The Sun. — London, England, 1841-01-26 00:00:00

NIORNING EDITION of the smoky atmosphere of a factory, lost all his virtues. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) My friends— hale your Central Association you are entitled to have it—a representative body. I conducted for many yeas the affairs of an Association, and I did so at a time when the lawyers for the Crown (VA not go to bed any evening without examining our • Preeecclings, for the purpose of seeing whether they could hang a hook for prosecution upon them. The excuse made in Parliament for not prosecuting us, was our keep ing within the law—that there existed a horrid fellow who had a great deal of practice, and who therefore kept clear of the vi oils and quicksands of the law.—( Laughter.) Yea, if you prefer it, have a representative body, but, at all events, have a Central Association. Let there be one common centre for England, Ireland, and Scotland—let yo-ar unanimity be known, and let it also be known how numerous is the slave class in these countries. Would it not be well, too, that the Central Association should go through the various towns—(A person who stammered here got up and caused some confusion by attempting to address the chair). I never knew, continued Mr. O'Connell, a stuttering fellow who was not anxious to hear himself talk.—( Laughter.) But he is right. I have, of course, wearied you.—(Cries of " No, no.") 1 had no intimation ' on coming down here, of being called up on to speak to this toast, but my habits enable me to draw a draft at sight upon myself, and you have honoured it to an extent that excites my gratitude— but gratitude in politics is proved by the determination to do that which is useful.—l express to you my grati tude, and I say that if I wanted a stimulant to work for the liberties of England, Ireland, and Scotland, I have received it amply to-night. If my head slumbered, or if my heart were cold, you have roused the one, and you have heated the calier.—(Cheers ) I thank yoti then for this mark of the progress of democratic liberty. Let us work for tile progress of democratic liberty. Toryism, like Mac beth, bath " murdered sleep." I say " Sleep no more." Rise, men of England. Look to your ancestors. For a thou sand years your flag has floated triumphantly. The battle nor the orceze could not level it. For a thousand years honour has crowned your energies, and happiness fol lowed your s t rugg l es . Your dominion is boundless— your greatness is magnificent—you have given to in dustry new nerves, and to commerce new springs-- you have made matter move, and you have transformed machinery, so as actually to make it appear to rea son, and to do all the duties of sentient thinking beings. (Curers,) Why, then with so may rays of glory sur rounding, as a halo, your political crown—why should you be the slave of paltry tyrants ?--.( Loud cheers.) When the ehscring, which lasted for some minutes, had subsided, Mr. O'Connell continued : Britons, you have no superior abroad, why then should you have masters at home ? ( Cheers.) No one dare assail your rights abroad, why then shcutd they be filched from you at home, as if they were but for plunder and spoil? Britons, arouse your_ selves throughout the whole extent of the country, and never sink back again into quiet, until liberty, pure, un tainted, and entire, shall have shore upon the universal animetlng, cheering, enriching, and adorn ing it —( Enthusiastic applause for several minutes.) Mr. Hume returned thanks on behalf of tha Liberal Members of the House of Commons. The next toast was, " Justice to Ireland," to which Mr. Roebuck was called to speak. Mr. ROEBUCK said—" As an Englishman (a Saxon), and a Protestant, I have to p - opese a toast which may possibly startle the Honourable and Learned Gentleman on your right hand—it is, " Justice to Ireland."—( Here the meeti ' ruse almost to a man, and cheered vehe meetly.) There, Sr,l I hope that gentleman will take that cheer one testimony at least that the people of England do net desire injustice to Ireland, and that when nest he c: mcs to speak to his countrymen of their wrongs Nerd our feelings towards them, he will not speak but ac cording to his evidence, and that he will not charge the p eo pl e of E sgl Intl will doing that injustice which is iee to spi'c of them. Tac Catholic in Ireland is as free as the Dis.ceter and Catholic in England ; both th one end the ether may complain of a domi nant Church, and endeavour to rid themselves of the burden ; but the one cannot complain more than the other, for the existcr.ce of a national dominant Church, is not an evil peculiar to Leland. Tke civil liberty of lic hen I, also, has been extended as far as that of England, He' people can complain of no one peculiar oppression by the law ; if an Irishman suffers from an unjest law, the same evil weighs upon us in England—the whole united people have alike causes to complain. Among other griev &trees cf which Ireland complains, one at least has been ied„ted out—unequal representation in Parliament. But is all that peculiar to Ireland? Has it not, this very even ing been shown, by the Learned Representative of Dub lin him , elf, that Leeds, with her ten thousand voters and upyvards, sends two Members to Parliament, while Har wich, with seventy-fife, sends two also. Shall Leeds, then-s;hall Yoilishire, for Yorkshire suffers in the same way—demand a separation from the rest cf England, and shall we again be split into the old heptarchy of the Saxons ? ' No, Sir, wisdom teaches us that if we wish for redress we must by united efforts attain it. There is not a man, there his not a woman here, that does not fervently de.ire jtstic: to Ireland.—( Cheers.) Those cheer tell the Learned Gentleman that I speak the opinion of all who hear me; and will, I hope, lead him to be chary of h s reproaches to the people cf England. I myself, Sir, having reason to complain of the honourable gentleman. Mr. Roebuck concluded amid loud cheers, by stating that tire Ie here! members of the English Parliament represent ing the Meese' feeling in England were, and are, all in favour efjughee to Ireland. Mr 0 CONNELL rose amid cheers. He said, I think I ewe to myself to do what we call in the House of Commons " giving an explanation."—(Laughter.) I will first ob serve, my friend gsve site both pride and pleasure in using that epithet towel es me---.(Loud cheers)—l am proud to bare a man of his unepe st onable patriotism and splendid talents do m' the honour of calling me by the name of friend.—(Loud and prolonged cheering.) 1 only beg to assure him that, as far as I know, I have never been reported to have said, and I certainly never did say, that the people of England—England and the people of England—mean ing the entire inhabitants of England, were inimical to Ire. land ; I al says made this distinction : I knew we had Mewls, Sir; I knew he (Mr. Roebuck) was a friend to irelond.—( Loud cheering.) I did say, and, lam afraid, whls great truth, that a great majority of the people of England being Tories—(Cries of " Ho, ho, ho," and " hear, hear")—e ere inimical to Ireland. Remark, my friend says, and with great truth, that be stood by me against the Coercion 13:11. He did, and many other Englishmen ; I see one of them here [looking to Mr. Gully, who sat on his right: the meeting responded by cries of " Gully"), and my excellent and esteemed friends on both sides of me.—(C ies of " Hume, Hume.") Ah. Hume, of course; it is not necessary to say so.—( Cheers. ) They voted always in favour of Ireland while in the House.—(Loud cheers.) But what was the divi sion ? We were seventy English and Irish, and they were 190 against us.—(Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) And 140 of them would be English ; so that if some Englishmen did support us, an overwhelming ma jority of Englishmen voted against us.—( Hear, hear ) Am I the less grateful to the Englishmen who did support us ? No, but infinitely more grateful on that account, because they who had no direct interest in the question, generously and patriotically gave their talented support.—( Load and vehement cheering.) One word more,—the Bill was carried into a law, not by an Irish Parliament certainly.—(Hear, hear.) The House of Lewds were Englishmen. 'Mr. ROEBUCK—And Irishmen. Mr. O'CONNELL—And they were Irish ; no, not all, the Duke of Leinater, for instance, did not vote against us; but the greater part of them did. I fairly concede to him, if there can he anything worse than an English Tory Lord, it is an Irish Tory Lord.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) But he has put the question thus— says he, is Yorkshire to complain because she has too few members, and so separate—separate he calls it — from the rest of England ? Just listen one moment. What would be the opinion of the men of Yorkshire , if Lord St an l e y was to bring in a Bill, taking Yorkshire by itself, making the registry of voters so complicated and difficult, that no Yorkshirernan would be able to register, raising the qualification so high that only the rich could possibly cleien reglster—(Shame, shame)—making it a crime in a Yorkshirernan to attempt to register—making the Yoikshireman so criminal if applying to register, that if even the barrister decided i n hi s f avour, and some Tory appealed against Iris eision—if the profligate judge de cided against him, he must pay costs, even though the barrister had given a decision in his favour ?—(Loud cries of " Shame, shame—abominable," &c.) What would be the Eolin;s of Yorkshiremen, if Yorkshire were alone singlsd out for a Bill of that kind, ?—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) Why you would not tie talking abcut it, you would de as your ancestors did before you—you would turn out by the mountain side—you would throw your pontoons over your rivers_ no man would dare come within your circle who thus at tempted to trample upon you—(Tremendous and pro longed e ' n eeeing)—lf you were to be deprived of the bancfit of the Reform Bill, and that Lord Stanley were to give as a reason is the House of Commons that you York shiremeri were villanous perj ur o rs—that is the p h ras_e . he used—and on that ground deprived you of the franchise. Loud shouts of" shame, shame, ' and other expressions of execration ) ! consider a poor crawling creature, that h., should do all this to Irel and, and that he is still ready in a week to do it again.—(Cheers.) Nay, more, he bad four majorities in the House of Commolls—majo riti , 5 that he called entlaus!astic.—( Shame, shame.) If there were four such majsrities againt the Yorkshire Mem bers en such a 13111, what would be the union betwixt Yorkshire and England ? True there is no sea, no salt Yorkshire and the rest of England, but would they not be as emphatically cursed by the union as if tee greatest hostility existed ?—( Cheers ) I beg your pardwa —(Loud shouts of "Go on, go on.") I deserve your support—(Leud cheers)—for this"reason, that I will not submit to this Lard Stanley.—(Trcinendous and pro longed cheering.) I will not go the length you would go. My country is accustomed to oppression.—( Hear.) The eels are . aecustomcal to he skin ne d a li ve. Y ou wou ld not endure it, rind your ancestors did not.