The Sun. — London, England, 1841-07-29 00:00:00

EVENING SUE. ROLLS COURT.-(THIS DAY). ----- • THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. DULWICH COLLEGE At the sitting of the Court this morning; the Master of the Rolls gave judgment in the above case, which has been before him ever since 1836. It was; an ex nfoio information filed by the Attorney-General upon Vie certificate of the Charity Commissioners for a de 'ion of the Court, of who were the p arties entitled "vilarticipate in the funds and revenues belo n g in g to the ri „"cniege ; that the charity ought to be ex tended, and fat directions should be given by the Court for carry ' mg into effect the intentions of the founder ; also that the nUmber of scholars should be increased, and that it be referred to the master, to inquire what alterations ought to be made in the scheme of the College. The College was founded under a license granted to Richard Alleyne, Esq., in 1619, and it was settled to consist of a roaster, a warden, four fellows, 12 poor brethren , 12 p oor sisters, and 12 poor scholars, and in 1620, he conveyed the lands " for the sole and only use of the Master War &e." as above, " for and unto no other intention : -woatsoever." Subsequently to the endow ment of the I ', College, the founder, after stating the duties of the Mas ter, Warden, and other officers, appointed six chanters, -; to be called Junior Fellows, and six assistants, together With thirty out-members, ten of whom were to be taken ° r appointed from the parish of St. Botolph, Bishops gate, ten from what is now the parish of St. Luke, and tea from St. Saviour, Southwark. The Learned Lord here went' through a history of the proceedings which t ook place before Archbishop Sheldon in 1686, before Archbishop Wake in 1724, and Lord Chancellor King in 172 8. He came to the proceedings under the present I nformation, which was filed in 1836, in conse q uence of the inquiries made by the Charity Commissioners, and i!! Which it was alleged that the present me mbers of the College received greater benefits from its funds than Were contemplated by the founder, and that their jaeornes had been improperly increased by reason of the ' l ° l1- appointment of the six chanters, the six assistants, and thirty out-members, to which the defendant alleged . that th e appointment of the: chanters, &c. was void, and that the money belonging to the College was applied among the members according to the directions of the founder upon his endowing the College. Now, he w as of opinion, that had the College taken ?Tithing under the will of the founder, or if it appeared that he had ever benefited the College after his settling the first scheme, a trust for the poor of the parishes named would have been created', and of course it would'be the duty of the Court to execute it. But his opinion was, as neither of those • things appeared, that the founder was not entitled to alter the scheme of the College after he had endowed it, °r to apply the funds to any other purpose whatever - Ater he had made over the lands for its use. If there Were any irregularities in the manner of conctueting the affairs of the College, there was a special visitor ap- Pointed who had power to correct them. He thought .',there was no trust to be executed by the Court. The I nformation must then be dismissed. CHANCERY.-(THIS DAY.) .4- . 11 AYLDEN v. THE BARNSLEY WATER WORKS COMPANY. t 4., The arguments in this case, which was par t heard yes i'day, were resumed this morning, and occupied his .•40nour the entire morning. • BANKRUPTCY-7(THIS DAY.) (Before Mr. Commissioner FONBLANQUE.) • t 4; THE MATTER OF SARDINSON, WESTON, AND MURC D. F.Th e bankrupts undor this fiat had been warehousemen 11 1 Wood -street, Cheapside. Messrs. Sardinson and Weston having previously been examined, this day was appointed for the adjourned ex , %ruination of the remaining party, Murch. The Learned COMMISSIONER having put the questions • to the b an k ru pt t ouc hi ng hi s ass ets, &c., usual previous to a final examination, Mr. Atkinson, the official assignee, said, as there was a 'very strong impression upon the minds of some of the , l'reditors that the bankrupt had not made a full statement • In his balance-sheet, concerning some property to which •/,,,.'"vas entitled in reversion, he wished to question him Particularly on tat point. Mr. Murch declared again that he had made the fullest and fairest explanation that lay in his power. Mr. Commissioner FONDLANQUE said he considered th e bankrupt entitled to pass his final examination. MATTER or G. A. BRADFORD. 0. : 4 - point having arisen in this case, concerning a proof 01 . Zi bill alleged to have been handed over to Abbott, one fiat 0 1 7. assignees of this Court, against whom a Th '' a nliruptcy had been issued some time since. _ b. e LEARNED COMMISSIONER, after some debts had be proved, ordered the case to stand o ver for a week without special adjournment. SHERIFFS COURT.-(THIS DAY.) MARIE MULOT V. AMELIA DEUTICII. This was an action to recover the sum of 12/. 145., for toods sold and delivered, to which the defendant pleaded het indebted. Mr. Thomas conducted the case for the plaintiff, and Mr. Doane appeared for the defendant. The plaintiff is a milliner and dressmaker, carrying on business in the Lowther Arcade, and the defendant re sides in Bury-street, St. James's, and who was stated to a modiste. The first witness called, Mrs. Bassoine, stated that She recommended the defendant as a customer to the ttintiff and that she ordered several satin dresses , at fferent times, several of which she,had seen her wear. _ Bulow, a porter in the employ of the plaintiff , said h e reco ll ecte d t a ki ng home in October last several d resses to the house of the defendant. He gave the dresses to the defendant, and she paid him 3/. on account. Cress-examined—Well knows the dresses to have b een made of satin, as he was to have a stock out of each. --(Laughter.) When he took the dresses home, Z , ree young ladies were called down stairs to look at i —e m, and witness heard the say " How well we shall ' o ok wh en we go out to night.m "—(Laughter.) Martha Mountain proved the value of the dreises. A dress in the present fashion would require 15 or 16 yards. „ The COURT — That is a llowin g for a few stocks, I sup v°se. Witness—No, Sir, without cabbage.—(Laugh.) This being the case for the plaintiff, Mr. Doane ad dressed the jury for the defendan t, ur g in g that the dresses were never intended or ordered for the defend _ ant, but for parties lodging in her house, and called wit , hesses to prove his case. The first witness called stated that three ladies lived 'with the defendant of the name of Florient, and the dresses in question were ordered for those ladies; but they had since left the house without paying their bill. , Mr. THOMAS—Did those ladies ever bring g entlemen aeme with them ? Witness, who was a French woman its were nearly all the witnesses, answered, " that she never looked, she merely opened the door, that was her duty,—(A laugh.) , Mr. Thomas—To turn the key and keep the counsel, suppose.—(Laughter.) The whole of the witnesses for the defence having been examined. Mr. Thomas addressed the Jury. lie said that this case was one which had caused more amusement than, perhaps, cases for goods sold and deli vered usually displayed. But he thought that the de fendant had failed in supporting her plea on the record, and he should therefore leave it in the hands of the Jury. The Jury immediately returned a verdict for the plain tiff for the whole amount. ItESTORATION OF THE POST AGE REVENUE. In Mr. Rowland Hill's paper, read to the Statistical society, on the Results of the New Postage Arrange- Ments, it is shown that should the present rate of in "ease of letters continue, a space of five years from the commencement will suffice for the complete finaerial success of the plan, that is to say, fur the cPmplete re storation of the gross Post-office revenue. In the case of the reduction, in 1825, of the duty on coffee, a re duction of only 50 per cent., it was not till the fourth year that the revenue recovered its former footing ; and had that measure been judged of by its immediate re sults, or even by those of the second or third year taken abstractedly, it must have been pronounced a financial failure, whereas it is at present recognised as a measure of eminent and undoubted success ; and indeed the last Year, which was the sixteenth since the reduction, yielded a revenue more than double that obtained under the high rates. Nor is there any reason to suppose that the benefit has yet obtained its maximum. A SAD EVENT.—" There was a village here, Plaze yer honour, not long ago, and in one night it was ant body and bones, swept away—no, nut a taste of it, no more than there is now, was there in the morning— it was overnight the greenest spot in the glen. A party of Highlanders who were sent from Crosmolina to still hunt through these lonely hills, were benighted on their Way, and they asked s helter for the night in the biggest house in the village. The night was wild and stormy, t he rain came down in tubsful, the river roared as it swept along, and from every gully and cleft in the hills Came dawn a moaning, as if death and destruction were to be keened for. No doubt the soldiers were glad to find shelter ; and what they sought was given them, a nd a thousand welcomes ; for though the people knew ,that they were going to rack the neighbours, and destroy their little wee venture, they also knew that the p oor fellows were under orders, and could not help it, and Maybe a little civility would make them not so hard or Sharp in racking the crathurs and bringing on a ruina ti°ll. Anyhow the Highlanders were admit ted into Jemmy (Mara's, the tailor's house ' and they had share of all the good tratement he could offer : they had a roaring fire to warm them, lashens of praties and milk, and whe n s leepy they had the floor strewn with rushes, and there they might sleep their fill, with their feet to the fire, and mighty pleasant before they lay down was the chat; the tailor had a pair of breeches on his board • making for a boy that was about to make himself double, and there was many a joke cracked between the breeches-maker and those who thought it was pleasant and cool to oas father Adam did ; anyhow there was fun and frolic within, and the play of honest and light B▪ eans, when 'a rush and roaring came on , a sweeping ourge of waters bursting in, carrying stones, mud, and 81 Udge along; the walls could not stand an instant ; the Whole village was swept off the face of the flat in the twinkling of an eye ; the cry of the amazed and over , whelmed inmates was lost in the universal roar of flood and storm : and When the morning sun looked in upon what was overnight a neat and snug village , nothi n g w as be seen but what now meets the eye, a waste of sand, stones, and bog stuff."