The Sun. — London, England, 1867-06-22 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Svailbeach Mine Estate, Duke of Cleveland's Estate, Chichester Harbour Embankment, Cardiff and Penarth Road, Neath and Brecon Railway, and Crickhowell Gas and Water Bills were read a third time and passed. THE PRISONERS IN ABYSSINIA. Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE said that he would ask the noble lord at the head of her Majesty's Government what was the condition, and what stops had been taken in the matter relative to the prisoners who were in the dungeons of King Theodore. He would quote from a work well known, in which Captain Spoke, a gentleman who been 10 years in those dis tricts, says that Mr. Cameron. her Majesty's consul in Ab;ssinia had, with other captives, been kept three years in confinement by King Theodore. He thought that the attention of the Houses of Parliament ought to be called to the question, and as it was a national question, where the honour and integrity of the country was concerned, it should be taken up by her Majesty's Government. We ought to vindicate the honour of the na tion by inquiring into every point connected with so iniquitous a matter. What he would ask was—what are the number, condition, and quality of the British subjects confined in Abyssinia, and what steps had been taken in the matter by her Majesty's Government, and whether any steps had been taken, and whether it was their in tention to take any steps in the matter ? Lord DERBY said that anticipating the question of the noble lord, he had made the fullest inquiries at the Foreign Office. The number of captives altogether was 18, and communications had been continually addressed to the Emperor of Abyssinia. A letter had been sent out to the Emperor, to which, although they knew it had been re ceived, no answer had arrived. With regard to all the papers, they should be happy to give the house all the in formation on the subject. Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE asked whether the prisoners were still in chains? Lord DERBY said he could not answer that, but the last information was that they were not. THE COMMISSION ON RITUALISM. The ARCHBISHOP OF YORK said that ho objected to certain persons whose names wero placed on the Ritual istic ,Commission. Several prominent gentlemen who appeared upon it had pledged themselves to one side or the other. There were two gentlemen who had written on the question from opposite points of view. He should therefore on these grounds object to them serving on the Commission. The subject then dropped. THE INCREASE OF THE EPISCOPATE BILL. On the moving of the third reading of this bill, Lord SHAFTESBURY stated that whoever might object to any increase in the Episcopate, no one could deny the great spiritual destitution in Eng land and Ireland. He found that in the diocese of Rochester there were 601 benefices, many of which were ,without residence, and 181 under £2OO. The late inde fatigable Bishop of London had stated that he wanted 250 more clergymen for parochial assistance. If aid was not given to supply the spiritual and moral wants of the people, if nothing was done by the new Reform Bill to alleviate this want, he (the noble earl) would not give 25 years for the existence of the British empire. He had no objection to the in crease of the number of bishops, but the amount required for the creation of three bishops would be not less to maintain their property than £200,000. The spiritual wants of the people ought to be the first consideration of the house. Tho Bishop of OXFORD said that this was one of the most important questions that could come before the house. He could not, however, agree with the noble lord's figures at all. Now it was a fact that out of the episcopal fund the bishops had been giving £350,000 a year to small livings. Ho did not wish that there should be an addition of the bishops for the sake of the prelates themselves, but, in the words of the noble earl opposite, their appointment was to strengthen and inspirit the clergy in the country. The sum mentioned by the noble lord opposite would go but very littlo towards re lieving the spiritual wants of the country. He thought that the clause relating to the common fund should be left out altogether, and the matter left entirely to Parliament. The amendment was supported by Lord Eversloy and the Earl of Harrowby, and opposed by the Archbishop of York, the Earl of Derby, and the Duko of 3.larlborough, and on a division was rejected by 82 to 73. Earl GREY moved to add a clause anthorising the ap pointment of suffragan bishops, but the clause was rejected by 72 to 35. The bill was then read a third time and passed. Lord GRAN WORTH presented a petition complaining of the operation of the Irish Salmon Fishery Act and laid on the table a bill to meet the case, and after some discus sion the bill was read a first time. On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY a select committee was appointed to consider the expediency of the house meeting at 4 o'clock, and what further changes may be desirable for the better transaction of the business of the house. Siveral las were advanced a stag) and the houso a , ' journed at 20 minutes past 8. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-LAST EVENING. Tho SPEAKER took tho chair at 2 o'clock. REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE BILL. The house went into committee on this bill. On clauso 31, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that ho proposed to insert in the clause the names of the gentle men proposed as Boundary Commissioners, viz., Lord Eversion Lord Penrhyn, Mr. Walter, Mr. Bouverie, Mr. Russell Gurney, Mr. Bramstone, and Sir J. Duckworth. The right hon. gentleman said ho should, if it was the wish of the house, postpone proceeding with the motion until the new clauses wore brought up. _ _ _ Mr. GLADSTONE thought that course would be the mo , ,t desirable one to pursue. Mr. BRIGHT complained that the names of the gentle men proposed, however unobjectionable, would not give great satisfaction, because none of them had taken any very active part in the passing of the bill. He thought it desirable to appoint a body in which the public would have confidence, and that there should be some clause framed to define the powers of the Commissioners. Ho was not all disposed to confer such extensive powers as it was now proposed to entrust to the Commissioners with out some limit as to their authority. He thought the right hon. gentleman, in the interest of the bill, would appoint upon the commission at least one gentleman who had shown during the discussion of the bill an honest and earnest dedre to make the bill a really good one for the representation of the people. Colonel KNOX desired to know whether the