The Sun. — London, England, 1841-08-26 00:00:00

MORNING SUN. cf the articles which were at present the object of legis- —aa-ensn, and thus it appeared that exception M as the rule and the rule the exception.—(Hear, hear.) He feared, notwithstanding the talents and abilities his Noble Friend had displayed, his (Mr. Stewart's) side of the House would gain nothing from him, unless he en larged his views upon that subject. There was one point which had occasioned him some uneasiness, and that was with reference to what fell from his lion. and Learned Friend the Member for Bath. with reference to the case of Mr. M‘Leod. And he did hope that the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, or, some other Member of the Govern ment, maim refer to that painful subject, which, in his opinion, his Hon. and Learned Friend had treated in a manner which was unwise, ill-judged, and almost mis chievous.—("Hear, hear," from both sides of the House.) These obserVations would reach America at the time of NlaLeod'a trial, and what would be their effect ? Why the Americans would read that at the opening debate of a most important session such assertions as the following had gone forth uncontradicted that M`Leod was • amenable to the laws of the coun try which had seized him—that he must be tried —that he might be found guilty, and if found guilty, he must ~ be hanged.—(Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Stewart) was'. no lawyer, but it appeared to him that there was a good deal too much of professional in tricacy in the statement of his Hon. and Learned Friend last night. He would take, however, the common sense and humanity of the case, and he must say that such a statement was, in his opinion, very ill judged. He was glad to find that upon a former occasion the Right - Hon. Baronet opposite had so far identified himself with M`Leod; as to say that whatever was done to M‘Leod was done to that country. He (Mr. Stewart) had no hesitation in - stating that, in his opinion, whatever was done to M.Leod, considering that he acted under British authority, was done to the British nation.—(Renewed cheers.) That was the language which he wished to see go forth, if it came from some proper authority in that House, and not the sort of special pleading they had last night.—(Hear and cheers.) He had taken the most im portant point iri - his .Hon. and Learned Friend's observa tion, and his Hon. and Learned Friend said that it was an old quarrel between them, as regarded the relation between that country and the colonies. With regard to Canada, the first experiment of Mr. Pitt was a dangerous one, and it was denounced by Burke and Fox, the former of whom foretold that they were planting the fruit of bitterness, which would after wards spring up and embarrass them.—(Hear, hear.) There was another question alluded to by his Hon. and Learned Friend he could not forbear referring to. His Hon. and Learned Friend said he hoped the opium which had been seized. by the Chinese Government would be restored to the sufferers. In that case he was satisfied that the honour and good faith of the country would be tarnished, and instead of putting questions, in his opinion the Chinese Government had no more right to ask for the delivery and confiscation of the greater part of that opium, than they had to ask for the delivering up of cargoes now floating on the River Thames. It was beyond the power and jurisdiction of the Chinese Go vernment, and was under the protection of British-ves sels. He (Mr. Stewart) was not an opium proprietor in any way.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He saw a smile come over the countenance of his Noble. Friend oppo site, as if he thought him an opium-eater.—(Laughter.) lie could assure him that he bad nothing more to do with it than viewing the question upon general principles, and he hoped that such opinions as those of his Hon. and Learned Friend would not be allowed to prevail, but that restitution would be had for every pound of opium destroyed.—(Cries of" Hear, hear.") With regard to the vote of confidence in her Majesty's Ministers, - he must say, that with all their faults he preferred them to those who were coming across the House to take their seats ; and even if they had more faults than were laid is their charge, he could not part without a sigh.from those who had done so much good in so little time.—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Mover of the amendment smiled of course, because his catalogue was made up in a very different spirit in which he (Mr. Stewart) would cast his up. But he thought if the Hon. Member had got a simple narra tive of the ten Acts which they had passed in the course of the ten years; it would puzzle the Hon. Gentleman, cr any other men of that House, to point out where so much good had been done by any other party.—(Hear.) They had had an enumeration of their Acts last night, and he would go over his list without comment. They had Reform Act, the Negro Emanicipation Act, the Poor laws for England, the Poor-laws for Ireland; they had the 3ianicipel Corporation (England) Act, and the Munici pal Corporation for Ireland ; they had the English 'lithe Act, and the Registration of Births and Deaths Act. —(lronical cheers.) He did not understand those cheers. He would merely answer them by saying, the usefulness of that Act was well known in the populous parts of the country ; and those who had seen the evils it had coun teracted, and the good it had produced, could have no other opinion.—(Hear,. hear.) Then there was the Cri minal Law Amendment Act, and though last, not least, the Canada Union Bill. Here were ten Acts in the course of tea years, and for these he gave them his most unqualified thanks and approbation.—(Cheers.) With regard to thaßudget, he admired it, and the principle upon which it was projected ; but he must take from them the merit of originality, for they bad no more claim to originality as being its first propounders, than the hum lle and unworthy individual then addressing the House. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Dor s.2t had the merit of it. What did he find in a pam phlet entitled " Corn and Currencies," not got up has tily, but containing 100 pages, half-hound, and which had toacheal a fourth edition ? Precisely the same plans as were proposed by the Government. " The last object was a steady supply of corn at a moderate price ; let the Corn-laws be repealed, and let there be a con stant importation at a fixed duty"—(Cheers)--;;! at a dut y as I before stated equal to the burdens borne by the land. Nor will it be wise to stop, even at this point, for the landowner giving up this for the public good, shall the East India interest and the West India Pro prietors l'or one day be suffered to maintain their ex clusive privileges ? Shall the consumer pay an exhorbi tent price for his tea and sugar, that particular interest may be benefited ? and shall the nobility alone be the suffiTers ? Let us adopt the sound principle of free trade.— (Cheers-) But let us not limit their application to the staple produce of the land. Let us destroy the heavy duties on ti mbe r.— (Loud . cheers.) Why should the expense of any man for building a ship or a house, be applied as a partial protector to the colonies, and since we are to have an open competition with a foreign manufacturer, let us destroy the protecting duties that at present exist." (Much cheering.) Now the Government had no merit for it, for it was clear that the whole was planned and printed by the Right Hon. Baronet in his pamphlet, which had gone through four editions ; and he now claimed of the Right Hon. Baronet, when he returned to his place to return also to his former opinions. —(Hear, hear.) If the Right Hon. Gentleman was present, he would call upon him to discuss his old opinions with his new friends ; to turn to his right, and to discuss the Corn-laws with the Right Hon. Baronet the ember for Kent ; and to turn to his left, and discuss with the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth the currency question.—(Laughter.) If the Eight Hon. Baronet would only discuss his new opinions with his old friend, they would have him, like water, finding his lev e l at last.—(Laughter.) Before conclud ing, with many thanks to the House for the kindness and patience with which it had heard him, he would just remark to the Right lion. Baronet, that he had read with great delight the graphic sketches he had made in his speech at the close of the last Session. One was with regard to a good man struggling with difficulties, snd the other was a fishing sketch of bobbing for a Budget.—(Hear, and laughter.) He feared that these sk..tches would remain Cabinet pictures.—(Hear, hear). `fa thanaht they should have had the good man strug :; with difficulties, and the Right Hon. Baronet, who ralrlctmi out as the Chancellor of the Exchequer § .tatien on his (Mr. Stewart's) side of the house (Near) and that they would find him battling with, difficulties in that position._. (Hear, hear.) Thee, with regard to the fishing sketch. They had had bobbing for a budget, and lately they h a d had fishing for a majority, and having caught it and hooked it, the Right Hon. Baronet appeared not to know exactly how to land it.—(Laughter.) His brothers of the angle in that House; knew well that it was easier to hook L. fish than to land a. fish.—(Hear, hear.) They all recollected the lilies of Pindar upon Isaac Walton, which he thought might be applied to the Right Hon. Baronet's present position— • " And when he tries to pull thee out, God give thee strength, thou little trout, To pull old Isaac in." —(Much laughter and cheering.) With regard to these principles of commercial reform, the course which the House was now about to adopt might decide the fate of parties for a time ; but what was far more interesting to them, was that it would decide the financial prosperity and commercial features of the country. To that end he was sure it was hastening, and its thorough completion would be secured by the good sense and good feeling of the people of that country, although it had been boasted, not very tastefully last night, that the majority of the country Gentlemen in that House were ready, scythe in hand, to cut them down. He thought the returning good sense and the interests of the country would enable them ultimately . to maintain their ground against any force that might be brought against them.