honourable ; but he should say he must govern that country through instruments which must fail in carrying out the moderation of his views. Ile was distrusted fi the Roman Catholics and the Libe ral Protestants, and he would be compelled to throw him self back upon the Orange party, with what result he (Mr. Ward) would not undertake to say. Ireland, in stead of presenting the spectacle of a country whose people, after a few years of conciliatory legislation, would have amalgamated together, had lately exhibited' among its inhabitants the wildest joy on the part of one portion of the population at the prospect of a restoration of the Tory ascendancy, while another portion had been driven by the violence of their feelings to the verge of violating the law. He did say, therefore, he saw a thousand reasf ins for regret and none for rejoicing in the prospect of' the consequences which would follow in Ireland from it teensfer of power into the hand.> of Hon. Gentlemen op posite. He saw the possibility of the Irish people being go ;did into acts of violence which would serve as a plea ,r a reiteration upon the part of the British Govern of th , sa fearful scenes which bad been enacted in 1798. as one of the necessary, though, perhaps, not immediate consequences of the restoration of the Conservative party to office 'Their ablest men, with the single exception of the Right Ilon. Baronet himself, had unfortunately co:fintitted themselves in an alinost personal strugp,-If: with the Irish people. Let them look to the position of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Stanley) , the most brilliant of their Parliansenttry supporters, and they world find that his name was identified in Ireland with a Bill whose tendency was to cut down the franchise of the people, and to make it utterly unworthy of a coun try which claimed an equality with Engiand.—(Cheer on the Ministerial benches.) They were tot that they were about to have a Government which would at leas; have the power of carrying their own measures. But the first measure to which the party was pledged, because it was that upon which their principal triumphs had been wet, was that Registration Bill which made the Noble Lord's name be held in detestation by one portion of th, realm. Again, one of their leading supporters else v: here was a Noble mid Learned Lord whose name was associated with words which harl sunk deeply into tin breast of every Trirliman.—(Hear.) These were the. things which made him tremble fur the consequences 0! the accession to powe r o f t h e party opposite. j .He found the Right Hon. Baronet pledged to no principle of com mercial legislation save the maintenance of the sliding scale ; he saw danger in Ireland ' - and he knew o f no possible expect a ti on o f goo d which could induce him to v vote in favour of the amendment before the House. Mr. M. SUTTON lilt that he was not called upon to fallow Hon. Gentlemen opposite through the various topics which they had discussed, not because ho did not admit their importance, but because he thought her Ma jesty's Ministers could not take these subjects into their consideration useless they possessed the confidence of thi House.—(Cheers.) The verdict of the last Parliamere had been decidedly against them. An appeal was trier made to the country, and the Nobl e L or d, t h e l ea d er of the Government in that House, admitted, in his address to his constituents, that the country was against them— that he thought it behoved that House, before taking any measures into consideration, to decide whether they placed any confidence in the present Ministers of the Crown.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted the House would allow him to allude to a subject rather apart from the question before the House ; but, as it was an important matter to him, he trusted the House would bear with him for a few moments. On a former evening, when the Noble Lord was congratulating the Speaker on his re election, in w hi c h h e (M r. M. Sutton) would have cor dially concurred had he been present—(Cheers)— he was reported to have said that he had opposed the re election ofhis Noble Relative (Lord Canterbury) in 1335 on other grounds than political ones. Now, the dimness and perfect indistinctness of this charge had given pain to his Noble Relative, who was not afraid of any charge that could be made against him ; but he complained of its indistinctness. He (Mr. M. Sutton) flattered himself that the Noble Lord would be much obliged to him for siring him an opportunity of stating fully and fairly the nature of the charge to which he had alluded.—(Hear.) Load IRUSSELL—Perhaps the House would allow him to answer the question which had been put to him with out interfering with the debate.—(Cheers.) On the oc casion of the election of Speaker, the Right Hon. Baronet Sir Ps. Peel assumed that the sole reason why the re election of Lord Canterbury in 1835 was opposed, was, that heis political opinions did not agTee with the majo rity of the H ouse. As he (Lord J. Russell) had made a flifferent statement, he did not think it right to allow that statement to pass without remark, and therefore he stated that that was not the sole reason, but that there were. other matters connected with the conduct of Mr. Manners Sutton which made him oppose his re-election. As far as his recollection served him, he stated at that time that that Right Hon. Gentleman had not com mitted a positive breach of duty ; yet his conduct he con sidered to be unbecoming the part of a Speaker of the House of Commons. In 1834 there was a ()Teat majority which supported.the Government, of which Lord Althorp was the representative in that House. During the re cess that House was dissolved, and at the Privy Councils where that measure was decided upon, attended by the heads of the party, which was in a small minority, Mr . Manners Sutton took his place. It was his (Lord John Russell's) opinion that such conduct was improper —that he ought to have submitted to the Crown, that being the organ of the House - of Commons. He ought not to be made a party. councelling its dissolution. He would say nothing of the Government which had proposed and supported his re-election to the Chair, but ho ought to have been no party to the dissolution of that House, which had placed him in the elevated situation which he had held. That he had stated at the time, and therefore the other evening he had said that he opposed his re-election upon other grounds than political .differ ence of opinion. Certainly at the time he felt consider able resentment, for he had respected Lord Canterbury for his attainments, his admirable temper, and know ledge of the forms of the House, in which of course his authority was very g reat. But he considered he had acted in a manner unbcoming the Speaker of the House. of course all resentment was -now gone, and his respect fier his Lordship still continued. These were the rea sons why he had stated the other evening that there were other grounds for his opposition in 1835, and he trusted they were satisfactory to tne Hon. Gentleman. Mr. M. SUTTON felt much obliged to the Noble Lord far the explanation he had given. Dr. FOWRING felt it to be his imperative duty to in tro& au the present moment upon the attention of the House, and he felt that he must claim its indulgence when he was speaking to those who bad every comfort of life relative to those unfortunate individuals who were without tie comforts of a home. He was sent to that .House in consequence of the distresses that existed in the dianict he represented. Many matters had been brought before the House of Commons, but the sufferings of the lower classes had found no redress.—(hear.) There was, he would venture to say, at the present moment an immense mass of political discontent, which had be come dangercus, if something was not done, and that speedily, to 14eviate the distress of the people. At the present momeat, in the town of Bolton alone, there were 1,328 houses unoccupied ; and in the different town ships which composed the Poor-law Union, the number were 2,267, which was about one-eighth of the whole furnished houses in the Union, and there was not a single townehip in which there were ninny houses that were not unoccupied. The house, he was sure, would feel that that was a state of things perilous to the peace of society, and he felt confident that if he ventured to trouble the House with the details of individual suffer ing which he had obtained from authenticated sources, it would feel that something must be done, and that immediately, in order to remove the mountain mass of misery that ex:Atad..- (Hear, hear.) The poor 'were wil ling to labour, but for the produce of their hands they could fin no f oo d market: M any countr i es were producing excess of d, bum they could not obtain in con quence of th e restrictive laws of the country. it Why, se he would ask, should not the people be able to go to any country they though t Proper, and obt a i n i ts pro d uce for their labour ?—(H em hear,) The Islon. Member here • read several instances of cases of the most exereme dis tress in the manufacturing districts, and stated with re spect to Bolton, though its population had in creased 4,000 or 5,000, the employment of its artisans had fallen off in a frightful degree. —(Hear.) He agreed with many of the observations of his Friend the Member for Bath, in which he stated that he felt great ground to complain of her Majesty's present Government in too frequently following the example sat them by the other side of the House. He could assure the Gentlemen opposite that if they chose to go beyond the present Government in the alleviation of the distresses of the people, they would be the re cipients of the public benediction.