hon. mem ber for Birmingham wished to have some of the Reform League or those who made the row in Hyde Park upon the commission ; or did he desire a selection from the Fenians, whose petition, which was presented by the hon. member, and was received with disdain and disgust, was ultimately laid upon the table of the house ; or did the hon. gentleman wish a selection made from the names it contained ; or did he want 31r. Beales appointed to serve on the commission ? Sir J. GREY thought, under the circumstances, the postponement of settling the names of the boundary com missioners was most desirable. Mr DENMAN thought it would be better to have men of pronounced opinions as boundary commissioners, and that, instead of those names submitted, a thorough-going Liberal on the one side, and a thorough going Tory on the other, should at least be placed upon the commission. Be fore the matter was brought on for discussion he hoped the right hon. gentleman would reconsider the composition of the commission. Mr. BERESFORD HOPE said that it would have been tho best and wisest course to have mado the ap pointment of the Boundary Commissioners antecedent to the consideration of the Government proposal relative to the distribution of seats. (Hear, hear.) He felt the motion as it stood was one that would lead to party agitation for further elective privileges in the courso of a year or so, a matter that was extremely undesirable. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the greatest caro had been exercised in collecting the names of those gentlemen whom it was proposed to submit as mem bers of the boundaries of boroughs and counties. The great object of the Government was to get the best members for the commission, without res p ect to party ; and he thought it was the best that could be devised. lie could not undertake to lay a copy of the instructions given to the commission before the names of the commissioners were fixed upon. It was of great importance that party feeling should be set aside on this occasion, and on Mon day, when the question was discussed, he thought there would be no difficulty in coming to a clear conclusion in the matter. Mr. BRIGHT objected very much to the composition of the commisr4ion. lie did not see why Lord Penrhyn, merobcr of the How° of Peer, should ben member ; then rig,tin, the hon. member for Southampton—h•e had, in addi tioa to l,is Parliamentar,y , duties, Ills duties as Rocerder. Mr. Walton had been a county member, and hoped to be so again, besides which he was connected with a powerful journal, to which the Government appeared to pay a great deal of court at the present moment—besides which ho en tertained a fanatical admiration for what was called the territorial system of the country. Mr. Bramston had been a county member, and, on the whole, the commission, if it was appointed as at present proposed, would not give satis faction to the House or the country. He did not for one instant imply that any of the gentlemen would act otherwise than with the greatest honour, - but still he thought that they were not the best fitted per ons who could be selected. He had an opinion that com missioners ought not to be members of Parliament at all ; but he would not further refer to that matter. With re s,)ect to the assistant commission—the actual persons who would have to do the work—they were to in appointed by the seven gentlemen commissioners. That was not alto gether the best arrangement that could be come to. In the event of no alteration being made in the co nsti tution of the commission, he should move the omission of some of the names and the introduction of other', and also an addition to the number if such should be thought desirable. He did not see Trhy the number should be seven. He thought nine would be a better number, and would enable a stronger and more efficient body being selected. He gave notice of his intention of doing as he intimated, if it should become necessary, on Monday 'zest. After some further discussion, the consideration of the subject was postponed until Monday next. Clause 32, on account of the rejection of the clause relative to voting papers, was struck out. On clause 33 being proposed, Mr. DENMAN moved an amendment, the effect of which was to extend the provisions of the 79th sec. of the 6th of Victoria, chap. 18, to the new voter as well as the old one. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought the motion could be more easily done by striking out the clause, as the object he had in view was, ho thought, effected by the 40th clause. _ The clause was accordingly struck out, and clauses 31 and 35, which related to rating, having been previously considered and agreed to, clause 36 was then taken into consideration, which proposed to treat the corrupt pay ment of rates as bribery. Sir R. KNIGHTLEY moved an amendment to the clause, and considered the payment of the railway travel ling expenses of a voter going to poll might just as well be treated as bribery. Mr. ROEBUCK thought if the words were left out it would be going against the entire spirit of the act. If a man was excused from payment of rates he was not a per son who ought to be upon the roll of voters. (Hear, hear.) Suppose a man were to say to a person seeking his vote, " I've not paid my rates," that person would re ply, " Oh, very well, I'll pay them for you, and then you can vote for -me." Such an arrangement it would be ridiculous to look upon in any other light than bribery. A long discussion followed, during which it was sug gested that the clause should be taken out of the bill and referred to the committee at present sitting to inquire into corrupt practices at elections. The amendment of Sir R. Knightley was ultimately negatived without a division. Sir F. Goldsmid then moved an amendment in another part of the clause, to the effect that any person paying the rates of another person, to enable him to vote, should be deemed guilty of bribery. _ _ _ This amendment was agreed to, and on the :question that the clause stand part of the bill, Mr. DENMAN moved that it be struck out cf the bill altogether. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the clause,— ... 250 Against it, ... 