—(Loud cheers.) For reasons into ;ehielt I shall not now enter, Ireland was divicleet in such a way ; that my ancestors did. But I have breathed toe men English air, taken up too much of Saxon pri!iciples, to endure it.—( Deafening cheers.) Ti: majority of the House of Commons is against roe; I will 2:1 , 1i a remedy if I can.—( Vehement checrirg, lasting foe some time)—with you, I can without you if I must— ( Repested cheering. ) I remind, my friend, that it was net I alene, but as overwhelming majority of Irish Mem bers, voted in every stage of your Reform (Loud cheers.) Am I not here, Englishmen, to give you all the aid in my humble power?—(Loud cheering.) Is it not that which has brought mo four hundred miles in two days, inel•-&ng a night, and I am proud that you p:rrait me to join your ranks ?—( Loud and long con tinued cheering.) 1 know surely, I perceive it, that Ire land has a multitude of warm friends in this very room.— (Loud cheers, and cries of " All, all.") Ido not leave out one ; I add a multitude, but I reckoned all ; and if the room would contain twice as many, I am convinced Leeds could produce them. The English Government is greatly inimi ca l to t h e Irish.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. Roebuck.) Multitudee of English Whigs arc inimical to the Irish ; the entire Tory faction iaeludi-g the dominant Church, are inimical to th e Irish,' I hold them all in fell deflance.—(Tremendous and protracted cheering.) Toe English Liberal, the true Reformer—Radical, like my self—is as determined to do justice to Ireland as I am— ( Vehement cheering)—and I am as ready, on the other hand, to make as good battle as I can for England. Mr. O'Connell then sat down amidst loud cheering, I. D. Russ, Esq., secretary to the Ulster Constitu tional Association, next addressed the meeting. Mr. Nicirou.s proposed " The union of the middle and the working classes," which was received with loud cheers. SHARMAN CRAWFORD, Esq., responded to the toast. At the conclusion of Mr. Sharmaft Crawford's speech, Mr. COLLINS alluded with considerable energy to the subject of the proposed union with the middle and work ing classes, and urged that the precise terms of the union should be perfectly well understood. Let the middle classes propose any measure cf popular benefit, and it should receive the support of the Chartists. JOSHUA BOWER, Esq in a neat speech, alluded to his political career, as showing he had always been virtually an advocate for the Charter, and bad advocated the popu lar measures they desired. Colonel THOMPSON afterwards spoke, and some other peeches were delivered, after which the meeting separated. CHURC El-RATES. ' e r g the R GREAT N S IE AT E UR T DA I T N G E vEN A IN I G I24 T E his IC ev E en S i L E ICESTER, t s r e l i e b t e . r t y Theheld m a e p e u t b i i g c w m a e s e t e i ti n g e f a g r t e i e t t n h d e u s p T ° t h u a d i t v e r i r e l , and t l h i e o r r , s e e e l f i s pices of the Leicester Voluntary Church Society, and had for its object to petition Parlia ment for the abolition of Church-rates and Ecclesiastical Courts, as well as the immediate release of Mr. William Brines, now lying in the eounty gaol for non-payment of Church-rates. The Leicester theatre, which i 3 a very large one, was on this occasion crowded to excess, and, what is curious on such an occasion, where so vast an as- sembly was collected together, there was not to be found a single person to express a dissentient opinion. Every sen timent uttered by the speakers bearing oa the question of Church-rates was loudly cheered, and every resolution proposed unanimously adopted. In the course of the day the Members for the borough, Mr. Easthope and Mr. Wynn Ellis, arrived in town, and they were soon afterwards joined by Mr. Hume and Mr. O'Connell, the latter accompanied by Mr. Hutt, who had arrived from the Leeds festival. In the course of the day they all waited upon Mr. Baines in his prison, and had a long and interesting conversation with him. At six o'clock precisely, the Mayor of Leicester, John Biggs, Esq., accompanied by Mr. Easthope, Mr. Wynn Ellis, Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. Hume, appeared on the stage, and as each was recognized ho was greeted with loud cheers. Amid this applause it was moved by Mr. LEGG, and se conded by Mr. MILES, " That the Mayor, John Biggs, Esq., should take the chair." Mr. Blocs said that it was most painful to him in the discharge of the duties of his office, that he should be called upon to carry into effect the law against conscience; or that he should be required to authorise the sale of effects, belonging to those whose conscience told them they could not obey the law. For himself, he felt it to be his imperative duty to carry into effect the law as he found it ; but he also felt it to be his duty to call upon the Le gislature to repeal a law that he looked upon as an out rage upon every principle of justice—(Cheers)—a law that in his opinion must be soon repealed if they wished to see peace and order established in society.—( Hear. ) The Rev. Mr. MYATT said that when, upon the impri sonment of Mr. Baines, now two months since, he was called upon to address a Leicester assembly, he indulged a fond and over-confident hope that the next occasion of pre senting himself to their notice would be one of rejoicing, and that it would have been his pleasing duty to mingle his congratulations with theirs on the honourable release of the noble-hearted captive.--(Cheers.) Although the overt hal falsified his expectations, and the prisoner re mained to this hour in the tenacious gripe of the Church's executioner, he could discover nothing unreasonable in the grounds upon which at that time he based his faith. He was not, indeed, so foolish as to imagine—no man even partially versed in ecclesiastical history could have given entertainment to the idea—that the State Church would spontaneously relinquish her hold upon her vic tim. Whatever else she may at times hve given up— whether a long-cherished doctrine or a favourite rule of discipline—it was never yrt known throughout the wide and diversified range of her history, that she had foregone a pecuniary demand, or put a check upon her insatiable lust for gold.—(Cheers.) How should she ? Money was the life-blood of her system. Her energies, her zeal, her labours, her hops and fears are all identified with money. Take away her property and she dies ; touch her filthy lucre and von touch her life— ( Cheers)—for the Establishment itself is but rem vast and too successful scheme to obtain money under religious pretences.—( Hear.) He was not, therefore, senseless enough to suppose that, in a case of subtraction of money, however paltry the sum, truth, justice, or religion would weigh with her.—(Cheers.) He knew well she would " have her bond," even though every drop of the victim's blood should be sacrificed to her rapacity—and he was sufficiently convinced that appeals which in tall ordinary cases would clpave their way through the thickest pre judices, and lay bare consciences to the very quick, would never make the slightest impression upon her impermeable avarice. —(Cheers.) But he did hope that many thousands in her communion, somewhat blind, indeed, to her defects, but personally free from 1 her characteristic vices—stung with shame at this flagrant violation of all right, and unable to endure the burning blush of indignation at the foul deed douc in the name of Christianity—he did indulge the persuasion that they, looking at the character of the prisoner, at his station, at his high-mindedness, and at the general sympathy which his suffering had elicited, would have risen up in all the virtuous anger of insulted humanity, cried " shame" upon the perpetrator of this outrage upon conscience, and have given to the world their indignant protest against these odious exhibitions of ecclesiastical malignity.—(Cheers.) Except in a few individual cases, nothing of the kind had taken place—the man aad the gentleman had been merged in the Churchman—and acts which thousands in their in dividual capacity would have loathed to perform, they did net scorn tacitly to sanction and uphold under cover of 1 their Church.—( Hear, hear.) He freely confessed, how ever, that he had much more sanguinely anticipated re dress from the legal Courts. After the emphatic opi nion pronounced by Dr. Lushington in the House of Commons upon Thorogood ' s case, that the only remedy for contempt possessed by these Bishops' Courts was the imprisonment of the person it was not natural to conclude that, contrary to all the analogies of law, they had power to proceed with the case in the absence of the defend ant, and to run up at their discretion a bill of costs, to any amount that might satisfy the needy host of proctors and doctors.—( Hear, hear.) But it had now come out that Ecclesiastical Courts were " twice blessed"—blessed with the power to imprison, and blessed with the authority to pillage; and that, if they prefer it—and who can doubt but that in all future cases they will prefer it ?—thoy have unlimited licence, after pronouncing their victim in con tempt, to suspend for a season the pleasure of proceeding to incarceration, and to employ the interval in heaping up costs, with not a single item of which the defendant is ever to be made acquainted.—( Hear, hear.) The existence of this unique privilege they learned for the first time in this case of Mr. Baines, and the confirmation of it by the Courts.of Law bad given rise to a pretty general idea that the liberty of the subject was to be specially regarded by the judges of the land, in all cases but that of disobedience to the Church.—( Loud cheers.) He had had one more hope—it was hope in the dissenting community. He had not yet abandoned ft.—( Hear, hear.) The seeming calm which had too long characterised the great body of Nonconformists was not necessarily indicative of in difference. It might be, he trusted it was, the s:illneas which marked the period of thought, a deep re flection and anxious deliberation, ere the fitting hour of energetic action had arrived—the coolness and composure of men in council or, the eve of battle.—(Hear, hear.) A rumour was in circulation that London was preparing to rrove.—( Hear, hear.) He had reason for believing that the rumour was well founded.--( Hear, hear.) Would Manchester consent to lie under the stigma of stark insen sibility to the rights of conscience? Could Liverpool, vi talised hey the energy of a Voluntary Church Society, re. main much longer mute ? Leeds had a well-earned re put Vion to sustain, and so had Bradford, for both took up the cause of Thoro,good ; they might, therefore, confi dently rely upon their being afield soon after the opening of Parliament. Nottingham had already honoured itself by sending an address and deputation to the prisoner. —( Hear.) Nottingham, of course, would not lag behind in the general movement. The metropolis had only to give the signal, and soon the beacon-fires of religious liberty would blaze in every province. Men were from every quarter of the country turning towards London Dissenters a wistful and anxious gaze—their minds divided be tween hope and fear—hope that in this hour of extremity, when the rights of conscience were insolently trampled under foot, the spirit of their forefathers would be awakened within thsir bosom, and concern for religion persecuted to bonds would impel them at last to take up their post, and fear lest a lax expediency, too prevalent amongst them, should induce them to witness in silence the oppression of a suffering brother Christian, their own degradation and insult, and finally the calamitous triumph of their master's foes.