The Sun. — London, England, 1841-01-27 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION and—a speech so able and eloquent, and in the general principles of which he (Lord Melbourne) agreed. But he was sorry that he could not at the same time concur in the application made by his Noble and Learned Friend of those principles. His Noble an d Learned Friend , had stated, and with truth, that the Address did not pledge the House to an approval of any of the measures to which it referred. He would say that the Address had been framed with singular care and caution on that head. Mi nisters acre certainly aware that the policy they had pursued was bold and decisive ; but he trusted when the documents relating to it came under their Lordships' consideration they would be found to justify that policy. Ile thought, too, that it was not calculated to wound the feelings of the most sensitive nation. On that subject he would beg leave to observe that it was not sufficient for a people to say that their temper was easily ruffled, in order to compel other nations to violate their general course of policy in their regard. An ill-tempered member of a fa mily could say—" Take care, and do not tamper with any ill humaur."—(A laugh.) That would not justify him in interfering with the rights of others. It was asked why were they so anxious in July last to deprive the Pacha of Syria, when they were willing to give him Egypt and Syria in 1837. It was not necessary for him to inquire whether the policy pursued in 1837 was wise or not. There existed at that time motives and feelings which did not exist at present. There were views respecting Greece which rendered the Allied Governments anxious to settle the affairs of Turkey; and it was with the object of avoid ing the ulterior measures to which they had been since compelled to have recourse, that the most favourable offers were made to the Pacha. It was clear from papers that had already been laid on their Lordship? table—from the dis patches of Colonel Campbell in 1838, that the Pacha me ditated his entire independence, and designed to consti tute himself a separate and independent Power in the Mediterranean. His hostility to the Sultan showed itself by his seizure of the fleet, and his refusal to restore it. It was perfectly clear that he was determined to encroach on the Turkish empire, and to constitute himself the sole or greatest Mahometan Power in that part of the world. It therefore become necessary that the other Powers should oppose themselves and take decisive measures to counteract his designs.—( dear, hear.) He could only say that they delayed those measures for a great length of time; the only charge which could be made against them was that of delay and procrastination. They might he asked why had they not done all this before, when there was less opposition and difficulty ? His answer was that they were solicitous to obtain the concurrence of the Five Powers. They had no other object but to act together for the pacification of affairs in the Levant, and the neainte• wince of the Turkish empire. They had been disappointed hitherto, but he did not give up the hope that they should yet agree altogether in that matter—( Hcar, hear)—and concur in such a settlement as might tend to secure the tranquillity and repose of those parts of the world. ( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) This was shortly and distinctly the ground on which they had acted. His Noble Friend had said that they had promoted the views of Russia. He did not know what designs Russia might have, but she was hound by treaty to concur in maintain ing the integrity of the Turkish empire. That the ob ject which they had had in view was not effected without bloodshed, he must deplore; but he was convinced that it tended to secure the safety of Europe and the peace of the world, and he trusted that before long that policy would be concurred in by all the Powers of Europe. He would not enter into any argument upon this, as he trusted there was little difference of opinion. But he must say that it was not in the power of any one country to commend peace.—( Hear, hear.) They could alter their own internal laws, but they could not say they would have peace or they would have war. It depended upon other Powers whether peace could be maintained, and they could not say that under no circumstances should they con sent to war.—( Hear, hear.) Having said so much upon the general subject of the policy of the Government, he could not but express, in conclusion, the very great satis faction which he felt in the circumstance that there was no appearance of opposition to the Address. Lord BROUGHAM briefly explained. The Duke of WELLINGTON rose, and said that it would not be necessary for him to do much more than to state his desire to support the Address, and his hope that it would pass unanimously. But he must congratulate the Government upon the ability manifested by the Noble Mover and Seconder of the Address. The speech of the Noble Mover involved many topics of very great import ance—topics too which were not at all referred to in the Speech, but of which the Noble Earl had made the greatest use in favour of the Government which he sup. ported. With respect to the topics alluded to in the Ad dress, he was one of those who approved of the measures which had been adopted. He had looked for a great number of years with much anxiety to the state of the Levant ; indeed, if he was not mistaken, he drew their Lordships' attention to the subject at the time when the events occurred which had occasioned the present state of affairs in the Levant. He must say that under these circumstances he had heard with the greatest satis faction that her Majesty's Government were taking the sub ject seriously into their consideration, with a view to apply the best means in their power for the pupose of removing the dangers with which Europe was threatened by the state of things in the Levant. He hoped, and thought there was every reason to believe, that these dangers had been removed, and he trusted that the negotiations which were in progress would end in the manner to which his Noble Friead had adverted, and that France would join with the other Powers in a measure which would secure the peace of Europe and of the world. He had heard a good deal that night, and upon other occasions, of what was called an alliance between France and England. England and France co-operated separately from the other Powers in the affair of the Peninsula, but he knew of no other alliance between them. They consulted and acted together upon many points, which were the subject of general interest in Europe; but he knew of no alliance peculiar to them in the general alliance and treaty of the various Powers of Europe ; at Aix la- Chapelle they acted in concert ; but they had often acted otherwise than in concert.—( Hear, hear.) He (the Duke of Wellington) happened to be separated from France and all the other Powers of Europe in 19°0, at the Congress of Verona, previous to the invasion of Spain by France. They differed from France on that subject, just as France differed from the other Powers on the subject of Syria, and what was called the Eastern ques tion. He must say that he saw nothing of discourtesy in that transaction, although he regretted that it had been carried on by private correspondence rather than the usual diplomatic notes, because if these forms had been observed there could be, in truth, no charge of discourtesy ; but all parties having agreed to carry on the correspondence by private notes, no parties but the public had a right to com plain. He must do the Noble Lord the justice to say, that throughout the whole affair he had seen no ground whatever to find fault with the conduct of the Noble Lord or the Government in that negotiation, any more than he (the Duke of Wellington) could find fault with the other Powers for leaving him alone at the Congress of Verona. He would remind his Noble and Learned Friend that he did not think his charge against Russia quite borne out by the facts. The Russian Government having made the strongest representations to that country in France, to take steps to prevent the invasion of Syria by Mehemet Ali, and he had foretold the conse quences of marching his army to Constantinople. He must do the Emperor of Russia the justice to say, that no Power could make greater efforts to prevent his own march to Constantinople, the result of which was the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi. In allusion to the appeal made to him by his Noble and Learned Friend, he should say that no man now living had ever done so much for the pence—( Hear, hear)—or for the settlement of ail the questions in which France was iuterested, as he had done, under the instruc tions of his Government. From 1914 up to the last moment he was serving his Sovereign, he had done every thing to place France in the situation which she should fill in the coun cils of Europe, and he had done so from a conviction that unless France took a part in these councils, there was no security for the peace and prosperity ;of other nations. His Friends t oo , i n t h e different Governments . with which be had been connected, were as anxious as himself that France should be on a goo d un d erstanding with the other Powers of Europe, and that she should take that station among them to w hi c h h er resources entitled her.He hoped, therefore, th a t th e a ff a i rs of the Levant would bc; amicably arranged, and th at F rance would be again placed in that position which would best tend to promote her dig nity and interests. Lord BROUGHAM felt that in drawing from the Noble Duke the sentiments be had just expressed, he had (lone more than he (Lord Brougham) could ever have an ticipated for the peace of Europe.