196 Majority, ... t 4 The house was engaged in discussing the next clause up to seven o'clock, at which hour the sitting was suspended until nine o'clock. At the evening sitting, on the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. G. DUFF called attention to the report of the Scotch Education Commissioners, and to a plan which they re commended to bring about a national system. Lord R. MONTAGU said the report had been presented but a short time, and the Government having had their attention engaged with other matters had not made up their minds upon it. He expressed, however, an opinion adverse to many of the recommendations of the commis sioners, and stated that in no country in the world was education so high as in Scotland. Ire argued at great length against the rating system, and said the attendance of the children at school was greater in England and Scot land than it was in America. Mr. W. E. 81.I.XTE11, could not help expressing the great astonishment and pain with which he had listened to the speech of the noble lord, who had pursued a most ex traordinary course in attacking the report of a royal com mission. lie defended the report, which showed the in efficiency of the Privy Council system in Scotland. The parochial system had not kept pace with the wants of the population, and the Privy Council system had failed, and the commissioners, believing that no sectarian difficulty existed, and that the denominational system in Scotland was unnecessary, had unanimously recommended a na tional system, which they pointed out could be supported by a small rate. The debate was continued for some time longer, and in the course of it Mr. HAItDY promised that the Government would consider the report in no spirit of hostility to the commission. Vv Two or three other subjects of minor importance having been discussed, the house went into committee of supply, and £300,000 was voted for the packet service. The orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned. Sheffield Trades' Union Commissio-,. FOURTEENTH DAY (FRIDAY). At the opening of the Commission yesterday Mr. Broadhead W:1 51 seated among the privileged spectators on the side of the court occupied by sec retaries and representatives of Trades' Unions. Mr. 0 verend—Mr. Broadhead, will you take your place (pointing to the witness's chair) ? Mr. Broadhead slowly walked to the chair and took his seat. Ilis countenance was serious—per haps a little anxious, and it had in its expression a certain admixture of doggedness, like that with which a stolid, determined man who knows,whAt is before him, and is determined to brave it, goes on ward to his fate. Before the examination commenced, Mr. Overend said—Mr. Broadhead, in the cause of justice and in the interest of those whom you may implicate, I give you this warning. I dare say you have a false sense of honour that you won't implicate others. I look on my notes, and I find that you have never told us the name of a single person you caused to ratten, you have never disclosed a single fact that has not been proved by two witnesses, you have never admitted anything which we did not know. Now, if you are to obtain a certificate, you have to tell us all you know ; and we must be satisfied that it is all that you know ; it is not only telling about those things which have been mentioned, but if it should turn out in the result that there are other things with which you are proved to have been associated, and you have not told us about them, unquestionably your certificate will be withheld. Aud, again, it is not in the interest of any man who may have been associated with you to attempt to screen him, because if others, believing that you can screen them, do not come forward and state what they know, you may be the cause of their being ac tually punished ; but if they know you have told all most likely they will come forward to state what they have done, and if they do that they will be entitled to a certificate, if only they tell the truth. By con cealing them therefore you are not only putting your self in peril, but them too. Therefore I caution you again with reference to other transactions which you have not spoken about. Be explicit, clear, and straightforward. Mr. Broadhead (rising)—Pardon me, sir, will you permit me to ask you a few questions? Mr. Overend—Yes. Mr. Broadhead—Can I rely that the same mercy will be extended to those men as to myself, if they tell the truth ? Mr. Overend—Certainly, undoubtedly. Mr. Broadhead—Then, sir, I will give you a true statement. Mr. Broadhead sat down after saying this, with an expression of relief on his face. The obstinate, dogged look had vanished, and a softer shade had tAken its place. At times, in making confession of bygone crimes—so far back that the details had in some cases slipped his memory—he became ab stracted, and, looking forward into vacancy, spoke ss if he were naming incidents that were slowly passing before his mind. Mr. Overend—ls there any statement you would like to make before I put the questions to you? • Mr. Broadhead—Yes, sir. Mr. 0 verend —lf you please. Mr. Broadhead—To begin with, the statement I made yesterday relative to the Hellewell affair was untrue. I hired Dennis Clark to blow up Hellewell. What did you give him ?—Well, sir, my memory won't serve me as to what the amount was. Was it £3 ?—Well, I Lkdi,Ncn it would be either £3 or £5. Did you know that Clark did blow up?—l was told that Shaw blew hicn up. - Who told you ?—Clark.. Did you pay the money to Shaw or to Clark ? I think I paid the money to Clark. Then, am I to ❑nderstand that was the paper which you drew up ; for what purpose did you draw it up ?—That paper was drawn up because I heard of Shaw circulating a report at that time, and when I learnt of his drawing the scale and at the same time working it became my duty, let th e consequence be what it might, to detect him if 1 could in drawing the scale which he had no right to. He was detected doing so.. By whom—by Mr. Martin ?.—Yes, and I was obliged to bring it before the committee and feeling 'THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAWY EVENING, JUNE 22, 1867, that if I did so, to be revenged upon me he might probably put into practice what I had heard be had talked about, Idrelv up the document, saying nothing to any one. My purpose was, in the first place, to question him when he came before the committee as to the reports he had put in circulation- - which I believed he would deny ; and, in the next place, to ask him before the committee. Mr. Overend—ls it the investigation committee? —Witness—No, a regular committee, sir (ccr.ntinu ing)—to ask him before the committee if I ever did employ him to do such a thing—which I also believed he would deny, thinking he would get his scale stopped if he did not deny it. And then my pur pose was to call upon the committee in his presence to witness that document ; and to hold that docu tnent as a protection against any statements b 5 after wards might make. (After a pause.) Wien the committee met I carried into effect my phi a, and, as the minute states, asked permission to ask: Shaw a few questions, which they granted; and then put the question to him as given in the statement, and, as anticipated, he answered. The committee after wards signed it. 