—(Cheers.) In the name- of sacred truth, be asked, how and when do they mean to act? He conjured them, by the value they set upon religious liberty—by the impe -1 ishable fame of their noble ancestors—by the homage they owed to voluntary Christianity—by all that they profess to know of the spirituality of Christ's kingdom, to come for ward and bear their testimony, and lift up high their voice against the employment of force within the domains of the Church, in the name and for the support of the reli gion of Christ.—(Cheers.) Mr. Baines still continued in confinement. The question now occurred, what corn iensation was to be awarded us for his long and patient addingwas de rinsult n ttiemate cruelty—that that L o Lord Jwould R e a s t: sell meditated it suffering? tempt to carry in to effect the recommendation of the Eccle siastical Commissioners, that be would give to Church wardens the power of levying Church-rates, and to the Msgistrat.e3 at quarter sessio ns a uthori ty to enforce them _ by distraint. As yet , he cou l d not believe that his Lord ship would venture upon so i t fatuated a course. They The as parasites had not forgotten his taunts. they would not put up with his blows. Mean-spirited, cringing, fawning he deems them, they were not s unk so low as that. body upon whose shoulders his Lordsh i p had been borne into nower still had the fate of the Whig Cabinet in their hands. Already it had too long forborne ; their tenderness for Ministers had already assumed the aspect of treachery to the cause committed to their keeping ; but there was, nevertheless, some blood in them, sluggish though it might be ; and if the Colonial Secretary was desirous of quickenin g its circulation, and raising its temperature to boiling point, he had only to propose this confirmation of their bondage.—(Hear, hear.) What, then, were they ' willing to accept as compensation for their imprison ment ? I answer, nothing but the total abolition of Church-rates.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Was this an unreasonable demand ? With an income of 5,000,000/. a year, with the undisturbed possession of all parish churches, the property of the nation, with an aris tocracy of unbounded wealth professedly attached to SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 'A, 1811. her communion, with bequests in hundreds of the parishes in the kingdom especially a pplicable to tlie maintenance of the fabric and services of the Cleirch, with power in the hands of her;opponents to prevent e the levying of a rate i n d the w otnd paltry tthe remnant, self-respect d en hundreds of parishes more , wasit too much to ask this c C e h a u s e r c t la u t a o n g n iovy tli() e up sclo luia sbbling c s for , an of thousands of upright , loya l, and religious men? This was the compensation they de manded . Less than this ti iv would not accept.—(Loud cheers.) What the Le gislature would not abolish, Dissenters would ere long abolish themselves. Wearied and sickened with hopes deferred, they would presently start up as the vindicators of their own claims. For every refusal of payment now exhibited, there would soon be a thousand._( Hear, hear) —for every ecclesiastical prisoocr there would be hundreds. —(Cheers.) From parish to parish, from county to county, the determination to pay no more Church-rates would travel on—all the faster too in proportion to Lord John Rus sell's efforts to perpetuate them—until the lesson should have been: thoroughly learned by the Dissenting community, that man owes no allegiance to the State in relation to spiritual affairs.—( Hear, hear.) The immedi ate issue of this case might be extremely doubtful—it might terminate in mere stringent laws for the enforce. ment of ecclesiastical demands, or it might wring from an unwilling Legislature the abolition of the degrading impost. But the great practical truth involved in freedom of conscience, could not ultimately be stayed in its progress.--( Hear.) As it was now universally recog nised as a maxim of British law, that " a man's house is his castle, and that, although the four winds of heaven may whistle through it, the king of these realms dare not set his foot within it," so must it sooner or later be re cognised as a principle of all Governments, that a man's conscience is sacred, and that the statesman who dates to intermeddle with it, not only may but ought to be re sisted.—( Cheers.) To this truth they swore eternal alle giance. Upon this in all solemnity they placed their foot, and reared their standard to the breeze of heaven.—( Loud cheers.) Rather than yield a foot of this ground, he said, welcome contempt, welcome bonds, welcome death itself.—(Cheers.) They might die in the struggle, but the truth they contended for would live for ever. Let the great leviathan—the monster of the political deep—laugh in fancied security at the shaking of the spear; let clever but puny statesmen, like Lord John Russell, ever busying himself with great things in a small way, utter their gibes and parody bad verse in the delighted hearing of a House of Commons majority, to whom anything beyond a party squabble was matter of ignorant derision ; let Blomfield in the upper house, the bowie of hereditary wisdom, pronounce his oracular condemnation ; and Exeter, the modern Bon• net, blurt his venom upon them and upun their principles. They would tell them honestly they knew the odds, and they were prepared to encounter them.—( Cheers,) At all events they knew their duty—they had taken their vows: they threw down their gage to ecclesiastical domi nation, and from that moment they deliberately and un dauntedly would advance to the conflict with the fervent prayer on their lips, " Gcd defend the right." He con cluded by proposing the following resolution :—" That, in the opiniors of this meeting, the levying of Church-rates in England is a grievous wrong inflicted upon a large portion of the community—that their exaction invades the rights of conscience and the freedom of religious opinion ; that they lay heavy and unequal burdens on those who, at their own expense, provide for the maintenance of places of worship, and for that religious instruction which their own sincere and honest convictions-approve ; that they are a fruitful source of strife, and discord, and in so ciety, exposing the persons of excellent and virtuous men to cruel, capricious, and uulimitcd persecutions—to bound less vexations and large pecuniary sacrifices; and therefore, for the sake of peace and justice, that Church-rates ought to be at once and for ever abolished." Mr. WYNN ELI.Is was received with lend cheers. He had ever declared and felt that the enforcement of Church rates from Dkienters was contrary to every principle of justice, and at direct variance with the letter and spirit of that Christianity of which the Church assumed to be the especial protector and guardian.—(Cheers ) Mr. Ellie continued by saying, numerous authorities have at various times been quoted ; but one, to my mind, quite satisfac tory and conclusive, is 62d Law of Ethelred, where we find tleese words concerning tithes, " The King and the vise men have decreed, as is just, that the third part of the tithes be given to the compensation of the Church, a se cond part to the minister, arid the third part to the poor." —( Hear.) In those times, it may be as well to remark that even tithe was a part of eleemosynary payment ; and on the subsequent endowment of the tithe on the parish, is it likely that the landowner would subject himself and his lands to the payment of a rate, seeing to what pur poses the tithe then endowed had been hitherto de voted ? There exists no reeson fur thinking that a do. parture then took place from that tripartite division of the tithe to clergy, Church, and poor; so that the ques tion of right remaining with the objectors to a rate at the present day, the right to consent or refuse a rate remains with the people, and this rate can only be exer cised by the conscientious Dissenter in an unqualified refu• sal. That refusal in so many large towns and parishes by the majority ought long since to have taught the digni taries, the clergy, and the thinking laymen that the injus tice was too glaring to be submitted to, and that the rights and consciences of Dissenters could no longer be violated, and that it would be well to remove the disquiet by the abrogation of ail pecuniary claims and all pretensions of ecclesiastical supremacy. The Dissenter has conscientious objections to support a Church in alliance with an earthly head ; he knows no master but Christ in spiritual matters, and denies the right and power of the Church as by law established to shackle that freedom of thought which an all-wise Creator has placed beyond all haman power and subjection. The conscientious Christian resolves to resist —a gloomy prison, with separatkn from friends, and all the endearments of home and family may follow ; and this is, indeed, an evidence of his consistency, and the faith which guides and directs him; and it ill becomes the par tisans of the Church to attempt to cast ridicule upon his conduct, or to question his motives : for the latter he is answerable only to the head of his Church, and the attempt may give rise to questions . „ sufficiently perplexing to the Establishment—how came there to be Dissenters, and what the cause of their great increase of late years, s-eing that their numbers ex. teed the population of Great Britain and Wales a century ago ?—( litar.) The answer must be, that the clergy s'ept in luxurious ease, leaving the people a prey to the assaults of Satan, and, but for the energies of the Dissenters, the people, especially in the great towns, would have sunk in ignorance, depravity, and vice ; that to the Dissenters so ciety is under the highest obligations; they alone opposed tho torrent of infidelity, and were unceasing in their efforts to seek and to save ; and it ill became the Church, now just awakening from its lethargy to a sense of the danger from which society has escaped, to throw ridicule upon the religious sentiments and views of those to whose piety and efforts they owe their own and their country's comparative security, and of the claims of Dissenters nut conceded. Will not questions most inconveniently per plexing as to the fuuniation of the Church as by law esta blished arise ? Her varied shiltings and changes during that discreditable period of her history in the days of Henry, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, be scrutinize", exa mined, and condemned ?