—(Hear, hear.) But he had no such hopes. He should liked to have heard from the Right Hon. Baronet that he intended to go further than the present Government, for if he had none would have gone further than himself (Dr. Bowring) to support him in so good a work. With respect to the state of the foreign relations with this country, he would venture to sayif the House examined into them theywould find great cause for fear. In Germany, America, and other places, there was growing up a spirit against this country, from which the worst results might spring. He was not one that much valued reciprocity, but he was desirous that this country should, at the present time, hold out the hand of fellowship to those countries that were willing to meet it. There had been a great and alarming change in the articles of exportation within the last few years. Instead of sending to foreign countries as formerly the fully manufactured articles, we now exported machinery. The example of England with her high duties would be followed by other countries . ; the poisoned chalice would be returned recommended to her own lips. He had stated that the agricultural interest need not be alarmed at the proposed change ; there would not be more than from four to five million additional quarters of wheat grown, and that quantity would soon be consumed in consequence of the increased comforts of the people. They feared a great reduction in the price, but such a fear was without foundation, for the price must rise abroad with an in creased demand, and the duty, together with the expense of transit, must render any change but trifling. He had performed his duty in informing the House that there was a fearful mass of misery and discontent in the coun try; he would abjure them not to turn from them with an unwilling and unlistening ear—give them hopes of a redress of their grievances --tell them that the field for their labour will be extended—associate with their hap piness the political and financial well-being of the coun try, for so only could they participate in peace and prosperity. Mr. P.M. STEWART would follow the example of the mover, and his Noble Friend the seconder of the amend ment, and :state the reasons which gave him the victory in the largo and important county which he represented. The first that he would merely mention was, that his known determination to stand by the Church of Scot land in her present trials, and to rescue her indepen dence. The other was his well-known character,'as an un flinching advocate of free trade in every view that could be taken of it. He would limit duties nearer to the exigencies of revenue, and the sooner that principle was acted upon the better for the country. He could not agree with the Gallant Member who had said that all discussion should merge itself into the question of yes or no. Had the House confidence in her Majesty's Minis ters or not ? The questions had been fairly raised by her Majesty's Speech, and in his opinion the House had a right to speak to them as direct questions. In:accordance with that opinion, he would, as the representative of a large and important county, embracing the agricultural, the commercial, and the manufacturing interests, every one of which were in a state of extreme distress from vicious legislation—he would address a few words to the House respecting the Budget, as it was called, and few they would be, because, from the state in which the country now was, it was perfectly clear that many occa sions would occur for discussing the question .seriatim. The first qnestion that presented itself was that of the sugar duties. He did not know whether many in the House remembered his former appearance there ; if so, they would know that he had a deep stake in the colo nies t • that he mus t stan d or fall along with them ; that, according to their prosperity, so would he be prosperous ; and as a colonist he felt constrained to thank the Ministers for the principle of the commercial code offered by them. He approved of the principle involved, but he opposed the details ; bul, .t had b een sa id i n another place that the priu !lisle of commercial freedom was what was wanted to be established, and the details could be settled here after. In his opinion, and speaking as a colonist, he said the proposition for reducing the distinctive duty on the staple duties of the colonies, was one fraught with un mixed good, and would tend much to their prosperity. lle congratulated the colonial interests on it, be muse it was a proposition to make the colonies an in :egral portion of the empire. As a matter of course their ?reduce must be admitted to all the manufactories of the anintry the same as the produce of Britain. Then with re gard to the timber duties, he said those connected with Canada were mad, or us they would more expressively say in his country, demented. If they did not at once close with the propm• ition made to them—they were offered a differen tial duty of 150 . per cent., just what the country complained the colonies enjoyed, but they were quite willing to take 50. So absurd were the present duties that it was a pay ing trade to take Baltic timber to Canada and then smug gle it in at the low duty. It was too absurd a system to last, and must sooner or later fall, and he said the sooner the better for all parties. Now with regard to the Corn faws. It appeared from the tone of the debate as if it was thought that there was an extraordinary opposition between the views of each party. No one was found seriously to advocate a total repeal of the Corn-laws. The pro position made was a fixed duty instead of a sliding scale ; and he said, that considering that the latter had been tried for 200 years —ever since the time of Charles the Second, during which period there had been 40 changes of the law, they were now entitled to a trial of the fixed duty. In 1828, Mr. C. Grant, in bringing in the pre sent Act, admitt e d th at i t was a question of minorim portance whether the protection was a fixed duty or a sliding scale. So also said Mr. Huskisson. He said he lamented the errors of the Bill of 1815, which had caused prices to be lower than they would have been had the corn trade been free and unfettered since that time, and he said he would be prepared to concur at the beginning of next Session in any measure for fixing the duty at a rate that should gradually descend to its proper level. He would remind the House that no commercial reform had ever been proposed, but had been denounced in the same manner as the present questions by the monopolists of that day. He was perfectly convinced that, in a very short period, the Corn-laws would be settled on a satis factory basis. Even the Mr. Peel of 1828 said a sliding duty would lead to a gradual importation. Now, had it not led to the very evil which he thought to obviate from 1815 to 1828--thirteen years, we imported three-and-a half millions of quarters ; and from 1828 to 1840—other thirteen years—the importation was 11,200,000, but it was not gradual ; for, in six years of the latter period,ino less than ten million out of the eleven were brought in. Hon. Gentlemen complained that they agitated the coun try ; but if ever there was a legitimate question upon which the country ought to be agitated the present was that question. It appeared to him that on all matters of vital importance agitation was exceedingly beneficial ; and, in corroboration of that opinion, he would quote six words from Mr. Burke, who said he was not of the opinion hf those gentlemen who were unwilling to dis turb the pulilic repose. He liked clamour when public abuses were under consideration. The fire-bell disturbed their sleeep at night ; but it kept them from being burned in their beds. The hue and cry spread alarm through the country ; but it preserved their property. All these clamours led to the redress of evils and abuses—(Cheers) —and that brought him to the point which formed the main accusation against the Government—viz., that they, had dissolved the Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he was one of those who had come to the conclusion that the Government would have been unpardonable if it had not done so. Before they had taken that step their re sponsibility was serious ; but now that responsibility was light—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—and although the prospects might be more dreary, the responsibility of the rejection of these measures was with the people, and redress was in their own hands,—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend, the seconder of the ilanendment, had stated that he was a disciple of free trade, but he be lieved his Noble Friend had qualified that expression by saying that he was a disciple of free trade, with the ex ception of those articles in which particular interests were involved.—(Hear, hear.) New, solar as he under stood his Noble Friend he would not interfere with any of .the article s w hi c h were at present the object of legis. dative protection, and thus it appeared that exception wale t he rul e and the rule the exception.—(Hear, hear.) Hefeared, feared, notwithstanding the talents and abilities his Noble Friend had displayed, his (Mr. Stewart's) side of the House would gain nothing from him, unless he en larged his views upon that subject. There was one point which had occasi oned him some uneasiness, and that was with reference to what fell from his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for Bath, with reference to the case o f Mr. M‘Leod. And he did hope that the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, or some other Member of the Govern ment, would refer to that painful subject, which, in his opinion, his Hon. and Learned Friend had treated in a manner which was unwise, ill-judged, and almost mis chievous.—("Hear, hear," from both sides of the House.) These observations would reach America, at the time of M'Leod's trial, and what would be their effect ? Why the Americans would read that at the opening debate of a most important session such assertions as the following had gone forth unman/dieted that M‘Leod was amenable to the laws of the coun try which had seized him—that he must be tried -that on in n !he might be found guilty, and if f ound guilty, he must be hanged.—(Hear, hear.) N ow he (Mr. Stewart) was no lawyer, but i o t f ar ro e f a e r s e s? to alh that there was a good deal too much tricacy in the statement of his Hon. and Learned Friend last night. He would take, however, the common sense and humanity of the case, and he must say that such a statement was, in his opinion, v ery ill judged. ilewas glad to fi nd that upon a f o rm e r occasion the Rig ht Hon. • Baronet opposite had so far identified himself with M‘Leod, as to say that whatever was done to M‘Leod was done to that country. He (Mr. Stewart) had no hesitation in!stating that, in his opinion, whatever was done to M`Leod, considering that he acted under British authority, was done to the British nation.—(Renewed cheers.) That was the language which lie wished to see go forth, if it came from some proper authority in that House, and not the sort of special pleading they had last night.