—( Hear, hear.) The Address was then agreed to, and their Lordships adjourned till One o'Clock to-morrow (this day). HOUSE OF CJMMONS, 26. The doors of the Gallery were opened shortly before two o'clock, end on our admittance the general ap pearance of the House struck us as much lighter than last Session. The interior has been repainted of a light cream co!our. The bude lights occupy the same places they did at the close of the Session ; they have, how ever, been ornamented in such a manner as to give them a much more elegant appearance than formerly. The attendance of Members was scarcely so nume rous as it usually is at the commencement of a Session ; the only occupants of the Treasury Bench at two o'clock were Sir Henry Parnell and the Attor ney-General, while the front bench of the Opposi tion was at that hour quite unoccupied. Mr. Ewart, who enter e d t h e H ouse shortly after two o ' clock, seate d himself for a while on the front opposition bench in the place usually occup i ed by Sir Robert Peel, but he soon crossed over to his old place, and joined Mr. Hawes on the second bench o n the Ministerial side. The only pCroensesenrtvatvte this sember time, sof importance, who was Frederick Pol lock. Shortly after two o'clock,howaver,H the ouse began to fill rapidly. At twenty minutes after two Sir Augustus Clifford, the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, announced to the Speaker and the House thatti,e bar her Majesty required their immediate attendance at of the House of Peers, and in obedienc e to t hi s nouncem ent the Speaker, accomp an i e d by 'ati:e. greater number of Members then present, and D r ceded by the Sergeant at Arms , bearing the flare left the House. The Speaker returned after an a b: aence of about ten minutes, and the House adjourned during pleasure. The SPEAKER resumed the Chair at llalf-past Three o'clock, and informed the House that during the recess he had issued neq writs for the election of Members to serve in Parliament for the borough of Carlow, in the room of Mr. Vigors, deceased ; for the county of Mayo, in the room of Sir W. Brahazon, deceased : and for the Kirkcaldy buy a h s , i n the room of Robert Ferguson, deceased. Nt MEMBERS. Mr. CAttEW to th e oaths anal his seat for the county of exford, and Mr. PluoT, the Attorney-General for Ireland, t oo k t h e oaths and his seat, upon hii rc- electi on for Clouwel, CARLOW ELECTION. Sir T. FREMANTLE stated that there was an other Hon. Member (Col. Bruen) who was waiting to take the oaths and his seat for the County of Carlow, but there was an error in the date of the return. The election took place on the 30th of November, and a return was made on the sth of December, but by some accident or mistake it was dated the sth of November. He (Sir Thomas Fremantle) apprehended that it was merely a clerical error, and that it did not affect the merits or validity of the election ; but if any doubts were en tertained upon the subject, he was prepared to point out a similar case which occurred in the year 1792. The Honourable Baronet then referred to the Journals, from which it appeared an entry had been made, to the effect that the House be ing informed there was a mistake in the last return of a Knight of the Shire for the county of Huntingdon, the return being dated April 15, instead of May 15, it was ordered that the Clerk of the Crown do attend and produce the return. That having been done, and a Member having informed the House that he was present at the return, and that it was made on the 13th of May, it was ordered that the return should be amended by inserting May instead of April. The Hon. Baronet concluded by moving that the Clerk of the Crown do attend the House forthwith and produce the return.—Agreed to. The Clerk of the Crown immediately attended and produced the return. On the motion of Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE the entry nn the Journals was read. Mr. ARCHDALL stated that he was present at the election for Carlow, when Colonel Bruen was re turned. The election took place on the 30th of No vember, and the return was made on the sth of De- comber. Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE then moved that the return be amended by striking out November and inserting December, which was accordingly done. The subject was then dropped. POOR-LAWS. Mr. E. J. STANLEY gave notice that, on the part of Lord John Russell, the Noble Lord would, on Mon day the 29th of February, move for leave to bring in a Bill for the continuance of the Poor-law Commission for a limited period. REGISTRATION OF ELECTORS. The HONOURABLE GENTLEMAN also gave notice that, on Wednesday, February the 3d, Lord John Russell would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Laws relating to the Registration of Parliamentary electors in England and \Vales ; and that o❑ Thursday, the 4th of February, Lord Mor peth would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the lawi relating to the registration of voters in Ire land.—( Hear,) The Noble Lord would also move on the 9th of February for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the laws relating to the drainage of lands in Ireland. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. (IRELAND). The HONOURABLE GENTLEMAN also gave notice that on Tuesday, the ‘. - .ld of February, Lord Morpeth would move for leave to bring in a Bill for the better admi nistration of justice in Ireland. EAST AND WEST INDIA DUTIES. EQUALIZATION. The Hosotrititur:E GENTLEMEN also gave notice, on the part of Mr. Labouchero, that. on Tuesday the '2l of February, he (Mr. L.) would move for leave to bring in a Bill to equalise the duties on E tst and West India Rum—and that on Thursday the 4th of February, Mr. Labouchere would move for leave to bring in a Bill for the better regulation of railways. NEW WRIT FOR MONMOUTHSHIRE. Mr. E. J. STANLEY then moved fora new wr; for the county of Monmouth, in the room of Mr. Wi liams who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. • The HON. GENTLEMAN also moved that a new writ he issued for Canterbury in the room of Lord Albert Conyngham, who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds ; also for the borough of Walsall, in the room of Francis Finch, Esq., who had also accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Mr. KEMBLE moved that a new writ be issued for the Eastern Division of Surrey, in the room of Richard Alsager, Esq., deceased.—Ordered. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. FRES HFIELD gave notice that on Thursday next he would move for the production of any written communication which had taken place between the Lords of the Treasury and the Commissioners appointed to inspect harbours relative to the port selected for the departure of the East India mails. PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. _ _ Mr. KELLY ... gave notice that on Tuesday the 9th of February, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for the Abolition of the Punishment of Death in certain cases. . . . Mr. E W ART gave notice that it was his intention to move for a new constitution of the Com mittees on Private Bills in order to pro vide against improper local interest, and increas ing the responsibility of Members on such Com mittees by reducing the number. Also, that on Tues day, the 9th of February, he would move for the reduction of the duties on East India produce, including tobacco, and to assimilate the duties upon such pro duce to those levied upon the produce of the West Indies.—( Hear, hear.) IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. Sir T. FREEMANTLE, on the part of the Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, (Lord Stanley), gave notice that on the 2d February, he (the Noble Lord), would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the Registration of Voters in Ireland.—(Cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL was about to give a notice, when he was interrupted by The SPEAKER, who said the Hon. Member ought to put his name upon the List. COPYRIGHT. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD gave notice that on to morrow he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Law relating to Copyright. Mr. BROTHERTON gave notice that on the Ses sional Orders being moved, be would move that no new business be commenced after twelve o'clock.—(Loud laughter.) IDOLATRY IN INDIA. Sir It INGLIS gave notice that on the 4th of February, he would put a question to the Right Ho nourable the President of the India Board relative to the employment of the troops in India at Idolatrous Festivals, and upon the answer to that question would depend the course he would think it his duty to take. ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION. Captain PEC HELL gave notice that on Tuesday, Feb. 9, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Tithe Recovery Act, entitled the sth and Gth, William 4th, and to take away the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Courts, in all matters relating to tithes under a certain amount ; and that to-morrow he should present a petition from Sarah Young, wh o was then confined in Monmouth gaol. for not appearing to a citation of the Bishop of L indaff. PARISH CONSTABLES. Sir E. KNATCHBULL gave notice that on Mon day, the let of February, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the payment of Parish Con stables. CONSTABULARY. Mr. HODGES gave notice that to-morrow he should move for leave to bring in a Bill relative to the appoint ment of the County Constabulary. Mr. FOX MAULE gave notice that on Tuesday the 9th February he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to improve the practice and extend the jurisdiction of County Courts, and on the same day he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to extend the ,jurisdic tion of the Court of Chancery in matters of bankruptcy. REGISTRATION OF VOTERS —IRELAND. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that if the Bill of the Noble Lord, the Member f'or Lancashire, did not contain a clause to define the franchise, he should divide the House on the motion for leave to bring in the Bill.—( Hear and a lau g h.) Mr. HERRIES wished to know if there would be any objection to his moving for certain returns re lative to the f un d e d an d un f un d e d d e b t ? and gave no tice that he should move for these returns on the motion for going into Committee of Supply. HER MAJESTY'S SPEEC H.—THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER said that he had that day attended her Majesty at the House of Peers. Her Majesty had made a most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parlia ment, of which, for greater accuracy, he had procured a copy, which he would then read. The SPEAKER then read her Majesty's speech, which will be found elsewhere. Lord BRABAZON said that in rising to move that a humble Address be presented to her Majesty, in an swer to her most gracious Speech, he felt the greatest possible pleasure—a pleasure un n a e ll u o a y l d ne la d y a b n y y justice to the subject feeling, inability except do th t his o ag w r n eea u b t le ter In proposing o a f t tabn e gra Addresstetu bl epresentedsense totb the her Housel‘la jest yexpressive retained of the most graciousvr fromthe T Speech which she he felthe had that day been pleased to deliver ie w b o h u e li should con fi d h e a n y t he y to e n d a r b a l w e t h l a i Y e ' attention e s w u c bj r e ec s t s u c t w a h s him to anticipate that Hon. Members on both sides of the House would cordially agree with him in the Ad dress which be was about to propose. Seldom had it fallen to the lot of any one standing in the situation in which he then stood to have to direct the attention of the House to topics of greater interest than those which had been put forward in the Speech from the Throne, or to congratulate them on more glorious prospects than those which were now before them.—(Cheers.) In enterin g on the discussion in which they were now about to engage, he should endeavour to do so as much as possible without any party feeling, in order to show Hon. Gentlemen opposite that it was his wish to endeavour as far as possible to conciliate all parties. The great obje c t was to secure the entire and cordial co-operatio n of the House in the Address he should presently have the honour to move. The first topic to which he should allude was not touched upon by her Majesty in her Speech, though it held a promineat part in the Address he was about to move. It was a subject not more prominent in this Address, than in the oearts and affections of all her Majesty's subjects It was a subject on which his feelings irresistibly carried :am along, and it gave him the greatest pleasure to feel it was a subject on which he could indulge the full, un i estricted expression of that pleasure in common with every other gentleman in the House, and every loyal subject out of it. The event of such national importance to which he alluded was the birth of a Princess Royal of this country.—(Cheers.) On this point there could be no diversity of opinion ; and he felt h e did b ut d o justice to all 'Hon. Members when he stated his con viction that his did but express the feelings present in their hearts, in asserting that that House viewed with the most unbounded delight and joy that auspicious event. When the House met last year to address the Throne on the declaratjon of her Majesty of an intention to contract marriage with his Serene Highne,s Prince Albert, they did so in fond anticipation that a step, which was so fully approved of,and met with such univer sal approbation, would, through Divine Providence, be attended with all the blessings and domestic comfort and happiness by which it was the ardent de sire of all her subjects that her Majesty should be surrounded. If then they did, as undoubtedly theyi did, derive inexpressible joy from the anticipa tions and fond hopes they were led to entertain, how rejoiced should they be to behold the accom plishment of all those fend wishes, and how gratefully they should thank the Almi g hty Giver of all Good that he had deigned to hearken to and answer the nation's prayers to protect her Majesty through all the perils she had undergone, and to give to the country a direct heir to the throne, who, he sincerely trusted would have her mother's vir tues, and would preserve unimpaired the Constitution of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He now turned from the many pleasing reflections the subject he had adverted to produced, to a subject calculated to raise up feelings of honest pride and ex ultation in the heart of every Englisianan ; he alluded to the glorioue achievements which had been accomplished, not only at Acre but on the banks of the Indus and at China. The latter triumph might not be so glorious as that of Acre or the banks of the Indus, but it was not less important in its results. Those achievements had not been undertaken for the purpose of territorial aggrardizement, but for the establishment of the independence of the Ottoman empire, the better 1 government of India, and to repel an insult on the 1 pert of China, and to obtain for the merchants of Eng land redress. Their objects also were to vindicate the national honour, anti to place the commerce of the country upon a more sure foundation. It was pleasing to reflect that in all these undertakings her Majesty's efforts had been either crowned with success or were upon the eve of being so. With respect to the political state of the country, he had no hesitation in asserting, that upon the success of the measures of her Majesty's present Government, the in terests of the country mainly depended. The course they had hitherto pursued had been attended with tile most beneficial results. They had maintained the peace of Europe under circumstances unexampled in the his tory of any nation. Her Majesty in her Speech from the Throne had declared it to be her intention to use her best endeavours to establish arid maintain the peace of Eu rope, and the guarantee of the other Powers of Europe to aid and assist in that great work would allay those fears which had been excited in consequence of what had taken place in some parts of the Continent— ( Hear, hear.) The settlement of the Eastern ques tion had been rendered certain by the glorious success of the British arms at Acre, and by the arrange ments that had taken place the paws:. of Mehemet Ali had been circumscribed within its proper lim:ts. They had the strongest assurances from the Throne that the negotiations e tered into by her Majesty with the great Powers of Europe lest year were on the eve of being brought to a successful termination. It was to be sincerely lamented that in the course of events France had thought it necessary to withdraw her assistance from the other great Powers, which had confederated solely for the purpose of maintaining the peace of Europe and the safety of its political relations. It was, hoe ever, satisfactory to know, and it was matter of self-congra tulation to this couritry, and to her Majesty's Ministers, that the righteous objects they had in view, and which it was their determination to secure, had been attained without the assistance of France, and even in spite of her opposition. To the former Minister of that country another had succeeded, in whose abilities and modera tion Europe had reason to repose every confidence. They might hope that France would yet see her error, anti would enter again into friendly relations with this country, and renew her former intercourse with us. The immense resources, and the many depeudencies of that great empire, imposed a very serious responsibility on those who had to conduct its government ; and it was to him matter of rejoicing, to find in the mea sures and principles of our colonial policy that love of justice, and those principles, of liberty, on which a free country should ever act. (Hear, hear,) It was matter of congratulation to look to the prosperous state of our colonial possessions, and especially of the Canadas—(Hear, hear)— to see the rapid progress of internal improvement in those provinces, and the great advancement of their commerce. It was most gratifying to observe the temper with which the Canadians had received the measure for the union of the provinces which was parsed by this Parliament in the last Session.---( Hear, hear.) Many who were hostile to that measure during its progress, were now doing all in their power to snmothe difficulties; and to give it a fair trial.—(Hear.) For his own part he felt quite as sured that at no distant period that country (Canada) would become a great, commercial, and powerful nation. (Hear, hear.) Amongst the intentions which her Ma jesty intimated to Parliament, none would be received with greater pleasure than her declaration of the neces sity for maintaining economy in every department of the State, so far as was consistent with a due regard to the exigencies of the country. A necessity had arisen for sending out two power ful fleets to carry on operations, one of them in a very distant part of the world. This necessity had naturally entailed a very great expense upon the country. But expensive as those armaments were, the expenditure was of small importance, com pared with the maintenance of this country's honour, and the protection of our fellow-subjects and allies in all parts of the world.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") In reference to that part of the Speech which alluded to the administration of justice, we understood the Noble Lord to say that the present state of the Court of Chancery was a crying evil, and com plained of from one end of the country to the other. Of' course upon that subject there would be great diversity of opinion, but he did trust that Parliament, in whatever alteration it might make, would, as far as possible, remove the evils which were complained of. There swag another subject reterred to in the Speech from the Throne in which the House must feel a very deep interest, the expiration of the power of the Com missioners under the Poor-law Net during the present year. He felt satisfied that Parliament and the country in general held the Poor-laws in very high estimation. Its advantages had been felt throughout the kingdom not only in the improved social condition, but also in the improved moral condition of the peasantry, and, he felt perfectly certain, to make the best possible provisions for continuing these benefits. Another subject alluded to was the state of Ire land. Much good had been done in that country by the present Government, and had they power much more would be done. He hoped Parlia ment, before long, would receive more thankful fruits of their anxiety to bring forward measures for the improved condition of that country. There was a Bill o be brought before the House by the Attorney-Gene ral for Ireland, which he looked forward to with the deepest anxiety, viz, a Bill for the Improvement of the Mode of Registering Votes. He sincerely hoped that that Bill would be favourably re ceived ; that in legislating for Ireland the House would not consider bow little, but how much, it could do for its benefit. He implored the House to consider how fair and just the demands of Ireland were. She required and asked for nothing more than to be put on an equality with the people of this nation. She de manded nothing more than equal civil privileges. Let the House grant these, and they would make her a peaceful and happy nation—withhold them, and he shrank from the consequences.