—( Hear, hear.) Sincerely de siring that these unseemly pretensions may be abated, and that the strife may be for the gain of souls, rather than worldly glory, greatness, and pre-eminence, I heartily de sire that the Church will co-operate in an act of justice and right to Dissenters; and that all Christian men unite in promoting the designs and est-meads of the Gospel, remembering that great commandment, that they love one another. —( Cheers. ) The resolution was then put from the Chair, and passed unanimously. Mr. HUME was received with loud cheers. Ha was not one of those who wished to countenance violence on any occasion; but he was one who wished to see men, when they professed independent principles, act up to their opinions, and prove the sincerity of their conviction, by advocating and maintaining them with all the powers that they had.--( llear, hear.) Tho Dissenters had failed to do so, and they had been trampled upon as they de served.--(Cheers.) lie had been, he said, much struak with one thing that had fallen from the gentleman who had proposed the first resolution, and he wishedito ask that gentleman whether he was certain that hecould be correct in what he had stated with respect to Lord John Russell and the part that Noble Lord was about to take on this seb ject? He had been present in the House of Commons and had heard what had fallen from the Noble Lord when he advocated the abolition of this oppressive tax—oppressive not so much in amount, but oppressive because it marked inferiority in one class and superiority in another. s --(1 - INtr, hear.) He was one of those who were opposed to the dos urination of the Church, for he held that every man in this country ought to be, and by the Constitution was, entitled to equality of civil rights. All men were entitled to have their religious feelings respected and their civil rights equally maintained. The man, then, who professed in sincerity and honesty his conscientious opinions should not be persecuted for so doing. The Dissenters proved that they were perfectly sincere, for lie knew that they sa crificed advantages which they might have had if they com plied with the Church forms. They did not do so, and that to him was a proof their sincerity. Let him not be told, then, that the Dissenters were not both honest and sincere. No proof could be stronger than a man maintaining his principles at the sacrifice of his private interests. Dis senters had, highly to their ho nour , a l wa y s d one so; f o r their . opinions they had sacrificed place, emolument, and high rank in society.--( Hear.) But then they had not done their duty, and he would tell them how. When Lord Althorp, from his sense of the injustice of the Church-rates, had risen in his place in the House of Commons to denounce them, and a motion was brought forward on the subject, Lord John Russell, he could say, made a speech on the occasion which showed the necessity that some measure should be passed which would remove this injustice. Lord Althorp certainly on that occasion proposed a measure, or rather the means of putting an end to the cause of these disturbances in every parish, and that once for all would remove this evil from the Dissenters. It might appear strange that, in an assembly like the present, he ( Mr. Hume) should rise up to say. that though the Dissenters did not, as we understood,-object to this plan, yet that he said that he never would consent that the Church- rates, even according to their present mode of collection, should be put an end to for the purpose of placing them on the consolidated funds of the country.—( Ilezr.) And before he left this subject, he wished to state that he moved an amendment to the effect that it was incumbent on the House, before they were warranted in placing this additional burden on the consolidated funds of the country, to look to the administration of the ample funds already in the possession of the Church. On this question going to a division, he was beaten by a majority of 130 ; but ho then told the Noble Lord that his next division would be better. He told him that ho would not give up his oppo sition unless the rates were to be removed from the Con solidated Fund and 'altogether from the Dissenters.— ( Cheers.) The Noble Lord took the counsel that had been given him, and never brought forward the proposi tion aga in. He only mentioned this for the purpose of begging them to look at the speeches that have been made on this occasion, and they would have no reason to quarrel wi'h the opinions that were given utterance to by Lord b A e l e t n h o t r h p e n a e n x d Lo t step r d John e f.Aiin i l s Z t u e s r s s e ? l But He w was asi l n ra d t tl h e e t a e t n n , bad refer to it because his friend near him had referred tt the :nro perty of the Church. Did not Lord John Russell, or, at least, Mr. Spring Rice, as the organ of the Govern ment, bring forward that which he called an excellent proposition, such as no honest man could object to—one that was just, and therefore one that ought to be carried ? He had said that there was a large amount of Church lands so managed that they could not be made available far the purposes of the Church. He took it that all property of the Church was public property, and where it was not administered as it ought to be, to that extent were the public interests injured. It was proposed, then, to take the Church lands as they now existed, and it was pro • posed to let them at the full value, as every other property was let, and it was shown that the excess would be six or seven hundred thousand a year, a sum amply sufficient to pay for Church-rates and all other demands similar to it. That, he said, was an honest proposition, and one that ought to have been adopted.—( Hear, hear.) First, it took away the corrupt administration of the property, and then, by a just administration of the same property, it afforded funds for the repairs of the edifices of the Establish ment, and freed the Dissenters from all demands for them. On a narrow division, it was discovered that other interests came in which checked and marred the proposition. Minis ters found they were unable to carry it. They then withdrew the measure altogether, and from that hour to the present no step had been taken on the part of the Government. After the opinions that had been expressed by Lord John Russell and Lord Althorp, he said to those assembled, do not blame them, but rather blame the [-louse of Commons as it is at present constituted. He had no hesitation in saying that as the House of Commons was at this moment constituted, Ministers could not do anything to aid the Dissenters. The people's Representatives, the people themselves. are to blame. He had no hesitation in saying that he cordially supported the resolution that had been put into his hand. it was this—" That the constitution and proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Courts are unworthy of an enlightened age, and incompatible with the due admi nistration of justice—hostile to the civil and religious liberty of the Dissenters ; and, therefore, that those tri bunals ought to be abolished, or to be confined in their ju risdiction to those who approve of that ecclesiastical po licy of which they are the guardians." He continued by saying, it must be evident that this and the preceding question formed one and the same subject ; out of the first arose the second, and he could scarcely make an ob tervation on the one that would not apply to both. He had that day visited their county gaol ; he had seen the victim of ecclesiastical persecution. He saw the, martyr to conscientious principle—the man who, whatever were now his sufferings, must hold up his head higher than be fore, however much and greatly he had been respected.— ( Hear.) It was only by such men that England had ever relieved herself from any oppresssion.—(Cheers.) The moment such an honourable individual as Mr. Baines arose in a country he changed the aspect of affairs altogether-- ( Haar.) His excellent and well-known friend, Jeremy Bentham, had said " the people never could get relief from a Government until they make the ruling few a little uneasy."--( Hear, hear.) When they showed that they were determined to have their rights, then those disposed to act unjustly would think it much better to give up a little than to lose a chance of all. A good leader was a good thing. and they had an excellent one. Here was the instance of a man who had given up all the comforts of his family, and who, for conscience sake, was for ten weeks confined within the prison walls.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame.") Wd3 not that sufficient to arouse their sympathy ? Ought it not to spread through the whole country? Ought it not to create unanimity, energy, and action in the whole Dissenting body ? When he found the Dissenters exceeded the number of Churchmen, be said that they ought at least to show that they were determined not to be plun dered in this way. He could only tall them what he him self intended to - do in June last with reference to the enor mous funds of the Established Church. His proposition with respect to those funds he did not think an unfair one. He found in May or June last that notwithstanding the immense income of the Established Church, a proposition was to be made to the Commons, calling upon them to vote away two or three millions for the purpose of build ing churches for the Establishment.—( Hear, hear.) A more impudent demand he never knew of, nor did he be lieve it possible that such a demand could be made. It was to the credit of the Tories—and as he had not many things to tell to their credit he might as well mention this —(Laughter)—that when Sir Robert Inglis's motion came on, the Tories were so much ashamed of it, that they would not allow him to make a House. But he had anticipated the debate, for he had stated, if it came on, he would meet it with a counter proposition. What he meant to have proposed was this :—Upon the discussion of Sir Robert Inglis'a motion, that instead of the members of the Esta blished Church taking Church-rates from the Dissenters, they (the Dissenters), being half of the population, ought to come in at once and claim the half of the Church pro perty from the Establishment.—(Cheers and laughter.) He meant to say that, by right and by law, they could do tile, and there would be a difficulty in showing otherwise. He said that the Dissenters were more than half of the population—that they were as sixteen million to eleven, including Dissenters of all kinds; but that, taking them at one-half, the Dissenters, instead of agreeing to pay Church-rates, they ought to come in and make their representatives alter the law, and take the kalf of the pro perty from the Church.—(Cheers, and laughter.) But when he proposed it he meant to do something further than that ; he meant to say to the Dissenters, " By your principles you cannot take one farthing of this fund, I therefore call upon you to give it to me, and I will reduce taxes to that amount."—(Cheers.) He was sure that this was an honest proposition—he was sure it was a just pro position, and, being both honest and just, why should they not have it ? In the first place, he could tell them they would not have it until they asked for it, and until they made a point to have it.