—The fact was, in consequence of ".. the continued rain in: this; surprisingly wet climate; a mountain tarn had burst its banks, and leaving the bog Confined, it came like a liquid wall a-down, forcing - everythhig along, boulders, bog timber, and sludge, u ntil, as it were, in an instant, it broke upon the houses, carrying all before it—stones, timbers, and bodies—and it was only 'some days after that, at the estuary of this liver in Tullohan Bay, the bodies of the poor people were found.. Otway's Sketches in .Erris. LITERATURE. SCOTT'S MISCELLANEOUS PROtSE WORKS. Cudell, Edinburgh, 1841. In addition to his far-famed " Letters of Ma lachi Malagrowther," " Provincial Antiquities of Scotland," and " Old Mortality," each of which is comprised in one cheap half-a-crown Number, we have here the first part of Sir Walter Scott's "Life of Napoleon," which is devoted exclusively to the rise and progress of the Revolution up to the period of the trial of Louis the Sixteenth. In this portion of his work nothing is more remark able than the keen, sarcastic powers which the author shows when discussing some of the prin cipal events and actors in the Revolution. He was imbued with ,a perfect scorn and hatred of this great national outbreak,' and these feel in.'s are constantly escaping him. Of all the leading personages who figure on the stage during the years of ferment, 1789 and 90—indeed down to the time of the Consulate—there is scarcely one on whom he condescends to bestow a good word, with the exception, perhaps, of young Barbaroux, in whose fiery and romantic character he seems to have found much to ad mire. However delightful the style, and ani mated the descriptions, we fear the "Life of Napoleon" will not be among the enduring works of its author. In correctness of facts it is surpassed even by Hazlitt's, who, in general, is anything but a correct writer. WHAT'S TO BE DONE? It would be affectation and folly to deny the extent of the victory achieved over the people by the oligarchy in the contest just concluded. A majority of eighty is greatly beyond anything the most sanguine among them selves could have hoped for, or the most desponding of the Liberals have feared. They have good reason for re joicing, as have the people for mourning, over this result. The most conflicting causes have been assigned by the defeated party. We have seen adduced sufficient, in our judgment, to account for the remarkable events of the last month. They are ascribed to neglected registration, but that has only partially occurred :—to reaction, but if public opinion had veered round to Toryism, how is it that the Tories could not get up a single public meeting in any part of the cottntri to declare a want of confi dence it{ the, Liberal Mirnstry 7 Bribery and intimida tion have done much, but not everything ; they could not have carried Yorkshire and Leeds against any thing like a glow of popular feeling. Nor could the Chartists, few as they are among the electoral body, have accomplished much mischief, unless parties were so evenly balanced without them that their small weight could turn the scale. Still the question remains, whence it happens that parties are so nearly balanced? Now the problem, so hotly debated, may be solved by looking at the state of society in this country. There is enormous wealth and,rnost abject poverty ; a privileged aristocracy and an aristocracy of the purse, the latter striving to obtain the countenance of the former, by aid ing it in the establishment of an oligarchical despotism. Descending from them through the various grades of squirearchy, gentry, professsions, retired tradesmen, we find them all moved by the same desire of getting into the circle just above them, and for this content to sacri fice their independence of mind, their liberties, their consciences. Voluntary slaves themselves, they hate to see independence claimed and exercised by those below them. With such ramifications, the oligarchy could not fail to exercise an overwhelming influence over the dependent, which can only be counteracted when the popular mind is sufficiently excited to set at defiance both promises and threats. It cannot be denied that, up to the moment of the announcement by Ministers of their great measures for unfettering the industry of the country, the people were perfectly apathetic, the result of the efforts made by the Whigs themselves to destroy the very excitement by which they existed, and of the disappointment occasioned by hopes unfulfilled and measures denied, which the country had a right to expect, and especially the pro tection of electors from the undue i n timidation and undue influences to which they are subjected. But the questions selected by Ministers for their appeal to the people, important as they are, are of an abstract nature ; they address themselves to the reflective mind, they depend upon abstruse reasonings, and have many prejudices to contend against. The popular mind was not prepared for deciding on them, and consequently they produced no sufficient excitement in their favour to overcome the influences wielded on the other side. Hence the results we have witnessed. A knowledge of the cause of defeat is necessary to prepare the defeated party to renew the battle with more wisdom. The very small majorities by which the Tories have succeeded everywhere but in a few counties are most en couraging, for they prove that a VERY LITTLE popular excitement would suffice to turn, the nicely-balanced scale against them. It will be hard indeed , if a popular opposition cannot succeed in winning favour, and strange if a Tory Government should fail to lose it. The people have but to be united, and patient, and re solute, and their triumph cannot be far distant. Mutual concessions must be made between those who differ about details; anti-Tory and anti-Monopoly Associations must everywhere be formed, and ample preparations arranged to resist the attempt, that will doubtless be made, to im pose new burdens upon the country, and to curtail the rights and privileges, and the civil and religious liberties wrung from the oligarchy during the ten years of a Li beral Government. _ _ - - To despair of success is to despair of the progress of truth and right—it is to doubt God himself, who has de clared that INJUSTICE, whether of individuals or of parties,—whether accomplished by open violence or by bad laws—shall never long prevail; and Heaven helps those who help themselves.—Somerset County Gazette. A BADGE FOR CORN-LAW RE PEALERS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sin,—The Tory landlords argue that wages depend on the price of corn ; while now, they have artificially raised that price, without adding one farthing to wages ; and, apparently, their corn-tax will filch forty millions from the gentry, traders, workmen, and military, before another twelvemonth is passed. They forget the wealth of Antwerp (133 millions in gold, without reckoning the bank) ; Antwerp, where John Daens, a merchant, after feasting Charles the Fifth, threw his bond for a million of money into the fire before the face of the astonished Emperor—into a fire of cinnamon that had been burning during the whole enter tainment ! Yet all this wealth departed the instant trade was per secuted ; for the capitalists fled to Amsterdam and the Hanse towns ; while the Spaniards starved or slew the workmen. Our trade will disappear as suddenly if the landlords' oppression continue ; and maritime power must cease with mercantile superiority. To prevent this catastrophe, a line must be drawn be tween the bread-tax payers and the receivers. The Tar tar who conquered China perceived that he could not hold the natives in subjection while daily reminded of their superior number, therefore he made both nations dress alike ; but we willingly assimilate to the bread taxers who hold us in thraldom (although unconquered), and who, by assuming their hired voters to be the nation, have almost persuaded John Bull to believe it. Now, if you, Sir, exhort all who desire cheap bread, to mount a scarlet cockade, the colour of the Queen's livery, millions will adopt the suggestion, the Tory Corn-law will cease immediately, and the fictitious famine will be averted. Jacob, though cunning enough to cheat his brother of his birthright, did not send for corn until the famine waxed sore ; while Joseph, being wiser, prevented th e calamity by foresight ; but how cam Ministers prevent a fictitious scarcity here if we appear indifferent THOMAS MORGAN. Up with the scarlet cockade, and make the Tories afraid ! [We beg to recommend the suggestion to the consi deration of the Anti-Corn-law League,—ED. Sun.] FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE ARRIVALS. The Earl of Liverpool, at Fife House, from Muted Park, Sussex ; the Duke and Duchess of Richmond, in Portland place, from Goodwood, Sussex; Sir George Talbot, Bart., at Mivart's Hotel, from Leamington Spa; Lord Sondes, in St. James's. square, from Kent ; Sir John Tho Told, Bart., from Lincolnshire ; the Duchess Dowager of Richmond, from Good wow to London ; Mrs. Robert Markham, at Raggett's Hotel, from the Continent ; Captain and Mrs. Scott, at the Pulteney Hotel, from Windsor ; the Rev. Mr. Drake and Miss Drake, at Marshall Thompson's Hotel, from Dover ; Cobb, Esq., and Mrs. Cobb, at ditto, from Hawkhurst ; Houston, Esq., and Mrs. Houston, at ditto; Charles Fairfax, Esq., at ditto, from Gilling Castle. DEPARTURES. Sir Philip and Lady H. Durham, from their house in H street, for their seat in Scotland; Mr. and Lady Louisa Alex. ander, and Lady Mary Knox, for Brighton; Mr. East, M.P., and Lady, from Eaton-square, on a visit to Lord and Lady Leigh, at Stoneleigh Abbey, Warwickshire; Mr. and Mrs. Hudson, from Park-crescent, for their seat in Shropshire ; Ma jor Pugh and family, from Hanover-square, for their seat, Llanerchydol, Montgomeryshire ; J. Potts, Esq., and Miss Potts, from the Pulteney Hotel, for Ramsgate; Edw. Singleton, Esq., and Mrs. Singleton, from ditto, for