'Feeling myself somewhat secure against any course he might take, I then went into the business, and that terminated, as expressed in the minute. , The document was produced and read. It made Shaw to say that Broadhead never employed him to blow up Henewel The minute in the minute book, written by Broadhead himself, made him to say that he had never employed him (Shaw) to do any out rage. The examination was then continued—and Mr. Overend said—What else have you to say ? Witness—There was the case of Elisha Parker, which came on yesterday. His horse, which was de stroyed, washamstrung by Smith, Taylor, and Dean. Bradshaw was not concerned in it, so far as I am aware of. Mr. Overend—Are Smith, Taylor, and Dean dead?—Yes, they arc all dead. Mr. Overend—l thought so and Bradshaw is alive ?—Yes. Witness was pressed to say whether Bradshaw was one of the persons who committed the outrage, but he denied that he was aware that he wa.s one of them. He also denied that they came to him before the horse was hamstrung, but he said they came afterwards, and he paid them something. Examination continued—l remember the time when Parker was shot. George Peace, sen., a member of the Union, was desired by me to do something to Parker to stop him from working. On one Sunday a little time afterwards I went to Peace's house about the matter, and we walked into a field to talk it over. I think this must have been in the summer time, because I remember it was a very beautiful day. 1 cannot recollect whether we decided there what was to be done, but it was agreed that something should be done, and I then left him. He told me that he had a man in his em ploy who would assist him, but I cannot remember his name. Well, the " affair got done," and Peace received a very large sum. Mr. 0 verend—Was it £5O ?-1 think scarcely so much as that, perhaps between £2O and £3O. He told me the name of the man who had shot Parker, but I cannot remember it now. I know he came to see me afterwards. Do you know whether Elijah Smith was one of the men who was engaged in the shooting ?---I am almost certain he was not one of them. Mr. Overend—Well, then, I will tell you that Smith before he died confessed that he was one of the men who shot Parker. Witness—Well, sir, I do not recollect. Mr. Overend—Was Sam Crookes present at the time Parker was shot ? Now, mind, we have many sources of information ?—I don't know that he was. He always told me that he was not. Mr. Overend—Now, do you not know that he lent his gun for the purpose of shooting Linley ? No, sir, I do not. lie told me Mt he did not this morning. Mr. 0 verend—Then you have seen him this morning ?—Yes. - Was it not your object in speaking to him to de cide how much you should confess and how much you should withhold ? —Yes. What did you agree to withhold ? . Witness (after a little hesitation)--The Hereford street outrage. (Great sensation.) Then, you were a party to that ?—Yes, Sir, I was. Who committed it ?—Samuel Crookes, Was not Martin engaged in it ?—No, Sir ; he is entirely innocent, as my books will show. Never mind about the books. We will come to them presently. Examination continued.—The only reason for shooting at Parker and destroying his horse was be cause he continued to work for Mr. Could, who was employing two non-unionists and who refused to turn them away. I think that Crookes was em ployed in another transaction—that of attempting to blow up the boiler of Messrs. Firth and Sons, but I can't be certain as to whether he was the man. Seine powder was put under the boiler, and it ex ploded, but not much damage was done. If he was the man, I engaged him to do it ; but perhaps he got some one else to put the powder under the boiler. After the explosion I might have paid him. £5. Did you ever employ Crookes to watch at Messrs. Firth's, and to endeavour to shoot Hellewell ? Well, Sir, he was employed to watch, and to do something, but I can't say now what it was. Do you believe that he was to shoot him, or that he was not ?—No, not to shoot him, but to lame him. What do you mean, to lame him ?—I mean to wound him in one of his limbs so as to prevent him from working. Crookes used to come to me and tell me that he had been watching several nights for Hellewell. I don't remember that on one occa sion he said that he got on the Midland Railway, and was in the act of raising the gun to shoot at Hellewell as he was working when Woodhead's head came in between his sight and Hellewell, and he could not shoot. I know he told me that he had endeavoured to shoot him, but could not get a chance. Mr. 0 verend here produced a letter and asked witness if it was his writing. He replied that he was not certain, but on the question being pressed he said he " thought it was." Mr. 0 verend —Do you write in different hands occasionally ?—Yes, Sir. The letter was as follows : • " To Messrs. Firth and Sons, Saw-grinders. " Gentlemen,—The game works merrily, and we brush away all obstacles before us. If we appear to be rather long about it, you see now that wo are none the less sure. It is your turn next, and the man that hangs back will be the first to get it ; and if I but move my finger you are sent to eternity as sure as fate. Be advised. Take the hint in time." Examination continued—l am not aware whether there was any other person to watch Hellewell be sides Crookes. (On being pressed on this subject he admitted that he had heard Crookes mention a man who went under the nickname of " Nunk," but he denied that he knew who he was.) I had no private quarrel with Hellewell ; what he was to be lamed in one of his limbs for was because he left Newbould's and went to Firth's, where he worked at a discount. What was done to him was not done with the knowledge of the trade. His name was frequently brought before the trade, and there was a very strong feeling against him. I believe he has been rattened, and that it was in cons quenc of the rattening not succee.ling in its object that I decided upon his being lamed. What I did was in the in terests of the trale, but not 17. - ith their authority - or knowle.lge. I Nnioniber 12 days before Messrs. Firth's boilers were blown up that a canister of gun powder was put down the chimney of the house occupied by Samuel Baxter, at Loxley. Do you know who did that ?—I think it was Crookes. I cannot say that any one else was with him. All I know was that it was done, and that I paid Crookes for doing it. Witness was then examined with reference to the murder of Linley. He said—l am aware that Linley had a brother-in-law named Pool, who was a butcher living in the Wicker. I remem ber that six months before Linley was shot a can of gunpowder was thrown down Pool's chimney. That was done with my authority, and I employed Crookes to do it, I cannot say what I paid him ; it would be about £5 or £lO. I remember on Nov. 4, 1859, Joseph Wilson's house Was attempted to be blown up. Did you cause that to be don e?