—( Hear, hear.) H e implored the House to grant this common justice, and they would then be able to solve the enigma which had been asked in this House so frequently in legislating for Ireland—they would be able to make her contented, happy, and prosperous—not only a source of strength, but also of commercial wealth. He was happy to bear testimony that Ireland partici pated in the general prosperity that pervaded every part of the empire. She was improving in wealth and industry, and great benefits were perceptible from the care that had been taken to disseminate throughout the country the advantages of education.—(Hear.) Al though party spirit and religious rancour did exist to a certain extent throughout that country ; still be believed that strife was yielding to order and law, under the friendly and benign influence of the Government. These certainly were matters which agitated and disturbed the public mind in Ireland, and this was one that created great grief in his breast—he need hardly say he alluded to the repeal of the Union. To that measure ho was most determinedly and decidedly opposed and therefore he could not view it without fear and apprehension at any time ; but th st fear and apprehen sion was a hundred fold augmented when he saw the repeal of the Union agitated at a moment whet, the greatest concord and union were required among all shades of Reformers to maintain that power and that position . which they now had. He implored those who advocated that measure to pause ere some calamity befel the country, which they would be the first to regret. He felt he had trespassed on the House too long—he had touebed upon inure subjects than one which her Ma jests . • tciii u(yie lead t)ilya (til t . m e : li lt l ._ : n o : i i: . 1 !-Ie1: Speech, an d h e i . , T ia r ,,... with earnest confidence, to support the Address which he had the honour to move,—(Cheers.) The THE SUN., LONOWN, AVEDNESpAY, JANUARY 27, 18. 1. Noble Lord then read the address, which was an echo of her Majesty's speech. Mr. GRA'NTLEY BERKELEY in rising to se cond the address to the Crown, was happy in having that opportunity of congratulating the House and the country on the foreien and domestic policy pursued by her Majesty's Government.-- (Hear, hoer, henr.)— Although attached to a Liberal policy as be was, and 1 a supporter of the present Government as he had been on runny and important occasions, 3et he felt con vinced he should not offer to the ear of that House one single sentence of congratulation that would not meet with the views of all who heard him. He was fain to believe that there did not exist a nun in England, Ireland, or Scotland whose breast had been dead to the news a hich arrived by every Indian mail, detailing the triumphs of British arms throughout the length and breadth of the continent of India. He con gratulated the country, and he congratulated the Govern ment upon the Chinese war, as being so advantageous to the great commercial interests of that country, and here let him remind the House that among the anery discussions of last Session, Ministers were on the verge of losing the reins of Government for not having counselled a submission on the part of that country to the indignities of Commissioner Lin, and the injuries which British merchants had sustained—(Hear, hear)—he would remind the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke ; and, although he now heard him, that Right Hon. Baronet could not forget that he had been greatly instrumental in opposing the motion when it was brought forward. Still he felt confident that the Right Hon. Baronet was too generous a po litical foe, and too enlightened a statesman, not to join hint and the House in congratulatin g the country on its present triumphant position. When operationscommenced against China, the remoteness of the seat of war, the novelty of the circumstances, and the enormous nume rical strength of the power against which they were to contend, might well have raised a doubt in the minds of some as to the issue ; but they had now seen that the policy which had given instructi ons to t h e Ad m i ra l commanding on the station was founded on the most just calculations. It must be most gratifying to the breasts of all, that a mere handful of men, schooled to forbearance, but determined on success, had humbled the brutal pride of an enormous empire, and forced the Emperor of China for the future to regard the humblest English merchant, while trading with that country with honour and respect. Not only was the highly-trium phant policy of the Noble Lord likely to be productive of beneficial results in a !percentile point of view, but he was indexed to regard them in a religious point of view —(A laugh)—and that the dawning light WAS about to break through the darkness of that idolatrous land.—( Bear, hear, hear.) The mass of the Chi nese people had been taught that they were dealing with an enlightened and powerful nation, instead of with humble barbarians, and not only had England been brought into greater repute by that policy, but their commercial interests would be hereafter much better attended to. Look at the conduct of this coun try in Syria—look at the glorious and brilliant career et our Navy, and the unprecedented bombardment and taking of St. Jean d'Acre, which was not more honour able to the Gallant Admiral ,who commanded than to ;eery officer and seaman engaged ; and he would not forbear from referring to the subject, although a relative of his own was engaged in these operations. Let them look at the simple facts. The first landing of the Turkish troops and British and Austrian marines was effected on the 10th and 11th Septe:nbcr. The Turkish troops amounted to about 6,000, the British marines to about 1,500, and the Austrians to 250 ; the whole did not amount to 10,000 men. The troops of Ibrahim amounted to 6,000 men, in different parts of the country, but the people of the country were all against him, having been driven by cruelty and oppres sion to desperation. They therefore flocked to the sea beach for weapons, and from first to last received 30,000 stand of arms. A Turkish reinforcement followed the first expedition, and then from 12,000 to 14,000 Turkish troops were engaged. These troops, he thought, had found in Commodore Napier a man possessed of the must dauntless courage, of the most daring enterprise, a nd gifted with a eenius available alike on laud and water.—( hear, hear, and laughter.) Fort after fort, and town atter town surrendered to their joint attacks. The Egyptians, whenever they could escape from their tyrants, came to make submission. The fortress of Acre, which had defied Napoleon at the head of his best troops, and had withstood every attack of Ibrahim him self in 1831 and 1832, surrendered to a British and Austrian squadron, after an assault of less than four hours. Never had the skill and valour of the British Navy displayed itself to greater advantage, or with less loss, their mortality having amounted to no more than 1 60 men. Compare this attack with that of Algiers, and look at the results. In the latter had been lost 800 men, yet this was considered as one of the greatest exploits of I the British Navy. What, then, remained to them but congratulation. By sea and land their arms were successful. The policy of his Noble Friend 1 1 had made this country the arbitrator of foreign I nations in spite of the attacks of France, and the cry at borne. The Government had done their duty, and were it the last act of his Noble Friend, he might fairly exclaim— " To-morrow do thy worst, for I Have lived to di..y." —(Laughter.) In alluding to the Foreign policy of Ministers, he should refer to our relations with Ame rica. He could not do better on this subject than quote a brief sentence or two, with the permission of the , House, from the Message of the President of the Powers ofthe to the wo rld our relations House of Congress. The Hon. Member here read a followinge ffec ar e those :Te those of honourable peace. The excitement which grew p , a Withs sag e fromall the the p o w Message e out of the territorial controversy between the United States and Great Britain having subsided, it is to be hoped that a favourable period is approaching for its termination. From the nature of the points in debate, and the undoubted disposition of both parties to bring the matter to a conclusion, I look with confidence for a prompt and satisfactory conclu sion of the negotiations."—(Hear.) The spirit of that passage proved that the Government of England had done their duty in relation to that question. There was' a recommendation in the President's Message to which he also wished to refer. That recommendation had for its object the diminution of the legal traffic in slaves, and he would wish that the advice were taken by England, wherever her dominions ex tended, and that she should endeavour to eradi cate the evil wherein it existed. That trade had now assumed a darker form than ever front the injustice which it did to those who honestly conformed to the law. Wherever that trade prevailed it should be abolished with even-handed justice. Let him, therefore, express a hope on that topic, that the time was not far distant when her Majesty's Ministers would brim, forward a complete,generous, thoroughly-provided for, effective measure, unrestricted to any particular re gion, for the importation of free labourers not only to the Mauritius, but to the whole of our West Indian colonies. But to return to subjects of congratulation. We had now the full flush of important victories upon our G mind, grateful to the people, h onoura bl e to the overnment, and glorious to the coun t r y.