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure the Right Bon. Baronet that thitt question should have no rest until it was settled . , and that he, as an humble individual, so long as he stood - there the representative of the indus trious and worthy, but limy suffering classes, would give him, and the Government to which he belonged, no rest by day or by night—(Much cheering and laughter)— until those principles were re sc i n d e on the Statute book, and the laws which at the present moment brought destitution and suffering on the people, were expunged for ever.—(Cheers.) laLiv glin ti 41♦11. Mr. S. ("RAIVFORD said there were many parts of the Address in which he could not concur. It was stated that the great Powers of Europe were united for the purpose of preserving the peace of Europe ; but he could only regard that as a species of despotism for the purpmo of exercising an undue influence over the rights and interests of the people. He could not, there fore, concur in that passage of the Speech. Again, they were desired to express their agreement with her Ma jesty that the extraordinary expenses should be provided for ; but he could not express his concurrence in that part of the Address. In his opinion, the war with China was one of the most unjust that ever was undertaken by a nation. It was a war to establish a contraband trade, and if any lives were lost a charge of murder might be preferrred against those who were the instigators • of it. He would come to that part of the Address in which he might, be supposed to concur. Th ey were called on to revise the import du ties, and he was persuaded that they were a great evil, and the sooner they were removed from the Statute book the better. the % With regard to the repeal of Corn-laws, he not exactly understand what the Address , m eant. H e o bj ecte d to t h e prin ciple of an Bs. auty and he thought they should abolish the whole of the vexatious imposts called the Corn-laws, which conferred protection upon only a section of the community ; for It was well known that the only parties benefited were the landlords, who were enabled thereby to obtain 'higher rents. There were . other matters in the Address - to which he wished to al lude ; and he must be allowed to express his regret that there was no notice in it of the necessity of reforms, which were advisable for the advancement of the liberties of the people, by giving them greater influence in the selection -of Representatives of that House. He had hoped that there would be smile - recommendation from Ministers for the extension of the suffrage to the work ing classel—that the use of the ballot would be recom mended as a protection of their rights—and that the duration of Parliaments should be shorter.—(Hear.') There was another subject to which he would advert, and which had been alluded to by one or two Hon. Mem bers—he meant the English amended Poor-law. It had been said that the party on the other side were sharers in the passing of that law, but he was disposed to condemn both parties in an equal degree on account of it. It was one of the most iniquitous laws that was ever passed. Though he did not defend the abuses of the old Poor-law yet he conceived it to be a cruel invasion of the right of the people to take from them that law so long as they were subject to the Corn-law taxation. He had the honour of .representing a manufacturing district and had witnessed the distress that existed there. But until he had examined into the subject, he had no idea of the extent to which that distress existed. The people of that district (Rochdale) traced all those evils to the operation of the Corn-laws. He advocated the total removal of all restrictions. He thought a fixed duty would be a fixed injustice. It was a crying evil that any law should exist which raised the price of food for the purpose of benefiting any particular class. With regard to the amendment that had been proposed to the Address, he could not see any inducement whatever to support it. That amendment did not offer any advan tage which was not presented by the Address, and he could not, therefore, give his vote in its favour. Mr. COBDEN would endeavour to show his sense of the indulgence of the House, by not tresspassing on its time. He felt some difficulty in knowing how to treat the questions which were pladed before the House. There did not seem to be a very right understand ing of the position of Honourable Members on the present occasion. There appeared to be a difference of opinion as to the objects for which they were sent to that House as to the nature of the last general election. He had heard it said that the last election was not a test of public opinion on the sub ject of moropoly. The last general election took place under these circumstances. It was recommended to the House to set about the immediate reduction of taxa tion, and that recommendation was accompanied by an assurance on the part of the Executive that not only would the reduction not impair the revenue but would actually increase the resources of the national Exchequer. That, after all, was the question which led to the dissolution of the last Parliament. Ho was glad to hear from the other side that the people of England who had been renowned for their patience, their ignorant patience of taxation, were not all at once become enamoured of monopoly. Another difficulty he had in addressing the House arose, not from its being said that the Corn-laws ought not to be repealed, but from what they were told, that they must not enter into those topics mentioned in the Speech from the Throne, but rather that they were to consider whether Government was worthy of the con fidence of the House. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House adverted to the policy of Government with respect to China, Canada, &c., but if they chose to leave out of the discussion those important topics of the Corn laws and the other propositions of Ministers, he saw no reason why Hon. Members on the Ministerial side, who knew that these subjects were of far more consequence to the people of this country than the affairs of China orNew York, should not enuciate their views on those questions. They should do their duty to the people and pay that tribute of respect and deference to her Majesty, which she ,has a right to expect from that House. He was but a young Member of the House, but he had been accustomed to read its transactions and he thought it used to be the custom in the olden time for Hon, Members, particularly Conservative Members, to treat the Speech from the Throne as something very nearly appertaining to monarchical dignity. He did not think it was customary to throw in the Ministers as the primary personages, He would for a moment detain the House by glancing at those great questions now propounded from the Throne. With respect to the food -tax, he could not believe that the three millions - of people who petitioned the House on this subject were not sincere in their wish for the total and unconditional repeal of the taxes on bread and provisions. He was sincere in that wish himself, and he believed that the three mil lions were sincere, because they knew what they asked was just. What were those bread taxes ? They were taxes levied on the people by Gentlemen on the other side, who had such sympathy with them when they made them paupers. Those Honourable Gentlemen would not deny his right to consider this question as it affected the working classes. Twenty millions of people belonged to the working classes, and one mil lion depended for support on the public mass. He claimed from Hon. Gentleman opposite, that, in their sympathy, they would take into consideration the case of the twenty millions who were in the situation de scribed by the Right Hon. Baronet. They were claim ing the aid of their . support, because they presented one of the sublimest spectacles—honest hard working men struggling to obtain subsist ence. The amount of taxation paid by the mass was at the lowest estimate 40 per cent. The taxation was at the least 40 per cent. above the price which would oe paid if there was a free trade in corn. He knew that Hon. Gentlemen opposite, when they took 40s. as the price of corn, made the taxation 50 per cent., but he would be content to say 40 per cent. lie would now call their attention to the Report issued from that House on the state of the hand-loom weavers. From that Report he. would give them the amount of earnings of a head of a family per week. It was stated in the Report as 10s, and that was by no means an un fair estimate. The Report also stated that each family expended ss. out of that sum in bread. The amount of taxation in that sum was 25., and thus the labouring man who earned 10s., paid 20 per cent. taxation on bread. Let them go further up, and they would find that the family with an income of 40s. per week paid but 5 per cent., and if they ascended higher in the scale till they came to the noble family with an income of 200,0001. a-year, they would find that that family consumed no more bread than that whose income was but las., and that the taxation on that noble family amounted to but one half-penny per cent.—(Laughter and ironical cheers from the Opposition, and counter-cheers from the Minis terial side.) He was not aware whether Hon. Gentle men opposite laughed at the monstrous injustice or at the humble individual who so imperfectly stated it. He repeated that the taxation on the nobleman's family was but id. per cent., whilst on the family of the labouring man it was 201. per cent. Suppose a law were designed, which was to be similar in its effects, he did not think there was a man in the House who would dare to propose such a law. It was a tax levied, not for the purposes of the State, but for the benefit of the richest of the community.