—(Hear and cheers.) He had taken the most im portant point in his Hon. and Learned Friend's observa tion, and his Hon. and Learned Friend said that it was an old quarrel between them, as regarded the relation between that country and the colonies. With regard to Canada, the first experiment of Mr. Pitt was a dangerous one, and it was denounced by Burke and Fox, the former of whom foretold that they were planting the fruit of bitterness, which would after wards spring up and embarrass them.'—(Hear, hear.) There was another question alluded to by his Hon. and Learned Friend he could not forbear referring to. His Hon. and Learned Friend said he hoped the opium which had been seized by the Chinese Ggyernment would be restored to the sufferers. In that case he was satisfied that the honour and good faith of the country would be tarnished, and instead of putting questions, in his opinion the Chinese Government had no more right to ask for the delivery and confiscation of the greater part of that opium, than they had to ask for the delivering up of cargoes now floating on the River Thames. It was beyond the power and jurisdiction of the Chinese Go vernment, and was under the protection of British ves sels. He (Mr. Stewart) was not an opium proprietor in any way.--(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He saw a smile come over the countenance of his Noble Friend oppo site, as if he thought him an opium -eater.—(Laughter.) He could assure him that he had nothing more to do with it than viewing the question upon general principles, and he hoped that such opinions as those of his Hon. and Learned Friend would not be allowed to prevail, but that restitution would be had for every pound of opium destroyed.—(Cries of" Hear, hear.") With regard to the vote of confidence in her Majesty's Ministers, he must say, that with all their faults he preferred them to those who were coming across the House to take their seats ; and even if they had more faults than were laid to their charge, he could not part without a sigh from those who had done so much good in so little time.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Mover of the amendment smiled of course, because his catalogue was made up in a very different spirit in which he (Mr. Stewart) would cast his up. But he thought if the Hon. Member had got a simple narra tive of the ten Acts which they had passed in the course of the ten years, it would puzzle the Hon. Gentleman, or any other men of that House, to point out where so much good had been done by any other party.—(Hear.) They had had an enumeration of their Acts last night, and he would go over his list without comment. They bad the Reform Act, the Negro Emanicipation Act, the Poor laws for England, the Poor-laws for Ireland; they had the Municipal Corporation (England) Act, and the Munici- Til Corporation for Ireland ; they had th e E ng li s h Tithe Act, and the Registration of Births and Deaths Act. —(lronical cheers.) He did not understand those cheers. He would merely answer them by saying, the usefulness of that Act was well known in the populous parts of the country ; and those who had seen the evils it had coun teracted, and the good it had produced, could have ne other opinion. —(Hear, hear.) Then there was the Cri minal Law Amendment Act, and though last, not least, the Canada Union Bill. Here were ten Acts in the course of ten years, and for these he gave them his most unqualified thanks and approbation.—(Cheers.) With regard to the Budgets he admired it, and the principle upon which it was projected ; but he' must take from them the merit of originality, for they had no more claim to originality as being its first propounders, than the humble and unworthy individual then addressing the House. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Dor set had the merit of it. What did he find in a pam phlet entitled " Corn and Currency," not got up has tily, but containing 100 pages, half-bound, and which had reached a fourth edition ? Precisely the same plans as were proposed by the Government. " The last object was a steady supply of corn at a moderate price ; let the Corn-laws be repealed, and let there be a con stant importation at a fixed duty"—(Cheers)—" at a duty as I before stated equal to the burdens borne by the land. Nor will it be wise to stop, ev en a t this point, for the landowner giving up this for the public good, shall the East India interest and the West India Pro prietors for one day be suffered to maintain their ex clusive privileges ? Shall the consumer pay an exhorbi tent price for his tea and sugar, that particular interest may be benefited ? and shall the nobility alone be the sufferers ? Let us adopt the sound principle of free trade.--(Cheers.) But let us not limit their application to the staple produce of the land. Let us destroy the heavy duties on timber.—(Loud cheers.) Why should the expense of any man for building a ship or a house, be applied as a partial protector to the colonies, and since we are to have an open competition with a foreign manufacturer, let us destroy the protecting duties that at present exist." (Much cheering.) Now the Government had no merit for it, for it was clear that the whole was planned and printed by the Right Hon. Baronet in his pamphlet, which had gone through four editions ; and he now claimed of the Right Hon. Baronet, when lie returned to his place to return also to his former opinions.—(Hear, hear.) If the Right Hon. Gentleman was present, he would call upon him to discuss his old opinions with his new friends ; to turn to his right, and to discuss the Corn-laws with the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Kent; and to turn to his left, and discuss with the Right lion. Baronet the Member for Tamworth the currency question.—(Laughter.) If the Right Hon. Baronet would only discuss his new opinions with his old friend, they would have him, like water, finding his level at last.—(Laughter.) Before conclud ing, with many thanks to the House for the kindness and patience with which it had heard him, he would just remark to the Right Hon. Baronet, that he had read with great delight the graphic sketches he had made in his speech at the close of the last Session. One was with regard to a good man struggling with difficulties, and the other was a fishing sketch of bobbing for a Budget.—(Hear, and laughter.) He feared that these sketches would remain Cabinet pictures.—(Hear, hear). He thought they should have had the good man strug gling with difficulties, and the Right Hon. Baronet, who was marked out as the Chancellor of the Exchequer taking his station on his (Mr. Stewart's) , side of the House (Hear) and that they would find him battling with difficulties in that position. — (Hear, hear.) Them, with regard to the fishing sketch. They had had bobbing for a budget, and lately they had had fishing for a majority, and having caught it and hooked it, the Right lion. Baronet appeared not to know exactly how to land it.—(Laughter.) His brothers of the angle in that House, knew well that it was easier to hook a fish than to land a fish.—(hear, hear.) They all recollected the lines of Pindar upon Isaac Walton, which he thought might be applied to the Right Hon. Baronet's present position— " And when lie tries to pull thee out, God give thee strength, thou little trout, To pull old Isaac in." —(Much laughter and cheering.) With regard to these principles of commercial reform, the course which the House was now about to adopt might decide the fate of parties for a time ; but what was far more interesting to them, ,was that it would decide the financial prosperity and commercial features of the country. To that end he was sure it was hastening, and its thorough completion would be secured by the good sense and good feeling of the people of that country, although it had been boasted, not very tastefully jest night, that the majority of the country Gentlemen in that House were ready, scythe in hand, to cut them down. He thought the returning good sense and the interests of the country would enable them ultimately to maintain their ground against any force that might be brought against them.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure the Right lion. Baronet that that question should have no rest until it was settled, and that he, as an humble individual, so long as he stood there the representative of the indus trious and worthy, but now suffering classes, would give him, and the Government to which he belonged, no rest by day or by night—(Much cheering and laughter)— until those principles were rescinded on the Statute book, and the laws which at the present moment brought destitution and suffering on the people, were expunged for ever.—(Cheers.) Mr. S. CRAWFORD said there were many parts of the Address in which he could not concur. It was stated that the great Powers of Europe were united for the purpose of preserving the peace of Europe ; but he could only regard that as a species of despotism for the purpose of exercising an undue influence over the rights and interests of the people. He could not, there fore, concur in that passage of the Speech. Again, they were desired to express their agreement with her Ma jesty that the extraordinary expenses should be provided for ; but he could not express his concurrence in that part of the Address. In his opinion, the war with China was one of the most unjust that ever was undertaken by a nation. It was a war to establish a contraband trade, and if any lives were lost a charge of murder might be preferrred against those who were the instigators of it. He would come to that part of the Address in which he might be supposed to concur. They were called on to revise the import du ties, and he was persuaded that they were a grea t ev il, and the sooner they were removed from the Statute book the better. With regard to the repeal of the Corn-laws, he did not exactly understand what the Address meant. He objected to the prin ciple of an Bs. duty ; and he th`ought they should abolish the whole of the vexatious imposts called the Corn-laws,. which conferred protection upon only a section of the community ; for it was well known that the only parties benefited were the landlords, who were enabled thereby to obtain higher rents. There were other matters in the Address to which he wished to al lude ; and he must be allowed to express his regret that there was no notice in it of the necessity of reforms, which were advisable for the advancement of the liberties of the people, by giving them greater influence in the selection of Representatives of that House. He had hoped that there would be some recommendation from Ministers for the extension of the suffrage to the work ing classes—that the use of the ballot would be recom mended as a protection of their rights—and that the duration of Parliaments should be shorter.