Margate ; John Bower, Esq., and the Misses Bower, from ditto, for Paris, the Earl and Countess of Beverley, the Ladies Percy, and. Lord Lovaine, for Brighton; the Earl and Countess of Gallo way, from Grosvenor-square, yesterday morning, on a short tour; the Earl and Countess of Manvers, and the Ladies Pier repont, from Portman-square, for Thoresby Park, near ()Ber ton, Nottinghamshire; Charles Barr, Esq., and Mrs. Barr, from Marshall Thompson's Hotel, for the Continent ; Langford Brook, Etq., and Mrs. Langford Brook, from ditto ; Dr. Hay, from ditto; Captain and Mrs. Watson, from ditto; Mr. and Mrs. S. Schwabe and family, from Fenton's Hotel, for Man. chester ; Mr. and Mrs. Nicholson (of New York), from ditto, for Scotland ; Capt. F. Ives, from ditto, for Southampton John Latouche, Esq., from ditto, for Southampton ; Sir Charles Scudamore, M.D., from WimpoNGE.le-street, for Buxton. CHA Sir William and Lady Pole, from Cheltenham, to Wyke House, Dorsetshire, the seat of James Mortimer, Esq. DOVER, JULY 28. —Yesterday morning, at one o'clock, Prince Esterhazy and suite arrived at the York Ilotel in two carriages and four. They embarked at six o'clock on board one of the mail steam-packets for Ca lais, under a salute - of ten guns from the Castle. The theatre was opened last evening, and was attended by the fashionables sojourning at this port. The entertainments consisted of a grand vocal and instrumental soiree musi cale, given by the Alpine singers, Herr Frederick Strauss, Herr Honing, and Herr Augustine, who appeared in their national costume. BRUSSELS, JULY 27.—The rise in the price of corn last week, in consequence of the continuance of bad weather, has rendered an augmentation of the price of bread necessary. Up to this day, which is the 207th of the year, we had rain on 100 days, not reckoning those on which snow fell. . SIR R. PEEL'S DINNER AT TAMWORTH.I Yesterday evening the constituents of Sir Robert Peel met the Right Hon. Baronet at dinner by invitation, at the Town Hall, Tamworth. The large room of the Town Hall was tastefully de corated. At the top were the Royal arms, and the sides were ornamented with banners in purple and amber. At the bottom were to be seen two handsome silk banners, which had been the colours of a local volunteer regiment at the time of Buonaparte's threatened invasion. The room was lighted with wax chandeliers, anal everything that could contribute to the enjoyment of the guests was cared for by Mr. Hill, Sir Robert Peel's steward. At the top was a cross table, at which the Right Hon. Baronet presided, surrounded by the most distinguished of the guests, and down the entire length ran three other tables, accommodating from 180 to 200 of the electors of Tamworth. The dinner and wines were excellent, and the dessert, which was principally from the gardens of Edmund Peel, Esq., was worthy of the horticultural fame of that gentleman, and did infinite credit to the exertions of Mr. Tew, the gardener at Bonehill. The melons and strawberries in particular were objects of universal admiration. At the Right Hon. Baronet's table we observed C. R. Colvile, Esq., M.P.,- W. S. Dugdale, Esq., M.P., Rev. G. Inge, Colonel Dickenson, H. I. 'Pr, Esq. (late High Sheriff of the county), the Town Clerk, Right lion. W. Yates Peel, S. R. Wolferston, Esq., Captain Dyott, C. B. Adderley, Esq., M.P., G. Chetwynd, Esq., Bolton Peel, Esq., T. S. Hamel, Esq., and Major Bamord. There were also present Joseph Gray. Bramhall, F. E. Bramhall, C. Harding, J. Wright, H. Stokes, John Harding, and William Stokes, Esqrs. ; Reverends C. Thompson and H. Woolley, &c. After the cloth had been removed, and grace was said, Sir ROBERT PEEL rose, and proposed " The health of her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen."—(Cheers.) I am confident (added the Right Hon. Gentleman) that you will receive that toast with every demonstration of loy alty and of attachment to the person of her Majesty. — (Loud cheers.) Her Majesty's health was drank stand ing, and with three times three. The Right Hon. BARONET then proposed " The health of the illustrious and accomplished consort of her Ma jesty, Prince Albert"—(Loud cheers) —and I can, I think, with perfect truth, add t hat the uniform conduct of his Royal Highness has realised the most sanguine expectations.—(Cheers.) I am sure that, on the part of this company, I may express the most heartfelt prayer that every blessing may attend the union of her Majesty and Prince Albert-(Cheers)—that they may see a long line of descendants, and that the throne of these realms may long continue in that illustrious family. The toast was received with prolonged cheers. The CHAIRMAN said—Gentlemen, with your permis sion I will now propose to you the health of an illustri ous lady, who is respected for her high rank, and beloved as an example of every virtue, '' Queen Adelaide and the rest of the Royal Family." . (Drunk with three times three and loud applause.) The Right Hon. BARONET next proposed, .with three times three, the health of the Duke of Wellington. The next toast was the " Army and Navy." Capt. DYOTT (late candidate for Litchfield) retured thanks. Mr. W. S. DUGDALE, M.P. for North Warwickshire, said it was with feelings of the greatest pride and plea sure that he proposed the health of their Right Hon. Friend and Host, Sir Robert Peel.—(Tremendous cheer ing.) In the case of their Right Hon. Friend they were enabled to judge of the future by the past.—(Loud cheers.) They had seen him in his public capacity, oc cupying stations of the highest importance in the coun cils of the nation.—(Cheers.) They had seen him for a short time, he was sorry to say, occupying the post of Prime Minister of this country—(Cheers)--and for nine years, ever since the passing of the Reform Bill, filling, in the most distinguished manner, the situation of leader of the great Conservative party in the House of Commons. That Conservative party, they were well aware at the passing of the Reform Bill, numbered but a very few Members—(Hear)—and their opponents ima gined at that time that they could easily annihilate the Conservative party of this country. But they had seen that party growing from very small to very extensive mag nitude under the protecting care of their Right Honour able Host.—(lmmense cheering.) It appeared to him (Mr. Dugdale), that the conduct of his Right Honour able Friend in his political tactics assimilated, in a great degree, to the conduct of the Noble Duke in his Penin sular campaigns,----(Cheers.) Their Right Hon. Friend commenced as commander of a very small company. — (Cheers.) He entrenched himself, however, in the lines of the British Constitution.—(Cheers.) That small company by degrees increased under his fostering care. —(Cheers.) He sallied forth from his outposts, gained victory after victory, and at last attacked the enemy with his whole line—(Cheers) —as did the Duke of Wel lington at the close of the battle of Waterloo, and brought forward his resolution of a want of confidence in her Ma jesty's Ministers—carried that resolution, saying w ithLord Stanley, "Up guards and at'em"—(Cheers)—and not one single guard was absent from his post.—(Prolonged ap plause.) He carried that resolution by the majority, a glorious one, though small, of an unit, and compelled the Government to resort to a dissolution of Parliament. — (Cheers) --and they had now seen, from the result of that dissolution, what the sense of the people of this country really was. They were well aware that the faction, as Lord J. Russell had called them, now numbered a ma , jority of 80 or 90 in the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) His Right Hon. Friend would shortly, by the voices of an united people, be placed at the head of the councils of her Majesty. They had all confidence in his Right Hon. Friend. Above all they had confidence in his sound Conservative principles.—(Hear, hear.) By those principles would he be guided in his Government, and by those would stand or fall.—(Hear, hear.) His Right Hon. Friend had stated on their hustings that he was determined to maintain the institutions of the coun- try, both in Church and State, on their ancient andmuch venerated foundations.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Dugdale concluded by proposing the health of their Chairman, Sir Robert Peel.—(Tremendous cheering.) Sir 11. PEEL then rose amidst applause. As this is the first occasion on which we have met since the late elec- tion, I am bound to express my acknowledgments to Sou for that proof of your renewed confidence in my return, and I hope to promote to the utmost of my power your local and peculiar interests, and to uphold those political principles which I expressed to you when I sought for the honour of your suffrages.—(Hear.) Gentlemen, I do intend to uphold those political principles.—(Loud cheers.) I think it hardly necessary, after the active part which I have taken in public affairs—after having been called upon not to vote, but to deliver an opi nion on almost every public question which has been submitted to Parliament for many years past—it can hardly be necessary for me to state to you what are my political principles, and what are my views of the great questions which are likely to occupy public attention.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, when I was called to office by the favour of my Sovereign, I did convey to the inhabitantants of Tamworth my general views with respect to the principles on which public affairs ought to be conducted.—(Bear, hear.) Gentle men, it is true that at a more recent period in the last year, when a resolution was proposed, implying a want of confidence in the present Administration, I did also state what were my views with respect, not only to the general principles on which the administration of affairs should be conducted, but with respect to almost every public measure to which attention was then directed. And, Gentlemen, on a review of the declarations which I made in 1835, and on a review of the opinions which I expressed with regard to particular measures in 1840, I have nothing now to retract. I en tertain the opinions which I then professed, and it is my intention, whether in a private or in an official capacity, to act upon those declarations. Gentlemen, I shall not presume, whatever may be the speculations as to the majority which the Conservative party may exhibit on the meet ing of Parliament, I shall not presume in what manner her Majesty may think fit to exercise her prerogative. — (Hear.) I retain my opinion that no Government in this country ought to continue in the administration of the public affairs unless it possesses the confidence of Parliament. But, while I respect that constitutional principle, I hold in equal respect the prerogative of the Crown ; and it is not for any individual to presume in what manner that prerogative may be exercised.