—(Cheers.) That was a fair statement of the bread-tax.—(Laughter from the Opposition.) He had no sympathy with the incredulity of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, but he was convinced that, as 'Christian men, if they felt the grievances of the bread-tax, they never would for a moment lie down to rest in peace, if they voted in fa vour of its continuance. In no other country in the world, but in England and Holland, had a Government, however distressed for money, ever had recourse to a tax on bread to increase their revenue.—(Hear.) He was aware that gentlemen might point to laws passed on the importation of corn elsewhere. He knew they might talk of the import duties in France, Spain, and the United States of America, but he was prepared to show that in those countries the export of corn, one year with another, was on an average, and there fore no import duties could operate with them as with us.—(Hear, hear.) But he believed that there was to be some modification of this question, a " set off," as it was called, that the working classes were to receive some protection by this law, and he was well aware that Hon. Gentlemen on the other side would not admit that monopoly was a test of distress, but promised them a pro tection arising out of the bread-tax. He remembered the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire propounded this doctrine of protection at his election, and as it came from so light a n a uthority, he wou ld l eave o th er Honourablethe G en tl emen , w h o h a d h e ld s i m il ar doctrines hustings, to take up the doctrine propounded by the Noble Lord. He (Lord Stanley) told them that the manufacturers wanted the repeal of the Corn-laws, because they wanted to reduce wages.—(Cheers.) That unless by the repeal of the bread tax they could reduce wages, th ey would not b e a b le to compete w i t h foreigners, and 'therefore they would derive no benefit from the repeal. th th e eni No _ They could reduce wages, while if on thee repeal of the tax would be no benefit to the they did reduce wages, it working man. was the doctrine o f Let. Thatun (Mr. Cobden) remind him (Mr. had never been allowed to misrepresented in Inftohrawt when that the parties so s the Hon. Member for Wol verhampton (Mr. Villiers, to whom for his distinguished t t etheir and persevering services e, together with millions, must ever feel obliged—(Hear, -ear)--two years and a half ago proposed that those who agitated the repeal of the bread-tax should be heard at the bar, the House scorned their petition, and having denied them a hearing misrepresented their motives.—(Cheers.) But he would take the case as given by the Noble Lord. He would not say that the Noble Lord had wilfully misrepre sented it, but he must con tend that he had misappre hended their case. If he then could be in error with his brilliant talents, other Hon. Gentlemen might have mis apprehended it also. Those who advocated the re peal of the Corn-laws, avowed their object to be that they might be allowed the right—for they claimed it as a right—to exchange the produce of their industry for the production of other countries ; and atthe same time they not only expressed their willingness, but their anxious desire, that all duties for protection, as it was called, levied on articles of the manufactures in which they were engaged, should likewise be removed, and that free and unfetterred intercourse between nations should be carried out.—(Cheers.) He then came to the operation of this principle on wages ? and labour. How could this mean reduction of wages . If he understood what it meant, it was increased trade. They did not wish to reduce trade, but they claimed the right to change their manufacture for the corn of other countries, and they maintained that, by doing so, they would increase and extend trade. — (Hear, hear.) And how could that be done except by creating an increased demand for labour ? (Cheers.) And how could they create an increased demand for labour without Increasing the wages of working men ?—(Cheers.) But there was another fal lacy in the Noble Lord's statement on this occasion— that the object of the Anti-Corn-law League was to re duce wages to enable them to competewith foreigners. He (Mr. Cobden) found that they could now compete with foreigners. He found they could sell cheaper than other countries If not, how did they sell in neu tral trarkeNt in oompetition with other countries ? We sold in New York every article manufactured for export in competition with other countries, and if we could manufacture and sell in New York cheaper than foreign ers, where was•the protection that could be given to the home producers ? It was the foreign market that fixed the price of the home market—(Hear hear.) Did Hon. Gentlemen suppose that any one would send away 3,000 miles, articles for sale, if they could get 2, better price at home ? But he saw in this fallacy of wages that which lay at the bottom of all the difficulties of the question. Itw as the difficulty of just and honour able minds, for he did not deny that there were many conscientious supporters of the present law.—(Hear.) He saw no relation between the price of food and other articles, and the price of labour, when that labour was in a wholesome and natural state. He could understand that in the slave-owning States of America and Cuba the price of labour was regulated by the price of pro visions. If it' would not be invidious to allude to it, there was another stage in the labour market—the la bourers in the agricultural districts. These labourers, whose wages had reached the minimum according to their habits of life, were told they had their rate of wages raised when the price of provisions advanced. And why was it ? Was it because the price of food in creased the demand for the labour of the agriculturalist, 0.1 was it given as charity, because the labourers' wages had been brought to that scale that they could not live and perpetuate their race unless they were allowed a modicum of 18d. or 2s. to increase their wages.— (Hear.) Then, he came to another stage in the labour market—the labdurers in the manufacturing and commer cial districts. There the rate of wages had no more connection with the price of food than the changes of the moon.—(Hear.) There the rate of wages depended entirely on the demand for labour. The market for labour was extensive, and would be more so if theq would allow it; and if they allowed it, it would continue in a sound and wholesome state. Half of the population were not employed, and if they continued these restrictions, they would bring the manu facturing population to the point at which the agricultu ral population were ; and then they would come forward, giving them what would be a mere allowance to paupers, though they said, that, as the price of food was raised, they had raised the rate of wages.—(Cheers.) He now dismissed this questiou of wages, for it was one which he thought must be again and again raised in that House, and would proceed to consider that important state of the manufacturers, and commercial and agricul tural labourers which had called forth their sympathies, and must do sd again. They had heard something of the condition of the labouring population in the north, and he had lately an opportunity of seeing by peculiar means, a _report of the state of the popuation in almost all parts of the country. They were aware that an important meeting was held- in Manchester about a week ago. — (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) He understood those cheers, but he would not pause in his argument, though he would say a word respecting them by and by. He had seen a body of ministers, of all denomina tions, amountiug to 650—(Hear, hear)—assembled from all parts of the country, at an expense of from three to four thousand pounds to their congregations, and they brought forward the most important statements of facts in relation to the condition of the labouring population ever brought together in any place. He had had an op portunity of reading these statements, and he learned from them that in every district of the country, not only manufacturing but agricultural, there was evidence, on un impeachable authority, that the condition of the labour ing population had deteriorated woefully during the last ten years, and especially during the three last years that had transpired.—(Hear, hear.) And in proportion as the price of the food of the people increased, just so was their comforts diminished. He had seen statements of reports from infirmaries, workhouses, savings'-banks, &c., and all bore testimony that the great mass of her Majesty's industrious subjects were now in a worse condition, and were receiving less wages—that there was a greater amount of misery, crime, and destitution, than at any former period. Now, one word as to the cheers. He did not come there to vindicate the conduct of those Christian men in having assembled to take these subjects into their consideration. There were assembled ministers of all de nominations, and if Hon. Gentlemen sought to cast re proach on these divines, they would at the same time cast - reproach on the great body of professing Christians in this country. He thought the facts adduced to the con ference were a sufficient justification for their meeting on the subject, and he was glad that when men in high places acted unjustly by the poor, persons should be found sufficiently honest to say to them as was said of old, " Thou art the man."—(Cheers.) He would now say one word on the importance of this novel and unprecedented movement. The Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) knew something of the ability of these worthy men, for he told the House in 1833, that the moment the religious community took up the question of slavery that agitation became effective.—(Hear, hear.) He believed this agitation would be attended with a like result. The Hon. Gentlemen then referred to the de claration of the Duke of Wellington last evening, that the condition of the labouring population of the country was superior to that of any other, and said he remembered the same illustrious personage about 10 years ago stating that the old boroughmongering Parliament was the perfec tion of human wisdom.