—(Hear.) There was another subject to which he would advert, and which had been alluded to by one or two Hon. Mem bers—he meant the English amended Poor-law. It had been said that the party on the other side were sharers in the passing of that law, but he was disposed to condemn both parties in an equal degree on account of it. It was one of the most iniquitous laws that was ever passed. Though he did not defend the abuses of the old Poor-law yet he conceived it to be a cruel invasion of the right of the people to take from them that law so long as they were subject to the Corn-law taxation. He bad the honour of representing a manufacturing district and had witnessed the distress that existed there. But until he had examined into the subject, he had no idea of the extent to which that distress existed. The ' people of that district (Rochdale) traced all those evils to the operation of the Corn-laws. Ile advocated the total removal of all restrictions. He thought a fixed duty would be a fixed injustice. It was a crying evil that any law should exist which raised the price of food for the purpose of benefiting any particular class. With regard to the amendment that had been proposed to the Address, he could not see any inducement whatever to support it. That amendment did not offer any advan tage which was not presented by the Address, and he could not, therefore, give his vote in its favour. Mr. COBDEN would endeavour to shoW his sense of the indulgence of the House, by not tresspassing on its time. He felt some difficulty in knowing how to treat the questions which were placed before tI House. There did not seem to be a very right understand ing of the position of Honourable Members on the present occasion. There appeared to be a difference of opinion as to the objects for which they were sent to that House as to the nature of the last general election. He had heard it said that the last election was not a test of public opinion on the sub ject of monopoly. The last general election took place under these circumstances. It was recommended to the House to set about the immediate reduction of taxa tion, an d that recommendation was accompanied by an assurance - on the part of the Executive that not only would the reduction not impair the revenue but would actually increase the resources of the national Exchequer. That, after all, was th e quest i on w hi c h l e d to the d issolution of the last Parliament. lie was glad to hear from the other side that the people of England who had been renowned for their patience, their ignorant patience of taxation, were not all at once become enamoured of monopoly. Another difficulty he had in addressing the House arose, not from its being said that the Corn-laws ought not to be repealed, but from what they were told, that they must not enter into those topics mentioned in the Speech from the Throne, but rather that they were to consider whether Government was worthy of the con fidence of the House. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House adverted to the policy of Government with respect to China, Canada, &c., but if they chose to leave out of the discussion those important topics of the Corn laws and the other propositions of Ministers, he saw no reason why Hon. Members on the Ministerial side, who knew that these subjects were of far more consequence to the people of this country ... gm the affairs of ChinaorNew York, should not enuciL e t views on those questions. They should do their duty to the people and pay that tribute of respect and deference to her Majesty, which she :has a right to expect from that House. He was but a young Member of the House, but ho had been accustomed to read its transactions and he thought it used to be the custom in the olden time for lion, Members, particularly Conservative Members, to treat the Speech from the Throne as something very nearly appertaining to monarchical dignity. He did not think it was customary to throw in the Ministers as the primary personages, He would for a moment detain the House by glancing at those great questions now propounded from the Throne. With respect to the food-tax, he could not believe that the three millions of people who petitioned the House on this subject were not sincere in their wish for the total and unconditional repeal of the taxes on bread and provisions. He was sincere in that wish himself, and he believed that the three mil lions were sincere, because they knew what they asked was just. What were those bread taxes ? They were taxes levied on the people by Gentlemen on the other side, who had such sympathy with them when they made them paupers. Those Honourable: Gentlemen would not deny his right to consider this question as it affected the working classes. Twenty millions of people belonged to the working classes, and one mil lion depended for support on the public mass. He claimed from Hon. Gentleman opposite, that, in their sympathy, they would take into consideration the case of the twenty millions who were in the situation de acribed by the Right Hon. Baronet. They were claim ing the aid of their support, because they presented one of the sublimest spectacles—honest hard working men struggling to obtain subsist ence. The amount of taxation paid by the mass was at the lowest estimate 40 per cent. The taxation was at the least 40 per cent. above the price which would be paid if there was a free trade in corn. He knew that Hon. Gentlemen opposite, when they took 40s. as the price of corn, made the taxation 50 per cent., But he would be content to say 40 per cent. He would now call their attention to the Report issued from that House on the state of the hand-loom weavers. From that Report he would give them the amount of earnings of a head of a family per week. It was stated in the Report as 10s., and that was by no means an un fair estimate. The Report *so stated that each family expended ss. out of that sum in bread. The amount of taxation in that sum was 25., and thus the labouritg man who earned 10s., paid 20 per cent. taxation on bread. Let them go further up, and they would find that the family with an income of 40s. per week paid but 5 per cent., and if they ascended higher in the scale till they came to the noble family with an income of 200,0001. a-year, they would find that that family consumed no more bread than that whose income was but 10s., and that the taxation on that noble family amounted to but one half-penny per cent.—(Laughter and ironical cheers from the Opposition, and counter-cheers from the Minis terial side.) He was not aware whether Hon. Gentle men opposite laughed at the monstrous injustice or at the humble individual who so imperfectly stated it. He repeated that the taxation on the noblemen's family was but id. per cent., whilst on the family of the labouring man it was 201. per cent. Suppose a law were designed, which was to be similar in its effects, he did not think there was a man in the House who would dare to propose such a law. It was a tax levied, not for the purposes of the State, but for the benefit of the richest of the community.—(Cheers.) That was a fair statement of the bread-tax.—(Laug,hter from the Opposition.) He had no sympathy with the incredulity of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, but lie was convinced that, as Christian men, if they felt the grievances of the bread -tax, they never would for a moment lie down to rest in peace, if they voted in fa vour of its continuance. In no other country in the world, but in England and Holland, had a Government, however distressed for money, ever had recourse to a tax on bread to increase their reventu:.--(Hear.) He was aware that gentlemen might point to laws passed on the importation of corn elsewhere. He knew they might talk of the import duties in France, Spain, and the United States of America, but he was prepared to show that in those countries the export of corn, one year with another, was on an average, and there fore no import duties could operate with them as with us.—(Hear, hear.) But he believed that there was to be some modification of this question, a " set oft'," as it was called, that the working classes were to receive some protection by this law, and he was well aware th a t Hon. Gentlemen on the other side would not admit that monopoly was a test of distress, but promised them a pro tection arising out of the bread -tax. lie remembered the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire propounded this doctrine of protection at his election, and as it came from so light an authority, he 'would leave other Honourable Gentlemen, who had held similar doctrines at the hustings, to lake up the doctrine propounded by the Noble Lord. He (Lord Stanley) told them that the manufacturers wanted the repeal of the Corn-laws, because they wanted to reduce wages.—(Cheers.) That unless by the repeal of the bread tax they could reduce wages, they would not be able to compete with foreigners, and therefore they would derive no benefit from the repeal. They could reduce wages, while if on thee repeal of the tax they did reduce wages, it would be no benefit to the working man. That was the doctrine of the Noble Lord. Let him (Mr. Cobden) remind them that the parties so misrepresented in that House had never been allowed to state their case ; for when the Hon. Member for Wol verhampton (Mr. Villiers), to whom for his distinguished and persevering services he, together with millions, must ever feel obliged—(Hear, hear)—two years and a half ago proposed that those who agitated the repeal of the bread-tax should be heard at the bar, the House scorned their petition, and having denied them a hearing misrepresented their motives.—(Cheers.) But he would take the case as given by the Noble Lord. He would not say that the Noble Lord had wilfully misrepre sented it, but he must contend that he had misappre hended their case. If he then could be in error with his brilliant talents, other Hon. Gentlemen might have mis apprehended it also. Those who advocated the re peal of the Corn-laws, avowed their object to be that they might be allowed the right—for they claimed it as a right —to exchange the produce of their industry for the production of other countries ; and attlie same time they not only expressed their willingness, but their anxious desire, that all duties for protection, as it was called, levied on articles o f th e manu f actures in which they were engaged, should likewise be removed, and that free and unfetterred intercourse between nations should be carried out.