The Sun. — London, England, 1841-06-05 00:00:00

MORNING EDiTION IMPERIAL. PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. Jlne 4. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'Clock. Messengers from the Commons brought up the Stafford shire Potteries Sirall Debts Bill, and the Newcastle and Car lisle Railway Bill, which were severally read a first time. VICTORIA PARK. _ The Victoria Park Bill was read a third time and passed. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented petitions from the county of Norfolk against any alteration in the Corn-laws. The Earl of WINCHILSEA presented several petitions from places in Kent, against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Also petitions from Kent, against any alteration in the duties on sugar and timber. Lord SEGRAVE presented a petition from Stroud, in Glou cestershire, against the repeal of the Corn-laws. Lord FEVr.RS HAM presented severalpetitions from York shire against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Lord STRANG FORD presented several petitions from Kent to the same effect. Lord ROLLE presented petitions from Devonshire against zny alteration of the Corn-laws. Lord BEAUMONT presented petitions from Evesham against any alteration in the present graduated scale of duties with re9'ect to corn. Lord BRAYBROOK presented petitions from certain agri cultural iabourers, against any alteration in the Corn-laws, in which they stated that if any alteration took place, it would be the means of throwing them out of employment. He (Lord Braybrook) fully concurred in that petition. 'I he Earl of RADNOR would ask the Noble Lord what were the ages of the persons signing the petition, and what sort of labourers they were. Lord BRAYBROOK said he could not then give the Noble Earl an answer, but if the Noble Earl wished, he would obtain the information. • The Earl of RADNOR diet:tight that before the Noble Lord expressed his concurrence in the prayer of the petitioners, he thOuld have been prepared to answer any inquiries respecting them. The Earl of STANHOPE thought the prayer of the peti tioners wa. a very just one. The party opposing the present Corn-laws ha4l ar g ued that their repeal would benefit the man ftcai revs of this country. In that he fully concurred, as it woul.l c he the means of reducing wages. Earl FITZ WILLIAAI denied the assnption of the Nuble Earl, that a repeal of the Corn-laws would be the means of reducing the wages of the labourer. He (Fitawilliam) con tended that the present Corn-laws had been proved a hind rance to cur intercourse with other nations. Earl STANHOPE said that a low price of corn in this country was always attended with a corresponding price in the wa;cs of labour. There was one class of the population of this country .yllich was unrepresented in the House of Commons, and that was the labouring classes. He would tell the Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government, that he would ra ther the country were governed by Chartists than by the pre meat Administration. After a few words from Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Ducie, and Lord Beaumont, the subject dropped. The Earl of CLARE presented a petition from the Cham ber of Commerce of Limerick, against any alteration in the Corn-laws, and against any alteration in the timber duties. The Earl of WARWICK presented several petitions to the same effect. The Earl of DEVON presented a petition from Devonshire, against the repeal of the Corn-laws. L , ,rd HARDWICKE presented several petitions from Cam bridge, and places in Kent, against any alteration in the Corn laws. He begged to state that one of the petitions was signed by a number of labouring men. Lord GODOLPHIN said he had looked at the petition and its signatures, and he thought the labourers who signed it had signed what they knew nothing about, and perhaps, if ex plained to them, would not understand. Lord lIAUDWICKE said he was somewhat surprised that the Noble Lord should give such a character to parties who were his neighbours. He (Lord Hardwicke) believed the pe titioners to be very intelligent people of their class.—( Hear. ) Earl STANHOPE thought the Noble Lord (Godolphin) had calumniated the petitioners, and he (Earl Stanhope) viewed with horror this treating with contempt the petitions of the people, and, most of all, the labouring classes. He (Earl Stanhope) would advise the Noble Lord to converse more with the labouring classes before he made such an assumption as he had just done.—( Hear.) Lord GODOLPHIN meant not to throw any aspersion on the whole of the labouring population of the country ; the ob servation he had made only bore reference to the petitions pre sent 2d by the Noble Lord (Lord Hardwicke).—( Hear. ) Earl FaZWILLIAM would like to know what arguments were addressed to those who signed the petitions?—(A laugh. ) Lord HARDWICKE said he certainly could not answer the question. As far as he (Lord Hardwicke) had heard of the petitioner:, they were then very comfortable, and they ha i expressed their conviction, that if an alteration were to be made in the present Coin-laws, they would not long re main so.—( Cheers. ) The Earl of ABERDEEN presented several petitions from Aberdeen and its neighbourhood, one of which was signed by 8,000 persons, against any alteration in the Corn-laws, and agaiast an alteration in the timber duties. — The Marquis of ANGLESEA presented a petition from Burton-on-Trent in favour of an alteration in the present Corn-laws. The Marquis of NORUANBY presented a petition from Kingston-upon-Hull, praying for an alteration in the Corn laws. Lord MELBOURNE presented several petitions, very numerously signed, from Portsmouth, against the Corn-laws. Earl RADNOR presented a number of petitions from places in Kent, from Uxbridge, Salisbury, Newport, Isle of Wight, and other places, against the Corn-laws. Lord BERESFORD presented petitions from Kent against the Bill brought into the other House for an alteration in the Poor-laws, acid particularly complaining of the bastardy clause. Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented petitions from St. Luke's, Chels , a, and other places, in favour of the measures now before Parliament, with respect to the import duties. Also pethions from Derbyshire, to the same effect. Earl STANHOPE begged to say a few words with respect to tho,e petitions! He understood that the parties in Derby who were against the present Corn-laws, had not ventured to cab a public meeting in that town to petition Parliament en the subject, but had obtained signatures to their petitions from strangers passing through the town, and irons women and children. Earl FI rzwILLIAM slid he could say nothing on the sub ject, t ,etitions he had presented were from Derbyshire, and not from the town of Derby. The Duke of BEAUFORT presented a petition from Glou cesteragainst any alteration in the Corn-laws. _ Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented a petition from Birming ham, agreed to at a public meeting, and signed by 18,0(30 persons, prajing for a total and immediate repeal of the Corn laws. Earl POWIS presented a petition from Huntingdon, against any alteration in the Corn-laws. The Marquis of BUTE presented several petitions from Oxlord.hire, Glouce gershire, and Northamptonshire, against any alteration in the Corn-laws. The Duke of BUCCLEUCII presented a petition to the same effect from Melrose, Roxburgh. Several Biili were then iorwaraed a stage, and their Lord ships adj - iurned at Ten Minutes to sever,, till Monday. HOUSE OF CITWAIONS, June 4. The SreAKER. having taken the Chair at :he usual hour, the I‘l3weastle-upen- Tyne and Carlisle Railway Bill was read a third time, and passed. The Gourdon Harbaur Bill was read a third time, and passed. _ The Coundere Inclosure 8.11 was read a third time, and p.~sed. • Tha Wakefield Waterworks Bill was read a third time, and assed._ The Middleburgh Improvement Bill was read a third time. Tne Sh?illeld and IVallingford-road Bill, the Exeter Small Debt; Bill, and S:eatles Patent Wood Paving Company Bill were severally real a third time and passed. The Forth and Clyde NaTigation Bill was rep or t e d. Mr. FOX :HAUL!: brought in a Bill f,:r the prevention of bribery at elections, which was read a first time. Petitions praying for an alteration in the Corn•laws was Pre sented by Air. Ralph Bernal ; from Rochester, and four other places in Keot ; and by jilt-. Langdale, from Beverley, and se ve al other paces in Yee kshire I etititms against any alteration in the Corn-laws were pre sent., d Rushout, from Eveshain ; by Mr. Nieid, from four pia:Ts in Wilts; by Mr. Hurt, from Derbyshire; by Mr. Bell,. from 79 places in Northumbt rland ; by Mr. Yorke, from 49 paces in Cambridge and the Ice of Ely, and by Sir Geo. Crewe, from 32 p 1 ices in D er b )s h ire. Sir E. FILMER presented several petitions from places in Kent against any alteration in the duty on sugar, timber, and corn. Mr. DARBY presented petitions from paces in Eases against any alteratnin in the Corn-lavts. Sir ROWLAND HILL resented petitions from Shropshire and Nor'oii to the same eflect. Mr. .11ARK PHILIPS presented a petition numerously signe,l, from Chorley, in Lancashire, prayi ng f or an a l teration the Corn-laws; and several petitions from different paces Lancashire, Buckinghamshire, and Derby s hi re to the sam e effect ; Jso a petition from Nottingham signed by individuals of all polies com ,, Lining of the extensive and unblushing bri bery wnich hal taken place at the late election tor the borou! , h. They s'ated that, under the present mode of conducting elec tions, parries were unable to give their suffrages fairly ; and they pray, d the House to pass a law for the effectual prevention of tortbery in future. Mr. BAINES presented a petition from a place in York shire, praying for the abolition of Church -rates ; and a pt•ti tion for the abolition of slavery in the East Indies. Mr. 0. MORGAN presented a patition from Monmouth shire agai• st any alteration in the Corn-laws. Sir ti. SMITH presented a petition from some place In l`fterfolc against any alteration in the Corn-laws; also a petition from the same place, praying for Church Extension. Mr. M. O'CONNELL presented petitions from places in the county Cork, praying for a repeal of the Corn. laws. Mr. H r.Tri• presented a petition from Hull signed by 4,009 persons, praying for the adoption of the Ministerial measures for lowering the duties on the importation of sugar, corn, and timber. Lord 'CHARLES MANNERS presented 37 petitions from , the owners and occupiers of land in Leicestershire against any alteration in the Corn-laws; also 17 similar petitions from the owners and occupiers of land in the neighbourhuod of Ashby rte la Zouch. Mr. W. EVANS presented a petition from Blackburne signed by 2,401 persons, praying for a repeal of the Corn-laws. Also a petition with a similar prayer signed by 1,096 working men of South Derbyshire. Mr. HOLLOND presented a petition from some place in Sussex, signed by 579 persons, complaining of the sufferings they had endured from the high price of provisions, and praying the House to adopt the Ministerial measure for the reduction of the duties on sugar, timber, and corn. Mr. BURROUGHS presented eighteen petitions from pa rishes in Norfolk against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Mr. SCHOLh.FIELD presented a petition from Birming ham praying for the abolition of Church-rates. Mr. W. TURNER presented four petitions from Blackburn, praying for the repeal of the Corn-laws. Co' onel VERNON presented a petition from Armagh against any alteration in the Coin-laws. Air. VILLIERS p: e ;euted thirty-nine petitions numerously signed. from thirty-nine different parishes in the county of Lancaster ; al , o one from Chard, in Somerset.hire ; one from Teigntheuth (in the county of Devon) ; and four from the county of Buckingham, chiefly signed by agricultural labour ers ;_ all praying for the total rep ea l o f the Corn-laws. Mr. C. G. ROUND presented 81 petitions from Essex against the repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. BROTHERTON presented several petitions from Lan cashire, praying for the repeal of the Corn-laws. Mr. J. ROUND presented a petition from Maldon against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Mr. H. BERKELEY presented a petition from the City of Bristol, with several thousand signatures, in favour of the corn mereiA policy of the Government. Mr. CUMNIING BRUCE presented a petition from Nairn, praeyiegnthe Ho use not to sanction the proposed alteration of th r laws. Al so s i milar petitions from the Eastern Dis trict of Stirlingshire. Mr. F. MAULE presented se v e n p e titi ons f rom diff erent * parts of S cotland prayin,, for the total re p ea l o f the Corn-laws; also a p e ti t i on from the parish of S t. M art i n ' s, in Glasgow,: f. Prayin g f ur the total abolition of th e taxes; also several petitions om Perthshi re and other places ir! peal of the Corn -laws ; also Scotland, praying for a re the a petition, praying fur a revision of, the import duties. • Mr. ERLE presented a petition from Oxford, praying-for an alteration of the taxes on corn, sugar, tea, and coffee ; also a petition from London, against the toll levied at the Waterloo and Souther ark Bridges. • Lord DUNGANNON presented petitions from . places in the Counties of Down, Armagh; and Antrim, signed by 2,350 persons, the owners of 75,000 acres of land, against the proposed alteration of the Corn-laws. Alas a petition from Wilford in the County of Kent, in favour of Church Extension. General LYGON presented four petitions from Oxfordshire against any alteration of the Corn-laws. Sir JOHN TYRRELL presented various petitions from the county of Essex against any alteration of the Ccrn-laws. Mr. THORNELY presented a petition from 188 wood sawyers of Wolverhampton, praying for a reduction of the high duty on foreign timber, and for a total - abolition of the Corn-laws. EMMERSON TENNENT presented a petition from certain ship-owners of Belfast, against any alteration in the duties on foreign timber. Lord NVORSLE Y presented* petition from Lincoln against any fixed duty on corn ; also a petition against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Captain GORDON presented petitions from Dundee and Aberdeen, against any alteration in the Corn-laws. Mr. W. DUNCOMBE presented 104 .petitions from I laces in the West Riding of York against any alteration in the Corn laws. Mr. HOGG presented similar petitions from the East Riding of York ; also petitions in favour of Church Extension. 