—( Haar, hear, hear.) They must make the voice cf the people be beard. They must let it be known what it was they were determined upon : that they would not be directed by a Bishop of Exe ter, or any other who seemed to think that he was to rule them as a Lord, and they were to be but his crea tures. For, as long as they were foolishand weak enough to submit to this, they could get nothing. and they might expect nothing. He now came back to the point of the constitution of the House of Commons. As long as it continued this impost would be continued ; and therefore those who elected men to vote for Church -rates, deserved to pay them. He was quite satisfied that the imprison meet of Mr. Baines, following fast as h did upon that of John Thorogood, must arouse the public feeling on this subject. It might lead to fill their gaols with Baineses and Thorogoods. Did it but do so, they would soon see the effect of the excitement. He recommended to them above all things unanimity in their proceedings. Let there be that and perseverance, and they must succeed. Any man who looked at the Ecclesiastical Courts must be convinced that during many years they had inflicted the greatest injury on the community. Let them look for instance at this very case of Mr. Baines, where the original demand was 21. 55., and where, because he did not choose to violate his conscience, the expense was increased to 125/ —( Hear.) A bill to that amount was actually run up against him. It was only necessary to state such a proceeding to excite em u u se the horror of every sound - thinking and consciemtious man. There was, he must say, a hope that the Ecclesiastical Courts must be put down, he said they must, it had been made would be kept, for he had agreed to a Bill, a compact that powermost i n some unwillingly 3 , that species of power which he would object to give to men in any situa tion. But he assented to it because he was told, that un less he agreed to the Bill in that form, it would not be accepted in another place, a place so sacred that it was never named by them, but where certain individ ua l s sa t as if behind a curtain, concealed from their v i ew , an d ye t to re he respects cts to admitted,byhe Bishop 3, g a y e uncontrolled whose wishes they were obliged to accede. He then had been told that unless he consen'ed to the proposition he had before mentioned there was no chance for the removal of the Ecclesiastical Courts. lie did hope, then, to see these Courts removed. He had never heard one man in the House of Commons defend them. It was to the credit of the House of Commons that none could be found to do so ; and, therefore, in the next Session he expected to see them annulled, if not entirely changed. Mr. EasTuore, who was received with loud cheers, could assure the meeting that he approached this question with usual anxiety. The first question they had to ask themselves, with respect to the impost of Church-rates, and with respect to the imprisonment of Mr. Baines, was one always asked by men when they saw a fellow-being enduring hardship—was it justice ? What was the answer to that question ? The answer to it was to be found (as it had been already stated by his Honourable Friend) in the speeches of Lord Spencer, who declared in the House of Commons that it was an impost which no man at the present day could defend, and to be regarded as a great grievance upon conscience, He appealed for his next answer to the same, question to the emphatic language of Lord Jehe Russell; and no man could be more explicit than the Noble Lord upon the point : and last, though not least, he appealed to Lord Stanley, who repudiated Church-rates as unseemly, impolitic and unjust.—(Cheers.) Were they, then, to reason as though it were difficult or needful to prove Church. rates unjust in Leicester ? Were they to do this when they saw one known by them all—respected by them all— moat worthy of the respect he received—yet incarcerated within their prison walls, because he could not, by reason of his conscience—not because he could notif he would —no, but because his conscience told him he ought not, and therefore cot.ld not sanction the impost ?—( Cheers.) Could it, then, appear to the men of England that this impost was just—that at the present time, when, proud of their liberty, they boasted of superiority over all the world, a man—an Englishman —should be so burdened, so op pressed that, for his conscientious feelings, his person should be incarcerated, his family exposed to difficulty, his business injured, his happiness blasted—and this be. causo he would not contribute to a Church in the possession of vast wealth, from which he conscientiously dissented ; a Church that could not require this pecuniary support if it did not persist in the gross mad-administration of its im mense property ?—( Hear.) No ; this was one of those unjust inflictions for which no excuse could be found, arid no palliation devised. L was injustice accompanied by the most bungling mismanagement. It was in justice aggravated by the greatest improvidence that ever was permitted to exist in a highly civilized community. (Cheers.) He was sure that the next question they would ask themselves, as practical men, was, what was to be done to remove the glievance ? They sh ould not g o about this matte r with angry feelings ; but let their exer tions be marked as much by mildness as by firmness, and regulated equally by good temper as by determined per severance, so that the plans and the manner of working them out should be those best calculated to remove the abuses.—( Hear, hear.) He must now soy that, in some of the observations that had been made by his friend who opened the business of the meeting, he did not coincide. He did not think, with his reverend friend, that the mem. hers of the Established Church generally cherished its abuses in the manner imputed to them by his friend. They did not support an abuse because they liked it ; to a great extent they we re i gnorant o f t h e abuse. Might it not be said that the Dissenters had not represented and ex- posed the abuse as they ought to have done ? The fact was, that ther e was not unanimity amongst even the Dissenters themselves—(HeAr, hear) —and consequently there was not that determination exhibited by them which I was worthy of the occasion.—( Hear, hear.) They had been told by Mr. Hume that there was a gross mismanage. rn-Tit of Giereb property. Call, then, upon the members of The Established Church fur a proper and careful manage- . mereof their property, and prove to them that there couid not even be a pretext for the demand for Church-rates, and ali the oppressions . consequent upon t h e i r c o llection, anal then justice will —must, gain ..or yon numerous friends amoilgit the memb:_ , rs of the Est4blished Church. Some of Coe Dissenters were not sati,fied with relief for them. selves, or anything short of the entire abolition of Church. In this he thought they were wrong. IF the Cottrell r solved to rAte its own members, Dissenters should be sa ti,,fied with being themselves exempted. Was it, he asked, to be borne that in the name of religion such contests were tc be fostered in this country as were produced by the annual demand for Church-rates? —that men, who might otherwise live in love and happiness together, should b.- marked out for conflict with each other as Church- men and Dissenters ?—( Hear, hear.) Let the grievance be properly exposed, and not only would the Church of England men aid them, but every honest and enligh tened man of all sects would tender to them his as si,tance,and all would soon exclaim with them that Church rates an impost disgraceful to the age, their enforce nimt a calamity to the country, a nuisance not longer to be endured.—( Loud cheers. ) The second proposition in the resolution referred to the abolition of the miscalled Christian" Courts. In his opinion they might be more truly designated courts of persecution ; for they were any tiling but " Christian," especially if one looked to the keavery employed in some of them.—( Hear.) Let thN-n, fnr instance, observe the case of Sarah Young, who had been unjustly and illegally imprisoned, and who was now turned out of her cell, when the public eye was directed to those who perpetrated the injustice against her, and when public indignation was prepared to punish them.— ( Hear.) Mr. STEELE as a member of the Church of England considered it a matter of principle to express his dissent from the doctrine of their excellent and respected repre sentative, Mr. Easthope, when he controverted the po sition laid down by the Rev. Gentleman who opened the discussion of the evening. He could not but affirm that the Protestants did actually cherish the abuses, by not re sisting them.—( Cheers.) He did not think that the Pro testants should throw upon the Dissenters the onus of uniting among themselves in order to the selection of some fixed plan of operation, before the Protestants ex erted themselves to endeavour to obtain for them the justice to which they were entitled ; on the very contrary, it behoved those who were already united as a body, and with the strength derived from that union, to exert every energy of their nature to di.serer from Protest antism the disgrace of being accessary to this robbery ; he said robbery, and robbery of the worst kind ; for what robbery could be more iniquitous that that plun der derived from amercing a man for his conschaiitiers reli gious opinions, when religion should b.: nothing else than an ethereal communion of spirit between a man's own soul with his God ?—( Cheers.) He was a mere private gen!le man of Ireland, of studious and meditative habits, a mem ber of the senate of the University of Cambridge; but, as • it had barn his auspicious destiny to take avery active part in the conflict for the religious liberty of his oppressed Catholic brethren, he thought it highly appropriate to the pr , ,sent occasion that he should state to the people of Lei cester that the Irish Catholics, during their struggle for their own religious liberty, no less than four times peti tioned the Imperial Legislature for the freedom of con science of the English Protestant Dissenters; and it waa by the mighty man who was just now about to address (hens on toe subject of Mr. Baines's martyrdom that those petitions were drawn and proposed for adoption.— (Cheers. ) Rev. C. BURY perfectly concurred in the sentiments contained in the resolution, both as to the character and abuses of the ecclesiastical courts. lie was glad to learn from Mr. flume that the Government intended to take up this subject. As there were in that assembly many mem of the Established Church, he would say to them that begged of them to observe the signs of the time s , to 10.,k to what was taking place there, for they must see that unless the Establishment be quickly reformed, the Church Inuit and ought to be overwhelmed and destroyed.— (Cheers.) Though a Dissenter from the Church, he said teat with a searching reform, it might be a great blessing, while without it, it was—a very great evil at least.