—(Hear, hear.) He would now glance at some points in our civil and domestic affairs—and first to the New Poor-law system. The introduction of that system was one instance amongst many of the erro neous feeling with which alterations of an old law is often received by a large portion of the people. 'The new law was, there could be no doubt, in the first place, de cidedly unpopular, and it frequently happened that the most unfit men were made the instru ments of carrying it into effect.—( Hear.) He knew instances in his own county of the improper and oppressive administration of the law on its first coming into operation. In one case he knew relief to be refused to an aged couple—both upwards of eighty years of age—who refused to go into the workhouse, and who bad never before applied for relief in the whole course of their industrious lives. Now, however, the provisions of the law were carried properly into effect. The poor were now feeling and acknowledging its advantages. There existed now no doubt that the Poor-law Amendment Act was pro gressing in the most satisfactory manner. In his own county the rates were reduced twenty per cent., as compared with the three years preceding the passing of that Act. On the sth of January 1836, there were in that county 846 able-bodied men receiving parochial relief. On the sth of January 1841, there were but "6.—( Hear, hear.) In spite of letters, writ ten from the felons' cell, to stir up discontent and to render the law odious. In spite of these and other sub terfuges resorted to by persons who sought only by such means to screen themselves from responsibility, it could not be denied that, generally throughout the coun try, the great mass of the people showed an im proved disposition to look to consequences.—(Hear.) He might safely say that the snow ball of the Chartists —rolled, in the first instance, by a disaffected people who had nothing to lose but everything to gain —by confusion had melted away before the wise mea sures of her Majesty's Ministers and the returning good sense of th e people. Incendiarism was forgotten, and the day labourer could now retire its peace to his cottage. He begged pardon of the House for having trespassed so for; upon its attention, but a sense of duty, and a feeling of gratitude to the Government which he had so often supported, and at other times so freely opposed, had led him to make these remarks. He would now express a hope t h at h er Majesty's Ministers, havin g b een Si) success f u l in using the art of war, would f or t h e t i me to come sedulously cherish th e greater bl essing of peace, w id e l y an d gene rously extending such civil and religious benefits as might prove blessings to mankind whatever their state or station, their creed or colour. Impressed as he was with the propriety of the Address of his Noble Friend, with respect to the reasons of congratulation both on eccuunt of our domestic state and cur foreign af fairs, he hoped that at such a thrice happy period, • he sunshine, cereenrel, and ti they would Ll:cte in a tory Address, expressing their sincere loyalty and af fection, and their deep sense of gratitude for the general prosperity which, under Divine Providence, 1 the Government rf.icy had produced. Mr. GROTE rose arid said, In offering to the I House a few remarks upon the Address which leid been proposesi for tzioption, he should not think it necessary f o examine in letai! the Speech ,de livered from the Throne, nor to touch upon all, nor even upon most, of the topics which it brought before them. He reed hardly say that in the expression of congratulation which it had bean propoicd ~ t F,:r 1,. her Majesty with refeienee to the birth or the Princess Reya!, he most sincerely concurred. He was sure that upon that point at least there would he no difference of opinion in the House. The Speech, taken as a whole, ;appeared to him not to be very rich in promise. It dwelt principally upon foreign affairs— topics certainly of great importance, but he must also remark, that ever; with regard to foreign affairs the topics which it omitted to notice, and which must be present to the mind of many who heard him, were hardly of less importance than those to which it referred. There was one topic amongst those noticed in the Speech which was pre-eininent above the rest in interest and importance, and which had excited discussion and en gaged men's minds to a very remarkable degree since the House last mat. He alluded to the Syri4n expedition, its causes and its consequences. Upon that topic he should entreat permission of the House to address to them a few remarks. In approaching the subject it. was his first duty to say that he thoroughly and heartily concurred in the remarks which had been made, both by the mover and seconder of the Address, in commendation of the gallantry, the efficiency, and the naval skill and decision which had been dis played by our army and fleet on the Syrian coast. No one could feel that inure sincerely than he did. But while he perfectly coincided with the Noble Mover of the Address in applauding the merits of our officers and our seamen, he was sorry to say that he could not coin , cide in applauding the spirit in which that expedition had been conceived, or the purposes it was intended to accomplish.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. G.) could not forget that they had been exerting their force against persons with whom they had not the slenderest ground of quarrel. Neither Mehemet Ali nor his partisans, nor any person in Syria, had inflicted the smallest wrong or damage either upon Englishmen or upon Eng ' lish interests.—(Hear.) They had no complaints to redress, no injuries to revenge, no ground for anger or displeasure against any body ; nay, so far as England was concerned, and the Christians resident in Syria, it stood upon record that they had been befriended by the Government of the Pacha of Egypt. Whether his Go• ;remnant had been comparatively better or compara tively worse than the Turkish Government which preceded hint, it had been indisputably authen ticated that Christians in Syria had been better pro tected by him than they ever were by the Govern ments which preceded him. They found it attested both by Colonel Campbell and by Dr. Bowring, under his Government the trade of England with Sytia had been considerably increased ; that the number of English merchants there resident had greedy multiplied, and that the Christian residents generally, to whatever de nomination they might belong, enjoyed both justice in dealing as to their property, more extended civil rights, and a firmer protection agaiust the violence of fanatical ussulmans, than: any Turkish Government had con ferred upon them.--( Hear, hear.) If then our expe dition had attacked and expelled the Pacha of Egypt without any of the ordinary and universally recognised motives, he would ask upon what grounds was it under taken ? They had been told that that expedition was undertaken as a part of a scheme of policy which had for its object_ to maintain th e i n d epen d ence an d i nto grity of the Ottoman empire. On referring back, they found that a guarantee for such maintenance was given on the 27th of July, 1839 i by the Five Great Powers of Europe. He (Mr. Grote) must say that to hint this explanation of the object and the principle of the expedition was not sufficiently satisfactory. He could not admit the policy or the propriety of the expedition ; still less could he admit the policy or the propriety of that system which it pro posed to enforce generally, or of that guarantee which it proposed to carry into effect with reference to the integrity of the Ottoman empire. He would, far toe present, make no allusion to the proclaimed repugnance of Franca to the Treaty of last July ; he would suppose that France had acquiesced in that Treaty, and he was still pre pared to contend that the expedition against Mehemet Ali was neither a wise nor a legitimate expedition. The guarantee which was given by the Allied Powers of Europe, on the 27th of July, 1889, pledged those Powers to the maintenance of the integrity of the Ottoman empire under the existing dynasty. That guarantee admitted of two constructions. They might either take it as a covenant between those Five Powers to abstain from any encroachment upon the Ottoman empire —a covenant to abstain themselves, and to secure to the Sultan all his rights and territo ries unimpaired, so far as all foreigners were concerned ; or they might take this guarantee in its larger and fuller sense, as a bond to secure to the Turkish Sultan and his successors the whole Turkish empire entire and intact, to guarantee him against all chance of resistance or invasion or division of his territory, either from: external or internal causes, and l to secure him, by forcible and positive interference, from any attempt at resistance or emancipation on the part of any of his subjects. Construed in the first sense, the guarantee was a declaration on the part of the Five Powers to defend the Porte against foreign invasion, and in that light it might lead to much embar rassment ; but in its larger and fuller sense, it appeared to him objectionable upon every ground, uncalled for, impolitic, indefinite in point of ex tent, and indefensible upon any correct views of international obligation. He hoped Gentlemen would not be displeased if he asked them whether they had considered the extensive consequences implied in this obligation on the part of England to maintain the in tegrity of the Ottoman empire against all causes of dis memberment or disruption, internal as well as ex ternal ? Had they ever studied the past course of Turkish history, so as to have become Acquainted with the character and working of that Government to which they were thus lending an artificial perpetuity ? —(Hear, hear.) Were they aware that quarrels of the Pachas one with another, and disobedience of Pachas towards the Porte, were almost a part of the order of nature in the Ottoman empire?