—(Cheers.) He then came to the operation of this principle on wages and labour. How could this mean reduction of wages ? If he understood what it meant, it was increased trade. They did not wish to reduce trade, but they claimed the right to change their manufacture for the corn of other countries, and they maintained that, by doing so, they would increase and extend trade.— (Hear, hear.) And how could that be done except by creating an increased demand for labour ? (Cheers.) And how could they create an increased demand for labour without increasing the wages of working men ?—(Cheers.) But there was another fal lacy in the Noble Lord's statement on this occasion— that the object of the Anti-Corn-law League was to re duce wages to enable them to compete with foreigners. He (Mr. Cobden) found that they could now compete with foreigners. He found they could sell cheaper than othertountries If not, how did they sell in neu tral markets in competition with other countries ? We sold in New York every article manufactured for export in competition with other countries, and if we could manufacture and sell in New York cheaper than foreign ers, where was the protection that could be given to the home producers ? It was the foreig n market th a t fixed the price of the home market. —.(Hear, hear.) Did Hon. Gentlemen suppose that any one would send away 3,000 miles, articles for sale, if they could get a better price at home ? But he saw in this fallacy of wages that which lay at the bottom of all the difficulties of the question. It was the difficulty ofjust and honour able minds, for he did not deny that there were many conscientious supporters of the present law.—(Hear.) He saw no relation between the price of food and other articles, and the pric e o f l a b our , w h en t h at l a b our was in a wholesome and natural state. He could understand that in the slave-owning States of America and Cuba the price of labour was regulated by the price of pro visions. If it would not be invidious to allude to it, there was another stage in the labour market—the la bourers in the agricultural districts. These labourers, whose wages had reached the minimum according to their habits of life, were told they had their rate of wages raised when the price of provisions advanced. And why was it ? Was it because the price of food in creased the demand for the labour of the agriculturalist, ea was it given as charity, because the labourers wages had been brought to that scale that they could not live and perpetuate their race unless they were allowed a modicum of 18d. or 2s. to increase their wages.— (Hear.) Then he came to another stage in the labour market—the labourers in the manufacturing and commer cial districts. There the rate of wages had no more connection with the price of food than the • changes of the moon.—(Hear.) There the rate of wages depended entirely on the demand for labour. The market for labour was extensive, and would be more so if they would allow it; and if they allowed it, it would continue in a sound and wholesome state. Half of the population were not employed, and if they continued these restrictions, they would bring the manu facturing population to the point at which the agricultu ral population were ; and then they would come forward, giving them what would be a mere allowance to paupers, though they said that, as the price of food was raised, they had raised the rate of wages.—(Cheers.) He now dismissed this question of wages, for it was one which he thought must be again and again raised in that House, and would proceed to consider that important state of the manufacturers, and commercial and agricul tural labourers which had called forth their sympathies, and must do so again. They had heard something of the condition of the labouring population in the north, and he had lately an opportunity of seeing by peculiar means, a report of the state of the popuation in almost all parts of the country. They were aware that an important meeting was held in Manchester about a week ago.— (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) He understood those cheers, but he would not pause in his argument, though he would say a word respecting them by and by. He had seen a body of ministers, of all denomina tions, amountiug to 650—(Hear, hear)—.assembled from all parts of the country, at an expense of from three to four thousand pounds to their congregations, and they brought forward the most important statements of facts in relation to the condition of the labouring population ever brought together in any place. He had had an op portunity of reading these statements, and he learned frem them that in every district of the country, not only manufacturing but agricultural, there was evidence, on un impeachable authority, that the condition of the labour ing population had deteriorated woefully during the last ten years, and especially during the three last years that had transpired.—(Hear, hear.) And in proportion as the price of the food of the people increased, just so was their comforts diminished. He had seen statements of reports from infirmaries, workhouses, savings'-banks, &c., and all bore testimony that the great mass of her Majesty's industrious subjects were now in a worse condition, and were receiving less wages--that there was a greater amount of misery, crime, and destitution, than at any former period. Now, one word as to the cheers. He did not come there to vindicate the conduct of those Christian men in having assembled to take these subjects into their consideration. There were assembled ministers of all de nominations, and if Hon. Gentl emen soug h t to cast re proach on these divines, they would at the same time east reproach on the great body of professing Christians in this country. He thought the facts adduced to the con ference were a sufficient justification for their meeting on the subject, and he was glad that when men in high places acted unjustly by the poor, persons should be found sufficiently honest to say to them as was said of old, " Thou art the man."—(Cheers.) He would now say one word on the importance of this novel and unprecedented movement. The Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) knew something of the ability of these worthy men, for he told the House in 1833, that the moment the religious community took up the question of slavery that agitation became effective.—(Hear, hear.) He believed this agitation would be attended with a like result. The Hon. Gentlemen then referred to the de claration of the Duke of Wellington last evening, that the condition of the labouring population of the country was superior to that of any other, and said he remembered the same illustrious personage about 10 years ago stating that the old boroughmongering Parliament was the perfec tion of human wisdom.—(Cheers.) He should not be surprised if his late declaration was also the precursor of a far greater change than that contemplated by the Go vernment.—(Hear, hear.) He wished also to say one word to the Right Hon. Baronet, who was fond of forti fying his statements by the authority of Mr. Huskisson. The Right Hon. Baronet had propounded the will of that great man, but seemed to have forgotten that there was a codicil to it. On the 25th of March, 1830, on+ the occasion of Mr. P. Thompson's motion on the subject of taxation, Mr. Huskisson said, "Itis my un alterable conviction that you cannot entertain the pre sent Corn-laws, and preserve permanent prosperity and private contentment ; that these laws may be repealed without injuring the landed interest is my firm belief." (Cheers.) This was the opinion of Mr. Huskisson, and in the name of that illustrious man he protested against his opinions being misrepresented in that House. (Hear, hear.) If then this was his opinion respecting the effect of these laws in 1830, what would it have been in 1841, could he have witnessed the accumulation of distress that had taken place since that period ?—(Hear, hear.) Let the Right Hon. Baronet carefully consider that prospect. Let him go back to 1830, and compare the condition and prospects of the country at that time with our present state. Ile (Sir Robert Peel) would find that the cause of our deviation from the state in which the country was placed in 1830 was not the springing up of a natural trade. In the years' from 1831 to 1836, the exports to America increased, in the former year, by 120,000 ; in the latter, by one million. But in those years goods were sent to America, and exchanged for railway shares, and bank shares, and for State bonds. Those goods were given on credit, and were never paid for.----(Hear, hear.) There was, at the same time, an increase of one hundred in the number of banks in this country ; and it was the expense of the circulation, and the fictitious stimulus given to the commerce, together with an unusual succession of abun dant harvests, which enabled the Ministers to proceed smoothly in their course, notwithstanding the Corn laws.—(Hear, hear.) Had the Hon. Baronet any plan, by which, in 1841, he could' raise up a system of real prosperity ?—(Hear, hear)—or was he prepared with any scheme by which he could create an artificial one ? If he relied upon the latter, lie would find that disappoint ment and distress would follow more rapidly than ever, —(Hear, hear.) But unless he could effect either of these two things, he could not raise the money necessary to meet the exigencies of the State, and he thanked God that no Ministers in this country could do without money—(Cheers and laughter)—and they could not get the money without trade and commerce.—(Renewed cheers.) The landowner who resided in Rome or Naples did ,little to supply the m one y.—(H ear .) B ut every Gentleman knew that when trade and commerce improved the revenue was flourishing.—(Hear, hear.) But just in proportion as the landowners prospered by the high price of food and the miserytcpf the many, the revenue declined. With these few remarks—(Loud laughter from the Tories, responded to by cheers from the Liberal benches)—with these few remarks he would conclude. He did not call himself either Whig or Tory ; but he was a free trader.