—(Cheers.) He should not be surprised if his late declaration was also the precursor of a far greater change than that contemplated by the Go vernment.—(Hear, hear.) He wished also to say one word to the Right Hon. Baronet, who was fond of fbrti fving his statements by the authority of Mr. Huskisson. The Right Hon. Baronet had propounded the will of that great man, but seemed to have forgotten that there was a codicil to it. On the 25th of March, 1830, on the occasion of Mr. P. Thompson's motion on the subject of taxation, Mr. Huskisson said, " It is any un alterable conviction that you cannot entertain the pre sent Corn-laws, and preserve permanent prosperity and private contentment ; that these laws may be repealed without injuring the landed interest is my firm belief:" (Cheers.) This was the opinion of Mr. Huskisson, and in the name of that illustrious man he protested against his opinions being misrepresented in that House. (Hear, hear.) If then this was his opinion respecting the effect of these laws in 1830, what would it have been in 1841, could he have witnessed the accumulation of distress that had taken place since that period ?—(Hear, hear.) Let the Right Hon. Baronet carefully consider that prospect. Let him go back to 1830, and compare the condition and prospects of the country at that time with our present state. He (Sir Robert Peel) would find that the cause of our deviation from the state in which the country was' placed in 1830, was not the springing up of a natural trade. In the years from 1831 to 1836, the exports to America increased, in the former year, by 120,000 ; in the latter, by one million. But in those years goods were sent to America, and exchanged for railway shares, and bank shares, and for State bonds. Those goods were given on credit, and were never paid for.—(Hear, hear.) There was, at the same time, an increase of one hundred in the number of banks in this country ; and it was the expense of the circulation, and the fictitious stimulus given to the commerce, together with an unusual succession of abun dant harvests, which enabled the Ministers to proceed smoothly in their course, notwithstanding the Corn laws.—(Hear, hear.) Had the Hon. Baronet any plan, by which, in 1841, he could raise up a system of real prosperity ?—(Hear, hear)—or was he prepared with any scheme by which he could create an artificial one ? If he relied upon the latter, he would find that disappoint ment and distress would follow more rapidly than ever. —(Hear, hear.) But unless he could effect either of these two things, he could not raise the money necessary to meet the exigencies of the State, and .he thanked God that no Ministers in this country could do without money—(Cheers and laughter)—and they could not get the money without trade and commerce.—(Renewed cheers.) The landowner who resided in Rome or Naples did little to supply the money.—(Hear.) But every Gentleman knew that when trade and commerce improved the revenue was flourishing.(Hear, hear.) But just in proportion as the landowners prospered by the high price of food and the miseryEof the many, the revenue declined. With these few remarks—(Loud laughter from the Tories, responded to by cheers from the Liberal benches)—with these few remarks he would conclude. He did not call himself either Whig or Tory ; but he was a free trader.—(Cheers and a laugh.) He was a decided enemy to monopoly, and he gave the Whig Ministers credit for coming out from the ranks of the monopolists, and meeting him three-fourths of the way. If the Right Hon. Baronet would only advance one step further he would be glad to shake bands with him, if he would allow him.—(The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud and repeated cheers.) Mr. BAILLIE said, it had not been his intention to ad dress the House on this occasion, but for the statements made by the Hon. Member for Manchester, who moved the Address, and the Hon. Member who had just sat down, that the distress now unhappily prevailing was owing to the existence of the present Corn-laws. They were both representatives of manufacturing districts, and they ought to be good authorities. But he trusted that he should be able to show, before he sat down, that there never was a more fallacious proposition put forth to the House and the country.—(Cheers and a laugh.) If he were per suaded that the repeal of the Corn-laws would benefit the great body of the people, he would give his vote for it, let the consequence to particular interests be what they might—(Hear, hear)—as it was the duty of Parliament to legislate, not for classes, but for the whole people.—(Cheers.) He thought, however, that Ministers were justly accused of creating a bad feeling between the agricultural and ma nufacturing classes.—(Tory cheers.) He would ask, however, had the increase of manufactures tended to in crease the happiness of the people ?—(Hear.) Had it tended to increase the wages of the labourers ? He would prove that it had not done so.—(Hear, hear.) He would prove in the first place, that in the last twenty years the manufacturing products of the country bad in creased more than twenty fold, and at the same time the wages were excessively reduced.—(Hear, hear.) Whilst the masters were making large fortunes, the ope ratives were suffering the keenest misery. —(Hear.) He held in his hands returns, from which it appeared that the official valtte in the export of cotton manufactured goods NI as, in 1831, 16,731,7091.; it gradually increased to 5 8,471,658/. in 1814. In other branches of manufac ture the increase had been of corresponding magnitude. In the meantime what had been the prosperity of the operatives ? In 1814 the wages of the weaver were 265. a week. In 1819 they were 14s. 5d ; in 1823, 9s. 4d. ; c p o e u r nted cent. for in by the t h e twenty existenc y in 1828, 6s, 6d. ; i n 1833, s s. 4d . ; an d th e y we re now about the sam e ra t e . Th at was a re d uct i on o f a b o ut 79 eeaorfs.thelpVraessetnhtact Corn -laws --(Hear, hear.) He thought they must look to other causes, such was the improvement of machinery, which enabled the master to substitute the labour of children for that of adults.—(Hear.) He was credibly informed that in this way 50,000 adults were annually thrown out of employment, and a frightful increase of mortality was the consequence, as he could prove from the returns which he held in his hand. In Glasgow the mortality in 1832 was one in forty ; in 1834 it was one in 24i. — (Cheers and counter-cheers.) He entreated the House to consider the vast amount of human misery which must have been inflicted here.— (Renewed cheering on both sides.) He had heard much of misery in the slave countries— -in Cuba and the Brazils—but it was left to the manufacturers of Great Britain to produce such an amount of misery; as was proved by this mortality. — (Cheers and counter-cheers.) Having thus proved — (Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") He did not know what gentlemen were cheering at.—(Renewed laughter, responded to by Tory cheers.) The increase of misery bad kept pace with manufactures. He would now briefly show what the effect had been of capital employed in the cultivation of land. In the last 20 years vast districts of land had been brought into cultivation, especially hi Scotland. The returns upon that capital had not been so magnificent as upon that engaged in manufactures ; but it had given employment and comfort to large numbers of the people, who would be compelled to resort to the manufacturing towns, and swell the mass of misery there, if the Corn-laws were repealed; for the necessary consequence would be, that those lands would be thrown out of cultivation. — (Tory cheers.) Mr. BIIOTHERTON felt called upon to answer the the statements of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, who had just sat down. The Hon. Gentleman said that manufac tures were the cause of the distress, and that it was the interest of the country to legislate in favour of agri ture and against manufactures.—(Cheers and cries of " No, no" from the opposition.) All that the commer cial interest asked for was equal laws—(Cheers.) Minis ters were accused of fostering a bad feeling, which was really raised by the demand of the agricul turists for unequal laws and unjust protection.--(Cheers.) 'The manufactures of this country had considerably in creased of late years, and yet the artisans were not paid one-third of the wages they were receiving 20 years ago. The price of manufactures also was not one-third what it had been 20 years ago. When the Corn-law had been passed 25 years ago a piece of calico which was then worth 20s. would not now bring more than ss. ; there had been no doubt during that period great im provements in machinery, but prices had more than pro portionably decreased. Now, what had been, on the other hand, the case with corn ? The price of corn in 1815, when the Corn-law had been passed, was 645. the quarter ; and although it had since been introduced into an agricultural system the price had been constantly in creasing since ; so that the price of corn was now higher than in 1815, although the price of manufactures had decreased by one-third during the same period. Since the year 1815 the price of corn had been 50 per cent. higher in this country than on the Continent; and the manufacturers had to pay at least a tax of 100,000,000 E since the Corn-law had been passed. They had to pay 74,000,0001. more for the price of corn during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 than the four preceding years. It had been ascertained that while a manufacturing establishment paid, in 1825, 23,00C1. in wages, the artisans expended only 11,5001. in purchasing food, leaving the rest for the purchase of other comforts ; but from investigations which took place-sin 1839 it appeared that instead of 11,500 L,, they had paid 18,504 for food, leaving only 5,0001. for clothing and other -neees!asies of life. Taxation now pressed