—(rear, hear.) Were they then prepared to promise to the Sultan support against every disobedient Pacha ? Why, suppose any other Pacha in the Turkish empire, the Pacha of Bagdad, or any other, should find means to appropriate to himself two or three neighbour ing Pachalics, would they say to the Sultan, " Don't take the trouble to come to any terms with this rebel— here is a fleet and an army ready to subdue him ?" (Hear.) Or suppose another case, one by no means unlikely to occur. Suppose these very Syrians, to whom they had been supplying muskets to put down the Pacha, should rise and employ these very muskets in establishing their own independence of the Sultan ? (Hear, hear.) Were they to send a fresh expedition for the purpose of reconquering them ? He did not know whether gentlemen had troubled themselves to analyse all that was contained in that guarantee, and in the policy which had been pursued, but this he knew, that it' they acted consistently with such policy, they would find themselves compelled to interfere, not only in the cases which he had supposed, but in thousands of analogous cases which would arise. There was a pecu liar reason assigned for our interference in the affairs of the Ottoman empire, and it was one connected with Russia. Many persons said that if this country did not interfere in the East, Russia would ; and if she did, she would be able to promote her own ambitious views on the subject. That was an argument one heard very often. Now, it appeared to him that that argument, with respect to Russia,went on a supposition which,w hen plainly stated, would appear absurd and inadmissible. It implied that the fact of this country's being desirous of arresting the career and the ambitious designs which Russia was supposed to pursue against Turkey—that, with the fact of this country's being desirous of doing that, she had no better means to employ than to outbid the offers of the Emperor Nicholas to the Sultan.—( Hear, hear.) That was what the argument supposed; it supposed that if he increased his forces w e were to increase ours ; so that all those offers which the Emperor of Russia, animated by some sinister object of his own, thought fit to make, we, having no sinister objects, had to make on our parts. He should say it appeared to him that a plain statement of the argument was enough to show how little it ought to have guided our councils. It degraded the foreign policy of this country into a blind imitation of whatever Russia might choose to do. It gave no security at the same time against Russian ambition except such as was to be most troublesome, costly, and least effective. It would appear, in fact, as if we had no better chance of rescuing Constantinople from Russia than constantly outbidding the Emperor Nicholas in offers of service ; and we certainly had very little chance of succeding i n that way. But it was fortunate that we did possess a more powerful machinery for the purpose than any thing implied in the argument he had been stating. 'The real security against the ambition of Russia, as regarded Constantinople, was to be found in the direct terror of our army. The fleets and the armies of England, ready to be employed in the prevention of the designs of Russia, formed a guarantee against her usurpations, well known and sufficiently effectual. So long as the Emperor knew that he could not hold Constan tinople without incurring the enmity of England, so lorg might we be assured that he would not make an attempt on the independence of the Ottoman empire. The objectien against the expedition to Syria, was one that required no proof—it was this that we could not have acquired by' that expedition any increased security against Russian aggres sion. Why, Russia was herself' the main instigator of the enterprise. We had been taking securities against Russia at the instance, and with the co-operation of Russia her self. We were consulting the very party whom we sus pected cf entertaining treacherous designs.—(Hear, hear.) Unless they supposed that the Russian negotiator Mr. 13ror,p-Au--who ireer s. Grote) had erre eneidea .Al. a IhiL0:1 01 very distinguishi.a unless he was ruining his own harvest, the Government of this country must have been mistaken. One of those conclusions must be wino to—eitlier Russia bad 319 ar gre-siv . edesigns at all, at in ti at ca3e their tn-tiv, rmeddlin4 fell to the ground, and their pr'c in were superfluous ; or else the had aggti.tss:ve desienr., they were such as could be executed as well after the ex • pulsiou from Syria of Mehemet Ali as before it. Cheoee ehich alternative they might, lie sheid.l say that the curie t of Russia herself was the best evidence that the ex.-. peditine affercled to us no possible security against any de ettie she might entertain. Finding nothiies which coelst appear to bun to be sound or sat4actory in the arguniews :n support of the policy of the Noble Lard,he wets come polled to take a decided objection to it; and when he re fleeted that a formidable navy had been sent to the Syrian I coast, not for the purpose of preventing any wrong to England—( Hear)—not for the purpose of procuring any advantage to the nation—not even for the purpose of repellieg foreign invaders from the Ottoman empire, but for the purpose of assisting the Sultan to subdue a powerful and disobedient neighbour—he considered that object to be neither a wise nor a legitimate one for British arms or British interference. If they told him that they were done in pursuance of t general system of policy, founded on guarantees, for the purpose of suppressing I .ether attempts to dismember the Ottoman empire—in his ( Mr. Grote's) view of the question, this only made the matter worse. Other Governments might enter into such guarantees, but with his coesent England should never do so. If that principle were acted on, they might equally sell enter into guarantees with regard to Persia ur the Empire of Morocco ; such a policy, however, would be reckless and extravagant on the part of the Government of England. It could produce no national benefit, while it would involve the country ill expenses .vhich he would defy any imagination to anticipate. The expulsion of Mehemet Ali from Syria had been now consummated, whether for good or evil, but the system of policy pursued towards the Ottoman Empire was preg natit with perils. It had been opened only on the first page, and menacing enough that page was. We had in deed escaped—and he fervently trusted we should escape —the present terrible reality of anything in the nature of a European war ; but he d'd not the less fear that we had been urged on to the verge of one.—(Hear, hear.) It should be remembered that the premonitory symptoms of such an event were in themselves full of actual mis chief.—( Hear.) England and all the other nations of Europe kept up war establishments—(Hear)—and main tained the position of what w .s nssvca!led an armed peace. Now that in itself was no light os irivial evil.—( Hear.) But the feeling in which it originated was of a hostile tendency ; it multiplied the uncertainties as to the future, arrested the outlay of capital, and awakens dreams ut can quest which inflamed men's minds in one place whilst it raised anxious apprehensions in another. These phenomena acre great evils in themselves. Let the House contrast the sen timents of the English and French people towardscach other in the beginning and close of the pest year, and would ;icy man say that that change was not to be deplored ? ( Hear, heart—would any man say that it was a subject of congratulation so unqualified as the Noble Lord had re presented ?—( Hear, hear.) He had often heard it said by her Majesty's elenisters, since 1830, that the alliance be 'wccu England and France was a leading feature in their system of foreign policy, and was the best security for the tranquillity of Europe. How often was it a matter of con gratulation to every enlightened mind, that the hostility which embittered those neighbouring nations against teem other down to 1815, was giving way, and relations of amity and private intercourse were rapidly multiplying, so that the mere contemplation of a state of war was be coming intolerable. But how stood the fact now ? The feeling of union between the countries had passed away-- be the blame distributed as it might between both parties, the old European jealousies of 1815 had been revived, and especially on the part of the nation ehich was van quished at that time.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing- was heard of now, at both sides of the Channel, especially in the lead ing organs of public discussion, but clamorous demand: for reparation on the one side, and disdain and scorn on the other. What a contrast was there in the beginning and close of the past year. Entertaining a high esteem for tlte French nation, he looked upon the rupture of the ahance as a singular mistortuua to both parties ; and he deplored it the more, when he was compelled to recollect that the initial cause of this change—the tropical point from which the sun of peace began to avert his rays from the nations of Europe, originated with the Treaty of J uly. --( Hear.) He entreated the House to look to what benefits had ac crued by our victories which counterbalanced the revival of the hostile feelings of 1815. The Noble Lord had said that the Eastern Question was settled, but let him recollect what he had unsettled.—( Cheers.) The Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs had cured a distemper in the extremity of our continental system, and bad driven it into the heart and vitals. He had awakened feelings in men's bosoms which were fearfully infectious, and would spread from land to land. Against such risks and mischiefs, was it sufficient consolation that order reigned in Syria, and that we had overreached Russia by a Russian method of cam paign. —(Hear.) It was complained against the French Minister, that he i isked a European war upon so unimpor tant a question as to whether Mehemet Ali should retain Syria. Now he (Mr. Grote) asked what mischief would have arisen if the settlement of the Syrian question had been postponed, or if it had been left in the same state as by the Treaty of Scutari, in 1833, upon which the Noble Lord congratulated the House in March 1834, that the differences of the Porte and Mehemet Ali had been satis factorily settled? Ile possessed in July last no grea t er territory than that settlement awarded to him. Te e Sultan endeavoured to counteract it in 1839. What the Sultan tried then to do, the Noble Lord had done for him in 1840, by the Syrian expedition. The Syrian expedi tion was avowedly to rupture the convention of Scutari, in subservience to the new settlement of the Ottoman em pire. Would the new settlement be any more lasting ? He knew that it would last so long as the Noble Lard held the irresistible force he then pessesscd. By the same means the Convention of Scutari might have been made lasting, and the expedition to Syria, and the rupture with France have been avoided.