—Yes, Sir. And whom did you employ ?—Crookes. I did not employ any one else. I can't remember what I gave him for that. _ _ _ Did you give him £2O for blowing up a man and his family ?—No, I think not ; perhaps £lO. I forgot to ask you what was 132 xter's offence?— Well, he was one of Firth's men. And for that you intended blowing him up ? Weil, he held himself aloof from the trade, and as he had at one time received a good deal of money from it, I thought he ought to contribute. What was your reason for putting a can of gun powder into Pool's house ?—it was to alarm Liulcy and to bring him to the trade. lie was living with Pool, and in putting the can of gunpowder into his house I hazarded all consequenceo. Pool had done us no harm whatever. Wilson's offence was that he had set the trade at defiance, and determined upon employing none but non-society men. I re member that another manufacturer named Holds worth was blown up by some gunpowder being put in a cellar underneath his manufactory. Who did you employ to do that ?—Crookes.l Was any one else employed with him ?—No ; I think not; I gave him £6 for it. Witness continued—l also remember that in June, 1863, there was an attempt to blow up Joseph Reaney's house. Who did that ?—Crookes. Was there any one else am not aware. Did Crookes ever tell you of any man who had assisted him in these jobs ?—No, none except Nunk, who assisted him in many. llallam also assisted him, and so did Copley. In what case did he say Copley assisted him ? In the Hereford-street outrage. What had Reaney done ?—Fearnehough had gone to him to work. How much did you give Crookes for blowing up Reauey ?—I can't remember. What had Holdsworth done ?—He was employ ing non-society men; that was the only cause of offence I had against him. had you certain prices for these blowings up?-- No, there would not be much difference ; about £5 or £6, according to the difficulties. I cannot say what I gave Crookes for watching Ilellewell with a view to shoot him. I should think from £5 to £lO. Is there auy other matter on which you have been employed ?—I can't remember. You have called my attention to the Hereford street outrage ?—Yes. Thomas Fearnehough was blown up in October, 1866 ?—Yes. Who did that ?—Crookes, and Copley was with him. They are both members of the Union. What did you give Crookez for blowing up Fearnehough ?—£ls. You had had no quarrel with Fearnehough ; it was only a trade matter ?—Yes, that's all. Witness was then e xam i ne d upon an other sub ject, fie said—l do no t reco ll ec t Broomhead ever applied to me for a fit man to do " a job." I won't swear that I told him that Hallam would manage Sutliff's case (a case of assault already reported). I think on one occasion Broomhead spoke to me about getting a man to do an act of violence in a trade matter. The secretaries of various Unions frequently talk about the defaulters—there is nothing so com mon. The officers of the various saw trades and I have frequently arranged for rattening to be done. I was the treasurer of the Amalgamated Saw Trades, and till last night, when I resigned I was the trea surer of the National Association of Organised Trades. That is an association of trades through out the kingdom. ltincludes the carpenters, masons, joiners, tailors, and others. It was started some months, and its object is to resist lock-outs. The number of members in Sheffield is about 6,000 or 8,000, and throughout the country there are, I should think, 60,000. Sheffield is the head of the association. I wish it to be understood that the asso ciation has nothing whatever to do with these out rages. lam also treasurer of the Organized Trades, but I intend to resign. Mr. Overend—After Linley was shot, and after he was killed, did you write a series of letters ex pressing your great abhorrence of such an act ? Yes ; and for that I know I shall be held up to the execration of the whole world. (Witness here com menced weeping.) Witness was then examined withr e e f fe l r l e r n h c e e at t a o lan a a nd letter he Smith. wrote n after blowing i t n l i t t e ted the authorship of the up letter, and said he wa s aware that he described the a admitted t ted outrage, ha vi g written a letter act as a hellish" one, and that he threw out an insinuation that it ha d been do ne by a rival maim fa a f c t e t u r r t e h r e . H characterising the deed as one of the mos t infa mous description. Ile likewise admitted hav in g w ritten that " Fearne ealso Hereford-street d hough was as bad as he could be, and almost merited what he met with," and he added, " I really thought he did. I am, however, not of that opinion now. I o ff er ed a reward of £5 for the dis covery of the perpetrator of the deed, and I induced my society also to offer a reward. I was very much condemned for having written the letter you speak of, and I resigned my office as secretary to the Union, but the members declared that they had confidence in me, and I was re-elected." Mr. Overend next examined witness with re ference to the Acorn-street outrage, which consisted of a can of gunpowder being thrown into a bed room through the wicdow, which act caused the death of a woman. Ile denied that he knew any thing of the outrage, although at the time he said he was generally considered to have had something to do with it. The witness w as then asked how much money he might have paid for rattenings and outrages, and he said perhaps £l5O. The greater part he em bezzled in the way previously described. Mr. Overend—Where did the remainder come from ?--I got it from other sources. Mr. Overend—We will take the various sums. From where did you get the money to pay for the, Hereford-street outrage?-4 got £l5 from a Mr. Skidmore ; he is the secretary to another branch of our Union ; but he did not know what it was for. Mr. Overend—What had he to do with Fearne hough ?—Well, Fearnehough's proceedings affected Skidmore's trade as well as ours, and also the trade of which Mr. liarker is the secretary. Mr. Overend.—They both arranged to give you the £l5 ?—Yes. Mr. Overend—Did you tell them what you were going to do with it ?—We had a conversation to gether about Fearnehough's proceedings, and they agreed it was time something was done to bring about a settlement. I think I did not state what course I should adopt with Fearnehou,gh. Mr. Overend—After you had blown up Fearne hough, did they ask you what expense you had been put to ?