—(Cheers and a laugh.) He was a decided enemy to monopoly, and he gave the Whig Ministers credit for coming out from the ranks of the monopolists, and meeting him three-fourths of the way. If the Right Hon. Baronet would only advance one step further he would be glad to shake hands with him, if he would allow him.—(The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud and repeated cheers.) Mr. BAILLIE said, it had not been his intention to ad dress the House on this occasion, but for the statements made by the Hon. Member for Manchester, who moved the Address, and the Hon. Member who had just sat down, that the distress now unhappily prevailing was owing to the existence of the present Corn-laws. They were both representatives of manufacturing districts, and they ought to be good authorities. But he trusted that he should be able to show, before he sat down, that there never was a more fallacious proposition put forth to the House and the country.—(Cheers and a laugh.) If he were per suaded that the repeal of the Corn-laws would benefit the great body of the people, he would give his vote for it, let the consequence to particular interests be what they might—(Hear, hear)—as it was the duty of Parliament to legislate, not for classes, but for the whole people.—(Cheers.) He thought, however, that Ministers were justly accused of creating a bad feeling between the agricultural and ma nufacturing classes.—(Tory cheers.) He would ask, however, had the increase of manufactures tended to in crease the happiness of the people ?—(Hear.) Had it tended to increase the wages of the labourers ? He would prove that it had not done so.—(Hear, hear.) He would prove in the first place, that in the last twenty years the manufacturing products of the country had in creased more than twenty fold, and at the same time the wages were excessively reduced.--(Hear, hear.) Whilst the masters were making large fortunes, the ope ratives were suffering the keenest misery.—(Hear.) He held in his hands returns, from which it appeared that the official value in the export of - cotton manufactured goods was, in 1831, 16,731,7091.; it gradually increased to 58,471,6581. in 1814. In other branches of manufac ture the increase had been of corresponding magnitude. In the meantime what had been the prosperity of the operatives ? In 1814 the wages of the weaver were 265. a week. In 1819 they were 14s. 5d ; in 1823, 9s. 4d. ; in 1828, 6s. 6d. ; in 1833, ss. 4d. ; and they were now about the same rate. That was a reduction of about 79 per cent. in the twenty years. Was that to be ac counted for by the existence of the present Corn-laws ? —(Hear, hear.) He thought they must look to other causes, such was the improvement of machinery, which enabled the master to substitute the labour of children for that of adults.—(Hear.) He was credibly informed that in this way 50,000 adults were annually thrown out of employment, and a frightful increase of mortality was the consequence, as he could prove from the returns which he held in his hand. In Glasgow the mortality in 1832 was one in forty ; in 1834 it was one in 241. — (Cheers and counter-cheers.) He entreated the House to consider the vast amount of human misery which must have been inflicted here.—(Renewed cheering on both sides.) He had heard much of misery in the slave countries— -in Cuba and the Brazils—but it was left to the manufacturers of Great Britain to produce such an amount of misery; asi was proved by this mortality.— (Cheers and counter-cheers.) Having thus proved— (Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") He did not know what gentlemen were cheering at.—(Renewed laughter, responded to by Tory cheers.) The increase of misery had kept pace with manufactures. He would now briefly show what the effect had been of capital employed in the cultivation of land. In the last 20 years vast districts of land had been brought into cultivation, especially in Scotland. The returns upon that capital had not been so magnificent as upon that engaged in manufactures ; but it had given employment and comfort to large ntimbers of the people, who would be compelled to resort to the manufacturing towns, and swell the mass of misery there, if the Corn-laws were repealed; for the necessary consequence would be, that those lands would be thrown out of cultivation.-- (Tory cheers.) Mr. BROTHERTON felt called upon to answer the the statements of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, who had just sat down. The Hon. Gentleman said that manufac tures were the cause of the distress, and that it was the interest of the country to legislate in favour of agri aire and against manufactur es . —(Ch eers and cries of ' No, no" from the opposition.) All that the commer cial interest asked for was equal laws—(Cheers.) Minis ters were accused of fostering a bad feeling, which was really raised by the demand of the agricul turists for unequal laws and unjust protection.—(Cheers.) 'The manufactures of this country had considerably in creased of late years, and yet the artisans were not paid one-third of the wages they were receiving 20 years ago. The price of manufactures also was not one-third what it had been 20 years ago. When the Corn-law lied been passed 25 years ago a piece of calico which was then worth 20s. would not now bring more than ss. ; there had been no doubt during that period great im provements in machinery, but prices had more than pro portionably decreased. Now, what had been, on the other hand, the case with corn ? The price of corn in 1815, when the Corn-law had been passed, was 645. the quarter ; and although it had since been introduced into an agricultural system the price had been constantly in creasing since ; so that the price of corn was now higher than in 1815, although the price of manufactures had decreased by one-third during the same period. Since the year 1815 the price of corn had been 50 per cent. higher in this country than on the Continent; and the manufacturera had to pay at least a tax of 100,000,0001. since the Corn-law had been passed. They ad to pay 74,000,0001 more for the price of corn during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 than the four preceding years. It had been ascertained that while a manufacturing establishment paid, in 1525, 23,0001. in wages, the artisans expende-1 only 11,5001. in purchasing food, leaving the rest for the purchase of other comforts ; but from investigations which took place in 1839 it appeared that instead of 11,5001., they had paid 18,500/. for food, leaving only 5,0001. for clothin- and other neces sar i es o f lif e. T axat i on now pressed' unequally and unfairly upon different classes. And what was the remedy of the Right Hon. Baronet for such a state of things ? The population was yearly increasing at the rate of 400,000 per annum ; and how were they to be employed ?--(Hear, hear, hear.) Agriculture could not employ them, and they could not be compelled to emigrate to foreign countries—they could not be transported, and they could not prevent them coming into existence. But they might be em ployed by extending their commerce, and they would render the people prosperous and happy. It had been ascertained that out of 10,000 families in Manchester 2,000 had not more than ss. a week to live on. It was impossible to exaggerate the distress in the manufacturing districts. In the borough which he represented 1,500 houses were now unoccupied ; many mills were working short time, and others had stopped altogether ; thousands were unemployed—and he would ask if ma nufacturers were to be ruined what was to become of the landed interest ? Under the present system the means of the poor man were taxed 50 per cent, while the means of the man with 5001. a year were only taxed 1 per cent. The agriculturists need not fear a repeal lethe Corn laws, for in proportion as manufactures flourished would they be benefited. Manufacturers never make fortunes for themselves without also making fortunes for the agri culturists, as might be evidenced by the rise which had taken place in the value of lands in the neighbourhood of such towns as Manchester, without any exertions on the part of their proprietors. Some Hon. Gentlemen appeared. to think that this country might prosper with out manufactures. Now he (Mr. Brotherton) entirely differed from that opinion. We had a debt of 800,000,0001., and land alone could never pay the inte rest of such a sum. He would maintain, too, that there were no burdens upon land which would warrant the landlords in taxing the community, for the purpose of increasing their own incomes. If they were determined on keeping up their present establishment, let the public be fairly and openly taxed for the purpose, that the country might know the real state of the case ; but let them not impose an enormous tax upon the national industry as at present under false pretences. For his part be was convinced that by the adoption of a liberal course of commercial policy, by removing monopoly and legislating for the many instead of the few, they would effectually promote the prosperity of the country. Let the industrious classes be allowed to receive a fair reward for their labour, and to exchange their commodity in the best market, and they would be enabled to purchase these comforts which it was the wish of every honest man they should enjoy.—(Cheers.) Mr. H. GRATTAN commenced by reminding the House that the Hon. Member for Inverness (Mr. Bailley) who had a short time previously addressed the House, was the Hon. Gentleman who had applied, on a former occasion to Parliament for a sum of no less than 40,000/. or 50,0001. for the purpose of relieving his distressed countrymen who could not support themselves in Scot land.