'Mr. SCHOLEFIELD gave notice that he should, on the 15th of the present month, bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, that the House ought not to separate until it had legislated for the distresses of the people. On the motioa of Sir E. KNATCHI3ULL, a Return, showing the method pursued by the Legacy Duty Department in making application to executors I rid administrators to ren der an account of their testator's or intestate's personal estate, and for the payment of the Legacy Duty, and in collecting the same ; al-o, giving a copy of each printed circular used by the Legacy Deputy Department in making such applications; also, snowing the practice of the Solicitor of Stamps and Taxes in enforcing payment of the Legacy Duty, by application and by legal process ; also, giving a copy of each printed circular used by the Solicitor of Stamps and Taxes in making such applications ; also showing the expense of the Legacy Duty department in England ; and an estimate of all other expenses, if any, in colecting the Legacy Duty ; was ordered. Mr. C. WOOD presented a Report from the Committee on Banking, and gave notice, that on Monday next he would move for leave to bring in a Bili for better regulating the Banks of Issue. Mr. V. SMITH brought in the New South Wales Bill and the Western Australia bill, which were read a first tine, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday. NOTTINGHAM ELECTION. Mr. DUNCOMBE moved that the petition of Samuel Doubleday, presented on the 2d of June, be printed with the votes. He had another petition which he had received this morning on the same subject. It was from Mr. Kilby, of Mansfield, near Nottingham, who state d that he had heard with surpriss that a petition had been presented two days ago from a person named Coxe, stating that certain parties had offered him a large sum of money to bribe the Chartists to vote for the Whigs. The petitioner believed that the whole of that statement was untrue, and he prayed the House to institute an immediate and search ing inquiry. He &so stated that he was ready to prove that the said Coxe, who accused the Whigs of bribery for the next election, was emplo3ed by the present Member or his agent, for the express purpose of bribing voters at the last election—( A laugh)—and which he did to a large extent; and also that he himself was offered Si. to vote for the present Member—that he reused to accept the bribe, but gave his vote in favour of Mr. Walter. The petitioner wished to be called before the bar of the House to prove these facts. The Honourable Member then gave notice that on Thursday next, when the peti tion of Edward Coxe was bi ought under the considera tion of the House he should move that the petitions of Samuel Doubleday and William Kilby be also taken into consideration. CORN-LAWS. Sir E. KNATCHBULL observed that the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, had a motion on the papers for that night relating to the importation of foreign corn ; but as the motion would not probably come on that evening, he begged that some Member of her Majesty's Government, in the absence of the Noble Lord, wo u ld state on what day he intended to bring the question under the consideration of the House. It would be a very great convenience that they should be informed upon the subject.—( Hear. ) Lord PALMERSTON said that his Noble Friend would in form the House, before it separated, of the day on which he would bring forward his motion. He (Lord Palmerston) be lieved it would be Tuesday next ; but he was not quite sure. Sir E. KNATCHBULL said that if the Noble Lord could not furnish him with more accurate information on the subject, he must be content. He had not asked the question from any uncourteous m otive,but it was a subject on the discussion of which a great deal of anxiety naturally prevailed, and he feared that if he had to wait until the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies came into the House it might be too late. POOR-LAW RETURN. Captain POLHILL wished to ask the Hon. Gentleman op posite, the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment, when it was likely that certain returns for which he (Captain Polhill) moved, the number of Deaths of Paupers in Union Workhouses, would be laid on the table. Mr. F. MAULE stated that he had given orders to the Poor-law Commissioners to prepare the returns without delay, that he had not yet received them, but as soon as he did so they should be laid on the table. CANDIA. Lord TEIGNMOUTH, seeing the Noble Lord the Se cretary for Foreign Affairs in his place, wished to ask him whether he had taken any measures in conformity with the declaration of the Allied Powers to prevent the perpetration by the Turks of cruelties on the Christian inhabitants of Candia. Lord PALMERSTON did not know to what declaration the Noble Lord alluded, but he would state that as soon as her Majesty's Government had received information of the trou bles in Candia they had despatched instructions to our Am bassador at Constantinople, directing him to use his utmost endeavours to prevail on the Turkish Government to enter into some arrangement with the Greek population of Candia which while on the one hand it should be satisfactory to the Turkish Government, should on the other give the Greek po pulation of Candia full security for their persons and properties, and he had also been directed to urge the Turkish Government not to have recourse to measures more severe than should be absolutely necessary. Lord TEIGNMOUTH had alluded to the declaration of the Allied Powers in 1830. The answer of the Noble Lord had been perfectly satisfactory. ,PORTUGUESE CLAIMS. In answer to a question from Lord SANDON, Lord PALMERSTON stated that the Commissioners for settling the Portuguese Claims had been busily employed in laying down a code of rules and principles which might be ap plicable to the different specific cases, and that these claims would very soon be laid before the Portuguese Government. Mr. WALTER presented a petition from the town of Dundee, stating that after nine years' experience the petitioners were firmly convinced that her Majesty's Ministers were inca pable of governing the country to the satisfaction of the people, and praying the House to address her Majesty for their imme diate dismissal. Mr. F. MAULE begged to ask by how many persons the petition was signed.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Liberal aenches, and " Order, order," from the Tory. ) Mr. FOX MAULE proposed that the petition should be read. The Clerk then read the petition, which was signed " Wm. Taylor, on behalf of the meeting." ADJOURNED DEBATE. On the Order of the Day for the adjourned debate on the No-Confidence Resolution being read, Mr. SHEIL rose and said that the resolution proposed by the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamworth, might be, he ventured to say, the resolution which the Right Hon. Gentleman had been persuaded to propose—(Laughter) —by some of those addresses in which he thouc'ht the expe rience of the Right Hon. Baronet might teach him that no very implicit confidence could be reposed ; that resolution did not contain any condemnation of measures; there was nothing to preclude the Right Hon. Baronet, whenever the interests of the country or of his party might require it, from reducing the duties upon sleve-groen sugar, or from bringinghis views on the Corn lave question into conformity with these of Sir George Murray or the Right Hon. George Dawson, who, in better times, was, he believed, Financial Secretary under him. The Right Hon. Baronet, in bringing forward his reso lution, took care, with the caution which was characteristic of hint, not to involve himself in any engagements which here after might be found embarrassing by him. They were not now called upon to decide on the policy of the Government with respi:ct to the Corn-laws, or the sugar duties, but on the general policy of that Govern ment, in whose wisdom and just feeling towards Ireland their confidence had been universally placed. The Right Hon. Baronet Fad no doubt calculated on the defection of some of the English Members, but he (Mr. Shell) thought that the Right Honourable Gentleman would find his calculations were erroneous. This resolution of necessity involved a com parison between the relative merits of the two great parties, and whoever voted for it would give expression to the opinion that not only the Right Honourable Baronet, the Mem ber for Tamworth, but also the Honourable Member for Kent, who had to his (Mr. Sheil's) surprise put some ques tions to him at the opening of this debate ; as also the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, and the Right Hon. Baronet tee Member for Pembroke (Sir J. Graham), were more de-erving of the confidence of the reformed House of Commons than the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, and the rest of those by whom Reform was never abandoned. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had said that the defeats of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies were rendered more signal by the field in which they were sustained. This, said the Right Honourable Baronet, was their own Reformed House of .C.oramotwe It was a House of Commons constructed on the principles of that celebrated Bid, the introduction of which was first entrusted to the Noble Lord in the year 1831. The remark was a jto remind th em of the wsaservidceosubloef-edtghed. the ust one, end th e sat i re Nobltle serv ed Lord who added fresh lustre to the name of Russell. They at tempted to pronounce the sentence of cond e mnation up o n the man to wh om , accordingto their own admission, the reform of the House of Commons owed its existence. It was on that party which had governed this country for ten years, with the exception of ten months, to which he should presently allude, th a t t h e H ouse was invited verdict of distrust, a t t h e same time that the pronounce_ its renet invited the Mouse" Cemmons t o place Right Ba d - that of the Whigs in the balance. Look back trom 1 policy an to the Ist March, 1831, the y ear t h e Reform Bill 841 was intro duced into that House, amidst those manifestations of ri dicule to which they were, perhaps, too prone, and in that interval what a vast serie s o f events ?—(The, P and in that interval what a vast seties fevents?....