unequally and unfairly upon different classes. And what was the remedy of the Right Hon. Baronet for such a state of things ? The population was yearly increasing at the rate of 400,000 per annum ; and how were they to be employed ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Agriculture could not employ them, and they could not be compelled to emigrate to foreign countries—they could not be transported, and they could not prevent them coming into existence. But they might be em ployed by extending their commerce, and they would render the people prosperous and happy. It had been ascertained that out of 10,000 families in Manchester 2,000 had not more than ss. a week to live on. It was impossible to exaggerate the distress in the manufacturing districts. In the bough which he represented 1,500 houses were now unoccupied ; many mills were working short time, and others had stopped altogether; thousands were unemployed—and he would ask if ma nufacturers were to be ruined what was to become of the landed interest ? Under the present system the means of the poor man were taxed 50 per cent. while the means of the man with 5001. a year were only taxed 1 per cent. The agriculturists need not fear a repeal of the Corn laws, for in proportion as manufactures flourished would they be benefited. Manufacturers never make fortunes for themselves without also making fortunes for the agri culturists, as might be evidenced by the rise which had taken place in the value of lands in the neighbourhood of such towns as Manchester, without any exertions on the part of their proprietors. Some Hon. Gentlemen appeared to think that this country might prosper with out manufactures. Now he (Mr. Brotherton) entirely differed from that opinion. We had a debt of 800,000,0001., and land alone could never pay the inte rest of such a sum. He would maintain, too, that there were no burdens upon land which would warrant the landlords in taxing the community, for the purpose of increasing their own incomes. If they were determined on keeping up their present establishment, let the public be fairly and openly taxed for the purpose, that the country might know the real state of the case ; but let them not impose an enormous tax upon the national industry as at present under false pretences. For his part he was convinced that by the adoption of a liberal course of commercial policy, by removing monopoly and legislating for the many instead of the few, they would effectually promote the prosperity of the country. Let the industrious classes be allowed to receive a fair reward for their labour, and to exchange their commodity in the best market, and they would be enabled to purchase these comforts which it was the wish of every honest man they should enj oy.—(Cheers. ) Mr. H. GRATTAN commenced by reminding the House that the Hon. Member for Inverness (Mr. Bailley) who had a short time previously addressed the House, was the Hon. Gentleman who had applied, on a former occasion to Parliament for a sum of no less than 40,000/. or 50,0001. for the purpose of relieving his distressed countrymen who could not support themselves in Scot land.—(Cheers and laughter.) He had only failed from the fact of his witnesses having broken down; one of whom endeavoured to prove that the Highlanders were in a state of absolute starvation, while another maintained that they subsisted upon , kelp. But as the House was of opinion that Scotchmen could live exceedingly well upon kelp—(Laughter) — the application was refused. The Gentlemen might be disposed to find fault with the silence of Irish Members. The Gentlemen ought not to complain of silence, for it was their forte, but it was not to be inferred that Ireland was not determined on protesting against the return of the party opposite to power. It was also to be remarked that it appeared from the re cent Irish elections that the popular feeling in Ireland wi s decided y favourable to a repeal of the present Corn laws. He did not think the conduct of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, in moving Vie Address before the House, was respectful to her Maj : !sty. He was sure too it was un precedented, and that it indicated a degree of arrogance which nothing could justify. When Hon. Members heard- the sentiments which fell from the gracious lips of virtue and goodness—(Laughter)—they should have returned a more courteous reply to the Speech. He could not but lift his voice upon that occasion against the scandalous proceedings which had been witnessed at the late election. The proceedings at Ludlow and Cam bridge sunk into utter insignificance when compared to the monstrous bribery, the corruption, and that system of intimidation—(" Oh, oh," from the Opposition)— which had been practised at the late election. The pro ceedings at Ludlow and Cambridge were but tritons of the minnows," when compared to those monstrous scenes. Those individuals who sat opposite had been returned by majorities of the various constituencies of England, but they had been returned by something more —they had been returned by money, which had been advanced be cause the parties knew it would be paid back to them again. In one borough in which there were 180 elec tors, one vote had cost 700/.-5001. had been advanced by one candidate, and 2001. by another.—(Hear, hear.) He congratulated the Right Hon. Baronet on his ma jority, and on the means by which his victory had been obtained. But he would never sit in any assembly with out lifting up his voice against such proceedings. The name of virtue; it seemed, was derided by Hon. Gen tlemen opposite—(Cheers)—but what relief could the people expect of the party which returned the ma jority of Members to that House so lost to every sense, of virtue and honour ? It was the duty of the House to correct those evils, and he trusted they would probe them to the the bottom. But the proceedings at the elections in England shrunk into insignificance when compared with the intimidation practised in Ireland.—(Loud Tory cheers.) In one place he had himself seen troops drawn out in such a way that no voter could come to the booth —(Cheers and laughter from the Tory benches.) He spoke of what he had himself witnessed. The horse of one of the soldiers had trodden on his (Mr. H. Grattan's) feet, and he had been obliged to ask the officer to have the soldiers removed so as to enable him to get up to the booth —the officer had civilly complied with his request—but he could get no assistance from the High Sheriff; whose duty it was to have afforded it to him.—(Laughter from the Tory benches.) Did the Right Hon. Baronet know that when the tocsin of his advent to power was sounded in Ireland, the furious Orange party broke loose ? Was he aware that towns had been given up to be sacked.—(Laughter from the Tory benches.) The town of Dungannon had been given up to be sacked. —(Renewed laughter from the Tory benches.) He would not follow the example of the Duke of Wellington in the case of Birmingham, and say that it was worse then than what any town would have experienced from a foreign foe, but he would merely say, that the house of the chief and most respectable Roman Catholic inhabitants of Dun gannon had been sacked and wrecked, and it mattered little to an individual who had had his property destroyed, whether the mischief had been done by an Orange mob or a foreign army.--(Cheers.) At Belfast the candidates had with difficulty escaped with their lives, and several persons had been injured by a furious Orange mob. He addressed the Right Hon. Baronet for the I purpose of letting him know what comp an y he wa s get ting into, and who were his friends. He saw the Right ' Hon. Baronet shake his head, and he was delighted to see it, but he would tell the political huntsman who had so long been hunting for power that, like Actaeon, he would be devoured by his own' hounds.—(Laughter from I the Opposition benches.) He thought the Right Hon. I Baronet already felt some difficulty in keeping his party in order, and he threw put these friendly suggestions to , him in order that he might guard himself from excess of loyalty on the one hand, and from vagabondism on the other. He doubted not that both phrases were familiar to the Right Hon. Baron9t, and those near him.—(Cheers.) In this county during an election the military were marched out of a town and locked up in barracks. In his county, on the contrary, during an el ec tion, the military were mar ched into a 1 the to military, al d t hadhe civilians complete possession u and the la w y er of one of the candidates having retired from the hustings for the purpose of getting a book to refer -to some legal point, was actually p reve n ted re- O t h f e one election, tn re turning by the military. They would not permit any to come up to the hustings without a certificate, and an THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, AtIGIUSI I -24 A , 1841. agent of his, who had ridden fifty miles to give his vote, was unable to do so, because the Sheriff had locked up the polling book, and had put the key in his pocket. At a meeting held shortly after the election at which the Colonel commanding the military was present, that officer had stated that, apprehending a riot, he had ordered out jus tice to Ireland ; and when asked whet he meant by jus tice to Ireland, he answered—a six-pounder.—(Laughter from the Tory benches.) This observation, however, was made in perfect good humour ; and that officer was subsequently complimented by Mr. O'Connell, for the manner in which he had conducted himself. He would now come to an instance, of which he could produce witten evidence. The return to the writ, in one in stance, had been sent, by the twelve electors signing it, with a seal bearing the inscription of "the glorious me mory ;" and the seal which the Sheriff had affixed offi cially, represented a place in flames, with the Devil pelting a man in a pillory with priests, and the inscrip tion on the seal was—" The Pope in the pillory, the pillory in hell, and the Devil pelting priests at him."