—(Cheers and laughter.) He had only failed from the fact of his witnesses having broken down; one of whom endeavoured to prove that the Highlanders were in a state of absolute starvation, while another maintained that they subsisted up on k e l p. B ut as the House was o' opinion that Scotchmen could live exceedingly well upon kelp — (Laughter) —the application was refused. The Gentlemen might be disposed to find fault with the silence of Irish Members. The Gentlemen ought not to complain of silence, for it was their forte, but it was not t(' be inferred that Ireland was not determined on protesting against the return of the party opposite to power. It was also to be remarked that it appeared from the re cent Irish elections that the popular feeling in Ireland was decidedly favourable to a repeal of the present Corn laws. He did not think the conduct of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, in moving the Address before the House, was respectful to her Majesty. He was sure tgo it was un precedented, and that it indicated a degree of arrogance which nothing could justify. When Hon. Members heard the sentiments which fell from the gracious lips of virtue and goodness—(Laughter) —they should have returned a more courteous reply to the Speech. He could not but lift his voice upon that occasion against the scandalous proceedings which had been witnessed at the late election. The proceedings at Ludlow and Cam bridge sunk into utter insignificance when compared to the monstrous bribery, the corruption, and that system of intimidation—(" Oh, oh," from th e Op pos i t i on )— which had been p rac ti se d at the late election. The pro ceedings at Ludlow and Cambridge were but " tritons of the minnows," when compared to those monstrous scenes. Those individuals who sat opposite had been returned by majorities of the various constituencies of England, but they had been returned by something more—they had been returned by money, which had been advanced be cause the parties knew it would be paid back to them again. In one borough in which there were 180 elec tors, one vote had cost 7001.-500/. had been advanced by one candidate, and 2001. by another.—(Hear, hear.) lie congratulated the Right Hon. Baronet on his ma jority, and on the means by which his victory had been obtained. But he would never sit in any assembly with out lifting up his voice against such proceedings. The name'of virtue, it seemed, was derided by Hon. Gen tlemen opposite—(Cheers)—but what relief could the people expect of the party which returned the ma jority of Members to that House so lost to every sense of virtue and honour ? It was the duty of the House to correct those evils, and, he trusted they would probe them to the the bottom. But the proceedings at the elections in England shrunk into insignificance when compared with the intimidation practised in Ireland.—(Loud Tory cheers.) In one place he had himself seen troops drawn out in such a way that no voter could come to the booth —(Cheers and laughter from the Tory benches.) He spoke of what lie had himself witnessed. The horse of one of the soldiers had trodden on- his (Mr. H. Grattan's) feet, and he had been obliged to ask the officer to have the soldiers removed so as to enable him to get up to the booth —the officer had civilly complied with his request—but he could get no assistance from the High Sheriff, whose duty it was to have afforded it to him.—(Laughter from the Tory benches.) Did the Right Hon. Baronet know that when the tocsin of his advent to power was sounded in Ireland, the furious Orange party broke loose ? Was he aware that towns had been given up to be sacked.—(Laughter from the Tory benches.) The town of Dungannon had been given up to be sacked. —(Renewed laughter from the Tory benches.) He would not follow the example of the Duke of Wellington in the case of Birmingham, and say that it was worse then thee, what any town would have experienced from a fore.lgn foe, but he would merely say, that the house of the chief and most respectable Roman Catholic inhabitants of Dun gannon had been sacked and wrecked, and it mattered little to an individual who had had his property destroyed, whether the mischief had been done by an Orange mob or a foreign army.—(Cheers.) At Belfast the candidates had with difficulty escaped with their lives, and several persons had been injured by a furious Orange mob. He addressed the Right Hon. Baronet for the purpose of letting him know what company he was get ting into, and who were his friends. He saw the Right Hon. Baronet shake his head, and he was delighted to see it, but he would tell the political huntsman who had so long been hunting for power that, like Actaeon, he would be devoured by his own hounds. —(Laughter from the Opposition benches.) He thought the Right Hon. Baronet already felt some difficulty in keeping his p ar ty in order, and he th rew ou t these friendly suggestions to him in order that he might guard himself, from excess of loyalty on the one hand, and from vagabondism on the other. He doubted not that both phrases were familiar to the Right Hon. Baronet, ane. those near him.—(Cheers.) In this county during an election the military were marched out of a town and locked up in barracks. In his county, on the contrary, during an election, the military were marched into a town, and the civilians were locked up. Of one town the military had complete possession during the election, and the lawyer of one of the candidates having retired from the hustings for the purpose of getting a book P.) refer to some legal point, was actually prevented re turning by the military. They would not permit any to come up ee the hustings without a certificate, and an agent of his, who had ridden fifty miles to give his vote, was unable to d o so , b ecause the Sheriff had looked up the polling book, and had put the key in his pocket. At a meeting held shortly after the election at which the Colonel commanding the military was present, that officer had stated that, apprehending a riot, he had ordered out jus tice to Ireland ; and when asked what he meant by jus tice to Ireland, he answered—a six-pounder.—(Laughter from the Tory benches.) This observation, however ; was made in perfect good humour; and th a t officer waS subsequently complimented by Mr. O'Connell, f or the manner in whi c h h e had conducted himself. He would now come to an instance, of which he could produce written evidence. The return to the writ, in one in stance, had been sent, by the twelve electors signing it, with a seal bearing the inscription of " the glorious me mory ;" and the seal which the Sheriff had affixed offi cially, represented a place in flames, with the Devil pelting a man in a pillory with priests, and the inscrip tion on the seal was—" The Pope in the pillory, the pillory in 'hell, and th e D evil pelting priests at him.' —(Laughter f rom t h e Tory benches, answered by loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Mini sterial benches.) Ho would just mention that the host was represented as dropping out of the mouth of the Pope into the ~flarnes.—(Loud c r i es of "Hear, hea r .") Th ese were' The friends of the Right lion. Baronet. Well might he say that Ireland was his great difficulty —he would find it his greatest—(Lund cheers)—lie would not say the difficulty , would be jos" - perable, but he would tell him that if his supporter s went on in that way, he would lose the countryc..T.:- (Hear, hoar.) He (Mr. G.) was a Protestant, 11_ : t d i) they think that he would flgiit for such a party that? If that were the oourso Irshmen would sit er r t ?); ve bZ their fire sides if en invading army of Am to appear in the country. Let them beware t.A,Te rica—(Cries of "Oh oh")—for a party was, sPr.inging up in Athieriea which was anxiously endeavouring t o form a connexion with Ireland, and were conlltiy Fe n d_ ing money t o that country.—(hear, hear.) Ile wonted ne foreign c onnect i on—he wanted no foreign, money —but, he would not support the party o pposite i n t h e i r idle and trumpery proceeding. Did they think that the people of Ireland would quietly submit to hear their ve nerable clergy abused as " surpliced ruffians?" He would tell that party, that by such conduct they wer e d eclaring War against the people of Ireland, and if that should come, God alone would judge the right. He felt at tached to the connection with this country, and would wish to see it maintained, but it could only be so by the possession of equal rights and equhl liberties. Hon. t t h h e e y i r never could ever ld Gentlemen t a lk e d of want of c on fid ence. He would cou tell the m , th a t ne ith e r themselves, d nor had the con fid en ce of Ireland, an gain it while acting on the principles by which they EVENING SUN TILE SUN, LONDON, THITitSDA.V. AUGUST 26. 1841. EVENING SUN boated their majority had been returned.—(lire fe hear.) Ile considered the amendment as insulting to tie Crown, and thought the Right Hon. Baronet had bited a want of his usual caution, and of that rasp 'et that was due to the Sovereign in consenting to it. It was framed in such a manner as to enable the Right Hon. Baronet to abandon the cause of monopoly to morrow, if he chose so to d o , an d h e (M r . Grattan) felt convinced that he would abandon it, for what question had he not abandoned ?—(Cheers.) He felt grateful to him for Cath o li c E manc i pat i on, b ut h e d e l aye l ge!int ing it so long that he lost all, and had neither given satisfaction nor obtained gratitude.—(Cheers.) He would pursue the same course w i t h regard to these great measures, and would not concede them until it should be too late. He regretted the constituencies of England should have forgotten the services of such men as Russell, Grey, and Morpeth, and considered their in ' gratitude to those men as one of the worst sig ns of their lives. T o th ose men t h ey were i n d e b t d for Catholic Emancipation, which they had forced on the Right Honourable Baronet—for the abo lition of the slave trade and slavery—for the Corporation Reform—for the Registratithi of Electors and for the Reform Bill, of which the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool said, that any man must be m-id who would attempt to alter it, but which, as far as Ire land was concerned, the other noble Lord opposite had not only attempt e d to alter, but to annihilate by his Re gistration Bill.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted that when the Right Hon. Baronet came into power he would be enabled to keep his own party in order ; and whatei er party might be in power, he hoped they would bring not only prosperty to England, but peace and content ment to his own unhappy . country. Lord WOESLEY said, representing as he did an agricultural district, he could not help expressing Lis dissent from the opinions which had been expressed bi the Hon. Member for Stockport in reference to the Corn-law. If those arguments were carried to tho extent he would ask what would become of the agricul tural population ?