(The l-!on ourable Gentleman then made some a l lusions to 'othe Noble Lord the Member fir North Lance hire and the Right Hon. Member for Pembroke, but in consequence of his dropping his voice at the end of his sentences, they were not understood in the gallery.) The Ri g h t Honour ' able Baronet ( Sir J. Graham) was more than mistaken in attributing to the Government experiments in Parliament for the irritation of the public mind, and of resorting to measures which the most distinguished of the members of the Govern ment had distinctly repudiated. He held in his hand a letter from the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies. dated July 31, 1831, addressed to James Watts, Esq., a gentleman resident at Stroud, in which the Noble Lord set 'orth opinions on the Corn-laws exactly similar to those which he now entertaired. The Noble Lord in that letter (alluding to the Corn-laws) said that he gave his support to the Bil! of 1829, considering it an improvement on the pro hibitory system; but at the same time in his ( Lord J. Russell's) opinion, a moderate fixedduty woultibemore advantageous to the agriculturist, and also to the manufacturer; that it was desirable not to alter too frequently the law by which capital and great interests were affected; but it was also desirable not to maintain a system of duties which experience had shown, had a tendency to raise the prise of food ; that he gave this as his individual opinion, but that it was one which he was ready to support by his vote in the House cf Commons.— (Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Sheil) thought this letter established the fact that these opinions were not hastily taken up by the Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, and that the imputation of the Honourable Member for Pembroke ( Sir James Graham) had no foundation.—(Cheers.) The Right Honourable Member for Pembroke said that every measure brought forward by the Government of which he was a Member, was well and long consi dered. He (Mr. Sheil) observed that when the name of Lord Grey was mentioned, an intimation was given by the Noble Lord and the Right Honourable Baronet THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 5, 1841. „to the effect that the policy of Lord Grey and that of Lord/ Melbourne were essentially different. He wished to call their attention to a very important fact. They left the Cabinet, but they left Lord Grey behind them.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) They left upon the appropriation question. The Right Honourable Member for Pembroke had stated, that that was the only queetioh upon which he differed from the rest of the Cabinet. A Commission was issued by Lord Grey, to take the religious census of the people of Ireland. That was the question upon which they went out. They stated that they perceived at once the principle upon which it was based ; the appropriation question was naturally connected with the Commission; and upon it they went out. It was perfectly manifest, without reference to dates and facts, and without reference to speeches, that they separated themselves from the Cabinet upon a question upon which the rest of the Government concurred with Lord Grey. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke stated that many good measures had been introduced by the Whigs ; and he and the Honcurable and Learned Member for Exeter said and boasted that they were not counteracted by the Tories. But be would ask did the Whigs deserve no credit for bringing forward measures that even their enemies could not oppose ; or had the Right Hon. Baronet such an estimate of the charactr r of his new friends as to think the measures were deteriorated by their support?— (Loud cheers.) He stated that the Post-office Bi I belonged exclusively to the Whigs.—( Hear.) That was not so, because that Bill was supported by a large portion of the Tories in that House. It was supported also awl apelauded by Lord Ashburton—( Loud cheers)—with whom the Right Hon. Baronet (the Member for Pembroke) ought tohave some fellow feeling, and it passed the Lords—the great Conservatives of the country, according to the doctrine of Gentlemen opposite—it passed the House withouta division. —( Cheers.) If the Bill was so fraught with evil, was it not the duty of the Tory party to arrest such a Bill in that place ?—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) He con fessed that he was at a loss to discover the cause for such a cheer, but at all events they could nut dispute that it reseived the support of a large portion of the party calling themselves Conservatives. But was that great commercial boon to be withheld lest those monopolies should be endangered, and by means of the modification of which the revenue of the country, it is admitted, might be re cruited ?—( Hear, hear.) True it w as that the expenditure of late had exceeded the revenue, but mark, that excess had arisen from an outlay for the honour and interest of the country, and he could not refrain from expressing his surprise that with reference to that branch of the question, the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pem broke, who was First Lord of the Admiralty under a Whig Government, did not avail himself of an opportunity of re'er ring to the state of that department with which he had been so long and so honourably associated.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Right Hon. (gentleman scarcely adverted to their external policy. He thought he would have said something on their Indian empire, on which he had given n notice, but which he had dropped when an announcement was made of the victories of British arms, unless the measures of the intended Governor-General should be em barrased by any rash declaration made by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—( Cheers) On the Chinese question he had certainly said a few sentences which, in his opinion, he would not have used, if he had been apprised that at the time he was uttering them, the flag of England was floating on the walls of Canton.—(Hear, hear.) The results of the Indian earn paign, as well as the results of the Chinese expedition, would, he thought. afford the best refutation of the premature sarcasms of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear.) It appeared to him that the silence of the Right Hon. Baronet and his friend on the Syrian question, was most extraordinary ; they had merely glanced at it, and for their silence he was anxious to make some compensation by quoting the opinion of a man hostile to England, but whose sense of justice did not prevent his offering the high tribute of his approval to wisdom and genius. He held in his hand an extract from the speech of M. Berryer, in which he said Lord Palmerston had achieved great things for England in a short time. The movement of the world was changed. The Mediterranean had again become the centre of the world, and connected the 60,000,000 of inhabitants of India, of whom the laws centred in a small island on the other side of the Channel. The Mediterranean was now the central point in all the great transactions of the world. Lord Palmerston had planted his standard there—he had done a mighty deed, and he was not surprised that the most ardent English Tory was now resolved to do him honour and give him a firm sustainment.—( Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.) He supposed he was adverting to the conduct of the Duke of Wellington, for that great soldier was too English, when the ho nour of his country was concerned, to degenerate into a partisan. But how would the men who supported these things—how would everyman in Europe, he would say, be astonished if the House of Commons should call upon the Queen to dismiss from office the man they could not deprive of fame—(Cheers)—and in his place to transfer the foreign interests of the country to those who in 1829 prompted Russia to force the Baldec ? He would now pass, and rapidly, from the foreign policy of the country to the Home Department, and he did so because he saw the Honourable Baronet opposite, the Member for Wiltshire. He was happy to congratulate him that without the assistance of the Olivers and the Edwards, the tranquillity of the country had been preserved.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) With the Home Department was connected the Poor-law question. The Honourable Baronet the Member for Pembroke had stated that he condemned the severity of certain of the clauses of that Bill, but, in the pro gress of the measure, in the cause of humanity he had never interposed—( Loud cheers)—dreading that his commisseration might be listened to with some disrelish by the Honourable Member for Nottingham, with regard to whose election a petit ion had been presented that day.—( Cheers. ) The Hon. Gentleman was one whom he greatly respected, in consequence of the sacrifices he had made in the cause of the poor, and which sacrifices, he hoped, he would ere long have an opportunity of repeating.—( Loud cheering.) He recollected that many years ago a motion was made with respect to the Church, and in the minority was the name of Walter.—(Loud cheers.) Much had been said about the appropriation clause by the other side, but, if be recollected rightly, parties on the other side of the House were connected with passing an appropriation clause with a vengeance, they agreed to the Canada Bill—( Hear, hear)—a Bill in which they consented that property secured by Act of Parliament to the Church should be divested from it, and applied to the Popish Church.—( Hear, hear.) That in his opinion showed that the party opposite were not influenced by those exclusively Protestant senti ments which it was generally supposed they entertained. But he would pass from the consideration of the measures adopted by the Whigs to the policy of the Right Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, who by his resolution asked for the support of the House. The Right Hon. Baronet had adverted to the introduction of the Reform Bill. What was his comma in re gard to that Bill e During the two years before it had passed, his party had refused to grant Members to the great cities of the empire; and, in consequence of their not having taken cognizance of the state of public opinion, their pernicious resistance to the measure had produced that state of things which bad put the Noble Lord the Member for Nerth Lancashire, and the Right Hononrable Baronet the Member . for Pembroke, to the painful nece sity of recommending the sub mersion one portion of the Legislature.—( Hear, hear.) He would turn next to the course pursued by the Right Ho nourable Baronet in 1839. (The Right Hon. Gentleman here made some observations, but in so low a tone, that we were unable to catch even their purport.) The Right Hon, Gentleman then referred to a report of the proceedings of the Committee of the House of Commons in regard to the Orange Lodge. On the 12th day of November, 1834, the Grand Lodge in Ireland came to a resolution, to the effect , that they hoped they would be allowed to vindicate their sen timents while denounced as ” the paltry remnant of an expiring faction." The King had dismissed his Ministers at the death of I Lord Spencer, and he called the Right Hon. Baronet to office. There could be no doubt but that the country was then in a high state of religious excitement.—(Hear, and cheers.) What had the Right Honourable Baronet done ? The Parliament had sat only for two sessions, yet the Right Honourable Baronet had shrunk from encountering it, and had dissolved the Parliament in the midst of that excitement, which had been produced in the manner to which he had al , luded.—( Cheers. ) The Right Hon. Baronet, it appeared, attached great importance to appointments in the household-- and on that occasion the Earl of Roden, the Grand Master of the Orange Lodges of Ireland, was the Noble man whom be had selected to place in the closest relation to his Sovereign.—( Cheers.) _Too well did they re member the answers given by the Hon. Memberfor Cambridge, then Secretary of State for the Home Department, to the addresses presented to him by banes of Orangemen.—(Cheers.) The scenes at the Dublin Theatre were fresh in their recollec tion.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Such had been the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet in 1835. What had it been since? It was quite true, as the Right Hon ourable Baronet the Member for Pembroke bad said that his Right Honourable Friend had voted for the English Municipal Reform Bill. But what course hail he adopted with regard to the Irish Municipal Bill ? He had stated that Ireland was placed tinder such pecu liar circumstances, that it was not entitled to a commu nity of privileges with England.—( Loud cheers.) England had at last forced him to give way ; but when he did so he still adhered to an odious distinction. which established fvr the poorer country a franchise twice as large as for the richer one.—( Loud cheers.) The attempts which had since been made on the Parliamentary franchise of Ireland had enhanced the difficulties with which the Right Honourable Baronet had admitted he should have to contend. Those were the reasons for which he thought they ought, in preference to the Right Hon. Baronet, to continue in power that Government by which Municipal Reform had been carried—by which Parliamentary Reform had been carried, by which slavery had been abolished, - by which the East' India trade had been opened, by which commerce had been unshackled, which had afforded a cheap mode of transit for intellectual and commercial communication, by which education had beets promoted, by which Ireland had been conciliated, which had cemented the union of the Canadas, laying the foundation of a mighty empire, by which a great accession had been made to the glory and renown of England, and he peace of the world secured.