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I am constantly asked what it is I mean to propose supposing I am called to the adminis tration of affairs? G entlemen, I will answer that question when I am placed in that position.—(Cheers.) My advice for the present is, dismiss those who are at present in office. They have not the confidence—they had not the confidence of Parliament, and they have not the confi dence of the people. Change your physician, the patient has not confidence in him. They found her in health, and they left her in sickness ; and then they say to me, what do you prescribe ? But I'll wait till lam regularly called in.—(Laughter.) Gentlemen, I see around me some of my attached friends of the medical profession, and I appeal to them whether they do not cordially con cur with me that it is not fit that any man should offer the prescription whilst another administers the physic. No, gentlemen, he would be acting the part of an irregular prac titioner—the part of a quack doctor, and not of a profes sional man, who should profess that he had some invaluable nostrum which, without being consulted by the patient, or allowed to feel his pulse, would prove a perfect re medy for whatever disease he might labour under. — (Hear, hear.) I therefore, Gentlemen, must continue steadily to refuse to offer my advice until I have access to the patient, and all those advantages of consulta tion, without which no proper advice can be given. I really believe I do snore than any political physician ever did by referring to the prescriptions which I offered in 1835 and in 1840, and by saying that I see no reason to alter them. Now, Gentlemen, I am almost surprised to find myself here, for if I could have believed the newspapers—the organs of her Majesty's Government, I should find myself on the Con tinent, having taken refuge in a foreign country on ac count of the embarrassments in which I am involved from the number of applications which I receive, or per haps it may be on account of the desperate condition in which I find public affairs. I need hardly tell you, for you, I believe, give no credit to the assertion, that I have not the slightest intention of visiting the Continent, but that I do intend on the 19th August to' be present in my place in Parliament, personally to witness the result of the appeal which has been made to the people of this country. —(Hear.) Now, Gentlemen, this and other paragraphs which I read in the Newspapers, I do assure you that I see with great good hvmour. Why, Gentlemen, this very day, talking of these paragraphs, I cannot help al luding to it, but I don't know if you have seen an ar ticle in large letters in the Globe newspaper. Why, Gentlemen, our fat friend, the publican near us, has . produced a Globe newspaper, and in it appears the old story of Mr. Harrison and. his demand fur 16s. 6d.— (Laughter.) It is in large letters " From a Correspon dent." But really this is too bad ; for this infblican-is converted into my attached friend Mr. Robinson, who is lenmmwhtichof 16s. 6d., and he challenged m th a a te fom t r ocom th p e m lain ag o n f an t an he ou n s o v‘ n , - a p ; me on the hustings only, he secured the payment to him TIRE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY", JULY 29, )841. of that sum. All I ask of you is, that when you see these paragraphs you will let no consideration induce you to retaliate.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Gentlemen, I will read to you another paragraph—it is headed " The Queen and Sir Robert Peel"—it comes from the Globe again, the organ of her Majesty's Government.—(Loud laughter.) " On dit, that the Queen has heard of the vain boastings of Sir Robert Peel, that if he again came into power he would make her a Tory (or a Conservative, as he said) in six weeks, and that consequently the Right Hon. Baronet is more disliked. than ever at head-quarters." Now, gentlemen, observe it is not confidently asserted, it is only " reported," that the Queen had heard the vain boast, but there is no doubt at all about my having used the expression. The correspondent says " a Tory" (or Conservative, as he says). Now when a person is so par ticular who can doubt his veracity ? Gentlemen, I trust that I need hardly say to you that the whole of this pa ragraph is a mere miserable fabrication. Need I say. that I never made this indecent boast ? I refer to these things without anger or irritation—quite the reverse. Gentlemen, if it were possible to suppose that her Ma jesty could look :at these fabrications, which are evi dently intended to injure me in her Majesty's opinion, I very much doubt, not unly whether her Majesty would attach any credit to thern,liut more than that, whether there would not be excited feelings of indignation at the presumptuous familiarity which undertakes to answer for the private feelings of her Majesty.—(lmmense cheering.) I must say that if any one thing can be more unwarrantable than another in the conduct of a portion of the public press, it is their attempt to . represent her Majesty, not as w hat she is in truth and in fact, the beloved Sovereign of a whole people, but as the partisan of a party in the State. Gentlemen, I do not think I sh o uld have been indu ced to say a word to you on the subject of party interests, and have been content to acquiesce in a suspension of hos tilities, considering the near approach of the period when the combatants must meet face to face, if I had not re cently seen a Public manifesto put forth by Lord John Russell, the leader of the House Of Commons, which, from the tone it assumes towards the opponents of the Government, relieves you from any scruples on that head, and imposes on me the necessity of making a very few remarks. This manifesto professes to take a review of the present state of affairs, or rather of past events ; and it recites, with the utmost satisfaction, the victories that have been achieved by her Majesty's present ad visers. Gentlemen, this paper also talks of the dexterity which the . opponents of G o vernment have shown in inventing facts ; but I must say that, whatever dexterity we may have shown in inventing facts, the dexterity of the 'Noble lord in "foigetting them far surpasses us. It is surprising that her Majesty's Government, having held the reins of power for six years, possessing, as is the constant boast, the entire confidence of their Sove reign, seeing the use, the improper use, that has been made by some candidates of the name of their Sovereign —it was only yesterday that I saw inscribed .o n the banner of the Hon. Mr. Petre, "Vote for Petre , the Queen's candidate"—l say it is surprising that, notwith standing this, and the appeal to the female portion of the population, with reference to cheap sugar, and the cry of the big loaf to the labouring classes, the consti tuency and the people have ratified the decision of the late House of Commons, namely, that. her Majesty's present advisers did not possess the confidence of the House of Commons, and that their retention of office under such circumstances was at variance with the spirit of the constitution. It has not been the Chandos clause that has produced this result. The counties, it is true, may have declared themselves against the present Government, and it may be said that some of the counties which are more intimately connected with the agricultural interests have manifested their zeal against Government on account of the danger with which those interests were threatened ; but it was not the Chandos clause that returned two Members for -the eity of London—it was not the Chandos clause that for - the first time since the Reform Bill returned a Member-for the city of Westminster—nor was it the Chandos clause that wrested one seat from the opposite party in the great manufacturing community of Leeds. It was alsh'sonie thing more than the Chandos clause that returned two Members in Hull and two ill the city of Dublin, twci for Belfast, and two for 'Liverpool.- —(Cheers.) It was not the Chandos clause that returned four Members for the great county of Lancaster, and frightened any Min isterial candidate from opposing Lord Stanley, Lord F. Egerton, Mr. Wilson Patten, or Mr. Wilbraham. It was not the Chandos clause that returned two Members for that district of immense importance, as connected with the vital manufacturing interests of the country, the West Riding of Yorkshire—(Loud cheers)—which has dis possessed from his seat in Parliament a nobleman who, from his abilities, combined with his virtues, it is impos sible to mention without respect. I allude to Lord Mor peth. No, gentlemen, there must have been some other cause which has led to this expression of public opinion other than the influence of landlords over tenants. — (Hear, hear.) The counties, no doubt, have made re turns in an increased number unfavourable to the Go vernment ; but if you look to the towns and boroughs containing populations exceeding ten thousand inhabit ants, even where they have little or no connexion with the agricultural interest, the cry of cheap bread and cheap sugar has totally failed.—(Loud cheers.) The re turns for those places have been more unfavourable to Ministers than they were in the last Parliament.—(Hear.) How, let me ask, is this to be accounted for ? It is be cause the constituencies of this empire, representing as they do, the people of this empire—have no confidence in her Majesty's Government.—(Cheers.) They have had the good sense to review the whole course of the Govern ment, from the commencement of its power to its close= from the Appropriation Clause, which excluded me from office, to that vote which was carried at my instance, and which declared that her Maesty's Government did not possess ithe confidence of this country.