— , ( ILnr and laughter- ) The resolution was then carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN had now to announce that the emanci pitor of his country, and the friend of every shade and co lour of the human race, was about to move the next tics°. I Lc ion. Mr. O'CoNNELL bete presented himself amidst enthusi astic chews from all parts of the meeting, and said, the resolution committed to his care ran thus :—" That this meeting has seen, with heartfelt regret. Mr. William Baines, a man wha in the private and public walks of life has secured the regard and esteem of all who have known him, tore. from his home for his conscientious recusaney in the matter of Church-rates, and incarcerated in a gaol by the authority of the Ecclesiastical Court; that, while it expresses its deep sympathy with him in his manifold pri vations, it must at the same time declare its stern condem nation of the system of which he is the victim ; and feeling, that in his person an indignity has been off ered to every Dissenter in these realms, as well as an outrage perpetrated against the spirit of the age, it trusts that there will be made, not only from the town of Leicester, but from every part of the kingdom, such an appeal to the Parliament and the Throne, as shall not only secure the immediate libe ration of Mr. Baines, but effectually prevent the recurrence of such disreputable proceedings." That resolution, he observed, is a speech in itself, and required no advocacy.— ( Laughter.) H was glad of it, for his advocacy was so identified with himself, that he became liable to the censure if the proverb which sad that every man who was his own counsel had a fool for his client.—( Laughter. ) The whole tenor of his life had been identified with the principles of civil and religious liberty, and when, for the first time, he that day beheld Mr. Baines within the precincts of the common gaol, he was delighted to find that the man who bad offered himself a marts r in the cause of freedom of conscience was unpretending, simple, unsophistica:ed, mild, and gentle in his demeanour; who made in his oe n case no boast, and who set it off with no exaggeration, but still one ready, manfully and boldly rather to sacrifiee his life than to yield one atom of the principle for which he was contending.—( Cheers. ) It was by men of this de. seription that every battle for British liberty had been won. It was not the paltry 2s. 61. that Hampden had been called upon and refused to pay, that necessarily created the civil war, and that foolishly and wickedly terminated in the death of the Monarch, for surely it would have been sufficient to have banished him from the country for ever. No—it was not the paltry consideration of money, it was the mighty principle of British liberty that was in volved—it was that which led H impden to oppose him self to the exaction, that made him ready to forfeit his life, and which life he ultimately did forfeit, in contending for freedom..--(Cheers.) He thought that Mr. &tines was acting on the same nrinciple, he was participat ing in the same suffe,ings ; but he trusted they would have a different and less disastrous consequence, while he equally contributed to the triumph of the principle of free dom of conscience.—( Cheers.) He himself had been the advocate of the principle perpetually in the sis.er-coun try ; he had never placed the claims of the Catholics upon any other ground than this—that conscience ought to be fret ; that it was a crime to interfere with a man's creed ; that it was a crime if it were attacked by force or !ram!, or that its profession should bring with it any limitation of civil reghts. That principle had been triumphant in their ernai.cipation, but at all times they were ready to struggle fir others ; and, as it had been truly stated by his friend, they had four times petitioned in favour of the Protestant D'ssenters of England. The emancipation of die Dis senters had immediately followed a petition which he had tile honour of drawing up, and which was signed by 100,000 persons.—( Loud cheers.) To him, then, it was a matter familiar as household words to find himself the advocate of liberty of conscience, and without which that other cannot exist—the voluntary principle for the suste nance of religion. If there be net religious feeling enough to sustain and support the pastor, it is a proof they do not want him. If they have not enough of reli gion to support a, pastor, it shows that he does not teach them enough of religion to induce them to do so; the evi dence that the pastor is not supported is a proof that he is not wanted. He was for supporting the voluntary prin ciple, because it would put an end to the dominion, the power and tyranny of the Established Church. He spoke of the abstract principle and the principle of freedom of conscience, which would leave men to worship their Cod in the manner and form most suited to satisfy the Deity. Hear, hear.) He objected to the persecution of Mr. Bainee upon other grounds than the infringement of con science, as contrary to common sense and common ho nesty, Mr. Baines was a Dissenter ; why should he pay money to the Established Church ? Ho did not get value from the clergy of the Established Church. The clergy did not pray for him, why should he pay them? Nothing but in justice could require of him to pay for them.—( Hear, hear.) If one of these who owned a worsted factory in that town, and when his men came on Saturday night to be paid, went to a neighbour and said, " Pay these people, they have been employed by me ; they have worked ex ccedifigly well ; do you pay them"—(Laughter)--the neiglibeur, if a surly person, might be very angry with him who made such a demand ; if a merry fellow, he might laugh at him ; and if a malicious individual, he might say, " Why, my Heaven I is not a commission of lunacy taken out against my neighbour ?"—( Laughter.) If, then, the thing were unjust six days in the week, did it become more rational or proper because it is applied to the Sunday ? The parsons said, " Here is my factory on a Sunday; I work in it, and do you, Mr. Baines, pay me." The reply of Mr. Baines was obvious:—" I have a little factory of my own, arid do you call on those for whom you work, but it is dishonest and knavish of you to ask for pay ment from me, who get no value from you."—( Hear.) Suppose a man employed a tailor, why should another pay for him ? He did not see more sense in paying another man's tailor than in paying another man's parson. Supposing he were sick, and sent for a physician, should he call upon his pour neighbour to pay for his physician ? The neighbour might say, " Pay him who has cured you." And he did not see why there should be a differ ence made between hitsi who cured the body and he who cured the soul. Bath should be paid by those only who wanted them. Whoever wanted the doctor, he said, let that man pay him. That was the principle of common 1 sense and common honesty.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He knew one thing that was said on this subject, that if there was not c.mpulsory payment, there would be no establishment for the education of the poor. Let no nian tell him that, for if he did so, he would immedi ately point to the country tom which he came. He said that it was not necessary that a single shilling should be enforced for the payment of clergy.—( Hear. ) His Hon. Friend had told him of a particular period, when the ecclesiastical property was distributed in a manner dif ferent from the present. At that time the funds were allocated to several purposes, one for the support of the poor, another for the maintenance of the church, and the remaining portion for the elergymen. Up to the period of the Reformation, it could not be found that a person was irenvieoned for not contributing to the support of the clerey. It was a modern invention, and it was a coed one. ii was manifest that it was not in the spirit of the Criureli to be thus connected with the State, and to have the arm of the law to enforce those payments. Ho came back to Ireland, and he showed that the. priests of thu people were well supported without any compulsory ex action. He was not there to state how the population A . his country had been reduced to starvation and b, glary. There ►were other opportunities for discussing that sub ject, and he was nothing loth. to avail himself of them. It v. as a poor country, but aid the people want taxation, or law, or imprisonment to support their hierarchy ? No. They supported four Archbishops, twenty-three Bishops, one thousand Deans and dignitaries, three thousand vicars end curates in all the necessary comforts of life. • This they did, though the law gave them no power of imprisonment, and they had no 13ainses in gaol for not supporting them. —( Cheers.) The example given by Ireland ought to be followed by England. He begged of them not to disdain the country; they might not have lauded it, but it bad stood by them in their moments of difficulty.--( Hear.) There was a sentiment attributed to Prince Albert, which he trusted had been uttered by him. It was, that an Eng lishman could do that which any other man on the face of the earth had done. Now, he said to them to mark him— he said to the Protestant Dissenters of England that they had no Church-rates in Ireland ; and he, an humble indi vidual as he was, had taken part in their abolition. He said to them, that which others were able to do they wore able to do. Let them, then, have a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether. Let Englishmen have the advantage which Ireland had—let them take off all taxes and payments towards the wealthy Established Church to which they conscientiously objected—let them tell members of the Established Church to manage their own funds more thrif tily, so as to enable them to pay their Church-rates them selves.—( Hoar.) He was so strong an advocate for the vo luntary principle, that if the wealth of the Church were to be divided amongst Dissenters, nothing would induce him to consent that the Church to which he belonged should be en dowed with any porLion of wealth by the State. Rather would he see the renewal of the penal code than the cccle• siastical revenues handed over to his Church. The way to make pastors indifferent was to make them rich. It was creating bad workmen to pay them too highly. When they made a clergyman too rich, they made him love the mammon of this world, and this caused him to forget his duty to his God. The period of society was come when the great principle ought to be adopted, that religion was too sound a thing to be mixed up with the paltry politics of this world. They saw what effect the connection had now. They saw clergymen engaged in the strife of politics. In his opinion, the only time when a clergyman was justified in becoming a politician was, when persecu tion came home to his flock. But what did they see in this country ?—(Hear, hear.) He would pronounce no calumny against them, for he knew there were many ex cellent men amongst them ; but then, how many clerey men did they see in the enjoyment of the State revenues and in the pos3ession of wealth and every luxury, busily engaged in attending Conservative dinners, and calling.; for their songs of a " jolly full bottle"—( Laughter) , . . . . . . _ - - —joining in pslrtical toasts applauding persecuting sentiments, and then retiring to their homes to become the ardent canvassers, and the intimidators of voters.