—(Laughter from the Tory , benches, answered by loud cries of " Hear, hear," .from the Mini. sterial beaches.) He would just mention that the host was represented as dropping out of the mouth of the Pope into the flames.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") These were the friends of the Right Hon. Baronet. Well might he say that Ireland was his great difficulty—he would find it his greatest—(Loud cheers)—he would not say the difficulty would be insu perable, but he would tell him that if his supporters went on in that way, he would lose the country. — (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. G.) was a Protestant, but did they think that he would fight for such a party as that? If that were the course Irishmen would sit quietly by their fire sides if an invading army of Americans were to appear in the country. Let them beware of Ame rica —(Cries of " Oh, oh")—for a party was springing up in America which was anxiously endeavouring to form a connexion with Ireland, and were constantly send ing money to that country.—(Hear, hear.) He wanted ne foreign connection—he wanted no foreign money—but he would not support the party opposite in their idle and trumpery proceeding. Did they think that the people of Ireland would quietly submit to hear their ve nerable clergy abused as " surpliced ruffians?" He would tell that party, that by such conduct they were declaring war against the people of Ireland, and if that should come, God alone would judge the right. He felt at tached to the connection with this country, and would wish to see it maintained, but it could only be so by the possession of equal rights and equal liberties. Hon. Gentlemen talked of want of confidence. He would tell them, that neither themselves, nor their party, ever had the confidence of Ireland, and that they never could gain it while acting on the principles by which they boasted their majority had been returned.—(Hear, hear.) He considered the amendment as insulting to the Crown, and thought the Right Hon. Baronet had exhi bited a want of his usual caution, and of that respect that was due to the Sovereign in consenting to it. It was framed in such a manner as to enable the Right Hon. Baronet to abandon the cause of monopoly to morrow, if he chose so to do, and he (Mr. Grattan) felt convinced that he would abandon it, for what question had he not abandoned ?—(Cheers.) He felt grateful to him for Catholic Emancipation, but he delaye I grant ing it so long that he lost all, and had neither given satisfaction nor obtained gratitude.—(Cheers.) He would pursue the same course with regard to these great measures, and would not concede them until it should be too late. He regretted the constituencies of England should have forgotten the services of such men as Russell, Grey, and Morpeth, and considered their in gratitude to those men as one of the worst signs of their lives. To those men they were indebted for , Catholic Emancipation, which they had forced lon the Right Honourable Baronet—for the abo lition of the slave trade and slavery—for the Corporation Reform—for the Registration of Electors and for the Reform Bill, of which the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool said, that any man must be mad who would attempt to alter it, but which, as far as Ire land was concerned, the other noble Lord opposite had not only attempted to alter, but to annihilate by his Re gistration Bill.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted that when the Right Hon. Baronet came into power he would be enabled to keep his own party in order ; and whatever party might be in power, he hoped they would bring not only prosperty to England, but peace and content ment to his own unhappy country. Lord WORSLEY said, representing as he did an agricultural district, he could not help expressing his dissent from the opinions which had been expressed by the Hon. Member for Stockport in reference to the Corn-law. If those arguments were carried to tho full extent he would ask what would become of the agricul tural population ?—(Hear, hear.) If corn were brought from abroad in such large quantities persons would give up growing it in England, and then what would be come of the agicultural labourers ? He felt it his duty to state that he entirely differed from the Hon. Member on that subject. He was glad to find, however, that there was no intention to refuse inquiry. With respect to the question then before the House lie must distinctly state that lie differed from Hon. Members opposite ; and as he could not repose confidence in the Bon. Baronet opposite, so he could not withdraw confidence from her Majesty's Ministers. Mr. HASTIE addressed the House in so low a tone of voice, that all we could distinctly hear was, that the present depression in commerce had arisen from the sliding scale. On the motion of Mr. HINDLEY, the debate was adjourned till to-morrow. The Committee on Printed Papers was appointed, after a few words from Mr. WALLACE, and the House ad journed at a Quarter past Twelve o'Clock. THE OLD FREEMEN. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Six-I beg to inclose you the number of householders and freemen who polled at the last election at Hull. Sir Robert Peel need not boast of the change of feeling in Hull, when he observes the majority of householders who voted for the Liberal candidates. With the Ballot alone the Reformers in Hull would have a majority of several hundreds, notwithstanding the corrupt old free men were permitted to sell their votes to the Tories. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, Regent-street, Aug. 23, 1840. A REFORMER. Z. IS MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA having AUTHORISED and GUA. RA NTEED several DISTRIBUTIONS of MONEY DIVIDENDS, which (though they are NO LOTTERIES) oler many possibilities of obtaining LARGE FORTUNES, HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH and at LUBECK, Are now SELLING BONDS for the said DIST RIBU TIONS. Persons desirous to purchase for the Next Distributiont may revive, PREVIOUS to giving any orders, the PROS PF:CTUS and PARTICULARS, upon addressing, WITH HIT DELAY, a line to HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH, or. to HEINE BROTHERS, at LUBECK. The NEXT DISTRIBUTION contains DIVIDENDS of 4E25,000 £6OO £l2O • £BO 5,000 400 110 70 1,500 200 100 60 1,000 100 90 50 800 150 %he largest Dividend of the Distribution of Ist March last, TWENTY-FIVE THOUSAND POUNDS, ABS remitted to London and vicinity by HEINE BROTHERS, Rho remitted, during a few years, 22 large Money Dividerir, from 6001. and upwards unto 25,0 001., besides many Dividends of smaller amounts to England, Ireland, and Scotland. Voters at the Hull Election, 1841 : Householders. Freemen. Sir John Harmer Sir Walter James Mr. Clay Colonel Thompson THE QUALIFICATION OATH. (FROM A CORRESPONDENT.) MACCLESFIELD, AUG. 23.—1 n the stirring events which have taken - place throughout the united kingdom during the late elections, perhaps there is not a town or borough in the country which has got through a con tested election in a more peaceable and orderly manner than the borough of Macclesfield. However, an idea had been entertained by a portion of the good people of Macclesfield, that the unpopular Member did not possess. the requisite qualification as prescribed by law ; and this opinion having been ex tensively circulated obtained an additional stimulus by the failure of the bank of Daintry, Ryle, and Co., which took place simultaneously with the election. The subject became a matter of common conversation, and it was generally believed that the Hon. Gentleman's qualifica tion would be tested. But what is everybody's business is nobody's business, therefore the matter seemed likely to fall to the ground, when, to the surprize of those inter ested, two electors (one of them a weaver and the other a baker), came forward with the following requisition : ROYAL SURREY THEATRE. UNDER TilE MANA6EBIENT OF MR. DAVIDGE AND MR. WILLIS JONES. Overflowing Houses—Great success of 11Iazeppa—New Scenes in the Circle. THIS EVENING, AUGUST 26, Will be acted Lord Byron's Spectacle, called THE WILD HORSE; OR, MA ZEPP A, THE CHILD " TO THOMAS GRIMSDITCH. ESQ. " Sir—We, the undersigned, respectfully request you to take the qualification oath, as Member for the Bo rough of Macclesfield, before the Returning Officer, on Wednesday next, Aug. 18th, 1841, at Twelve o'clock, at the Town-hall. " Your's respectfully,_ "JOSEPH DAVENPORT, "PETER LEECH. " Dated this 17th day of August, 1841." The requisitionists were in attendance at the time and place specified, but the Hononrable Gentleman did not make his appearance. Query—Will the Hon. Gentleman take his seat in Parliament for the borough of Macclesfield ? BERRY'S GEOMETRIC TABLE. The difficulties in which geometry is now involved, through its adoption of indefinite symbols and abstruse technicalities, have enveloped it in obscurity beyond what 1 the Egyptian inventors of the science contemplated, or Euclid himself could have suspected. Much of the labour of the present age is to diminish these impediments, which so obstruct the path'of mathematical knowledge, and to bring the science to its primitive clearness. The King who wished there were some " royal road to gel)• metry," no doubt felt this fact acutely ; and yesterday's exhibition of Mr Berry's Geometric Table, at Mr. Swaine's, in Fleet-street, was fully capable of persuading how much towards simplification can be effected. No youth now enters upon the study of this first of sciences, which lies at and is the root of all others, but an immediate obstruction presents itself to him in the crabbed Greek of the technical words, and more particu larly in the intangible nature of the forms and figures pre sented to his mind. In the exquisite simplification of these consists Mr. Berry's plan. His geometric table is com ' posed of a square board, divided into 138 compartments, which contain a vast variety of rhombs, angles, cubes, quadrants, and other shapes, formed of vari-coloured kinds of wood. To this table the youthful mathemati cian is supposed to address himself. Instead of the in tangible triangle, heptagon, or octagon of "Euclid's