—(Great cheer ing.) It was not the mere policy that the people con demned—it was not the question relating to corn ; but the people of England were of opinion that no Govern ment of this country ought to retain power without the confidence of the nation—(Cheers) —that to do so was an injury to the representative principle, and a violation of all constitutional doctrine—(Cheers) —and the result has been a decided declaration on the part of the con stituencies, in conformity with the vote of the late House of Commons, that the present Government is not entitled to the public confidence.—(Loud cheers.) And, gentle men, if you will review the course of the Government and remember the expression put into the mouth of the Sove reign in the year 1834, in which the King, at the instance , of the Government, made use of the following words " I have seen with feelings of deep regr et and indig nation the continu ance o f attempts to excite the people of Ireland to demand a repeal of the Legislative Union. This bond of the national strength and safety I have de clared my fixed and unalterable resolution, under the blessing of Divine Providence, to maintain inviolate by all the means in any power. To the practices which have been used to produce disaffection in the State, and mutual distrust and animosity between the people of the two countries, is chiefly to be attributed the spirit of in subordination which, though for the present. in a great degree controlled by the power of the law, has been but too perceptible in many instances." If you recollect these words, which were used by.the So vereign at the advice of Lord Melbourne, and concurred in by Lord Palmerston and Lord J. Russell, you will not fail also to recollect that, in 1834, a compact was formed with those who were the chief a d v ocates of repeal—(Hear)— and that a resolution was come to implying that no set tlement of the Irish Church question should be adopted which did not embody an appropriation of part of the revenues of the Church to the promotion of secular pur poses. The constituencies of the country have recol lected this compact. They also recollected the case of Jamaica, where the Government brought in a Bill to abolish the constitution of that important colony. They recollected that they were thwarted in that attempt by the opponents of that Government. They recollected that the Ministers stated that the authority of the Government would be injured if that opposition should prevail. It did prevail, and the Government retired under the vote, and with the admission that they did not possess the confidence of the House of Commons. (Great cheering.) The people have seen them, for two years, retain office without power, and after a series of concessions alike injurious to the characters of public men and to the interests of the country ; and it has been a review of these acts, coupled with the declaration of the Government themselves as to their loss of the confi dence of Parliament, and the evils that must arise • in the administration of public affairs from that want—it has been, I repeat, a; review of this conduct on the part of her Majesty's Government, which has induced the con stituencies of this country to vindicate the constitutional principle, and by their united voice to affirm the resolu tion to which the House of Commons so recently came. Gentlemen, this vindication of constitutional principle is due to the constituency of this empire. They de served the credit, for they gained the victory by their unparalled exertions. It has not been gained by the manoeuvres of the leaders .of party—it has not been gained by factious combinations with men of opposite opionions.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") . The Government has made an appeal to the country with the most favourable circumstances under which an appeal could be made ; the country . has responded to it, and de clared, notwithstanding the introduction of plausible and popular measures, that the Government does not possess its confidence.—(Loud cheers.) It is impossible to esti mate too highly the exertions which have been made throughout the country. They have been made by unob trusive individuals, even unknown to public rumour, who have sought no advantage for themselves, but who have been prompted by public principle to the sacrifice of ease' and of everything most calculated to make life happy.— (Hear, hear.) I will venture to say, that there are thousands and tens of thousands of instances in which single individuals have made more exertions during the late election than candidates us ed to make before— (Hear) —and Gentlemen, it is perfectly notorious to every ' person who has been conversant with the election of this said country, and to those G entl emen , and to the constitu encies at large, these public acknowledgmenis are due. All that I hope is that they will not repose upon their victory, and that it will onl y anim ate them to continued m that the battle of the constitution must be fought in the Registration Courts.—(Hear.) And I am sure the victory which b h el i i n e c ve reiatsehdas exertions. been proved vedltoibde b true,efor, Gentlemen, and I has been achieved must be secured in the Registration Courts also. I do hope the Conservative party in this country will continue to secure for themselves, by all fair and all legitimate means, and by no other whatever, the possession of that power and influence in the State which th eir wealth, th eir intelligence, their re spectability, and their character fully entitle them to exercise.—(Hear, hear.) I hope they will carefully con sider every franchise to which the law entitles: them, and secure for themselves the exercise of it, whether in municipal elections, in county elections, or in borough elections. Gentlemen, this being merely a convivial meeting, I fear I have trespassed longer than I ought to have done upon your attention. Gentlemen, with the toast I shall conclude my address • and I bog ,you to fill your highest bumpers to the " Vrosperity .of the town an d n eighbourhood of Tamworth." • A variety - of other excellent Conservative speeches i SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. wire delivered, but thelate hour at which Sir Robert Peel concluded his adaress necessarily precludes their in sertion on the present occasion. The dinner, which was served up by Mr. Rhodes, of the King's Arms, Tamworth, was of a very superior description, and the utmost harmony and festivity pre vailed throughout the evening. MANIFESTO OF THE NEW GREEK MINISTRY• FROM Tim MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. CHRONICLE—The Times and Standard are toiling hard to set up, their party with political capital sufficient to enable them to carry on the business of Government. The substance of sundry elaborately constructed articles amounts to this : a promise that when in power the Tories will, in matters of expediency, do what is most expedient ; in matters of principle, they will be exceed ingly well principled ; and where morality interferes with Government, they will be remarkably virtuous. What more can a reasonable public desire ; unless, per haps, some definite exposition of what measures, in the present state of the country, they deem expedient ; what great political or social truths constitute the principles of their faith ; and what kind or degree of immorality is to disqualify for the honours of their Cabinet and their paradise of place. On all 'these points we are hitherto left in the dark. It only appears that the party has to seek for its policy, its principles, and its morality ; and that it hopes to find such as will give satisfaction enough to tolerate their continued possession of the good things of office, when once they have got them. But the need for such prolegomena to the com:ng work shows the anticipation of difficulty amongst them selves, and of probable failure with the public. When, after a much longer course of opposition, the Liberals returned to office, their future system was distinctly, and without any occasion for further explanation, marked out by three words, " Peace, -economy, and reform." The country knew what they meant. The words embodied the main objects after which they had been striving. The Tory opposition has followed no course capable of being characterised in a similar manner. It has not even defined purposes to embody ; or if it has, they are not avowed, nor would their avowal be recommen datory. Negatively, we know that they will not come in on the grounds of peace, economy, and reform; positively, they can tell us nothing more intelligible or precise, than that they will consult (as who would not?) expediency, principle, and morality. And they put forth thus much, partly because something must be said to the public, though it be only the vaguest generality in the world; and partly because some of them feel that others are for driving on in a most inexpedient train of practical mea sures; some of them protest against others as utterly de void of that high principle without which politics are only the struggle of sordidness or personal ambition ; and some of them are afraid that others, who are noto riously profligate, deeply and indelibly " tainted," yet hold such a position in the party as to be likely to " force themselves into office," to the great embarrassment of the reluctant Premier, who is deplorably hung up be tween their party influence and their public odium. TIMES.