—(Cheers.) Sir STRATFORD CA.e KING said he must be allowed to say, without departing from that courtesey, which the Right Hon. Gentleman had so laboriously professed, that for a Gen tleman who was acquainted with the forms of that House, he was singularly infelicitous in the personal character which he gave to the debate.—( Hear.) He was far from saying that the Hon. Gentleman intended to do so, but whenever he took part in a debate alto ions of the most pointed and personal cha racter invariably fell from him. With respect to the argument of the Right Hon. Gentleman, he would leave that to abler hands. He must, however, be allowed to say that he could only infer, from the argument of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that, in his opinion, such were the transcendent merits of the Reform Bill, that whoever took part in that enactment, how ever incapable of exercising the Ministerial functions, would be suffered to retain office. In the progress of thedebate, that event which would send them to their respective constituen cies, and which at first was scarcely whispered on the opposite benches, had at length been distinctly avowed. Gentleman on the other side of the House, felt the pressure of tee arguments on the Conservative side. They felt that they had no ewe to make out against the arguments advanced on that sit of the House, and that the only course for the in to pursue, in outs r to avoid the duties prescribed to the n" was either resignation or dissolution. rho" seemed to intend catetroice freshdingthsetrleantgtethr, buiron'.t theythat course. The Conservatives) temp or w ary ouldonly princi ples of the foreign policy of the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston ) which he was both wilting and happy to admit, might, never theless, be found to have sown the seeds of future disturbance.— ( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentlefnan had referred to the conduct of the Government in all its departments, and al though he was ready to do justice to the distinguished conduct of the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department, yet, he could mot help reflecting that most of his measurettliad been carried by the co-operation and assistance of his (Sir S. Can ning's) side of the House. Looking at the colonies, he would observe that it was during the existence of the pre sent Government the Canadas had been thrown into re bellion,, and alm os t l ost to the mother country.— ( H ear. ) That colony, the colony of Lower Canada as well as that of the Upper Province, were found but ill prepared for a rebel lion, and had it not been for the loyalty and patriotism of the people of those colonies, they would have been lost to us through the negligence of the Government. After the Chan esllor of the Exchequer proposed to go on with the usual busi ness of the House immediately after so disastrous a division, his Right Hon. Friend would have neglected his duty, placed as he was at the head of a large party in that House, had he not taken some steps for recording his sense of so unconstitu tional a course. He confessed he was at. a loss to understand how the Members for Lincolnshire could reconcile the vote they were now about to give, will their conduct 'upon a late occasion. The Government said they had brought forward their measures under the pressure of a deficit, and that they locked to those measures for supplying the deficiency—they had heard from one of those Hon. Members that if it depended upon his vote, they would never have an opportunity of bring • ing those measures helore the Howe, but now he thought it consistent with that declaration to vote his confidence in the same Government, he for one could not reconcile such con duct. Thanking the House for its patience, he would not de tain them ft orn hearing those who could so much better treet the whole of the subjects before them. Mr. C. BULLER said he would not follow the last speaker, but would endeavour to discuss the singularly framed resolution of the Right Hon. Baronet upon general grounds. The resolution was so singularly worded for the purpose of obtaining a vote of no confidence in Ministers, without the usual responsibilities attending upon such a course. Whatever might be the result of the division, and he did not think the Right Hon. Baronet would succeed, for not one on that (the Ministerial) side of the House could give a vote to turn out Ministers, of whose general policy they approved, merely because they felt bound to vote against them on one or two measures. It would be, of course, a t arty division, and no one could vote with the Right Hoe. Baronet without at the same time giving him his confidence ; nor was there one on his side of the House prepared to do the. Ile agreed with him in thinking it unconstitutional in a Minis try to hold office merely by the favour of the Crown. They were of necessity compelled to give in to the declared wishes of that House; but not upon any isolated measure. They were justified in holding on, if the House gave them reason to believe that it still had confidence in their general policy, but more especially if they had reason to believe that. they had a majority of the people with them. Walpole resigned upon a mereStrivial motion, but it told him that I.e had failed to secure a majority even by all his corruption ; and it would have been dangerous to. his life to have held out in the then excited state of men's minds. North and Addington resigned when in pos session of an actual majority, but they both found it impossible to carry on a ruinous and disgiaciful war with our colonies in one case, and one of the greatest, mo.t expensive, and most unpopular of wars in the other, with base majorities, and having the whole country against them. Ou the other hand look at Pitt in 1784, and the flight Honourable Baronet in 1835; the former retained office after repeated de feats, because he thought he had the confidence of the coun try, and he was justified by the result ; the latter was justified by the great chance of success. The Ministry of Lord Li verpool lost the Property Tax in one ear, and the Salt Tax iti the next, yet they never thought of resigning ; they sus tained one ot the most ignommous defeats that was ever se - fermi by any Government upon a question deeply involving the honour and feelings of the Sovereign, deeply involving their own honour, the Bill of Pains and Penalties against Queen Caroline; but they did not resign when they abandoned that Bill fearful of a defeat in that House. Why did not that Ministry resign upon defeats of such magnitude, meetly be-- cause they telt that although Parliament condemned those measures they did not condemn their general policy, but pre ferred them to any other Government which could replace them. The practical inference to be drawn from all that was that a Government ought not to resign upon an individual defeat, nor so long as they were able to wield with effect the executive of the State.—(Tory cheers.) What was the cause of the resignation of the Duke of Wellington in 1830? Ostensibly it was the vote upon the Civil List, but he retired because there never was a Government so unpopular at home and despised abroad—it was utterly powerless fen the pro • tection of property—it had not to cope with an armed rebellion, but was beat by machine and rick burners in the agricultural districts; they were obi god to make their Sovereign refuse to dine . at the Mansion-house for fear of riot ; but a still stronger ground was behind. He resigned because he and his Govern • ment feared a defeat upon the question of Reform in Parlia ment. Was that the case at present? Did the Government fear any discussion of their measures? No; the shrinking from discussion was on the other side. Had'the ordinary and efficient administration been in any, even the slightest degree, paralyzed by the assumeel weakness of the Government?— ( Tory cheers.) He thanked them for the cheer, for it gave him the opportunity of saying that they had met the most dangerous outbreak of modern times in the most prompt and efficient manner ; they had put down the Chartists' armed and unarmed outbreaks in a manner impossible to be more prompt and energetic, and yet by the ordinary laws of the land. Ireland, which was always in a state of disorder and disorgani zation, was extremely tranquil. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth appeared to him very hard pressed for an argument against the Government, when he spoke of their being sorely pressed upon the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbu-y, as if it was not often the case that the strongest Government might be cecasionally pressed between eight and nine o'clock on a chance divi s ion. It was unneces sary to remind the Right Hon. Baronet of the radical slate of the House at such an hour; but whatever majorities might support him on great divisions, when he came into power he would find himself very weak in his divisions at that hour.— (Hear, hear.) It appeared to him that Hon. Members on the other side had cautiously refrained from much allusion te e - the foreign policy of the Government, Although it was that'po hey which, whatever their individual opinions might be as to its correctness and expediency, they must all be anxious to see upheld in such a manner as would inspire respect for the power of England.—( Hear, hear.) It could not be denied that there never was a period when that power was so much disputed.—(Cheers.) He did not happen to agree with all the foreign policy of the Noble Lord, especially as regarded the Eastern question, but in following out that policy the Noble Lord had judged more correctly than he (Mr. Buller) did of the feelings of the people, nine-tenths whom had gone along with him in it.—(Cheere. ) He could nut help bearing his testimony to the extraordinary vigour by which its success had been insured, the courage with which it had been followed up, and the skill with which all the pre parations had been made. He was proud of the energy aid influence that policy had given to England, and he could not help contrasting that proud position with the miserable figure they cut under the Administration of the Duke of We lineton, when there was not a power in Europe that did not I'resnme upon their internal dissensions, and when they allowed the Turkish empire to be dismembered by France and Russia, with just so much of remonstrance as showed the impotence of their threats.--( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet had confined the burden of his charge to the acts of the Government. It did not appear to him, however, that so very unusual a number of the measures of the Government hati been thwarted.--( Hear, hear.) They had lost nothing of importance except the Irish Registration Bill, and that was of less practical importance, because the law was left as it stood, and the other side had not succeeded in disfranchising the Irish .people under the pretence ot amend ing the registration. it appeared to him that, with retard to the proposed modification of the sugar duties, the Government would have deserved the charge of weakness if, after having brought forward such a plan, they had not afforded the coun try an opportunity of expressing its opinion upon it.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had reproached the Go vernment with having carried some of its measures by compro mise and conciliation to Hon. Members opposite. 