—( Hear, hear.) How, he asked, could Englkhmen consent to these things—how submit to see clergymen so conduct them selves, instead of leading their flecks to " pleasant waters," and then, as in Ireland, the gratitude of their flocks would suffice for all their wants. He was glad of this meeting, he was delighted at the opportunity it afforded to him by Mr. Baines for discussing this question. They had heard it particularly well discussed by the opening speech of that night, which was one that smacked well of independence —( Hear, hear)—and if there were some things too bitter and too sarcastic in it, let them blame themselves who had put Mr. Baines into prison.—(Cheers.) Could not, he asked, the persons who laid on this rate go about amongst themselves, and say, " Hero is a conscientious man—here is a just man in all the relations of life —a respected neighbour—a man incapable of feigning, and is it right to imprison this men because he thinks it his duty to his God not to contribute to error."—( Cheers.) And let hint now ask, could there be liberty of con science if a man were forced to pay for the sweport of a religion that he believed to be erroneous 1—( ileer, hear.) This was the case of every man who did not be long to the Establishment. It would be the case of those very men who now persecuted if an Act of Parliament were to change the religion from that which was now pro fessed by the members of the Church.—( Hear.) tic did not say that Christians were not bound to the susteutation voluntarily of the church of others. Let it be voluntary, and he said they ought to contribute. He said that vvlreo men differed in their worship from his own, he ought to afford them the means of k!eping them from the incle mency of the season ; he ought to afford to them that as sistance, and then say to them, " Commune with your God as you please."—(Cheers.) He did not quote him self; but he might say, with his humble means, a Pro testant Dissenter had never applied to him for the means to cover his church with a roof that he had ever refused his mite, or ever would.—(Cheers.) Bat such a case did not apply to the plunder collected by the State to be handed over to the Church. He trusted they would pardon his zeal in denouncing such a system. What rancour did it not produce amongst fellow Christians? What hatred did it not stir up between man and man ? What animosities did it not engender amongst those who professed to worship the God of love and of charity?—(Cheers.) Every foul and unchristian feeling was gathered together by thie vio lation of the first principles of Christianity.—( Hear, hear ) All, all arose from the contemptible squabble about pro perty. It was a Church-rate that was sought, it was money, money, money, that the quarrel was for._ (Cheers. ) He remembered reading somewhere in Irelend of a gentleman who was complaining of the rancour and animosity which was shown with respect to the collection of money for the Church, and he accounted for it by a ditty which ran some way in this mariner : " A little eld woman and 1 fell out, And what do you think it was all about? She had money, and I had none, And that was the way the quarrel begun." —( Laughter.) Where there was no money the Church had no quarrel. In Germ my it often happened that dif. ferent forms of religious worship were carried on in the same Church. But, then, in Germany there was no question about money. In America the Dissenters lived in harmony with the members of the Anglican Church ; hut the latter there could demand no rates from them. It was money that made the quarrel—it was the 2/. ss. to be extorted from Baines—(Cheers)—it was the source of these satanic persecutions—it was what made religion disregarded by scoffers and infidels.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Let it not, however, be supposed, when he spoke of the voluntary principle that he preached at all the doctrine of indifferentism, God forbid! for his thorough conviction was that nothing was of such awful importance as the right and true religion. There wes nothing on this side of the grave that he thought a man should be so anxi ous, so sincere, and so cautious in adopting, as the proper form of religion ; but the liberty that he claimed for him self for worshipping the God who would judge hint, he equally asserted for other Christians. They were the er rants of another toaster, and he would not dare to judge them.—( Hear, hear.) He heard that these who had formed the Church-rate had obtained a private Act of Par liament, by which they might overrule the decision of a vestry. They must have thought themselves exceedingly dextrous. It might be fancied their saying, that they had the Dissenters now, and that if they refused the rate there wag the mandamus to the Queen's Bench ; and as they were going to their prayers it might be supposed how they chuckled over the seizure of Mr. Baines.—( Cheers.) And yet it would in them have been more prudent and more wise to have acted otherwise, toey would have acted more rationally if they bad been more moderate. It would have been better for them to have done so, than to have aroused the epirit that now animated the people of Leicester. Teat ! spirit, he trusted, would spread from the Land's-end to the most northern point of Scotland. And he could say to them, that the moment they raised the shout here, though his countrymen were no longer engereerl in the fray, they should have the friendly assistan e of Ireland.— ( Cheers.) He made no vain boast. Th• should be aided by petitions ; petition should come to them after petition. They had long heard the cry of " justice for Ireland"—they ought now, too, to cry out " justice for England"—( Cheers.) Why, he asked. ought not they to get rid of Church-rates in England ? They had rid them selves of Church-rates in Ireland, and were not English men as god as Irishmen any day ?—(Cheers end laughter.) And yet, if he were not guilty of vanity :bat amounted almnst to puerility, lie would say that, in one respect, Englishmen bad not shown themselves as goo.] as Irishmen. Henry the Eighth had burned at the same stake Catholics and Protestants—no, he was wrong in that re spect, he had allotted the Catholics and Protestants a stake each. Edward the Sixth had sent to the same stake those wile had differed from his Ministers and in. structors. Mary had burned Protestants. Elizabeth had a long reign of revenge upon the Catholics; but this also oughr to he remembered, that by her no less than three Unitarians were burned at the same fire in London. [low little did they know of what was the conduct of Ireland during that period. Why should he not tell it to them? Why ought they not to be attached as much as possible to each other by their national virrues ; and why should there not be a generous struggle to see which had acted most humanely, most Christian-like, most ready to exhibit charity in every relati m of life—to worship Ged in the true spirit of Christians—with forbearance towsrds one another.—( Hear.) Let it not be supposed that he meant to say that there was a more charitable or a more benevolent country than England. If he did, its multi tudinous charities would give the lie direct to the assertion. But this he bad to say of Ireland ; three times since the Reformation bad the Catholics been in power there, and they had never persecuted their fellow Christians. lie had the documents. to prove this. It came from a Pro testant historian ; and it was thus he described the reign of Queen Mary, in Ireland. He says : " The restoration of the old religion was effected without violence. No persecution of the Protestants was attempted, and several of the English. who fled from the furious zeal of Mary's inquisitors, found a safe retreat amongst the Catholics of Ireland."—( Hear ) When, he said, they recollected how much the English press was then engaged in exciting the hateful spirit of bigotry in England against the Roman Catholics, he asked them if it was not fair in him thus to bring forward Protestant testimony in favour of his countrymen ?—( Cheer s. ) The wrier next observed, " it is bur justice to this maligned body to add. that on the three occasions of their obtaining the upper hand they never injured a single person in life or limb for professing a religion different from their own."— ' ( Hear.) Anybody who chose would find the passage he quoted in " Taylor's History of the Civil Wars in Ireland." It was in the second volume, page 169. At the p er i o d to which tine historian referred, the trade of Ireland eon. tcred in Bristol, and the Corporation of Dublin, being Ca tholic, opened seventy-four houses for their Bristol cor. respondents, fed them, clothed them, took care of them, and at the end of that period sent them home in safety.— (Hear.) He had been oft,* tau' ted by others, who said that he was more liberal than Catholics generally were, or than their religion permitted them to be. His answer was, he could not afford to be more liberal than his religion allowed. As a Cetholie he claimed religious liberty for all, and was ready to extend it to all. The man who persecuted others for their religious opinione, proved his own insincerity. lie showed that he was opPczed to his own belief, when he took up the musket or resorted to the penalties of the law to uphold MORN 114C+ ED l'n.ON Ilow it delighted hire that they bad :e it Mr. Baines to prison—how pleasant it was to bin to rra Englishmen as brothers in this spirit—how pleassiit it ;ass to him, that he was thus called upon to scatter to the ssir"' the calumnies that had been put fcrth against those of it a creed.—( Hear, hear.) As to the great organs of tl'e Conservatives, they were filled, page upon page, and dos' after day, in villif s ing aid casting every dishonour up"n the clergy and the people of Ireland—in denouncing the , first as " surpliced ruffians," for such was the term appliati to their clergy ; while the others were branded as " tit squalid mob of murderers."—(Heer, hear.) Was it wise —was it right—that, as Christians, this warfare should he carried on ?—that such terms should be applied to these who had ever been so useful to En, ' land ? That the debt arm that had nevet failed her in the day of her redcisst battles should be palsied by a spirit of calumny, and t'at faction should claim as an element of power the psiarts plc of hatred and aeimosity against Ireland.__( Loud cheers.) He felt that he had wandered, but he could not help it. He was there upon the occasion of the assertion of the great principle of freedom of coneeience. He , x"' there to assert that the strife was in every way justifiable:—(Loud cheers.) lie called, thou, upon tit"' to assist themselves. If they faltered—if they wen''afraid, the Government could not as s ist th e m.