__ (Hear, hear.) If then he could admit the necessity for interfering by force of arms to support the weakness of the Ottoman Empire, he should still deny that the Noble Lord had taken the most unexcepionabie mode for the accomplishment of that object. Having a knowledge of the Convention it was his duty to take all reasonable means of maintaining that settlement, but if the Noble Lord chose to become himself the direct instrument of subverting the settlement of Scutari, and to introduce a new settlement of the Ottoman empire, he said it was his (Lord Palmerston's) bounden duty to see that the new settlement was not such as could afford any ground of quarrel or disunion or hostility among the Great Powers of Europe.—( Hear and cheers.) That was a good and proper object, and how the Noble Lord's plan had accomplished it, the events of the last six melee s toll. He would reason thus it he could acquiesce in the pre._ ciple laid down of the obligation of Great Britain to in terfere to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman empire, but in this principle he could not agree. Believing as he did, and feeling strongly as he did, respecting the Syrian expedition, he had troubled the House at greater length than he had wished. He had only a few words to add. If in respect of our internal affairs we were des tined to obtain no further progress—it the cold shadows of finality had at length cast their shade upon, and inter rupted all the visions and growing hopes associated with a Reform Ministry, and had perished like an exploded bubble, at least with regard to foreign affeirs let them preserve that which had been bequeathed to them by an unreformed and a reformed Ministry—he meant peace with foreign Powers, but more especially with our nearest neighbour—France. He thought me- most valuable and most comprehensive interests had been pit to haz ird for an object not only remote, but on which we might have bad their co-operation. He therefore declined concurring in any sentiment of co-operation or acquiescence in the foreign policy of the Government.—( Cheers. ) Mr. JAMES thought the merit, of the foreign policy of the Government spoke for itself in its results, and needed no defence. He hoped the country would be long spared the calamities of the policy of :the Hsu. Gentleinae opposite.—( Cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL was anxious, as soon after the commencement of the Session as possible, and as sa as possible after the objections to the foreign policy of the Government had been stated, to state his views of that foreign policy, and to explain to the House the grounds on which he rested his approval and support of that foreign policy. He felt confident, with regard to any further ob jections which might be urged relating to those questions, that his Noble Friend, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, would be quite ready then, as on any future occa sion, to give to Parliament the fullest explanation of the grounds on which he had acted in pursuing the course which he had pursued, It would be in the remem brance of the House that her Majesty, at the com mencement of the last Session of Parliament, had informed the House that the Great Powers of Europe had been unanimous in arresting the hostilities which had taken place in the Levant, and her Majesty had further expressed a hope that such unanimity might continue, and that the result might be the upholding the integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire, and the giving fresh securities for the peace of Europe. He regretted to say, and the Hon. Member for London could not feel greater regret than he did, that the hope which had been expressed that unanimity might continue among the different Powers on this subject had not been realized ; end there was no one of the Powers of Europe whose separation from the rest, with regard to the affairs of the Levant, he had seen with greater regret that the secession of France.— (Cheers. ) But with regard to the great object Which they had had in view, they had succeeded, they had upheld the integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire, and had maintained the peace of Europe; and he under stood that the Hon. Member for London admitted such to be the case. But with regard to the policy by which these objects bad been effected, he understood that the views of the Hon. Gentleman differed entirely from his own. He (Lord J. Russell) however, believed that the course which had been pursued was, if not the only course, at least the course of all others the most likely to conduce to the preservation of the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire, and to the preservation of the peace of Europe. There was no necessity for him to address any lengthened argument to them on this head, inasmuch as in the answer to the Address of last Session, the House had expressed its approval of their objects. The Hon. Mem ber for London himself, and the other Hon. Members who differed with the Government as to the means pur sued, all admitted that the preservation of the integrity and independence of the Ottoman, Empire eves a subject of paramount importance. But the Hon. Member for London took a different view of the measures to he pur sued for the purpose of effecting this object. The Hon. Member, with his usual petspicuity, had informed the House what he considered to be the proper pacific policy which ought to have been pursued. It seemed to be the opinion of the Hon. Member that the preservation of the peace of Europe would be best attained by this country interfering as little as possible, except upon very special occasions. Now he trust differ from him. He could not conceive that a country like this, with so many possessions in different quarters of the globe, ••,e - ineeted :is it was with all the Neel s of Europe so in- i-l?.intainirTy bPlinc2 pcwer pre serving the peace of Europe, could maintain that balance of power and preserve that peace without continually in tcrteriag iu affairs which might arise calculated to destroy )101ININN; the balance 01 pewee eed to prise.e tih p Cheers. ) If they appeelect to itetther;ia co t his sitt.jacti, would lee"( to The cowse wiiieh a a a h• pt , ra sued by the most pacific: Minister that ever gui ied the d n " tiaies of taia eetsatry, be meant ST ELbert far from adoplieg the line of policy tail :lean Hon. G nt!ernen that great than was constanily. tl i ", every +there, interfering teith counsel anil advice, throwirg the weight o f Englend alternatftlY Int° the one scale or the other, a; the preservation of the balance of power might require ; and rot only dld take a part in cegotiatiere but he iererfered with the e Peet, insomuch, thet 111 one Swatter he demanded a sull i Y far the equipment of a fleet of thirty nail, and 8,10, for the purpose of maintaining the peace of Europe! and who during the whole period o f Li s power r i cyer ol, gaged this cou n t r y i n wet e x ce pt upon one o ccas: o3 e i when he suffered' his own better j u dgm en t t o b e or cr-rul e by the judgment of other s . With r egar d t o th e partictii s case now under their con s id er ati on , h e d ou bt er ' whether the e policy recommended by th e H en . M em b er was S}!" l c most likely to conduce to the preservation of pewit.. understood the Hon. Member to say that in his vn'i' there t e was no necessity whatever for iriterferiug b e tween Porte and Mehem e t Ali, b u t th at i n ease Russia 'int'', advance into Turkey and establish herself at Constatili nt .' plc, that their own fleet and own army should he pot motion, and we should C ec l are t o R uss i a t ii at t h e iii;egov. and independence of the (Montan empire must he r served. But let them suppose a case—let them sunpl that Turkey should say t o Ei g l an d, h ere i s a re be:lle n Pacha who is interfering with and undermining my a"t hw e rity, and I feel it impossible to maintain my independe nc e , against him without your ass i s t ance , an d t h a t Engia . % should decline to interf e re, or t o ex p ress an oPild on that subject. Supp os e, th en , th at T ur k e y she'', say she must then look to Russia and tart Russia alone for assist ance , an d R usa i a %vele to tar. Turkey under her own exclusive protection— ( Cheers)! and Russia yielding to the temptation, which it weuldb's almost impossible for a Power possessed of her vast Wi ne to resist, should take the opportunity of gratifying that ° P e bition which must necessarily arise in her in co nsequce, e e cf our inertness—(Chee rs )— an d h er am biti on w ould increased just in proportion to your want of energy sr l vigour. Would it be sufficient that you should say n?; Would she retreat at your summoning when tier artni t i had been ordered into the positions which she had assig ne e: to them, and when she was proceeding to execute intentions which perhaps she might have already declarer in the face of Europe? Would not the peace of Fili tt :P a be in greater d a n ger i n thi s l a tt er case f ront the Pct.'', line of policy ad voca t e d b y t h e H on. G ent l eman , from the course which her Majesty's Government n' n , adapted? —(Chears.) He w ou ld a d m i t to t h e H on . G,,:d e tieen en that the int e rf erence o f t hi s country was not c alle r for in every case o f a diff erence b etween the b ea d of tr.