1 hat ap • geared to him an extraordinary doctrine for a Conservative leader, whose measures should rest on such a basis as to sec-are the co-operation of both parties on all great questions. It appeared that the Right Host. Baronet abhorred agitation, but he (Mr. Buller) thought agitation a very good thing ocea sionally, because political repose was too frequently a proof of compromise. Did the Right Hon. Baronet forget that during his short reign of 1835 his defence of every measure he brought forward was that it was analogous to some measure of Lord Althorp's, and the only one majority he obtained on the malt tax was thraueh the co-operation of his (Mr. Buller's) side tf the House? In 1828 the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts had been carried—in 1829 the measures of Catholic Emancieation, to which the flight Honourable Baronet hail been all his life opposed, had been carried. Did the Right Honourable Baronet assume a more proud position in the Session of 1830 on that account? Why, the first night an amendment had been moved by the Right Hon., but nut then reconciled Baronet, the Member for Kent ; and it was only thrown out by the private advice of their own leaders in the other Hotse. The great measure of the Session was the financial policy of the Government. They had an opportunity for a great remission of taxes, and the most important division teas the Chancellor of the Exchequer's proposal to repeal the Beer Act, while the landed gentlemen wished to repeal the Malt-tax. On that occasion the Government was only able to carry their proposition by the support of the then Opposition. —( Hear, hear.) He was compelled to admit that thei e was a great degree of weakness in the present Government; and that was a matter of serious evil to the public. That weak ness interfered with the progress of many beneficial measures. He need only instance the County Courts Bill,-the appoin- - - ment of two new Judges in Chancery,—and, above all, the New Poor-taw Bid. He regretted the loss of these measures, but, after all, he would rather have a Government with the sin of not being able to carry their .good measures, than a Govern ment able and willing to carry bar! ones.—( Cheers.) Before he withdrew his confidence from the present Government, on the ground of their want of strength, he must see that a stronger one was taking their place ; and he did not think the Right Hon. Baronet could show such a Governntent for any long period. If he again assumed the reins of power, he yen turned to predict the Right Honourable Gentleman would again repeat his former errors, and bring his Ad ministration to a close as speedily as that of the Duke of Wellington. The first great act of the Right lion. Baronet's political life to which he could refer with sa tisfaction was the Catholic Emancipation Bill. Had he pur sued the policy by which he was then actuated, he would have been elevated into the 'rank of an enlightened statesman, anti ole ain a name for political integrity amongst al future states men. Instead of that, he had resorted to the mere temporary shifts of political expediency, and his course since then had been nothing but a servile repetition of the errors that had led to b:3 rt.sigliatiritf.'" Then irelliad been borne into offiee on the shoulders of a no-Popery mob, as he was now carried to its gates as the champion of monopoly.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet well knew his own weakness, and had shrunk from power cn a former occasion on account of its difficulties and dangers. He had stated that his difficulty then was Ire laed, and he had done nothing since to make the government of that country more easy. His policy appeared to consist more in having loopholes of retreat than being able to meet the danger boldly, and it reminded him of the feudal Barons of who, while strengthening their ramparts, always contrived having posterns and gates by which they could abandon their strongholds in time of danger.—( Cheers and laughter.) Every question of the itigut Hon. Baronet had been based upon unspecified time and unparticularized details. And the fact was, that his ob•cure explicitness on the sugar duty bad led many to believe that these wss nothing to pre vent his proposing a greater modification of these duties if there was only the lapse of a reasonable time allowed.—(Hear, hear.) The timber duties he had opposed on the contents of an unknown letter from the Governor of Canada, stating that the human mind was utterly incapable of grappling with the ques- tion. For the future any letter of any future Governor might v it i e ew is s 'as to su s i u te it th h a is t a i n l t d e u r c e e d t o h i R o m i g s t Hart ee o s n . . B wit o h n e ro g t o ar a d l t t e o r o h o i r s o no country gentleman had recommended or approved of the sliding state, and as regarded the financial position of the meentry he had been most explicitly incommunicative. It was an old maxim of Tory statesmen, and a very good one, that no party had a right to throw out a remedy for an acknow ledeed grievance, as taxes always were, unless he was pre p :red with another remedy in its place. 13uts on that point the Hight Hon. Baronet had In en most mysteriously silent. Whether h- meant to square things by adding to the national debt, or reducing the establishments, or by some scheme of indirect taxation affecting an interest which at present knew nothing about it, or by re storing the old rates cf postage, or by that highly popular tax, a property tax, or by his coining round, as he most probably would, to such alterations of the tariff as he was now opposing the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon ; all that was matter of uncertainty, but it was clear that he was and wide aseo ng i ree says g , i n:mof a largea, party around him. By ad tpt , that loose po li c y, every Member of unfixed views who was able to pay his footing in that House, would be attracted towards him. One half of the party who adhered to him were impressed with the conviction that the moment he came into power the other half would be thrown overboard.— (Much laughter.) They were no doubt deeply indebted to the Right Hon. Baronet for some measures of reform. It was he who had brought about Catholic Emancipation and the Reform Bill ; but he had done so by calling into existence the Catholic Assomation, and Swing, anti Captain Rock.—( Hear.) He ( Mr. Buller) would prefer carrying on reform by a much less dangerous machinery. He thought it would be better done by Ministers who would stand in the van of popular opinion, who would sympathize with the feelirga the people, and who would proceed on improved principle% o Government, and voluntarily effect that reform which, in the former case, had been detested to the public by the means of coercion. It was for those re as o ns th a t h e wou ld, by. voting against the resolution of the Right Hon. Baronet, support the continuance in office of the present Ministry to the exclusion of those who would be substituted in their place.—(Cheers.) Lord DUNGANNON supported the policy of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman, who had just sat down, had endeavoured with same ingenuity, to bolster up the cause of her Majesty's Ministers. If Ministers were so 'confident that they would have the people with them, why were they so slow to appeal to the country ? At almost every election which had taken place since the commencement cf the present Ses sion, was not the Government party defeated—was not every vacancy filled up with a Conservative Member ? and set common sense was to be outraged by the assertion that Mi nisters possessed the confidence of the country. The Govern ment were ready, on any principles whatever, to keep their place, even on principles which twelve months ago they stigma. tised as insane. The . Hon. Members for Lincoln had declared their intention of voting in favour of the continuance in office of Ministers, one of whose vital measures they had on a late occasion censured. How was such a comae reconcileable with common sense ? How could they vote for men who had involved the country in those very evils of which they com plained? He believed the last hour of Ministers was neariy come, and that they would shortly have to vacate those seats on which they had never carried on the Government with the strength they ought to have done. He trusted they would he succeeded by those who, whatevi r might be the success of their efforts, would be at least. honest in their intention to benefit the country.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir HARRY VERNEY denied that any Hon. Gentle man on the other side was justified in throwing upon the sup porters of the Government the imputation that they supported them, not from a conviction of the propriety of their mea sores, but for party purposes.—( Hear, hear.) He thought, if the Noble bred who had just sat down had heard the answer to it which was given by the Hon. Member tor Lin colnshire (Mr. Handley), he would not so soon have repeat' the imputation.—( Hear, hear.) He did not think the late election at Nottingham was an index of the public mind, fur it was currently reported that the lion. Member for that place had been sent down expressly by the Censerva'ive Club, ft om the fund, of which in , titution it was said the expenses of that election were defrayed. If this were the case, he did not think there could be ant tliieg mere disreputable to Hon. Gentlemen oppesite.—( Hear, hi ar. ) He had always been a consistent supporter of the present Government, and was not afraid to meet his constituents. How could he sufficiently ex press his gratitude to the Noble Lord (J. Russell) and ttte Go verement for the benefits they had conferred upon the coun try, by the manner in which, note itlistanding all the obstacles iu their way, they had carried out the new Poor-iax bib.— How much was the country indebted to them tor amend ments in the criminal law? Could it be said that they had neglected the interests of the Church ? He believed that the present Government had been the best ft lends of the Church, and that the agricultural interest, and the Church, who were their most bitter opponents, had received from them not only great benefits', but tire greatest they cool:! receive. Could it be said they had neglected our colonial in terests,? Had our Indian administration been neglected? Was any accusation brought against their foreign policy ? What reason, then, was there that he should withdraw his con fidence from the prestnt Government ?—( Hear, hear.) More over, there were several important measures pending between this country and foreign Powers, which he thought it was absolutely necessary should be concluded by the Noble Lord. He teas at a loss to know what part of the administration would be benefited by the access:on of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, and-he should therefore vote against the resolution of the Right Hon. Gentleman.—( Hear, hear.) Colonel SIBTHORP said that as one haviug property in the county of Lincoln, he felt himself called upon to express his surprise at what had fallen from a Noble Lord and an Hon. Member who represented that county. He had often heard with delight the declarations made by those Gentlemen in favour of the present Corn-laws, the main-spring of the prosperity of the country. The opinions they had stated in the present debate, were not the opinions entertained by the great majority of the consti uency of Lincoln. Tell him the company you kept, and he would tell what you were. Her Majesty's Government, of whom it was known that he (Coionel Sib thorp) had a very bad opinion, were about to receive the votes of Members, who saw them biting forward measures inimical to the interests of the country ; and that was, he would re; eat, a subject to him of regret and surprise. With regard to the general question, he had always looked upon the financial duties of a Ministry, as the most im portant they had to perform. Now what could be said of a Governms nt like the present, which, arriving at power had found a large amount of revenue over the expenditure, and yet were now leaving behind them a deficiency of fuliy 6,000,0001. ? And yet that was the Government which had promised a diminution of the national burdens, and measures which would increase the public prosperity !—( Hear, hear. ) He saw the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the image of patience ; but he would venture to say that the Right Hon. Gentleman would soon be brought to regret the course he had followed. The Ministry had only retained-office by cunning, shuffling, and subtlety, which could scarcely be exceeded by the devil himself. They had brought forward the Poor.law Bill, a measure most unjust and iniquitous ; and they had needlessly lavished the public money for party purposes. Now, when a Government was guilty of such con duct, was there not the strongest reason for saying that they were undeserving of any confidence? Why, if they had not the unwarrantable assurance to hold office in defiance of public opinion, they would have long since consulted the good of the - people, and the dignity of the Crown, by resigning power in favour of men more competent, by their integrity, their talents, their assiduity, and their finelity to administer the affairs of the country at a period when those qualities %sere so indispensable. He had lately calculated the salaries of certain members of the Government ; and he found that three Secre taries of State—the Secretary for the Colonies, the Secretary for the Home Department, and the secretary for Poi eign Affairs, received among them 131. 3s. HP. per day.