—Skidmore did, and he paid me £l5. What I had done appeared to give s • atisfaction. They had since expressed regret for what they had done, and I am sorry. Mr. Overend-4 have no doubt. Where did you get the £3O from you paid for shooting Parker I embezzled it, and no comp l a i n t was ever made about my books. When this Commission was ap pointed I thought my books might lead to detection, and I destroyed them. Mr. Overend--De you wish us to believe that you embezzled that large sum of money, falsifying your accounts month after month, and were never de tected ? —Never. Secretaries of other Unions have paid me small sums of money for rattenings. Sinith, the secret ar y of the ;taw-smiths' Union, knew that I was concerned in the Hereford-street outrage, although I never mentioned it to him. Sonic half dozen men were in the secret, and they kept it, not withstanding the large rewards offered. Questioned as to the system of rattening, witness said it was an old established custom, and was practised more or less, he believed, by every trade in the town. It was his firm conviction, however, and he had had, he thought, no small experience in such matters, that if arrears of contributions could be legally recovered rattening would for ever cease. Mr. Overend—Now, tell me, sir, where ratten ings have failed, have not more extreme measures been resorted to ? Witness—So far as my own trade is concerned, 1 am sorry to say they have. I must admit that rat tenings have led to outrages. Witness was then questioned respecting the pro ceedings of the Investigating Committee. He posi tively denied that they knew anything of the out rages, and when be asked for money to pay for rattenings it was seldom they asked any questions. Mr. Overend —Do you wish us to believe that you participated in these dreadful crimes, embezzled money to pay for them, and placed your own life in the most imminent peril solely for the benefit of the Union ? Witness—However incredible it may appear, that was my only object. Mr. Overend—Has any member connected with your trade ever protested, either privately or at a general meeting, against these outrages ? Witness—Yes, frequently. Mr. 0 verend—l know you have, but any one else ? Witness— A member named Machin frequently did. General meetings as a body have protested against them, but for the good of the trade I con tinued to perpetrate them. Mr. Overeud—You have not told us yet why Hellewell was blown up. Witness—He had been a labourer—was brought into the trade contrary to rule. We expected if he was admitted a member we should soon have him on the box, and it was to drive him from the trade he was blown up. • This closed the witness's examination, and Mr. 0 verend told him he might leave the court. He was not to leave the town, but hold himself in readiness to be called at any time the court might require him. Joseph Chapman said that one night when he was living with his uncle at Wadsley four Men—Dean, Taylor, Smith, and Bradshaw—came to their house. The next morning he heard that a horse belonging to Elisha Parker had been mutilated. Some months after Smith asked him to purchase a revolver, which he admitted having used at Dore. Henry Chapman spoke to the four men coming to his house, and, in reply to his inquiries they said they had been on a rattening game. Joseph Bradshaw, one of the men referred to, was then called. lie remembered rattening Messrs. Eadon, and he " served his time for it." lie denied most positively taking any part in the mutilating of Parker's horse, and the court told him of the conse quences if the offence was proved against him. The court then adjourned until this morning. History of Apiculture and Prices in England. There are few subjects that excite more interest than accounts of the condition of the people truth fully told who lived many years ago in the land we now inhabit. These records arc so generally mixed with fable, so coloured by the imagination gaining from the tone of ouc mind a golden hue, and from the tone of another, so bleak and dreary an aspect, that little reliance is placed on pictures professing to pourtray a condition of the population in times long past. Professor Rogers has compiled a series of tables showing elaborate research,and the greatest care and skill, and from these he draws his inferences. His conclusions, founded as they are on so solid a basis, militate against the accepted idea of the age. The work commences from the year after the Ox ford Parliament, held in 1259, and the inquiries which this gentleman has been at such pains to make, go to show that the general condition of the people was then superior to that of the present day. Before the year 1348 the agricultural labourers were in a high state of prospe rity. The land was to a large extent under cultivation ; the roads were far from being in that impassable state which is now sup posed, and communication between the towns was frequent, and not difficult. A. great change was in augurated by the plague of 1318. It is calculated that one-half the population was carried off by that fatal epidemic. This produced a social revolution. The rise in wages was so immense from the scar city of labour that the system of farming in vogue ceased to be profitable. Every effort of the crude economic notions of the day, to regulate the price of labour, was futile and statutes of labourers were passed in vain. The laws of demand and supply regulated themselves, and the land fell into the hands of small proprietors, who cultivated it with the aid of their families, or became the property of those who divided their labour on their own freeholds and those of others, partly living as hired workmen, and partly by the produce of their own soil. This was the origin of a class that for many centuries were the backbone of England—the yeo men—farmers who, after lasting 500 years, have been swallowed up by the great landlords. Professor Rogers asserts his belief that the arable Dand under cultivation at the period this class came into exis tence was little less than it is at the present day. The immense area of unenclosed wastes he estimates was not more extensive than the spaces now occupied by towns, cr shut in as parks. Put ting the one against the other, he concludes that there was not much difference in the extent culti vated. Few are prepared to accept this as fact ; and it is difficult to believe, when the population then, is compared with the population now. Estimating the population of the period at 2,000,000, he considers that it would have been impossible to feed the inhabitants on a cultivated area of a lesser extent. In the 14th century the return of the corn sown did not average more than four fold, whereas now it produces fifteen fold, and, supposing the consumption to have been then equal to what it is now, averaging a quarter each person per annum, it would have required to supply food, a breadth of cultivation little short of what now prevails. This account differs materially from that given by Macaulay of a much later date. His celebrated chapter on the condition of the p eo pl e i n th e ti me of the Stuarts is too well known to need comment, but the country must have