Ele ments," composed of subtle and eluding lines, the stu dent sees, and the sight only imprints the figure permanently on the memory, that the octagon is a palpable eight-sided piece—the cube, a so lid sexagonal block—the polygon, a piece with a mul tiple of sides, &c. But here the invention stops not. These are but the simple elements which can be brought into more complex action. In the upper compart ments of Mr. Berry's table the simple triangle, square, and circle are conjoined into more elaborate forms, so that .the scholar as he progresses can actually arrive at the composition of such involved figures as a geometric staircase, as exact in proportion as any that adorns the mansion of a noble, or can build up the fortifications of a city, true to all the rules of art. So plain, simple, and intelligent a plan towards the perspicuous understanding of this science, cannot but render it an immediate favourite in our academies and schools. AWFUL THUNDER STORM AT LIVERPOOL. —LrvearooL, TUESDM—Liverpool was last night visited by a moll dreadful thunder storm. About one o'clock the lightning and thunder was most awful, and the rain fell in torrents. Two of our must beautiful modern churches have sustained damage, which will take thousands to repair. The tower and steeples of St. Michael's and St. Martin's are so much damaged that they are expected to fall every minute, and the wind, which is now blowing very fresh from the noith.west, has considerable influence upon the shattered condition of St. Michael's. HIOH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY. %fouling 43 minutes altar 8 I Evening 33 minutes after 9. LONDON THURSDAY, AUGUST 26, 1841. The House of Lords did not sit last night. The Commons were almost exclusively occupied with debate on the Ad dress. Lord PALMERSTON was not in his place to answer Mr. Ronnucn's announced question, and the APLEon affair therefore was not mooted. Mr. EwAnT resumed the adjourned debate, and was followed by Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. WARD made some happy allusions to the influence of the weather over policy, and regretted for the sake of Ireland the probable change of the Government. Mr. SUTTON obtained from Lord J. RUSSELL an ex planation that it was Lord CANTERBURY'S conduct at the Privy Council which led him to oppose his re-elec tion as Speaker. Dr. BOWRING and Mr. M. P. STEWART both spoke on the Liberal side. The other chief speakers were Mr. COBDEN, whose speech ,is universally praised, Mr. BAILLEY, Mr. BROTHERTON, Mr. H. GRATTAN, and Mr. lIASTIE. At twelve o'clock the Debate was again Ad journed. The House continued full the greater part of the evening, and towards the close was much crowded. Mr. COBDEN made an impression on the House, as an earnest and sincere man always will ; and his manly de claration, that he will always call the Corn-laws a bread tax, astounded and abashed those who would be gentlemen if they were not plunderers. They obviously began to be ashamed, and one or two more resolute and honest men in the House like Mr. COBDEN, will make them give up the Bread-tax as a detected thief casts away his stolen goods, in the hope to escape worse consequences. The human heart cannot be deaf to the voice of justice wIWn resolutely lifted up, and a very few Hon. Members who should always speak of the Corn-law as it deserves', would ensure its abolition. The country has now before it the Speech dictated by the Whigs, their Address in conformity to the Speech , and the Tory Amendment. They correspond to our ex pectations. The Speech is not so bold as w e would wish, and the amendment of the Tories, as we announced oil Monday, turns all on their want of confidence in their opponents. Whatever the well-endowed and sleepy priesthood may believe, because they wish it , and w hatever the oli garchy may hope as a means of sa fety m t e o n tl a i r e e m u , n t q h u e re iep..... t sent is nut an age of mental ap ath y . they suffer, and are agitated. The) look abroad with anxiety for the means of relief, and pant, as Mr. CAR- LyLE has said, for a leader. To the uneasy and anxious multitude, the Speech, though more bold and more com prehensive than Royal speeches usually are, gives no hope. Does any ma n feel his heart throb an d hi s eyes glisten as he reads it ? Does it awaken an y emot i on ? Does it kindle any enthusiasm, or stir up a s t rong desire to catch the good it holds out in pros pect? We cannot answer in the affirmative. I t k i ndles no generous emotions, and will not make men hurry from the workshop to follow the writer of the speech as their guide to safety. It is at best a t ()A, repulsive, routine document, which has not, never- MORNING SUN theless, not saved the - Whigs from the charge of violating official decorum, while it will not rally around them the sufferingand aspiring multitude. They have not done justice to themselves. The fact that great suffering exists throughout the manufacturing districts is undeniable. It is equally undeniable that • trade is painfully checked, 'and that there is no corn- • pensating prosperity amongst the working agricultu rists. How easy, therefore, would it have been,, how graceful, too, how worthy of her MAJESTY, and how ae7.: ; ceptable to her people, to have put forward their sad au , desolate condition as the reason for calling the attend() of Parliament to the " revision of the duties affecting., the production of foreign countries," and "to the - laws regulating the trade in corn." ;'Nothing, of the sort is done. The necessity for increasing the public reve nue is put forward as the main reason for proposing -an inquiry into the landlords' monopoly. • Soniething, in deed, is said about the effects of the monopoly, but even there the " privations of the people " appear as a sewn- , dart'- consideration to the derangement of the currency: and the safety of the Bank of England. That is not the way to treat the people ; for whatever. , statesmen may think, they have hearts and heads, and understand when they are dealt with like men or like slaves. Increase of revenue ! why the people already. complain of Government getting too much, and they can care nothing about measures which are mistakinglY put before them, as calculated to take more. If that be. the motive and object for abolishing the landlords' ma- • nopoly, the people will tell the Whigs to effect it if they can, and will leave them to conquer or be defeated by ale Tories themselves. Everything which can now be done ought to be, to reconcile the estranged people to the Government. Last night Mr. DUNCOSIBE presented several petitions to the House of Commons directed against the present state of the representation. Throughout the country meeting s are holding, at which resolutions are passed, declaring that the present constituencies, and, of course, the Mo nopolists they elect, are opposed to the liberties and interests of the nation. Chartism is by no means dead. We grieve much, therefore, to see any means lost of car rying a conviction home to the people that their condi tion really occupies the attention of the Government, and deeply do we grieve to see the Whigs throw away such a glorious opportunity, by putting prominently for ward the increase of the revenue instead of the condition of the people as their leading motive for proposing com mercial reform. But what has the Opposition done to repair the faults of the Whigs ? What do Sir ROBERT PEEL and his friends propose ? Do they move an amendment to inform her MAJESTY that as Government exists only for the good of the people, and revenue is only collected. to "pro mote their prosperity, they cannot think of augment ing the revenue till wages be raised, and the distress of the working classes relieved? Not they. Their amend ment says, in substance, dismiss the Ministers and place us in office. Their only remedy for the national distres! - is, make us Ministers. If the Whigs have lost , an oppor" tunity of regaining the affections of the people, the To ries have made an opportunity to insult them. The an swer they gave to Mr. MARE PRILLipS'S pathetic appeal 9 11 behalf of the starving thousands was, we care nothing for them, but we will ask the QUEEN to dismiss the Whigs. It is true that the Tories in their Amendment talk of consulting the interest, and promoting the welfare of all classes of her MAJESTY'S subjects. But how can mono polists do this? The present Parliament has been elected for the very purpose of overruling the interest of the many, and trampling their welfure into the dust. The majority of the present Parliament is elected on the prin ciple of despising the welfare and interests of all o the , w r , classes than those of the landowners. " It was supposed, said the Duke of Ea MOND on Tuesday e vening, " that t he Ministers . coming into office would turn ro und upon the farmers and refuse them protection, but he, on the p art of the landed interest, would say, if they di d so they would have them out of office. If they (th e Tories) came forward and offered an Bs. duty, he would tell them that the same men who brought them into power would be the first to thrust them out." The authors of the Amend ment have neither the power nor the will to consult the interest and to promote the welfare of all classes of her MAJESTY'S subjects. They are the slaves of one class, sent to Parliament to promote by legislation its selfish ends, and it is adding insult to neglect and injury to talk in that Amendment which is to turn out the Whigs, about the interests and welfare of all. The bulk of the community, then, has ceased to respect and honour the Whigs, and it has not ceased to despis° and hate the Tories. It has no reason to be satisfied with either, and it has no confidence in either. Betwe en it and the ruling classes the gulf is widening every day, and every graceful opportunity, like the present, of fin ing it up, is lost. 