—(Hear.) The Government was pressed upon as much as they were' There was only one thing in which he differed from the first speaker. He must be allowed to say that he thought that gentleman had cast too much blame upon the Go- vernment. They were the Government, but they bad net power. Their enemies and the enemies of the Dissen;ess were the same. He did not mean to say, that if the vernrnent had the power they would do all that they ought. He believed that they would not. But then it would be wrong in the Dissenters, because the Government did not give them the support they required, to place themselve s in the power of their enemies. Paddy, he could tell them , was more shrewd than that, far when he was asked, why he voted for the Whigs, when he knew the 'Whigs did no ge l far enough for him ; and that he was aware that they isoelu not assist him in obtaining his privileges? Paddy said he knew that was very true, but still he voted for them on principle—on the same principle that he acted when a pane of glass was broken in his cabin wiadota, and he could get no glazier to mend it—he then slipped an old hat into it, net. said Paddy, to let in the light, but to keep out the celds —( Laughter.) It was upon the same principle he voted for the Ministerial candidate—not so much to keep in the, Ministry as to keep out the Tories.—( Laughter gn u cheers.) That, too, was his principle of action ; beesuh, when these two things wer e bef o r e him—the bad s e° worse—he always preferred the bad to the worse.'" (Laughter.) When, too, he hat to select between 0 ° smallest good and the very bad, his choice would be t° take the smallest good, and to fight off the very bed, as long as he could,—(Cheers.) He called, then, upon the Dissenters to rally together. He said to them, let no te an apologize to him for havi n g b roug ht hi m t h ere. He felt it to be a great compliment to have been invited. When' then, he spoke to them in the language of advice, let tbew not suppose that he meant anything in the way of taunt or reproach. Ile, said, however, it would be wrong is them to have called that meeting—it would be wrung in them to permit Mr. Baines to be in gaol; for he Me at have hopes—all this would go wrong if th e y did ne , immediately agitate, agitate, agitate,—( Cheers.) Le them get up the steam everywheie.—(Cheers.) irelo would reply to them. It would act as a little backing engine.—(Cheers.) Let no man tell him that he col` not do much, when there was no mast in that meeting more insignificant than himself, lie had, front bit mere son of a private gentleman—succes s ful, to u t sure, in his profession—.risen to:the degree of in fl uence th a t he could not but be conscious lie possessed; and this, a c by talent, but by his pers ev eri ng exer ti ons —by his neV ei, sleeping over a grievance.—(Cheers.) lie said, fur lei stance, to their first speaker, that lie had incurred a r e a . obligation to his kind, his c l ass , an d hi s cree d ; that P' was bound not to content himself with empty boasting' not to be satisfied with a re p or t o f Li s speech in Let newspapers, which might b e t a lk e d o f f or a wee k; r pt he was bound to act—act—act.—( Loud cheers.) i ' 4 o them, he said, agitate in ev e ry t own , an d, if p os sible, 1 , every county. Scotland would assist them—lreland 1 'at their service whenever they wished.—(Cheers.) Cheers. ) he said, Mr. Bsines be the last man in England isoP r h "; coned for Church-rates. Lot th e na m e o f M r . Baine s ! • engraven on the town-hail, with thi s i nscr ipti o n, " ers is the last victim of religious persecution."—(Cheeri i i, Let them, he said, show themalves worthy o f being / countrymen of M. Baines.—( Hear.) Th e y had to glorious cause to contend for—they had a noble 'victim e , persecution- •to vindicate—they had th e p r i nc iple of r ligious feeling to uphold--they who had these inn ite t merits to energy hid trodden d own th e i ron l or d s o f fol i , days—let them not shrink b e f ore th e s ilk en l or d s and t petticoat bishops of the pitesent day.--( Cheers.) The Rev. Mr. Mu tt SELL , i n secon di ng the resoln ti t i ; observed that he had on ly t o urge t h em t o follow out t o , advice that had been given to them by the Honourable4, Learned Gentleman who had thus addressed them. d id Dissenters, he said, never would vote for any man wbo to not support the equality of civil rights, without relig i° 9o , distinction. It had, he heard, been said that such rC is , lotion would embarrass the Ministry; but he might rer w e r ; that which was good for the goose was good for the ga t ig, and that the Ministry bad too ling embarrassed the setters. It was his opinion that if the Tories were to cor o into power, an united people would turn them out, alid s them lower than they had been before. The resolution passed unanimously. l' The Rev. GEORGE LEGG moved the adoption of the f a lowing petition : • " The humble Petition of the undersigned inhabitan t Leicester, of our Petitio ne r s cons id er t h e levying.d " Sho,A-eth,—That 'hittin-ti%olabjeestay'sgrsiZeucsts wrong innic tL u C i h ,o u n rc a h l - a r r a g t , e , s p i , n ,rti l o : n n g ; e' Ith heavy and unequal burdens on those who, at their own ea rto provide f:,r the untintenance of places of worship, an d for t o ll o , religious instruction which their own sincere and honest cof victions appr ove ; an d th a t th e i r exact i on i nva d es the tigh ts conscience and the freedom of religious opinion. s "T n hat your petitioners regard the Ecclesiastical Cou rt ei r which that impost in sever..l in s tances ha s been recent l y , forced, as incowatib:e with the due administration of i n ? t sco t ' and hostile to the civil a id religious liberties of all who from the Church as estabiislicilbv law. "'Fat your petitioners have been deeply grieved and I 00 4 nant at the incarceration ol one of her Majesty's best an d co s , loyal subjects, Mr William Baines of this town, for b it scientious refusal to pay a Church-i ate, by a ‘srit obtain' thecclesiastical ourt. r " That your petitioners, therefore, earnestly pray Y° u : „fie nourahle House immediately to adopt such measures as it' for (loin may dictate, for the entire extinction of Church-rate,,_;beir the abolition of Ecclesiastical Courts, or the restraint o f r .at jurisdiction to the members of the Church, or such matt" of concern not the conscience ; and for the immediate liberal to Mr. Baines, believing that such mea s u res w ill put an a ge those bitter strifes and feuds that because of these thing ce to tate and distress her :\lajesty's subjects, and greatly . cole the strength of the nation and the prosperity of religion., fle (Loud cheers followed the reading of th e p e tition./ o il wished, he said, that the spirit thi.t actuated the In e t e t is could find its way iato St. Stephen's. He knew t So d would be borne there by their excellent representati ve 'l i oi by his own countryman (Mr. Plume), at whose el ec for Aberdeen he had shouted when a boy ; and by apj individual whose eloquence still echoed in their e 2 r s ',ber would long live in their hearts.—( Cheers.) Many ti tiJ were who said to him that the Church was in dange r ' t he his reply to them was. that it was in danger, not Dissenters, hut from Churchmen themselves.—(Be ar ' t hat Mr. Misx, in seconding the resolution, observ e u i dal Mr. Jolly and Mr. I3erridge, who eau ed that de li g,, te r) meeting, were entitled to their gratitude.—(Laug - n ts' No town had more reason to be proud of its rcpi csc oill tives than Leicester. So said Mr. O'Connell, alai i ° he.—( [fear, and cheers.) v ett It was moved and carried unanimf uslv, " That th e o. tion be adopted, signed, and presented to the / 14 : - , 0 0 0 Lords by Lord Bro - .lgliam, and to the House of Cos n ';(0 ( by J. Easthope, Esq., and \V. Ellis, Esq., Mernhc r the borough." i° The Rev. Mr. MeasaLt rropo - ed a vote of tha n uo " 0 , q Mr. Easthope, Mr. Ellis, M . r. O'Connell, Alderman ELLIS seconded the resolmion which P $ unanimously. ud Mr. Easthope, Mr. Wy nn Elli s, Mr. O'Connell, Mr. flume severally returned thankc. Wh ich Thanks wera then proposed to the Chairman , . SC were passed by acclamation, after which tlle m.,eu t/ g' parated. SHIPPING INTELLIGfiNCI:o (LLOYD'S.) os LoNnos, JAN. 23.—1 t commenced b10....ing very fr ii ,!,,oo l , Saturday at abo u t 9 p. m . from the northward, and cor l ' greater part of the n i g ht, w h en 4 veered to the northwa ta' „, 0 0! westward with light rain, but cleared up early yesterday ce ing, with every appearance of a fine day, until 12 at noon, 0 4, dark heavy mass of clouds came hurrying from the nertilo and suddenly broke with terrific violence into a heavy s c l u d deol wind and snow, which lasted ten minutes, when it as 2° ;1 1 31 cleared up, and the remainder of the day was tine, with a , e rf, frost, until about 4 30 p.m., when it commenced b10wi4.,,,je0 fresh, with heavy squalls, from the northward, and el tj a - tetl . with occasional lulls until near midnight, when it au' el i•rro i l Wind this day at noon, light westerly breeze and fine weather. NI DEAL, JAN. 23.—Wind N. \V., mo d era t e , 24, N. fre.sh breeze.— Arrived the Florence, Davis, Madeira; tit de Lannog, Pitt, Gambia. Sailed the outward bound. o f GUERNSEY, JAN. 22.—Several casks of butter havoc on shore during the last day or two. fr° ll Jimmie, JAN. 22.—Arrived the Maria Jane, Kell'' , Prince Edward's Island. „ MILFORD, JAN. 22.—The Hawk, Harris, got c- f e rit' with the Che s t er , 20th i ns t., i n th e haven, and lost W l ' &c., and the fot suet stanchions, bulwarks, 8:c. CLYDE, JAN. 22.• —Arrived the Hectorina, Derae iz ioP Gipsey, Gowan, Newfoundland. S a il e d th e Matthew Smith, Barbadoes. Wall:ea - on f o, JAN. 2l.—Arrived the Eliza, Bellordr r°° Taganrog. idg er CORK, JAN. 22.—Arrived the M ar y B roc k, llonduras. 11/ LIVERPOOL., JAN. 23.—Wi n d N. W. 24, W., 1 ! . , c- atll e Arrived the Colombus, G reene , t rom Pernambuco--` k 24th ult. ; Lady Leitrim, Clements, Cayenne, has li e , o ls l shore on Dover Point ; John Francis, Demerara ; Cole, Honduras ; Siddaus, Cobb, New York ; Jane A u "jah ° St. John's, New Brunswick ; Hero, Wickham, Faval ‘ i, Campbell, White, Bombay—sailed Stli October, and "" b " o ci" lena 17th ult. ; Heref or d, C a l cutta ; Ch es hi re, 'Perna l loo t ' Phillips, Stott, Arica—sailed 7th October ; Daniel re`" .re Minty, Valpar a is o — sa il e d 17th O cto b er ; Aurora, ''' New Orleans ; Timoleon, ditto : Canton, Quebec. it i e ffs'' PevatouTtr, JAN. '23.—Wind N.W.—Sailed the Gilbert, for Sydney, New South Wales. e el f° ' FALatotilas,- JAN. 22.—Wind W. to S.W., fresh hto 23, N. to W., ditto.—Arrived the Lapwing packet, fr°,f e ,tio Janeiro—s a il e d 26th N ovem b er ; M ercury, Maxtor], ,'6 , 014' America and C a p e of Go,,d ]lope ; Trewartha, Beckfora , Sailed the Monkey, APEwen, for Antwerp. o je We understand that arrangem e nts have bee" by the Board of Works for the preparation of the Ensn,nce built by King William the Fourth, while Duke of C is , (known as Clarence-house) for her Royal Duchess of Kent. It is expected th a t her Roya L vi iii be ness will take possession soon after sth April. I,:t serf remember. d that this is the mansion eccupie" bye Royal Highness the Princess Augusta up to the her decease. , %1h.,.. WI "A Gorey Metro; fern -A' she ha, Pages , qualifii capital possibl reader of (re should Hen • • —______ Now r Wil Sir thew s ford Mss'l th e flay br k Circe 211.; We to The tit The Wh St t , T 1 wit] PR; A tall, UNDI The IN THI Kxr Ponta , To. panto 1)0, comra, 167.1 r.n g , Aii the bri Ti,, , fro after HAt txt at C ttlin T e h a ' Ni 4,. , re / .--•'--