retrograded if the histo rian's estimate that half the area of the kingdom wa s in a waste state is true. He supports this computation by the figures given by the Enclosure Acts, from which it appears that more than 10,000 square miles were enclosed since those Acts were passed. Professor Rogers has arrived at a very different result to Lord Macaulay, and we are in clined to think the Professor right as to the com parative condition of the labouring population then and now. Civilisation has increased our wants, and there are very many things at present regarded as necessaries which were then luxuries or unknown. We are satisfied that the advance of civilisation has benefited the rich at the expense of the poor. In primitive days, when masters sat at the same board with their retainers, and the salt marked the divi sion, if the lord fared less sumptuously, those on his estate had a greater abundance of substantial food. A man was, in truth, worth more, and a beast worth less, as the former were comparatively scarce and the latter comparatively plentiful. The cost of a sheep was about a shilling, and meat was more gene rally eaten by the poorest farm labourers. It is true that potatoes, as well as many vegetables now common, were then unknown, but their place was supplied by other herbs, which have since their introduction ceased to be culti vated. The Oxford Colleges and the Public Record Office have furnished the Professor with documents, from which he has drawn his sta tistics relating to the cost of produce and of its transport, and he has constructed tables of the average price, year by year, of cern, sheep, and live steel;, as well as of the lalx of reaping, mowing, the wages cf mechanics and handicraft men. To these he has added the averages for each decade of the price of dairy and orchard produce, of wine, beer, and cider ; of woollen and linen cloths ; building materials, metals, &c. 'Pile, carriage, both along the coast and in the interior, was cheap. A vessel was hired at two shillings a day, including the men required to man it. A cart, two horses, and a man carried corn at the rate of about a penny a ton per mile, so that the prices of corn were gene rally equalised over the kingdom. The details of several journeys are given with a view to demon strate how generally such travel was carried on. Many proprietors held estates in different parts of the country, and it was their habit either to visit them themselves or to send their agents every year. To proceed from Oxford to Newcastle required 8 to 10 days. Monks and friars were always on the road, moving between the abbeys and monasteries. Fairs attracted thousands from distant parts, and the youth of England flocked in crowds to the univer sities. Professor Rogers compares the condition of the farm labourer in the fourteenth century with his condition in 1771 from the statements made for that year by Arthur Young : " If we take the wages of a farm hand, exclusive of the earnings of his wife and child, which I have introduced in the calculation at £2 10s., the agri cultural labourer in the last half of the fourteenth century received one-seventh of the nominal money wages possessed by the labourer in Young's time, while he purchased many of the necessaries of life at one-twelfth the price of the seventeenth century, and bread at one-eighth ; for taking wheat at 48s. in Young's time, and at Cld. the four pound loaf, wheat at ss. la would have made the loaf about a fraction above a halfpenny, or, to be exact, •531 of a penny. The reader, however, will recollect that I have estimated the corn allowances at prices of inferior or mixed grain, and that, therefore, the pro portion would be still more in favour of the labourer 500 years ago." Nor were his advantages confined to these. He had more abundant and cheaper cottage accommoda tion, together with rights which enabled him to supply himself with fuel at a nominal rate. Thus he shows, that while the price of commodities had risen in Young's time from 8 to 12 times, the farm labourer's wages had risen but little over four times the amount which prevailed after 1348, the year of the plague. He then compares the present with what prevailed in the year 1771, of which Young wrote, and he finds that everything except ing wheat is far dearer now, while agricultural wages remain about the same. The conclusion at which he arrives is thus clear enough. The labourer of 1348 was in a much better condition than his descendant in 1771; and he of 1771 was in a better condition than the agricultural labourer of 1867. It is no wonder that Hobbs begins to discuss the necessity of strikes ! The work will be carried on, if the author is spared to complete his labours, to the year 1793. The subject is one of deep interest, and nearly ncerns the well-being of the mass of English farm labourers. The comfortable classes are too much in the habit of taking it for granted ' that what has benefited themselves has been of equal benefit to all ranks of their fellow country men. This is the age of improvement—of steam machinery, railroads, telegraphs, and the many appliances to cheapen labour and lessen toil. But what lot or part in the benefits conferred on the nation has the simple farm labourer of England obtained? Here is an answer :—His condition has steadily deteriorated, and he was more a man, of greater political importance, of higher social standing, 500 years ago than he is at this present moment.—Anglo-American Times. UNIFORMITY OF CURRENCY. (From Messrs. Bowles and Drevet's Circular.) We have much satisfaction in laying before our readers to-day authentic information of the present condition of the important international movement in progress at Paris to unify the coin of the world. The Imperial Commission charged with the conduct of the Great Exposition, deeming it a fitting opportunity, and one so long desired for collecting and concentrating the opinions and views of the different commercial nations on this great measure of civilisation, caused invitations to be sent to most of the important countries of the civilised world to send special delegates to an " international com mittee," to carefully consider the question and to report the result. Fifteen or sixteen nations have accepted the invitation, and their delegates have been diligently endeavouring- to reach a result in which all could unite ; in the course of which Mr. Samuel B. Ruggles, delegate from the United States of America, was fortunately enabled to obtain a letter from the Hon. John Sherman, Senator from Ohio, and Chairman of the Finance Committee of the Senate of the United States, clearly and ably stating his views of the importance and practicability of the measure, and the mode in which it may be readily and practically carried into effect. Tho letter having been