'We regret this for the sake of the country and the sake of the Whigs, who might, without departing from consistency, have charmed the people by putting forward their condition as the reason for alib i jecting the landlord's monopoly to investigation. It cannot be otherwise than gratifying to us to find the Corn• laws now become, with one common accord, the general, and indeed almost the only, topic of public discussion. Nor is it less gratifying to find the ultra or extreme principles which we long ago espoused, now be come very prevalent. The Devil's laws, as we years ago denominated them, are now stigmatized by the. Ministers o:' every faith in the empire—except the members of the Established Church, who appear to have a pecuniary in terest in high prices, and in the starvation of the people-- - as laws contrary to Christianity, contrary to the Provi dence of God, and therefore, as we say, they are the Devil's laws. What those are who support them, it is scarcely seemly in us to say, but the Christian Ministers at the Manchester Conference have proved that they are not Christians. _ Some of the arguments by which the anti-Christians support these unchristian laws, seem to us unworthy of . legislators, to say nothing of Christians. For example► the Earl of RIPON, on Tuesday night, would not allow that our people should have cheap bread, because other coun tries have Corn-laws. The CZAR of RUSSIA, an ignorant stupid despot, meddles with the trade of his slaves, the Monarchs of Germany do the same with theirs, there fore, argues this sapient Earl, we must have a Corn -law in England. Might he not as well say Russian women yet spin with a distaff, all nations have spun with a dis taff, therefore, burn all the spinning mules, and give em ployment to old women. The Peers of England are so mistrustful of the national civilization that they would model the laws of their enlightened countrymen on those of the northern barbarians. - This Earl and the rest of the supporters of the un christian Corn-laws can see nothing in society but GO' vernments, and he and the rest of the Peers continually argue as if Government and society were identical. In a 'Tory, who has seen society over and over again set aside the laws he wished to support, this is sheer stupi - , dity, which no experience can teach. Instead of look ing only at Government, let the Peers look to thinol, and they would see commerce setting at nought Czars :nd Emperors. The Peers ought to look exclusively to o ur own people, and if it be just to tax their bread—if it be . • honest to make one man pay 50 per cent. of his income, and another not i per cent. for his food—if it be wise to provoke their wrath, why, boldly tax their bread, boldly grind them to poverty, and boldly goad them into madness ; but do not shabbily, meanly, and insultingly plead as an excuse for wrong-doing that the CzA n r and th e POPE have passe d Corn-laws, and that the corn trade naturally. e It is not free in Russia and Rome. What is the bravrosbarr.l.:d to Englishmen ? If the Peers wish to be the ci now, because Another argument still insisted t hat ot ct costs olt l t i o k d e e h s i p m i s , e thatand Nhvailtlebteh the n b additional r ead tax er taxers. . reason ti , f h o r we th p o e:: e d • a nd, therefore, we must it cots more Corn-laws. keep up our law to make it cost raiseell ra corntionalm hereen had given abroyaes: more to we have passed the Corn raisegiydeOnesitnuolcoss,morie nat corn here ; but it , that is such an ,appending on so mmy facts, that it is uncertain . wake it an element of legislation. scandalous to Lu re more to raise corn in some parts If it costs ---° In Ireland of England i n others. there are low tithes and costs less ; but, whether .more or less, tl rates in Scotland there are no tithes, and ver low Pcwr e-rates. The fat vale of Evesham is more fertile ~,,,,, two whsn'the stony hills of Kent or of Buckinghamshire. two than i s grown cheaper in the Ukraine than in Poland. It is grown cheaper in different countries in different it costs less years, according as the season is good in one and bad in the other, and if the difference of price, therefore, be a proper basis of legislation, which wo deny in toto, the law ought to be different in different years, different as the corn is grown in the Ukraine or Poland ; and a different degree of protection should be given to the corn grown in England and Scotland, and to corn grown in fertile or sterile land. It is impossible, however, to adjust a law to all these circumstances, which impossibility is a. demon stration of the absurdity of legislating at all on the dif ference of price or difference of cost of 'production in England and other countries. Those, therefore, w ho argue a great deal about legislation on this basis, should spare their ink or their breath, and look only at the honesty or dishonesty of the law as regards the sub jects of this empire. _......._ We leans with much pleasure from Lord BIOUGNAIeII speech en Tuesday night, that many opinions on the subject of the Budget es pressed by this Journal arc approved of by him. He spoke of the Ministerial measures as being short-coming and inefficient. He described them as indefensible, as financial measures, while as measures for the relief of trade they were founded on an excellent principle. Well, too, did he say, that had Ministers entertained these measures, particularly tt.e Corn-laws, two years before; the result of the dissolution would have been essentially different. 44 17 !' nu', 4, • TU.4. ' ,4 04111 L • i. A . ki s c - • *l. „, 0 t„), ' •• --, w•-• o , ' , • • t f the, un 13, Great Marlborough-street. THE NEW PEERS AND BARONETS. Mr. COLBUIIN begs to announce that a SUPPLE MENT to the recently-published Edition of MR. BURKE'S PEERAGE AND BARONETAGE FOR 1841, containing ALL the NEWLY-CREATED PEERS and BARONETS ', with full details of each dignity, origin of the title, &c., is in the press, and will be ready for delivery, with the Work, in the course of the Next Week. 4 f," Orders received by all Booksellers. • ' Henry Coll Turn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. On the 28th inst., in 3 vols. post Bvo., with nnmerous Illus- Int ion!, NEW EDITION OF THE CLOCKMAKEIt; or. SAYINGS and DOINGS of SAM SLICK of SLICK VILLE. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. MR. AINSWORTH'S NEW HISTORICAL ROMANCE. GU F A W K E S, In 3 vols. post Bvo., with numerous Illustrations by George Cruikshank, IS NOW READY, and can be had at all the Libraries. " A romance of stirring character and intense interest."— Morning Herald, " For strength of imagination, and clear delineation of cha racter, this romance has scarcely been equalled since the ap • pcarance of Old Mortality' or Waver.ey.' "—Limerick Standard. Richard Bentley, New Burlington. street. OF 'THE'DESEHT. introducing Mr. Ducrow's Magnificent Stud of Forty Horses, highly-trained Palfreys, Fairy Poneys, the Equestrians, and Companies of both Theatres. After which, NEW SCENES IN. THE CIRCLE, In the Largest Arena in the World. In which Madame Ducrow, Signor-Hillier, the Great Ameri can Rider, the British Horseman, Signor Felix Carlo, and the First Artistes in Europe will appear. To conclude with, THE OLD OAK CHEST. Supported by the entire Dramatic Company. ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE. UNDER THE DIRECTION OF MR. OSBALDISTON. More novelty and attraction at this now the only perfect Minor Theatre in London. THIS EVENING, AUGUST 26, An original Melodrama in Three Actg, founded on the events of a most atrocious murder, even more apealling than that committed on the Mar Family in Ratcliiffe Highway, called DEEDS and DOINGS of the DARK ICOUSE; or, SIMPLE BESS of BILLINGSGATE ! Bradburn, Mr. Dale ; Charles Elford, Mr. Seaman ; Davey Dubbs, Mr. Gardner; Hoppy Bob, Mr. Paul; A nn , Mrs. W. West ; Simple Bess, Mrs. G. Lee. After which, THE BEAR HUNTERS. Caribert, Mr. E. F. Saville ; Estevan, Mr. Dale ; Larolle, Mr. James ; Bluebelle, Mr. Gardner ; Aline, Mrs. W. West. • To conclude with SWEET POLL OF HORSELEYDOWN ! In which Mr. James, Mr. Seaman, Mr. Paul, Mr. Williams, Mr. Gardner, Mr. Cullen, Mrs. Lee, Mrs. Howard, &c. &c. will perform. Boxes, 29.—Pit, Is.— Gallery, 6d. Half-price to the Boxes only, at Half-past Eight. To. morrow, The' Dark House, The Bear Hunters, and Sweet Poll. THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI. LAST WEEK of the WIZARD of the NORTH working his WONDERS, and LAST SIX'NIGHTS of the SONS of EXTEMPORANEOUS HARMONY—The Lancashire Bell Ringers. All who wish to see the Great Delusionist—or MIRACLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY—must visit the Adelphi during next week, as it will be the only opportunity the lovers of the marvellous will have of beholding this SON OF DELUSION, whose extraordinary powers have caused all to wonder from the Throne to the Peasant, from the Peasant to the Philosopher. A wonder unparalleled. The Great Wizard, by his individual exertion, has filled the Adelphi Theatre for one hundred nights, and could for three hundred more, but that he is compelled to make way for the Great Fred. (not Frederick the Great), who will commence his Mephistu philian orgies earlier than the Wizard expected. " Come one—Come all !"—The Wizard will be found incom prehensible as he is invulnerable. A hunched of the best (X the London Sportsmen have tried in vain to wing him, but he is still on the wing, and will for one week more be their Living Target. The Wizard hopes that " Homo Invulnerabilis" will still be his motto; and Ir. pledges himself that he will exert all his powers to please his patrons, and to fill his Magic Temple to the ceiling. *** Remember I—The Last Week—Poz! Boxes, 2s. 6d. ; Pit, 15.-6 d. ; Gallery, 6d. Second Price at Half.past Nine o'cb ck. Boxes, Is. 6d. ; Pit, Is. Places for the Boxes may be tiken from Mr. Swinburn, at the Box-office, between Eleven and Four. Parties are respectfully informed, that as the Dress Circle is nightly crowded, an early application is requisite. N.B. Private Boxes, containing six persons, 11. ss. Doors open at Half-past Seven ; the Wizard appears at Eight o'clock precisely. Half-price at Half-past Nine. THE RAILWAY SUN IS NOW RE-PUBLISHED, PRICE SIXPENCE. Sun Office, 112, Strand. r pace kppr Icor mitt on, n laho The OF tl Folic of a Ball aPP and hart rest ties Wha Ines ing nate