—(Hear, hear.) If corn were brought from abroad in such large quantities persons would give up growing it in England, and then what would be come of the agicultural labourers ? He felt it his duff to state that he entirely differed from the Hon. Member on that subject. H e was g l a d to f i nd, however , that there Nfas no intention to refuse inquiry. With resPect to the question the n b e f ore t h e H ouse he must di s tinct!): state that he differed f rom N on. M embers o pposite t ! as he could not repose confidence in the Baronet Hon. opposite, so he c ou ld not w i t hd raw confidence f rom her Majesty's Ministers. Mr. HASTIE addressed the House in so low a tone of voice, that all we could distinctly hear was, t h a t the present depression i n commerce h a d ar i sen f ro m the sliding scale. On the motion of Mr. HINDLEY, the debate W adjourned till to-morrow. The Committee on Printed Papers was appointed, aft ( ,' r a few words f rom Mr. WALLACE, and the House aa' jourued at a Quarter past Twelve o'Clock. - - SHIPPING INTELLIGNexi (L-LoY)'s.) VESSELS SPOKEN WITIL—The Garrick, bound to,New York, 12th inst., lat. 48, lon. 11, by the Susan King, cdf Hastings. Alpine, bound to Havanna, 23d ult., lat. 34, lon. 71 ; Lavinia, Lisbon to Halifax, 9th instant, lat. 44, lon. 39; Ann Johnson, Liverrol to Newf o undl a nd, 17th instant, lat. 47, len. 20, by th e Erin, arrived at Cowes. English barqurs No. 4,085, 14th May, lat. 33 S., lon. 52, by the Swartwith , arrived at Cowes. American packet-ship, No. 1,636, 21st in•• stant, by the Denmark, arrived off Cork. Albion of Mary'' port, 17th insta n t, l on , 15 ; G aze ll e , o f Shields, 18tis instant, lon. 12, by the Elizabeth, Hunter, arrived off Dartipouth. Prince Albert, Charleston to London, 17th instant, fat, 44 lon. 24, by the Isabel, arrived at Liverpool. Cato, pireatla to Quebec, 19th instant, lat. 50, lon. 17 ; Artemis, LiveT! to Cape of G oo d H ope , 22c1 instant, lat. 52, lon. 7, by the ruvian arrived , at Liverpool H.M.S. Apollo, bound to Qua' bee, 25th ult., by the Erown arrived at Whitehaven. Ca l o l ° - nia, Clyde to Quebec, 14th ult., t. lat. 50, lon. 27 ; barque Enter prise, lat. 24, lon. 52, by the Lively, arrived at Galway- Onyx, Ceylon to London, 18th ult., lat. 38, lon. 41, by the Hur Grotius, arrived off the Wight. Hearts of Oak, Cadiz)°, Andrews, 6th instant, lat. 46, lon. 50, by the Trusty, arr"v" the River. Martha, Liverpool to Quebec, 12th Instant, la:. 50, lon. 39 ; Menena, Liverpool to Quebec, 13th instant, 50, lon. 25, by the Mary, arrived at Launceston. ' Patronized by their Majesties the King awl Queen of Hanever, and their Royal Highnesses the Prineerstes Augusta and Sophia, her Serene Highness the Princess Esterhasgs the Princesses Mary and Rosa, her Grace the Dowager Duchess Bedford, and their Graces the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Dukes of Norfolk, Devonshire, and Blanchester, Lord Hill, &c. In addition to the above distinguished patronage in the Newly-Invented sPec" tacle Lenses and Sound Mag.:alders Invisible Operative Voice Con • ductor, Messrs. S. and B. .....lemons, 39, Albemarle-street, Piec e, dilly, opposite the York H o t el, and 76, King William-street, CRY., feel great pleasure to state that their valuable inventions have also gained the sanction art.Zt unqualified approbation of above four hunt. dred of the princip,' members of the medical profession. Inanse•• diately these Newly -invented Spectacle Lenses are placed before im perfect vision, 'either by day or candle-light, that mist and dullnes s which appeat 'before the eyes is at one:: removed, every object be comes clear and distinct, so that the most aged imperfect sight be comes brient and brilliant, and is brought to its youthfUl, natural, and ori;d:mal state. Their Invisible Operative Voice Conductor Sound, Magnifiers for deaf persons, is not the hest perceptible not uncomfortable ; they give immediate relief to old standing extrame' cases of deafness, and the faintest whisper at a public assembly ri heard with exact distinctness.-39, Albemarle.street, opposite tbe York Hotel, and 76, King William-street,' City.—No conneet . son with persons of the same name. 36, OLD BOND -STREET, AND 1, OLD JEWRY, CEMAPSIDE.-Patronised by the Royal Faintly, her Majesty the Queen of Hanover, the Duchess of Richmond, Duke of N,Ave as tk.. Duke of Leeds, the late Duke of Buckingham, the Marquis of Wet. lesley, &e.; Sir J. E. Anderson, M.D., 11, New Burlington-street; Sir Benjamin C. Brodie, Bart., F.R.S. Saville.row ; Sir Anthony Carlisle, F.R.S., Langham-place; J. T. Conquest, M.D., 13, Finsbury-square; Jos. Copland, M.D., F.R.S., Bulstrode.street,. Manchester-square; Bransby B. Cooper, Esq., F.R.S., Surgeon to , Guy's Hospital ; E. W. DulEn, M.D., F.R.C.S., 14, Langham. place; James Johnson, M.D., Physician Extraordinary to the late King; R. Keate, Sergeant Surgeon to the Queen, 15, Albemarle street ; C. Aston Key, Esq., Senior Surgeon to Guy's Hospital; Martin Ware, New /ridge-street ; J. G. Andrews, Senior Surgeon. to the London Hospital. The above and numerous other Medical Practitioners of pre-eminent standing have given the most Satter. ing certificates 'to the superior value and importance of E. Solomon and Co.'s Patent Spectres, testifying to their peculiar power el softening the light to weak and irritable oyes, and the immediate . and continued relief that its chastened transmission afibrds--thelr freedom froxn the pernicious attributes of ordinary glasses; in short,' to a combination of yirtiperties which render them superlatively'' pre-eminent in preservitt; the powers of vision unimpaired to treme old age. Their Voice Conductors extend the most effectull relief in cases of Deafness, and additional satisfaction is derived from the fact that they are worn entirly unseen. In consequesico of the mistakes arising from a similarity of names, the PSTENTSES' address should be particularly noted, 86, OM Bond.street, and 1. Old Zewr j r, City. DENT'S LECTURES ON WATCHES, AND OTHER TIME-KEEPERS-.—An Illustrated Abstract • from TWO LECTURES on the Construction and Manage-1 meat of Chronometers, Watches, and Clocks, delivered by , Mr . DENT, in May, 1841, before the Members of the Uniteit Ser vice Institution has been arranged for the infornaation of general readers. The Abstract contains a statement of the relative merits of English and foreign workmanship, and an explanetien of the different Escapements, with instructions for the eheice, regulation, and manageteeat of all kinds of Time -keep ers. The Pamphlet is publi s h e d, by the Author, at No. 82, Stran d, p rice One Shilling, but gra ti s to customers on application. PRIZE CUP: S.—New and Second-band SILVER.. PRIZE CUPS are offered at very REDUCED PRICES, and selection may ',He made from a great variety, boas of Sizes and! Patterns, at T. COX SAVORY'S, Goldsmith and Watchmaker, 47, Cornhill, London, (Seven Doors from Gracechurch-street). Draw!y jgs of Cups will Ice forwarded in answer to a po st paid appli cat i on. lt lf, desirable Letters for Drawings should mentie* eithea the size or about the price •f the Cup •r Cups that may be required. A PERFECT SUBSTITUTE FOR SILVER. — CA.'TALOGUE WITH ENGRAVINGS, POSTAGE FREE.—The material is so like silver that it can only be told. from it on reference to the stamp by piemns well acquainted with it. MANY SPURIOUS IMITATIONS are being sold. The genuine metal, which we warrant mere durable than silver, is only to be had at our Warehouse. It is the, same colour throughout, and can 1 . ,* engraved the same as silver. As a. criterion, spoons and f',rks, full sized table, 12s. ; desserts, 10s.; tea, ss. per dozen,. The Catalogue contains the prices, with engravings, cA. every IRONMONGERY ARTICLE necessary to the iurnishing a house of any s ize, 25 per cent, under any other ole.. established house. RIPPON and BURTON, I'2 Wells-street, Oxford-street. Establi s hed 1820, BIRTHS. f ai n Sydney On the li C ap C. Dacres, R.N.. of a da' A ghter, still-born. wife of Arthur Bu O rr n ow th s e , E 22 sfi d ., in o s f t. a , d in ar g ,g , h o t r e r r in . gtort-street, the w a i s fe of William West °n p r eening, Esq,, o f On the 22d inst., the wife of Henry . Upper Albany-strectc ? Regent's-Park' of On the 22d inst.,, a t Streatham, t h e West all, Esq., of a daug,l der. t A ace , Brighton, th e l a d y of On the 22(1 inst.. a t Oriente p f a son. :F Brewster Thomas ,eabrook , E s q . i n tlertford : On the 23d ins! •,, i n May-fair, th e l a d y o f Joseph Blunt, jun. , E sq ., of a son. On the 23d inst ~ in P°rchester• pace, ' Hyde-p ar k , M rs . Mar madoke Hornidge ,of a s on. On the Qlclinst ~ in Cheste r- square , ;he wife of the R ev . T. A. Houblon, Hee fo r of Peasemore, Berks, o f a son, still-born. On the 23(1 lis ,t., at Argyll-street, New-road, the wife of Robert Lush. Es t., c barrister-at-law, of a son. MARRIED. On tho 11th is 3L, at Wanston Church, Hants, Henry IL G. Dally f . 33d It egiment Mad ras N at i ve Infantry, to Cathe rine Alr.tilda, cl 2 :u ghter of Frederick Hill, Esq., Pologon, near S o uttrinapton. On the 23d ; a Ist., at Chatham, Mr. John Robert Ede, sur ram; Mathon- Islington.: place, Islington, t o Mi ss Ed e , Brunswick-ter goon, On the 12' A i i n , Thomas B On the lath DIED. K.C.11., Vice- _ A it ,st.. at Leamington, Sir Patrick Campbell, •nd unial of the Blue. at Florence, yds, 1 1;q " ., Leeds, aged 20. John Henry, eldest son of OnCl . worth Br. ' • 7 th ill st., Mary Anne Sophia, the wife of Shettel /ant, E iq., aged 39. F. 91 ,1 th e lith iu ist., at Frankfort Lodge, near Dublin, Mrs. •°°e,th, wife i )f W. Booth, Esq., Clerk of the Ordnance In Ireland,, and or l f child of Sir J. Bisset, of Riechip, Perth. ~, v . ..i the 21st , inst., Victor Simon, the eldest son of Mr.. 11 ertz, of Grer t Marlborough-street. • On the Vd inst , Mrs. Elizeieth Wilshire, of Tyler-strati` , Regent- s t reet . . , road, B e df or d • On th e 23d i nst., i n Brunswick-square, Henrietta Tonnies Smart, second .1 . r daughter of the late R. Smart, Esq., of King's— On the 23(.., l inst, at St. Peter's-square, Hammersiuith, Mrs. . Henriett a D; Jbiac, aged 90. On th e 23• i inst., John Fred e ri c k, the infant c hild o f Mr.- W. Craft er , . if Stamford-street. On the 234 I !Lund Chary inst., Julia Jane Porritt, second daughter et Mr. P orr i tt, or inter, High-street, Deptford, Kent. Oh the 224 . 1 ilt., at Garlands, Ewhnrst, near Guildford, Etl-• t- 9 ,4 second son of the Rev. E. K Hopper. tenve London: Print ed and Published by MURDO YO UNG, No. 1,1.2, !Al and, at Me Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, irs thceounty o :Alithilesex, Thursday, August 2t347.641,