—( Hear, hear.) And yet many a poor man was consigned to a Baetile because he had been visited with misfortuees after a long lite of labour. Again, he found that ten Ministers had for the last' ten years received the sum of 500,000/. ; the Chancellor of the Exchequer having received 50,0ce/. , and other members of the Government similar sums. That was the amount merely of their salaries. Now, he would consent to give them a fair quarter's allowance if they would cf thei. (ten voluntary act come over to that side of the House and give up the Government, and that he thought a very li beral offer— (A laugh)—but they were too fond of sticking to their places to accept it; but ere long the vu'e of the House would compel them to resign, and he thought he could not give a vote more satisfactory to the country than that he should give in fas our of the elution. Mr. HA WES did not feel himself called upon to offer to the House any lengthened observations on toe speech of the Honourable and Gallant Gentleman who had just sat down. It was merely a parody of the speech made many years since by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke on the subject of the Salaries of the Privy. Councillors, and be would leave it to that Right Honourable Gentleman. But to answer an argument which he (Mr. Hawes) considered as un worthy of being addressee to a British House t f Commons.— (Cheers.) He certainly had been astonished at hearing the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman say that the speech of the Hon. Member for Liskeard had merely dealt in general charges against the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, for a speech more full of accurate historical details—a speech more replete with particular and specific charges, it had never fallen to his (Mr. Hawes') lot to hear, and he only regretted that the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth had not been present in the House to do justice to the arguments of his Hon. Friend.—(Cheers.) If historical precedents were to be referred to to determine the course that Ministers ought to take, he thought that speech should be con sidered as having settled the question. But he denied that any Ministry since the passing of the Reform Bill could be bound by any precedents which had occurred previous to the enactment of that great measure. The Right Hon. Baronet had founded his argument on the cases of Sir Robert Walpole and Mr. Pitt. He (Mr. Hawes) denied that those prece dents were at all in point, and he doubted whether any States man ought to be guided by precedent in such cases, but that their conduct must be founded upon the peculiar circumstances of each case.—( Hear, hear.) He remembered a speech which the Right Honourable Baronet had made soon after the passing of the Reform Bill, in which he said that the ordi nary tactics of party must be given up as no longer available under the change which had been introduced into the repre sentative systr m ; and why so ? Because under the old system they had the nomination boroughs; but it was the public epieion, expressed out of doors, and the independent party, which must now de ermine the Ministerial position. No one had molar eleatly — Flasidated that point than his Hon. Friend in the speech which he had made some time ago, and the only plan to be adopted was to be guided by the best information that could be acquired as to the state of public opinion out of doors, and on that found their policy with reference to the questions that had been broughtebetore the .House -by her !Majesty's Ministers ; they had the strongest indications of public opinion derived from public meetings, held in the face of day, and in the open air, that men of:all parties were united to seek commercial free dom. From the indications presented by those meetings the state of public opinion might be gathered, and by that the policy of Ministers ought to be guided. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke had referred to many mea sures which had been brought forward by the Government, ! and had been subsequently modified by the House, and from that he had dawn a conclusion that the Ministers did not pos sess the confid. nee of the House. SOme of his references, however, had been singularly infelicitous. He had wholly overlooked the vote of last session, and in going back for a period of ten years he had referred to some measures which told most unhirtunately for his argument.—a Hear, hear. ) I The Right Honourable Baronet had referred to the English Tithe Bill, and he said that the Opposi tion was entitled to all the credit of that measure, because without their support it could not have been carried. Bu; he had surely forgotten that the English Tithe Bill, breught forward by the tight Hon. ilar.inet the Member ter Tamworth, was altogether void of that principle which formed the principal and best texture of the present law. Then, wit h regard to the Irish Tithe Bili. The Right Hon. Gentleman had made eiest complaint because it no longer contained the appropriation principle, on which he said the present Govern ment had detertn ned to steed or fall. He (Mr. Hawes) still retained his opinion with regard to the principle, but the charge came with sineul sr impropriety from the Right Hon. Gentle man, acting, as he did, with the Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, who might be called the hero of the 147th clause of the Irish Temporal ties Bill. That clause was as direct , a violation of Church pro} erry as the Appropriation Bill. That 147th clause appropriated to other purposes the surplus of Church property ci, rived from the commu.ation of leases, and yet the Noble Lord thought it fitting to vituperate her Majesty's Government for having given up the Appropriation clause, whet, he himself had been compelled to give up the 147th clause; and language as strong had on that occasion been applied to the Noble Lord by those amongst whom he was then sitting, as had since beers applied by }timed( to his fortner col leagues, and he had been guilty of as much tergiver sation in giving up the clause as those whom he now accused. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member fur 'Tamworth had designated that clause as dangerous to the safety of pro perty. In cases of this sort it was impossible for a Ministry to be guided except by the public opinion, and never had that opinion be-n so strongly expr , ssed as it had been in favour of a change in oar commercial policy. Ministers had been charged with having brought forward th.s measure merely for the purpose of keeping their places. The same charge had been brought forward against them by the Hon. Member for Ripon, when they introduced the Retorm Bill. The tact was, that the circumstances of the country were such, that they were under the necessity of proposing either additional taxation or an alteration in the tariff. The Hon. eleineer for Kilmarnock had said that he (Mr. Hawes) had found filet with the foreign policy of the Ministry, He had never said one word on the fort ign policy of the Minis try, and he should not allude to it, as he agreed entirely with the Hoe. Member for Liskeard. But when the Hon. Member for Kilmarneek imputed to him a desire to pull down the Church bec ause h e up h e ld t h e vo l un t ary principle, he must say that a more irrelevant charge had never been made; seeing as he did the success o f t h e vo l untary pr i nc i p l e in the Dissenting and the Catholic Churches, he thought it more calculated to strengthen the Church than the comeulsory principle ad vocated by gentlemen opposite, The Right Hon. Baronet hid a'so taken grea t cre di t to t h e o th er si..e for upholding the Assembly of J ama i ca, on t h e occas i on o f the Jamaica Bill. Now, the Right Hon. Baronet had then stated that he merely wished to reserve a locus penetentice to that Assembly ; but that, if they were to d i so b ey t h e I m p er i a l Parliament, he Should then he prepared to support the measure. If the financial deficiency was toe ground of the preserve motion, it ought to he brought forward earlier. With regard to the Postage Bill, he wou ld b e per f ectly ready to repeat his vote, even in the present state of the finances, because he felt con vinced that a r vision of the tariff would increase the revenue, as not only to make good that deficiency, but to enable Ministers to reduce many taxes which now pressed heavily on the industry of the country. Throughout the who'e of the debate it had never been attempted to be shown that by a revision of the tariff the proposed revenue could not be raised, and the Right Hon. Baronet throughout his speech cautiously al,stained from contesting in the slightest degree the calcula tions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. With regard to the duty on corn the question was not 30 much as to the amount of revenue to be raised irom the d u ty, as to whether it would not give such a stemulns to trade as would cause an immense in crease in the Customs revenue. Did Gentlemen opposite mean to say that the calculations ofthe Chancellor of the Exchequer were erroneous? and if they were not, what could be the meaning of their opposition, except a desire to get office, when they might perhaps, the next day bring forward measures of a precisely similar nature ? The Ministers had adopted plain and intel ligible, and had brought forward, measures calculated to confer a tangible benefit on all classes of the people. The opposition to those measures was based upon no intelligible principles. With regard to the sugar duties, they did not say at once, we will receive no slave-produce. With regard t o t h e C orn -laws, the Right Hon. Gentleman said he would pledge himself to the sliding scale, and wished it to go forth to the farmers of Etigland that he would adhere to the present scale, but he would not pledge himself not to intro duce any aAeration fatal to the principle of that scale. The Right Hon. Baronet, whilst he acknowledged that the prosperity of the country was based upon the manufacturing interest, meant to diappoint that great interest on this occa sion, and would do nothing whatsoever, for that great and suf fering class, which, he contended would be reciprocally com bined with the agricultural interest, when there was the best opportunity of benefiting it. The Right Hon. Baronet had declaied that he would adhere to the slicing scale. They knew nst the principle upon which he opposed them; all that they could underssand was, that he was struggling for place.— ( Hear, hear.) On their part it was a struggle to tuifetter in dustry—it was a'struggle for food and wages—for that inde pendence and comfort amongst the great masses of the people, which would add strength to the nation and glory to the throne. He (Mr. Hawes) rejoiced that they had to look to the leader ship of the Noble Lurd in this great struggle.--( Hear, hear.) They confided the cause of the people to him with perfect confidence.—(Hear, hea . ) He had not shrunk from a cear and plain avowal of his principles. They knew we-I what they were supporting, and hit past conduct assured them that their support would not be misplaced.—( Hear.) The various meetings which had taken place throughout the country, including Liverpool, Manche s t er , Gl asgow , a nd Edin burgh, and the opinions there expressed, fully justified her Majesty's Mieisters in the course which they were pursuing. If the Hight Hon. Baronet should succeed in defeating their measures, there was a feeling out of doors which would not let the matter rest with a division in that House.—( Hear, hear.) Opposition to such measures would be fatal to his popularity.— ( Hear, hear.) They (the Opposition) had long been leaning upon the Poor-law agitation ; they were begisining to lean upon their new allies, the Chartists, by tampering with their passions. When wise measures were propounded, which had no party object, and which would be beneficial to all parties, the time was designated as unfitted to the calm discussion of the question. By such conduct they would lay the foundation cor the agitation of other subjects, arid bind together men who had not hitherto united in a struggle not merely for commer cial but for political measures.—( Hear.) He chalenged Hon. Gentlemen opposite to state the t'me when any great reduction of commercial duties had been effected and had not been fol lowed by the greatest possible benefits.—( Hear. ). Reference had been made to the time of Sir Robert Walpole. He would venture to say that the 20 years subsequent to the alterationi then made in the commercial system of this country were marked by the greatest prosperity. So also in the time of Mr. Pitt, and afterwards of Mr.- Huskisson, there was most unequi vocal evidence that the same results had followed a similar po licy. He felt convinced, therefore, that the measures were right in princple. They had got to hear from Hon. Gentle men opposite on what principle they resisted these changes. if they could show that they we. e likely to be injurious to the coun try, there would then be some ground for concluding that it was not a mere question of party politics.