--It is a happy omen of the prospects of the British nation under Sir Robert Peel's Government, that the definition of Conservatism given by the Right Hon. Baronet in his Tamworth speech is one which every true Conservative will acknowledge to be complete and accu rate. The Conservatives are "determined to maintain on their ancient foundations the institutions of the coun try in Church and State." They are determined; their resolution upon this point is one which cannot be shaken; it is with them a first principle ; and they must abandon office rather than recede from it in the least degree. But it is not to the outward forms or the existing modi fications of the institutions that they are attached, but to the intrinsic fundamental principles. So far as the insti tutions are consistent with these, they will uphold them; if in anything they have departed from these they will bring thm back. Moving or standing still, this will be their rule ; it will be the magnet which attracts them to a state of quiescence, or the compass which directs them over their course of necessary reforms. The ancient foundation of the institutions of the state of Great Britain, and the original source of all those won derful effects which we use the etpression civil liberty to describe, is the principle of self-government under sa lutary laws, grounded upon the basis of religion, and se cured by the nicely-balanced distribution of political power. Most persons perceive the broad outlines under which this principle is developed in the separation of the judicial, executive, and legislative powers from each other—a separation complete enough for a salutary inde pendence of action, yet not so absolute as to permit their mutual collision, or impede the harmonious co-operation of the whole. Again, in the constitution of the legisla tive body, it is easy to see how the variableness and im petuosity of popular will in the House of Commons are tempered to consistency and soberness by the weight of permanent interests and traditional authority in the House of Lords. And in the constitution of the House of Commons itself it requires no minute analysis to discover the same admirable composition of opposite forces. The proportions in which representation is as signed to the different constituent parts of the people, modified as they have been by the Reform Bill, are such as to give, upon the whole, a body indisposed to violent or revolutionary action, yet unequivocally, and to the satisfaction of the whole nation, discharging the func tions of a popular assembly. The electoral body, which is the basis of the House of Commons itself, consists not of the entire population, but of all who, upon a liberal estimate, grounded upon their circumstances in life, can be presumed to possess the necessary degree of intelli gence and independence for the franchise. Yet these are not placed in a position which would enable them to exercise the power given to them for public purposes without responsibility to the rest of the community ; what they do must le done openly, and the right of in fluencing and judging them by the free expression of opinion, and of visiting them with those rewards and pe nalties which opinion can bestow or inflict, is reserved to every individual citizen. ADVERTISER.—The position of Sir Robert Pt e', as the proximate Premier of the greatest nation in the world, is one of the most momentous which ever a human being was destined to occupy. 'Forced on his Sovereign and his country by a combination of circumstances which it was wholly beyond their power to control, it depends entirely on himself whether his Administration will be productive of unspeakable good to Great Britain, or whether it will prove the source of manifold evils of the greatest magnitude. Had the Right Hon. Baronet come into office, as it was the general impression, previous to the election, he would, by a measuring-cast nirjority, his capabilities for good or evil would have been very considerably circumscribed. He would have felt himself to be the mere creature of circumstances, and con sequently compelled to adapt himself, as he best might, to a state of things which, as it was brought about entirely irrespective of any agency of his own, he would have seen to be beyond the limits of his power materially to modify. And paralysed by the pressure of this consideration, he must necessarily have abandoned all idea of casting aside the trammels of party, and conducting the Government of the country on those independent principles which a Minister placed beyond the pale of party influences could alone adopt, without periling the very . existence of his administra tion. He must have perceived the absolute necessity of squaring every important measure by the previously ascertained principles and prejudices of those on whose breath hung the very being of his Government. What ever may have been his own convictions of right, they must have been sacrificed on the altar of expediency ; and that expediency not possessing the redeeming quality of being calculated to promote the public good, but restricted within the narrow limits of his party's advantage. If the existence of the Right Hon. Gentleman's Government had been destined to depend, as that of Lord Melbourne's notoriously has de pended for the last few years, on some ten or a dozen votes, then he would have found himself reduced to the humiliating necessity of not propounding any important measure which would have come in hostile contact with the prejudices or interests of any half - dozen or dozen of individuals, his numerous supporters. Only imagine, as an illustration in point, what must have been the mea sure of Sir Roberts mortification, if he had been placed in a position in which he could not, without periling the very existence of his Government, have ventured to propose any particular course of policy which might, perchance, incur the disapprobation of Colonel Sib thorpe, Mr. Peter Borthwick, Mr. D'lsraeli, and some other half-dozen persons that might be named, equally renowned for their wisdom, and possessing a corresponding moral weight in the country. The great numerical majority which the Right Hon. Baronet has obtained ensures his exemption front so painful and de grading a position. He commences his Ministerial 1 , career under all the encouragement which can be derived from a conviction, verging on a moral certainty, that he will be able to carry all his measures, without reference to their intrinsic merits, by what, in the language of the play-bill pliraieology, so much in vogue at the minor the a t e e s s . , NlVOlue destinies l d b e called ' of ‘ the brilliant country pla placed d m at a the j o r t mercy of a single man, to an extent w hi c h rosy well 0111 our fill the mind of every reflecting person over w gracious Sovereign sways her sceptre with fear and D.—The Ministerial Journals chuckle with trembling. HEßAL d w e i l il i g h h a t v e o vienr negotiatingthe r en edifficultya Sir Robert P ee l of our commerc i a l treaty with Brazil. How, th e y exel a • ltn with rapture, difficult to , if lie refuses to admit slave grownwill the Right Hon. Baronet preserve the Brazilian mar. ket to our manufactures, an ? ufac lt t i u s r say n t h w i s h whether question.th e r e But b e g reater ignorance or i mpu d ence the reply to it is as easy its it is satisfactory. The reduc tion of our duties on foreign sugar i s , we f ear l ess ly as sert, not necessary t o the reservation of the Brazilian chief simple market, and for a very articlecane reason. Sugar is ra pidlyt ceasing to b e th e . The cultivatio n o f the sugar cause of the co n ti nuance of Brazil h of Bhirahzeilian been n po th r e ? in as the t brutal slave trade ; it has prevented the increase of the slave popula tion of that empire, and has therebcreated an irresisti ble premium for the robbery of huma beings from the shor es of Africa fo r th e sugar-fields of Brazil. 'Neither the cul tivation of the coffee nor the cotton plants is fatal to slave life. The negroes engaged in the l i g hter and healthier occupation of working in the coffee pla ntations do not decrease in numbers, and they are the parents of a vigorous offspring. It is not, therefore, surprising that coffee has become the staple export of the Brazilian em pire. In 1830 there were exported from Rio de Janeiro from 391,785 bags of coffee ; in 1841, there were exported 1,051,190 b ags . In 1838, there were ex p orted in 1840, only • the same port 16,417 cases of sugar ; sugar 9,253_ The increased expo rtation of coffee, and the from Pernambuco and -diminished exportation o f kable asfrom establish the fa ct we have stated. incontestibly Bahia, are also as r emar R . d - Brazilian coffee has for some e ears been entered for home nt ) of the duty on that article when consumptionported on pa from yni within the limits of the m East India Company charter, by being previously sent round to the Cape o fi s Good Hope, and there trans-ship ped for Engla nd as East Indian offee. A reduction of the duty on Brazilian coffee would then neither seriously injure our ow n colonies, nor exposet them to new rivals, nor would it give an impetus to the Brazilian slave trade, while it would p reserve to our manufacturers the benefit of the Bra zilian markets, and give our population the benefit of cheapness in a most nutritious beverage ; and in this way Sir Robert reel may easily escape from the difficulties hailed by his factious opponents. Whether he will adopt this mode it is not our business to inquire : we notice only to expose the frivolous objects which are ADDRESS OF PRINCE MAVROCORDATO TO THE GOVER NORS AND DEPUTY-GOVERNORS OF THE KINGDOM ON BEING APPOINTED HEAD OF THE NEW CABINET. The King has deigned to confide to me the direction of the affairs of the interior. Having accepted this im • Mrtant mission, shall do my utmost to execute his Majesty's wishes, but I, nevertheless, hope to succeed but through your active and vigilant assistance. Calling it, therefore, to my aid, I here expose to you how I think your assistance may be useful, and may attain the end that his Majesty's Government has in view. It is of the foremost necessity that impartiality should be the guide of all your administrative acts. A Gover nor, who is the organ of the Government and of the law, can belong to none of the opinions or parties which may divide those under his administration. Constantly the same towards all citizens, a Governor must always bear in mind that his highest and most general ;mission is to protect them all, considering them as equals in his pre sence, as well as before the law which he represents. It is indispensable that you should well understand that the Government of his Majesty, respecting indivi dual opinions and sympathies, never seeks to penetrate either into the consciences, or into the hearts of the citi zens, and that he protects no opinion or sympathy, so far as it is made a direct or indirect cause of injustice or disobedience to the law ; illegal acts should be every where suppressed, to whatever class the offending party may happen to belong. But in order that this desirable end should be perfectly attained, you should, gentlemen, give the first example of respect for the law, the safe guard of property, of individual honour and liberty, against which the Government of his Majesty will not allow any attempt to be made on any pretence. The Government of his Majesty has particularly at heart to protect the free action of those institutions which call citizens to assist in the work of Government. For the execution of these laws, either when, by the election of the communal or provincial authorities, or after their installation, the law should invest you