( Ottoman empire and o ne o f hi s re b e lli ous P as h as ; that, the Pacha of Alb an i a , or any other Paella should be obedient and rebellious to the Sultan, or that if the St. o l, should find that his po wer i n S yr i a was net suffiel'.l4 strong to put down any mount a i neers w h o m i g h t h e i n elli 3, 4 ", to disobey him, •hat that would h e no case toi. nlj , interference. Toe fault of the argument of the Ho Member was, that he considered these cases to be a ll et —that he made no distinction—t e at h e consideredit ', e ll cessary to lay down a mathematical rule to ragulite cases of interference between the Sultan and his —that we were bound either never to interfere a t he .or to interfere in every case that might arise. O ut ls utterly denied that it w a s p oss ibl e t o I se d own any „u with such exactness. Human affairs were not of sufbla nature as to admit of the application of such i nv arli ce ,' rules.--(Cheers.) They m ust j u d ge o f t h e e i relon stan ce , of each case as it m i g ht ar i se , w h et h er t h ose eircumsten„,e were likely to interfere with the preservation of tie! n e ia of Europe. Now what was the ease with reae l ' A d , Turkey ? A war had horn coded by the Treaty ofd rianople, following other wars, the result of which 4 1 , been greatly t o we ,k en T ur k ey. Th e S ultan, w h o se . k dependence we had always professed our intention ri4 o ' to maintain, constantly urged on the English Ann sador the danger to vi Bich lie was exposed f 0 i 0 00 Egyptian Pacha ; and he certainly said that it a d, 1 necessary for hint to have the prot e cti on o f Eng t i a a ! if England would g i ve it t o hi m, or t h e proteckia of Russia if Russia were ready to give it to ; h e against the eneroachments.of his rebellious vassal , 0 , 0 , was every day endangering his safety and indepept le A conflict at length took place b e t ween t h e troo ps of hieli Pacha and those of his Sov ere i gn , t h e resu l t o f threatened still more deeply the Turkish Empire. 0. Sultan, after the defeat at Nezib, certainly asked th e 0 1 sistance of this county against the Paella. It 1 7 ' 9 ,1 11 given to him for reasons which his Noble Friend h S b that time explai ne d to t h e H ouse. T he resu l t h a d g el that Russia had afforded to Turkey the assistance' 0 1 Russia had, as h e t h oug h t, most i mpru d ent l y, b ut ve l a not unnat ura ll y , consi d er i ng h er pos i tion, secureas",,est tam peculiar. advantages to herself by the of Unkiar Skelessi —( Cries of " Hear.") H e tbe r T n i Russia had acted i m p ru d en tly, b ecause , w i t h ou t On.; pi to herself any substantial increase of power, Rea el i'e given wanting to Europe th a t if th at Treaty st.hejtb. followed by tther acts, the resu lt wou ld b e t o es t a hll „ e ra exclusive protectorate of Russia over Turkey. Stich o eea the vices which the Government of this country 106 dada ' of that Treaty, and official representations had WO, eat to Russia that the Treaty of U n ki ar Sk e l ess i would Ost be recognised by this country as an European Tres l l4oo l it would not be considered as part of the public 11" Europe, and that this country should consider it ic ci. / liberty to act as if no such Treaty had ever exis ;e od (Hear.) The same course had been pursued by th° tba vernmeut of France. He did not know what cour g i l ba I Government of Austria had p ursue d, b u t there ccill, g lo no doubt but that the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi etaed displeasing to that Government, whose great objeo iF the maintenance of the integrity of the Ottoman riles It was not a safe condition for Russia ; the truce b Ups the Sultan and Mehemet Ali remained for some ti ev' broken ; but still th ere were d angers, an d i t co uld 12°t 10, ' said that the peace of E uro p e was sa f e so long state of things continued. Such was the 0 %4 affairs, when Mahmoud died ; his successor was very Y . 5 0 1 ' and not capable of exhibiting and assuming thepil! vigour which the late Sultan had exhibit e d. The e> es was threatened with imminent dangers. The relation," tion of Mehemet Ali and the T ur ki s h em pi re had b' 11M clearly laid down, and the reason which had influeo e ' te ei! conduct of the Government i n th e nego ti a tions h e t el# Mehemet Ali and the Sultan had be en so c l e arly at l e l ,l o his Noble Friend's note of the 3l s t o f August, o' l l e ti would refer the House to that not e . N o t o nly was b i el o # o met Ali in possession of Egypt an d Sy r i a , but he i immense disposable army a n d a nava l f orc e far,e'e, what he ought to h a ve, or w h a t t h e resources o f h'i', ,o ,ter try could maintain. His army occupi e d a p os ition thr` t be ( ' ing Constantinople on one side, and Bagdad on ail' ° tea I He was trienacine the Sultan. He would not sta te doc i the note of his Noble Friend w h a t b a d b een the .c e , ti t pursued by Mehem e t Ali, b ut h e wou ld appesi e , ` o st r !, authority of a French Minister, one of the : 11 ',11 11 ' of the 12th of May as it was called, which was 3 i#0 1 ,/, period in power in France, and was auPeo 4 ,, to be favourabl e t o th e cause of ,Mehemet he would appeal to the authority of M. Passy'' statement of M. Patsy to the French Chamber oa f ' ;It' propositions had been made and had been reject.ed• hernet Ali not only demanded that he should keep P o r i sion of all which lie had then a cqu i re d, b u t he cleg e g„ the displacement of th e G ran d Vi z i er. H e a l io ae`',o l : letters to the other P a el las o f tine empire, urging td g declare their independence of the Sultan, 'while a, same time he maintained a correspondence hr COO lat o nople itself. M. Passy said that there were othe r M t relating to Mehem e t Ali, t o w hi c h h e wou ld not I n s ith i e allude in his present humiliating position. Such ° ci te' statement of the French Minister, trem which it aPP o er that Mehemet Ali not only f rom hi s p os i t i on was t he , h aiit ) ing the Sultan, not only excit e d a ll th e (Abe: Pa,orre rebellion, but that he maintained must dangerous „ ir e ° spondences in Constantinople itself, so as to ae ll- 0 01 1! " power inn tho heart of the Government. But the P e e ar I able Gentleman might say that that was 130 ,., 0 d cern of ours, that M e h emet Ali might be as Sovereign as the Sultan.—(" Hear, liam Molesw or th.) Th e Hon. Member from ,Si . vial for Leedg 5e r ac e e ac e to he of th a t op i n i on, b ut there was one little cireet ° e lte which appeared to havo escaped his considerati on eni b gether. Th e E mperor of Russia might take 0° 'l le views of the nature of his treaties with the Sultan' ist' Emperor of Austria might be of the same opinion' ee tia! Powers might say, we:are not going to abandon our _ t , r t y, . with the Sult a n—it i s o ur i n t eres t , as we ll as o ur tb ° maintain them, and Constentinople, occupied by °fa troops of Russia or Austria, would become the aree s it 0.1 conflict of which no man could fores e e the event. de lla impossible fur Great Britai n t o l oo k on an d he f° e r l g ele i of all her declarations in favour of the integrity a n d I, - oto pendence of the Ottom a n empir e ,. or , if s h e coul d 00; forgetful of her obligations, and so unmindful of he e r ou St l , lest she s h ou ld b e i nvo l ve d i n war , he " ba il he had p rove d, t h at so f ar f ront war se avoided, war would b e a necessary consequent bad pursuing that course of pacific p o li c y achi c ," been recommended by the Hon. Member for P ° , 0 51 Neither England nor the other powers of Europe e 0; omit taking part w ith regar d t o t hi s question. Ibreloi bassadors of th e G rea t P owers d ec l are d at Constaelleil that it was the wish of the Sovereigns whom they r oe tt rented that the S u lt an s h ou ld not conc l u d e a 6e,i,st'' and abrupt arrangemen t w ith M e h emet Ali, liet e ` i , br ic ' should wait th e e ff ec t o f th e i n t eres t th ey took ill v e 1/ half. The N o bl e L or d th en rea d a l et te r , d a ted th; le e! l f September, 1839, from the Fo re ig n Mini s t e r in kr st ge dl'i the Governor of Austria, and which had been cl u ° the late debate in the Chamber of Deputies, to 0 °,,, 0 at that time the Government of France thought g o Government of England did ; that the first olai eet T e ri ° considered was the general preservation of the es t!° A empire. About the same time that that commu l b e s.o 4 was made by France to Austria, the present . E Ambassador, Baron de Brunow, arrived i . P h ;05 country with propositions on the sam e subject, vai le os ej e o communicated to the French Ambassador, who e° eibl c o it to France, and an answer was made by Francee ece st4 had also been quoted in the discussions in the ' ere r u , Chamber. He must say the conduct of the Ern! ) ate.; Russia throuehout had been that of one most st r il o r t f desirous to co-operate with the other Powers of .E u d ta ( o f establishing pea ce i n th e L evan t. Th e N o ble le e d iag i, , observed that if a war h a d j ust ifi e d th em i n deman ge the House, and advising, the Sovereign, to inc re ,,eo, army ant: n a vy t o an enormous extol, they "`:, hane hesitated in doing so. Ho sure eel with Member for London, tit it e.aia a triafortnee r ei t e it t be an estrang e ment with France, but the blar ed L oa upon the Government of France in the conduct near' ) at the time the Treaty- of July was commence.. c orn the The Noble Lord then read several extracts from cee elg o f respondence ofM. Guizot to the Minister o f a ` we rc io Affairs, showing the French Government w re ls' fe the nature of the negotiations that were peno.ot,grreed to Syria, and proceeded. His Noble Friend (( sr . French Ambassador, on the 17th of Julys of („;(;cireili::.ili, and yet the I,3o:CrLii4 . ; ilo said they were taken be surprise. He contra if thought there was any justice in this compirareseii, lamented the estrangement and irritation %chi c France, He believed France to be an enlightened, 1a Me to w ' got Me r- the adv tree thu lost Mi r if t bust wou' th os th e it w; toeu woui Fool douE z4tter teen clang like! znie vnE 'this mew plair Plan( say 'to th in th John opini frien, !ow e kind c don 1 Were Witt •--vrc Beni %Pat] that CO; Ilse ( it ti and Vac t hat grit: ate%) ilAc ties iatc con Loi hl tarr , f I to g Vol Pre tt tie 11111 try tvci nf ha ha . f ~~ ~, fir, /