—( Hear, hear.) The policy proposed by the Government was based upon experi ence ; the principles had been tried—the results were known ; and he regretted that the measures proposed should be the sub ject of a struggle which would at once be prejudicial to the authority of the House, and injurious to the best interests of the country. Lord STANLEY said he had observed of late, in the course of these protracted debates, that it was a favourable amen that they were approaching to a conclusion of it, when the Right Hon. Gentleman the Vice-'.'resident of the Board of Trade moved the adjournment of the debate, and com menced that of the succeeding night at five o'clock ; and hav ing that evening perceived that happy omen, he hailed that Hon. Gentleman as the harbinger of the good tieings that they were about to close that discussion.—( Hear, hear.) But hefare they did so, he was anxious to address a few words to the House in explanation of the grounds on which he was prepared most cordially to support the motion of his Right Hon. Friend. He confessed that if anything could surprise him on the part of her Majesty's Ministers it would be the course which they had taken. The narrow, and, as it seemed to him, the unseemly ground which they had occupied in re sisting the proposition of his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Tamworth.—(Hear, hear.) That proposition divided it self into two points—the first that which he should have con sidered, and that, wh:ch in any other times would have been considered, the main and the substantive object of discussion and debate; the second, that which in any other times would have been a mere truom, results as a corollary from the asser tion of the first proposition. What was the first pro position of his Right Honourable Friend? That her Majesty's Ministers did not suffic,ently possess the confidence of that House to enable them to carry through that House measures which they believed to be essen ti tl to the public welfare. In what manner had that been, met? Had it been met as a Government strong in the con viction of its own right—strong in the conviction of its own good cause—strong in the sup; not of that House—strong in the support of the people--would have met a proposition so directly condemnatory of their whole conduct and pro ceedings as a Government? Why he would imagine that if the Government did not meet it with a resolution avowing- the confidence of Parliament and of the country in the measures they had adopted, at least they would have taken the bold line of denying distinctly and at once that they did not possess the confidence of that House and of the country, that they would have told them that their measures and their srin , cipies had been so plain arid straightforward, that they hail at all times so distinctly avowed their intentions, that if they (lid not sti 1 retain the confidence of the House, that it was by no change of conduct on their part, but by vaccillation, which they had no right to expect. on the part of the people of Eng land. They would have told them that the principle which they laid down on their accession to office, they had strenu ously and steadiiy persevered in maintaining; that they had firmly adhered to what they believed to be right —that th-y had steadfastly and constantly resisted that which they felt in their consciencies to be wrong, and upon that ground, upon the declaration—the clear, manly declaration of their principles—the clearness with which they had a serted them, the steadfastness with which they had acted upon them, the firmness and the success with which they had vindicated them, any Government worthy the name of a Government, would have met the proposition of his Right Honourable Friend.— (Loud Cheers.) And now how had these Ministers—for he would hardly say this Government—( Cheers from the Opposition)— boo had these Ministers met the proposition of his flight Hon. Friend ? Why, with faint and feeble oppo ition, and at last with a hesitating and reluctant admission of the truth of the proposition.—( Hear, hear.) True it was, that the Right Hon. Gentleman, whom he did not see in his place, -the Presi dent of the Board of Control—true it was, that the Right Honourable Gentleman, in an early period of that debate, did venture on a hesitating defence that her Majesty's Government were not quite so bad as his Right Hon. Friend (Sir R. Peel) had asserted. He did produce a certain number of measures, which in the last five or six years they had succeeded in carrying through the House. True it was he said " we have been defeated on many occa sions ; on more than one occasion we have been forced to abandon our measures—on more ,than one occasion we have been compelled to modify ethers ; we have received the seg gestions, we have received the corrections, we have deferred to the commands of those who, upon the other benches, dictate to us what course we should pursue ; but some measures we have carried—don't deny to us that some measures we have been able to carry since that period of 1835 down to the present time." An. what said his Right Hon. Friend (Sir J. Graham) to demolish the argument of his Right Hen. Friend opposite ? The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite went through those mea sures seriatim. He enumerated the whole of them, and his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Pembroke, following him, showed that there was not one of those measures upon which he had nut received the support of his political opponents. Not one of all the measures which the Hon. Gentleman had enu merated—not one upon which upon the introduction, upon the second reading, or upon the third reading, was a single division taken by his political opponent ; with the single exception, he granted, of the Municisal Corporation Bill for Ireland, which at last was passed, by the Right Honourable Gentleman op posite adopting the franchise which was insisted upon by that side of the House. But, said the Right Hon. Gentle man who had spoken that evening, the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, " What blame can you attach to us if all our measures have been so perfect and so pure that they com manded the respect and the support of our opponents ?" The argument was a plausible one, but would it bear examination ? % hat, if they should have borrowed those measures from their opponents themselves? Whet if they were not their measures? W hat if they were measures which belonged to the Government of Earl Grey—which belonged to the Government of Sir R. Peel—which were adopted by them ( the Mini-ders) and passed by them with the support and as , istaiive—aye, and almess in every case, with nooliticatistis concurred in by them. of those measures which, by taking from their predecessors, they adopted as their own, and now claimed the mt rat of pass ing.—( Hear.) He spoke then of legislative measures and of leeislattve measures only. His Right Hon. Friend went through the whole of tnese measures, and he ( Lord Stanley) would net weary the House by adverting individually to each of those points to which he had alluded, anti upon none of which he had met with an answer from the Right H. Gen tleman oppo-ire. But there was one point whip h his Night Hon. Friend had omitted. He proved distinctly and clearly that her Majesty's Government had never succeeded in carry ing a measure without the consent of their po itical opponents —that many measures wish used hat.l attempted to car, y, they had been compelled to abandon without costing to a di icon, arid that upon others they had been defeated. But he had omittsd to state that the Government did not command the confidence of these who called theineelves their supporters, and that not half a dozen but twenty times in the course of five years they had been compelled in their resistance of mea sures brought forward by their own supporters to _call in the as istance of their political opponents.—( Hear, hear.) Would the House permit him, without going beck to an either petite:l than the S s-ion of 1838, to call its attention to the conduct of the Government in referrenee to the Ballot? In 1838 the Benoit was not an open question. The Government declared that as a government they woald oppose its adoption. In 183:3 the Hon. Member for Londoa brought fcieward his nme lion fer introducing the Vote by Ballet. The Goveszninent typeset{ it. The Noble Lord addressed the House in opposition to that motion, and when they came to the debate upon the motion, which was resisted by the whole strength of Go vernment, the following was the re-ulr of that d vision : In favour of Mr. Grote's :notion, ayes, 198 —noes, 315. Now how much did her Majesty's Ministers contribute from their own supporters to that? Why, the ayes exclusively consisted of those supporters who were about to vote confidence in her Majesty's Government, anti who looked to the Noble Lord as their leader and guide, the ayes to make up that number of 193, including 16 persons holding office, produced just 65 Members. —(Loud cheers.) While of the 315 whq had de eated the 198 supporters of the Government—thereby assisting the Government—out of that number the Conserva tive party furnished 250, In 1839, Mr. O'Connell, on the 28th of February, moved to bring in a Bill to assimilate this franchise of Ireland to that of England. When a division wa§, come to on that subject the ayes in favour of the motion were 92, and the noes against the motion were 155, which her Majesty's Government, including 21 gentlemen in office, furnished 49, and the Conservatives 10 6,--(l,oe s t cheers.) On the 21st of March the Honourable Member for Kilkenny moved for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Reform Act, That was resisted by the Govern.. MORNING c rt. ,te ei , :t. to lien. vote witl, b t e h r e fo n r lo K ti i o lk n e , n h n , y w b e ir r gh ., , ,as t iff u y, g 7i i i v ,s e j oy a majority of en, and of that number the Cense a c nie produces 66 gentlemen, while the Government proshue 29. On the 4th of June, 1839, the Hon. Baronet t her fop Preston brought in a Bill to alter the voters for tout oidt The store Baronet had 81 votes; the noes were 2, 2 ( i i , 01 ,,,, r t5• number the Goren merit produced 39, while their se`- of tive opponents product d 168.-(Cheers.) In the two ,00 ; of Parliament that had just expired, he had produet,'„ a t e d: stances in which the result had happened which he from which, if the Conservative party had remaine t e e s son , the Government would have beers deleated by their oa c n reip ;,. porters. He brought this fore ard as the last of three ri , ew er stances marking the great command of influence e su a r l' ..cne which the Government possessed in the House ot C 5 " the He would s t are the House the trouble of bearing all , nd s e l tails, because the Noble Lord the eecretary for. Ire!, o i t iou, fnain:ly caufessyd that, as to the first part of the Oil „ a ble they riad not the confidence of the House, so far as ‘`‘ e ver them to carry their measures into effect.-( Hear. ) out such an an admission, he would ask, n.ade by a Covern,"e oug et fore? Supposing that his Right Hon. .Friend n ot. le e this proposition forward, that the Government did .n e the , sess the confidence of the House sufficiently to ellan t , d hoe to carry their own measures, chat, he would ask, vouttirne if been she slate:ion of such a Government in any othereee it had b- en carried? Would not that have been toanisiuctieg decision that the Government wete not worthy 01 L o ' l inse et, the business of the country ?-(Hear.) To the ast i n ' oes tre kowever, of himself, and, he had no doubt, of the t t s te t under such circumstances the Noble Lord, admitting, ~ 1 2. .ue to proposition, found it convenient to demur to the secosduase, it state that, though they had not the confidence of thefu ileas ) did not fo low necess a rily that they should resigu•(ht As far as he thought the proposition weak, so he th % Nir o? arguments by whi c h it w a s mainta ine d, w ere the.ll s 9st e .s e sted diusry he had ever heard.-( H e a r , he ar . ) He sievereer,,,,,,, to hear from a Whig Admin is tr a tio n suc h arguments as tbe heard from the Pr e sident of the H oar d o f Conireul , Right lion. G , nchman the Secretary at War. ‘ Vhat te tlist the President of the b oa rd o t C ontro l? Why, he s' „enibe it wee not thsir duty to resign, though they d:d not Po - 0 , ase eentidence of the Hide, or carry their measures ; i t e f t he their tatty to resign bs pause they did possess the fasor ,over Crown -(Gs eas cheering)-and, that no doubt might ' o tion tensed, the R ig ht Hoe. Gentle followed up this deal es , if with the following observations-" which, let nte te ll) ibcOo the beet support any Minister can have."