with a control to exercise over them, I demand, in the first case, that your intervention should be pacific and conciliatory ; that it should be confined within the limits of the law, and that in no case its object should be to use any influence in elections, as the Government is most deeply interested in the elections expressing sincerely and unequivocally the sentiments of the electors. In the second case, and reminding you that the welfare of the State results from a good communal- and provincial administra tion, you should employ all the authority with which the law invests you to introduce order into the municipal administration, to grant your prompt assistance whenever the law requires it, and by that means to . encourage the moral and intellec tual development - of the State. You will, above all things, act with the strictest severity against those who, abusing the warrant of their fellow-citizens, and the con fidence of the Government, make use of their authority for the promotion of their personal interests, and per vert, to the detriment of the people, those laws which have been only established for their benefit. You should also exercise a strict surveillance over all the public em ployes placedunder your jurisdiction, for the Government will consider the Governors as responsible for all abuses which may arise from their negligence of this duty, whether that negligence may proceed from sympathy with the party, or from being themselves implicated in their bad conduct, and they have not prevented those abuses when aware of their existence. The authority, gentlemen, with which you are invested 'is the most general amongst those of the different public functionaries; and it is this consideration which should act the more strongly in preventing you forgetting the assistance which you legally owe for the good of the ser vice to the other authorities, and which should constantly impress on your memory that your first duty is to give the example of harmony between your powers and those whether the authorities which the law causes to act in a special sphere, such as judicial authority, or of those which conic within the sphere of administrative ser vice, and that both one and the other make part of the same thing—the Government. I should con sider it as a deplorable misfortune if divisions should manifest themselves between the different powers in some provinces, for reciprocal respect and sincere con cord between the authorities•themselves strengthen the Government as much as disagreements amongst them paralyses and weakens its strength. And on the other hand, how can the Government succeed in calming those passions which may occasionally disturb society, if the Government itself is composed of members amongst whom dissent and disagreement reign ? The Hellenic Society, gentlemen, revived by the aid of Divine Providence, is composed of interests and rights which require support and protection ; but you should always call to mind that the most sacred right due to society, is to ameliorate its condition by the wel fare of each of its members, and by the development. of all its moral and physical Rowers ; and, consequently, all private interests must give way before the general interests of society. It belongs to you then, gentlemen, to assist this development—the forerunner f a wise li . berty—by a-resolute and unflinching protection, as well as by impartial justice to all, which is the most noble at ' tribute of any Government. I consider it superfluous, gentlemen, to encourage you in your important labours by promises, for governmental activity and wisdom are rewarded by the gratitude of the governed, and by the satisfaction to the governing of having well performed their duty. But as it is always ' the duty of the Government to reward the capacity and the patriotism of those employed under it, and as the so ciety is a gainer by being served by honoured magis trates, I shall recommend to Royal favour all those who distinguish themselves in the administrative career. (Signed) - A. MAVIZOCORDATO, Athens, July 8, 1841. Minister of the Interior. ROYAL ARTILLERY. WOOLWICH, JULY 2g. —Lord Bloomfield has obtained leave of absence for the purpose of visiting his estates in Ireland, to which 111 will proceed this evening. Lord Sondes and a foreign nobleman arrived at Wool wich Marshes at a quarter past twelve o'clock to-day, where they were shortly afterwards joined by Lieut.- Col. Lord Charles Wellesley, of the 15th regiment. The field-batteries, under the command of Major Sweeting, immediately commenced practice with case, and afterwards with spherical shot. A stationary battery of 32 and 68-pounder guns, was then manned, and some excellent practice was made against the imitation fort on the north-west side of the marshes. A section of the rocket troop also exhibited the effects of the rocket used in their branch of the service. Gen. Millar's 96-pounder gun, adapted for three miles range, was fired twice on this occasion, being the first time this season. After loncheon the party proceeded to the mortar and howitzer batteries, where Captains Bloomfield, M`Bean, and Bingham ; Lieutenants Buchanan, Irving, Crofton, and Scott, under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Walker, were ready to receive them. Several rounds were fired from the howitzer and mortar batteries, which appeared very good. At three o'clock the Horse Artillery assembled on the Upper Common; under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Cator, and marched past at slow and quick time, and then at full gallop. They afterwards went through all the evolutions of a field-day in the usual manner. THE RECENT CALAMITY OFF DOVER AND LOSS OF. EIGHT LIVES. DOVER, WEDNESDAY.—This morning Charles Rathke, the mate of the ill-fated Prussian bark Prosperator, with the boatswain, Martin Hakendorff, and Eanzen, the sea man, who received an injury of the knee, embarked on board the Adelaide steam-boat, lying in the harbour, for the purpose of proceeding to the Pruss ian Consul in London, to obtain his assistance. It will be remem bered that Eanzen received a violent blow from the mainyard of the Russian bark John of Riga. as he was in the act of leaping on board while the Prosperator was going down. He was taken to the Almshouses , and th i s morning he was so far recovered as to be able to walk. The survivors have been comfortably provided for, and experienced the kindest treatment from Mr. W. Latham, the agent of Lloyd's for this port. The situation of , the poor fellows entitled them to commiseration, they having. lost every article that they possessed except what they stood in. The Prosperator, it appears, was built about ten years since, And was.of 230 tons burden, and had on board at the time of the catastrophe no less than 1,873 lengths of iron rails. No particle of her cargo has been washed up,' and from the depth of water in which she lies there is not the slightest probability that any of it will be reco vered, or that any of the bodies of the eight unfortunate persons who perished by the collision will be got out of the vessel. The Russian bark John is now undergoing repairs ; the damage done to her is of an extensive na ture, and the survey has not yet been completed. Her figure head, having been split, has been removed, and her bowsprit and all her foretopsails were carried away or greatly damaged, in addition to the extensive injury done to her larboard bow. She is a fine vessel, and has only been built three years, and to her superior strength and tonnage (she being 350 tons burden) may be ascribed her escape from sharing the fate of the Prosperator. It will require some time to elapse before she is sufficiently -naired to proceed to Bilboti, whither she is bound. GREAT NORTH OF ENGLAND RAILWAY. Traffic Returns for the Week ending July 26, 1841 ; Passengers Z 1,003 15 8 Merchandise 421 12 6 4E1,425 8 2 Darlington, July 21, 1841. Bell's Life in London, of Sunday, August 1, 1 willeontain a most copious account of Goodwood Races, with E ngrav ings of the Cups, Matches of Cricket . at Lord's, Regattas, and all other Sporting Matters. Price of Bell's Life, Fivepence. We understand that the Balquhain tenantry, in celebration of the majority of their young landlord, Count Leslie, and of his return to this country, have in vited him to dinner on Tuesday next, the 27th inst. A number of the neighbouring proprietors have been in vited to meet the Count, along with his noble relative, the Lord 1 1 ovat. We have th e greatest pleasure in re ferring to 'such instances of ri g ht f ee li ng b etween land lord and tenant, of which the County of Aberdeen has lately exhibited many pleasing examples.—Aberdeen Paper. We believe the breed of partridges is generally goo d in , the adjoining counties, although in many of the coveys the birds are rather small.—Bristol Standard. gVENiNG SUN. conjured up to alarm the country by the eikr*is.lof 2. (lc feted faction. h - POST.—We cannot too strongly rep4hate 'ntss, the folly, and the effrontery ofttnaiPutOi Radicals who go about proclaiming thtketli 7 OtSii-Asijit the poor is to be attributed to the non policy, and that, whatever continuance ok . # to there may be, must be laid to the account bf*fhose• Who have opposed, and continue to oppose, that policy. This sympathy with the condition of the poor is something new on the part of the Whig-Radical faction. We do not recollect to "hive heard much about it during the ten years that they were in power. We do not remem ber any act of theirs as Ministers or Legislators which indicated that they were in the least conscious of hard ships suffered by the poor which it was in the power of Statesmen to alleviate. Strange that, just at the moment when their power is gone, they should dis 'cover - that - the relief --of -the distresses of the poor is very possible if Whig-Radicals were but allowed to carry into effect the- new political projects which they have conceived ! Is any one so stupid as to believe in the soundness of their new policy, or in the sine?rity of their aspirations for bettering the condition of the la bouring poor ? We believe scarcely one beyond the pale of their own faction. The workinf , men of Great Britain are not so easily cajoled after they have had their experience. The Whig-Radicals say than their lately proposed policy would relieve the distresses of the work ing people, and that they who oppose this policy are, and will be, responsible for the people's distress. But let us ask who were, up to the present time, the opponents of this very policy ? Who was it that, even last year, op posed the lowering of the duties on foreign sugar, and said that any attempt on the part of Government to overthrow the existing Corn-laws would only produce agitation and confusion without any ultimate benefit ? Why, it was the leaders of these Whig- Radicals who did so. The very same men who now propose foreign sugar, and foreign corn, as an absolute panacea for the distresses of the poor, and who heap virulent abuse upon all who doubt its efficacy, were themselves no further off than last year the opponents of any such policy. Was there never any distress of the poor until now ? or how does it happen that Conservatives ought to be pointed out by Whig-Radicals to popular execration for opposing this policy which last year was opposed by the Whig:Radi cals themselves ? The fraud in this matter is as palpa ble as the violence. The sympathy now professed for the poor by the Whig-Radicals, is nothing better than a pretence and an affectation. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS. FROM TAR MORNING PAPERS Or THIS DAT. TIMES.—The great feature in the money market at New York was the acknowledged inability of _Jr. Noble, the Indiana Commissioner, to provide funds for the pay ment of the July dividends on Indiana Stocks, and, to meet the emergency of the moment, it was stated that he was about to issue 7 per cent. bonds to those who might be willing to accept them in lieu of cash for the coupons. There still seemed to be no want of money for discount and exchange purposes, and,. notwithstanding, it appears that there is not sufficient business to consume the floating capital, there were nevertheless feW invest ments made-in Stocks. Since last advices, the prices ;of the various descriptions have not been much acted on ; they, however, look fiat. United States Bank Shares are quoted 18; ; North American Trust, 78 ; Delaware and Hudson, 104 ; Haarlem, 251 to 1 ; Mohawk, 68 ; and Boston and Providence, 31,i to 32. In the New York papers we find the details of the ex port of domestic goods from the United States for the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840, during which period there appears to have been a great and progressive in crease, their total value for the last year being $113,895,636, while in 1837 it was but $5,564,414, The greatest increase has been under the heads of ve getables and tobacco, in which alone the increase has been $13,000,000 since 1837. For the later period it may not be inappropriate to give the . details ; the pro ducts of the sea are valued at $3,198,379 ; products of the forest, at $5,321,085 ; animals, at $3,206,034 ; ve getable food, at $15,587,657 ; tobacco, at $9,883,957 ; cotton, at $63,870,307 ; other products, at $177,784 ; manufactures, at $6,425,727 ; and not enumerated, at $1,143,801. The general improvement exhibited in this summary is mainly ascribed to the steadiness of business at moderate rates. POST.—We learn upon authority which may, we believe, be fully depended on, that the funds necessary for the liquidation of the Chilian dividend falling due in September next, at the rate of six per cent. per annum, are already in the hands of the party in Europe, charged with their appropriation. Apart from the adjustment of the overdue interest up to 1840, the Chilian Government are now fulfilling their engagements with , the bond holders to the strict letter of the original: contract ; a circumstance. that should operate as an example. or sti mulus to the older and prouder nations, who are under such heavy liabilities to their foreign creditors. We understand also that, by the next packet, replias from the Government of Buenos Ayres to .the lettv...rs of General Morino, relative to the claims of . the 'English bondholders may be expected. The carrinierce of the republic is represented to us as being vastly Upon the in crease. With this increase of commercial activity, an increase of revenue must follow as a matter of cer tainty. It mr y_Ee mentioned further, thatilt recently.. executed treaty; called the " Maekau Treaty,' which i t has been attempted to set aside, has received tli , un qualified approbation of the whole Court of thr,, Tuile ries, the explanations afforded upon the subje . :, / :- by. Senor Moreno having given his - Majesty Late-Philippe, as well as M. Guizot and his colleagy.' 4 e, theefiillest satis faction. The treat - ,' under tbt eirctira4thiree, may be considered, notiVithstanditig tie rumours to the con trary, as definitive, and one that will be strictly adhered to in all its provisions by both countries parties to the arrangement. From Panama a further sum has come to hand on account of the payment of dividends on the New Gra nada portion orthe debt of Co'ombia. The amount re mitteu in the present instance (2,500 dollars) is but trifling ; and the disturbed condition of the Republic may, for the moment, prevent any considerable augmen tation. It is to be borne in mind, however, that there is - a sum of 300,000 dollars which has been for some time deposited in the Bank of England, subject to the orders of Senor Mosquera, the Minister from New Gra nada, for distribution among the bondholders. Num bers of these persons, after being kept out of their dividends so many years, would be greatly re lieved by the payment of an instalment, were it ever so small, as in the case of the sister State of Vene zuela, which has already paid two dividends upon the re duced scale. M. Mosquera should consider this, for, if the money is to be thus withheld from year to year, it might as well never have been remitted at all, and better in fact, for it is cruel that the sufferers should be tanta lised with the knowledge that it is here, yet retained within the grasp of a Minister without any intelligible motive. The bondholders in addressing us on this subject, seem to think that the Spanish American committee might with great propriety, and without risking any charge of a want of courtesy, renew their exertions in behalf of their constituents, in order to procure for them a 'some thing, at the earliest possible period, out of the fund re ferred to. Chili and Venezuela might, no doubt, with equal justice leave the moneys transmitted for the use of their European creditors undisposed of. SUN.—The symptoms of improvement in the Foreign Exchanges, though certainly not yet - decided, have caused satisfaction, and the fine weather has had another good effect, viz., that of checking any further advance in the price of grain. It is indeed high time, as our manufacturing population are reduced to such a state of poverty from want of employment, that they can ill afford to pay advanced prices for the necessaries of life. There was rather a wide range in the value of Stocks to-day, in consequence of the increased extent of busi ness doing, and in some of the funded Securities there were sales effected that led to a gradual decline di to 1 per cent. The market, though apparently unsettled, rallied slightly before the close of business. It had, in perhaps gone teo high within the last few days to , enable some p ar ti es to resist the temptation of selling' For immediate transfer Consols have realised 90* to 89,10: closing at 891, and for the Account they were at 901 u to 90 At the highest prices of the day the i only bar gain was immediately after the opening of the market. the ; rket. Exchequer Bills were worthl7s. to 19s. premium . Reduced Three-and- a -Half p er Cents. to 9 ga:1 8 1 9 ; 9- i and h h ; t t e New Thr ee - an d- a -H a lf per Cents. 99 e • there was very little doing In the Forei ,, n Stocks A and East India Stock at 248. Three per Cent. 904- to 901. Bank Stock was at 170 ; at 304 to i ; the Three per Por tuguese New Fire per , C at 9 5 4 3 T ; Colombian at 19a ; Cents. at 18i ; Mexican . 8 again to-day. Spanish ,e c n t t i s s . - e Bonds at 20 to 19i ; Cents. 102 to *. and Dutch Fire per. Shares . d transactions in the Railway were spread over that is to sa , there were a few bar gainsand Brazilian at 671 ,• Austrian Old Bonds were 1081 ; over some extent, . . , l b • mess yesterday Great , Westerns were done at 19 to 19i ;. yeste in most of the principal lines, but no arge business in one o B f l t 1: etnhi the singly.li Fifths at at l s 'll i e to es i w ; er a e n n d o t t he sd y g o w rk d an a : in he a N nY e ' the a Midland 25 premium. The Brighton were 7to d la la c i k id wa 3 ll 4:i 9 , l ; ; and the th E e as iu te a r n n eh C e o s u i n:e a s n l d. f Le ! iles 20i discount. London and Westminster Bank Shares we re 21 premium. North rr; North h the M Bi BADEN, JULY 18.—The sentence on Spontini has been pronounced, and condemns him to six months' imprisonment with hard labour ; but it has been remit ted by the King, who granted him leave to travel for several mouths. It was to be foreseen that the King would act in this manner ; for though the Tribunal, ac cording to the law, could not do otherwise than condenut Spontini, there can be no doubt that be had no intend= of deviating . from the respect which he owes to his Kinr e but was misled by a certain want of tact to his 14.4 known public declarations. We hear that Count Von Itedem, the superior attendant of the royal theatre, means to make no change, during the nine months' ab sence of M. Spontini, in the performers and the organi sation of our German opera ; this is certainly not a very agreeable prospect for the frequenters of the theatre, for our opera has not been in so deplorable a state as it now is, at any time during the last 2.5 years. Some time since at the assizes in Wales a man, was put on his trial charged with felony, and wheal called upon to plead, pleaded guilty. The usual questions having been put to the Jury by the officer of the Court, " what say you, is the prisoner guilty or not ?" The Foreman having consulted hi s brother jurors, to the astonishment of the Jpetge, p ro _ Lordship how they could come to such a decision after nounced a verdict of Not guilty. On being Askecl by hii the prisoner's pleading guilty, the foreman answered " that the Jury had known the prisoner from childhood, and knew him to be the greatest liar in the parish." oapeaitoneudn by yoyal t he Corr ine, of ARCHERY.—On Saturday last the }loyal Couss e - she i n ." it th e was Il p an y of Archers, the Q ueen ' s B o d y G uard for Scotland, morationshot i p n Hope Parkriz, whe n ljalliousie