-(Cheenn) that ' were the wo r d s th a t f s ll f rom a Wh ig alinister-we r ., fell trim one who was at one time the ardent and zesin4 ce be fender of :h e p eop l e ' s r i g h ts - suc h were the ductrineif(Lord ha., hut tooth to the Commons of Csreat Britain. D e se Stanley) knew not whether that Right Hon. Gent ler in his dace or not; if he was, he w o uld t e ll him tb 4l i beitta could, in his judg ment, be no higher rgl en ,, et 34 or a graver offence than that of a minister at t- s e. o .-7: to whisper such a doerine in the ear of a Soreltew (Cheers.) He wou.d tell him that of the personel le '," tbi Crown they knew nothing in that House. Deep °l o tto' crime cf the finister, who fancying that he possess " a l s et your, presumed to use it for patty interests, deeper o se his guilt e ho dared to use the name of his Sovereign t . e ) ,, es' awe the tiscussions and to letter the fr ee exercise' c heer' pressions of the Representative s o f t h e p eo pl e .-(Grea t rf ing.) Another argument that h a d b een us ed 11 asoshi ~,oteto" Cabinet :mister, the Sec ret a ry a t W ar , was that it t per little whether Government were enabled to carry tb t e ives ell sures so long as they met with n o censure f rom the ' s uch their administration of the law. Never, he believed, " e i " , be a fatal doctrine put forward, for its etlect . sen: oles s s completely to overthrow the power of the House of C t; over any Minister, and would leave the admisoistra f l oe; the affairs of the country in the Crown, and the Croy . ° oo lll' He (Lord Stanley) had heard this uoctrine proceed but he tie Right Hon. Gentleman with great astonishment, _tese in some measure relieved when he found that that ci b ' t be rested with the Ri g ht H on . G ent l eman hi mse lf, and ;,,,d the had thought forwaid no autho r i t i es f or it. He and Right lion. Gentleman to f o ll ow up hi s d octr i ne , an" sbe es ;stun. in the hi s t or y o f thi s country, a Mi nister had tw ev ose displaced by a vo t e o f want o f con fid ence. A vote 01. us e of was the highe s t t es t o f the disapprobation of the ~`' Cemmons ot the cond u ct of t h e Ministry. The BO h t sot ° I Baronet. the President of the Board of Control had ner e ; o ssi say that a singl e d e f ea t was no ground fora Minist er r.e 10 rife office. Was this, 1:e (Lo r d Stanley) would ask, the 01, single defea t ? W as it no t t h e f ourt h , the fif t h, the six', could not t e ll h ow many t i mes t h ey h ad b een defee te oo ( Hear, he ar .) Th ey h a d b oasted of t he • qui' of Jamaica. If Jamaica was tranquil, it was because 11 ; 1 ;00 jetty's Mini s t ers had not been enabled to carry t e n t hat mea s ur es w hi c h th ey contemp l ate d w i t h rese eet as , the. country. If the Ch urc h was t ranqu il , i t was beta ,„tr. It :Ministers could no t carry t h e i r measures on t h a t sor 5 be the national s s s t em o f e d ucat i on was not a l tere d, it" tbeit cause the Goveinment had not been enabled to ear e r Y ter eet measures on that , ü bj ec t. M uc h h a d b een sa id with to Sir Robert Walp o l e , an d th e course w hi c h he had P e r during his Administration had been brought forosard,rte cedent. Now, he (L o rd Stanley) had looked haelt e history of Sir Rob e rt W a lp o l e . Sir Robert Walpole joyed the confidenc e of the H o u se o f C ommons aria thL ;r , of for a long peri o d. H e h a d a d m i n i stere d the T o the the country for a length of time unexampled , euso so'' period arriv e d w h en h e l ost t h at confidence, tied he tr ee d fered himself to be overborne in his own Cabinet. -- ye e re He permitted hims e lf t o b e l e d i nto measures, antibeeat!', sponsiole for them, which he hi mse lf di sap proved °'. nig plunged the count r y not i nto c i v il str i fe, b ut civil ware lit did he do this ? Why, at the entreaty ot his Sore do se did this in obedicnse to the passions of people out ot, abs which Lad been excited by those who sat in the sane a sh. with himself.-(Great Owe: ing.) And from the 1 15 "1 ne i ,,, thus unwisely yielded, the power of Sir Robert WalP,-h ar d gone-the place remained but the authority was gone. a oi councils bi ought inefficient actions. Feebleness succe'e c u e e , energy, and the result was ignominious c'etl i A a lle f and compromises. the hour of defeat came at last"? anu i , s le a long life of useful service, the power of Sir Rebeest ' e ste which he might have resigned with dignity, Was wre , t ie e lt° him by a majority of the Hou s e o f C ommons , ae e n he tor, respected and less regretted, because h e f e ll coo late slo reluctantly.-( Great cheering.) H e (L or d Stanley)::tbf. not but think that there might be at least erne Minister ' wit g present day who might look upon the past history Robert Walpole as a matter of deep reflection l ee oat's'self, self, for he would mos t assure dl y find that be eate' be placed in the same situation, because Ise had ee r e r e ole' the faults which had been committed by S;r Robert. 1 1' 1 0 0 1 But the Right Hon. Gentleman the Judge Advocate " 2e- s ett' s . ; grounds, and asked them had not the Clown the povi "„- solving Parliament? and he said there was the allern a e - 114 dissolution or resignation, and the question was wheit' a r e should or should not dissolve the Parliament. Wil t utr spent to the Right Hon. Gentleman, that was not tb e e . .;, ; tt ton before the House-it wae a question which, aee n lestr e ,' the Constitution, ne ver oug h t to b e mooted i n that' ed thy No doubt the Cr o w n h a d th e power-no one disprn, re oP! that power form e d one o f t h e prerogat i ves o f the rt e s one which that House had no right and no desire to in with, although h e f e lt persuaded that gentlemen Tory) side of the 1 - Luse did not deprecate a d He believed that the country at large were anxiously a dissolution, which would enable them to relieve t hell - b esti by their own exertions, from an Administration wb ie e (l iter lung crippled their exertions.-(Cheers.) But it Was h - , 61 tion with which that House had nothing to do. euiee-itti were taken it must be taken upon the respnlatli 104 the - advisers of the Crown, and they were la Ivo% responsible w t a o , t a h, f y ut s u o r u e gh t: a fo ll r ia in me a n d L ia -(Cheers.) ie. ' the' ask __ w hat Wl: te tbl to justify such a step-he did not shrink from or der e fo measure, but the country had a right to know, and Wi l e ," - e iseir s under what circumstances and for what purposes the L7e.l" went advised the Sovereign to dissolve the Parlialetenee th; doubt they would say it was for the purpose of carti h 7. se .A. alteration in the operation of the duties on corn, 6112 , 5e - sla ' n e : sugar; one past of the scheme they had already . au• - defeer? and on another they confidently anticipated a slee t In what position was the country placed by such on' oil Did they tak e th ese measures up for the purpose o f 93 ,0• 41 , the m o tion of the vast machi ne o f S tate work more eatT wet they propose by them to bring the t wo H ouses o f Leg'st ~t tbs into gr ea t er h armony ? I t was none of these—because a moment the two Houses were perfectly in accordance ee fe each o her. Hut should the Government, unexpectedlY thernse.ves, succeed in thei r endeavours, and obtain e f ts ti° e ,' majority of one or tw o , th e h appy result of their ag'eeel charged as they were with the operations of the Gov erl 'e'ese; they would hav e crea t e d difficulties for themselves and r two accordant parts of the Legislature in direct hostiliqeor,bi there was one object to be gained-it was a desperate end th e agitation and excitement, an effort which the good sen se people would repudiate and visit with signal failure; e erea an attempt to prop up a t o tt er i ng G overumeht. -0' But Members of that House had no right to suppos e !, 0 3 lution ant °aching ; they were b oun d to d i scuss mellsur;e they were a ssure d t h at the House wo n ' ; e tiee'' the whole peri o d a ll owe d by the Cohei.'' tlu For what reason was it that ever since the paseieg stabs Septennial Act no oae Parliament had beau eltusved tb's wholememh Members o i o f d thatof time Hou a?-itshould was not carry e a ar ' r e ron wi t s b e ei P r u d il l?; ' t i ; 4 " -' might e under t le h g e i f s e la a t r e o f f or a p t p h t e A g ri o n o g d b o e f for t e he th p e e i o r p e le, o ns t i t ue ntst t- Le cJ time of . the public and make laws undee the an i d ran n ee °!lt;i d e e ae:tfl l appearing on the hustings. If they ; of any such fear, they did Ty,t legislate but e r t hat themselves into agitators. In J': e ne seer 7 Canning in debate let fall an expo ssion intinaatir, g the House would probably 'ue aid not act inaleP i ee that shortly after tb ° 'Eg e dissolved. Was this aeges;,eior., in by the Whigs of the's day? No. !.ord Henry' P eit t'era e : Lord Lendsdowne, irestiguartilv repudiated such tit eaten' r e s unconstitutional itoiguage and hoped the constitutionalted linese of the House would ' not be influenced or intineolt it. What did Lord Flowick say?-not his Noble Foe n ",,,, te l e a e he saw opposite-( - Laughter)-but Lord Grey, whop' ii ' ° 4.3 e te of the Hun, (3entleman opposite dared say was d ' s t if t ot when the division wits go noe s on ; he suggested tlie",..eoei: , original motion were lost it might Mt-, t t , for the House to address the Throne in order to n' fi. ° f ; threat, and it was equally deprecated by Mr. Whitbrea w ir e' e was the way such a th reat as that now held out nat'',siseis 1807. Put he would ask th em were they about to the Parliament, for it so, t h en t h ey h ad no right to carrY 13 eiscussions under that menace. They were bound P eas that they would not be dissolved, but if it was se feenn o t were placed in such a situation as no Miuister of t ° e d ! had any right to put th em , f or they were bring i e e great questions, not in th e h o p e o f pa - s i ng them i nt ", tar ' e s ere because they were about forthwith to a l peal to the ' ,cent Now he would say that it was m os t unconst i i ut i or to a t e uf such measures under such a threat. It had b-ete wino' /l e UI niehts ag o , th a t h e (L or d S tan l ey ) was an unw Ort h Y er the late Air. Hu-kiss , n-that was a name whic'a u - P e r t h men were fond o f q uot i ng , w h en it aoswei ed their e ge n e but what slid he say o n thi s very su bj ect ? On the 161, b''' 1826, Mr. Whitbr ea d, or M r . Whi tmore, was about t''.ess.' , l,',l on a motion to " consider the pre sent state o t he Coln ie l o Mr. Husete-on essid " his purio,:e in rising,was to per s s House, if possible, not. to engage in the discussion ton e i t t occasion, tor it must terminate in embat-lassmenr• ' 0 n o t c 1 was any one question mo re t h an another which ought n li a , d•seu.sed on the eve of a gsneral erection, it was the C nill e s e Such was the opinion of Mr. fiuskseson against the se prudence of intrecluc ing a di scussion on 'the Corn-la,l. r ' e t eve of a ge n e ra l e l ect i on ; b ut what would he say "e" done with a view to it s being the very pivot on ; a id i election hung ?-(Louil cheers.) What would he have . C Arn t in connectiao with the comideration attached to the d f ee lawseand their influence upon wages snit th e we ll-hei'n e pese d ' humbler sisases - hat wo u ld h e h ave siid, if it wer e P e ' one of )/ to combiee with it the ex is t t nee o f a Government ic 'e e ers's the , two gnat parties which divided that country? -- "A r That would make the agitation tenfold; and :et °' j per circumstances an actirese had tseen put into his .harwe,'e anti would read to the pause the cam and temperate toise ( s e t ; tl ;h'seby ccra l l it ( e,e l C j ea. t i t l. ' the people to suppoi t the proposition of Min sters. ) by tb t s t , i e e a e t t v a c c o ts f ramgne an ra a l tid e l r e e t s e: ( c o a l• it avpgp was addressed to the c P onsiituency now represent ed °f ,t 1 Noble Lord the- Secretary- tor the Colonies, the leade k r ing fat; moteree House.--s( °Teat eheer.ng. ) He was far from o°, l i t . f i e ; *ttlinl he insulting the good taste and feeling of o t r, th: ' el that the Noble Lord had an)thing to do scitu he - I Lard if he had thought hies guilty of sushi a produt'll eist ti but he had brought it forward to indicate the degree ° f her e t' ?, 1 ,0 end deliberation, and the excited popular the House of Commons was called on to deliberate on on most exciting and interesting questions. Before he ro s e , 5131 ., he wished to address a few words to the Hon. Gentl e ore f clings, uns s age professing, andtsincerely lie believed, great regard f" ) _ r ,` tir cultural naterest of the country, formed part of thas Ob i