presented to the International Committee received immediate attention, and was ordered to be published with a translation in French, for general information on both sidos of the Atlantic. We complete on; statement of the present condition of the measure by adding that Mr. Ruggles, with the lion. John P. Kennedy, who is associated as a representative of the United States on the committee, maintain the necessity in unifying the coin of the world, of an issue by France of a gold piece of 25f., to circulate on equal terms and side by side with the half eagle, or $5 gold coin of the United States, and the gold sovereign or pound sterling of Great Britain, and have submitted to tbo International Committee a proposition, which we also publish with the letter of Mr. Sherman. Wo shall endeavour to keep our friends in Europe and America fully advised of the progress of a measure so important to the commerce and finance of both worlds. Letter from Samuel B. Ruggles, Vice-President of the United States Commission at the Universal Exposition at Paris, 1867, and specially designated as member of Committee on weights, measures, and coins, to Hon. John Sherman, Chairman of the Finance Committee of the Senate of the United States of America. Paris, May 17, 1867. My clear Sir,—You are of course aware that there is a special International " Committee," now in session at Paris, organised by the Imperial Commission of France, to sit simultaneously with the " Universal Exposition," and com posed of delegates from most of the nations therein re presented. Its object, among others, is to agree, if possible, on a common unit of money for the use of the civilised world. :it is not improper to mention that the opinions of the committee appear to be running strongly in favour of adopting as the unit the existing French 5-franc piece of gold. May I ask what, in your opinion, is the probability that the Congress of the United States of America would agree at an early period to reduce the weight and value of our American dollar, to correspond with the present weight and value of the gold 5-franc piece in France, and how far such a change would commend itself to your own judg ment. I also ask the privilege of submitting your answer to the consideration of the committee. —With high respect, your obedient servant, SAMUEL B. RUGGLES. Answer from Hon. J. Sherman to Samuel B. Ruggles, Esq. Hotel Jardin des Tuileries, May 18, 1867. My dear Sir,—Your note of yesterday inquiring whe ther Congress would probably, in future coinage, make our gold dollar conform in value to the gold 5-franc piece, has been received. There has been so little discussion in Congress upon the subject that I cannot base my opinion upon anything said or done there. The subject has, however, excited the attention of seve ral important commercial bodies in the United States, and the time is now so favourable that I feel quite sure that Congress will adopt any practical measure that will secure to the commercial world a uniform standard of value and exchange. The only question will be, how this can be accom plished. The treaty of December 23, 1865, between France, Italy, Belgium, and S witzerland, and the probable acquiescence in that treaty by Prussia, has laid the foundation for such a standard. If Great Britain will reduce the value of her sovereign two pence, and the United States will reduce the value of her dollar something over three cents, we then have a coinage in the franc, dollar, and sovereign easily computed, and which will readily pass in all countries ; the dollar as five francs and the sovereign as 25 francs. This will put an end to the loss and intricacies of ex change and discount. Our gold dollar is certainly as good a unit of value as the franc; and so the English think of their pound ster ling. These coins aro now exchangeable only at a con iderable loss, and this exchange is a profit only to brokers and bankers. Surely each. commercial nation should be willing to yield a little, to secure a gold coin of equal value, weight, and diameter, front whatever Mint it may have been issued. Ls the gold 5-franc piece is now in use by over 60 mil lions of people of several different nationalities, and is of convenient form and it may well be adopted by other nations as the common standard of value ; leaving to each nation to regulat the divisions of this unit in silver coin or tokens. if this is done, France will surely abandon tim impossi ble effort of making two standards of value. Gold coins will answer all the purposes of European commerce. A common gold standard will regulate silver coinage, of which the United States will furnish the greater part, especially for the Chinese trade. I have thought a good deal of how the object you pro pose may be most readily accomplished. It is clear that the United States cannot become a party to the treaty re ferred to. They could not agree upon the silver standard ; nor could we limit the amount of oar coinage, as proposed by the treaty. The United States is so large in extent, — is so sparsely populated,—and the price of labour is so much higher than in Europe, that we require more cur rency per capita. We now produce the larger Rift of the gold and silver of the world, and cannot limit our coinage, except by the wants of our people and the delimit& of commerce. Congress alono can clang© tho vale of our coin. I see no object in negotiating with other Powers on the sub ject. As coin is not now in general circulation with us, we can readily fix by law the size, weight, and measure of future issues. It is not worth while to negotiate about that which we can do without negotiation, and we do not wish to limit ourselves b'y treaty restrictions. In England many persons of influence and different Chambers of Commerce aro earnestly in favour of the pro posed change in their coinage. The change is so slight with them, that an enlightened self-interest will soon in duce them to make it, especially if we make the greater change in our coinage. We will have some difficulty m adjusting existing contrasts with the new dollar; but as contracts are now based upon the fluctuating - value of paper money, even the reduced dollar in coin will be of more purchaseablo value than our currency. We can oasily adjust the reduction with the public cre ditors in the payment or conversion of their securities, while private creditors might be authorised to recover , ipon tlio old stanlard.ldles° are matters of detail to which I hope the Commission will direct their attention. And now, my dear Sir, allow me to say in conclusion, that I heartily sympathise with you and others ia your elorts to secure, the adoption of the metrical system of weights and measures. The tendency of the ago is to break down all needless restrictions upon social and commercial intercourse. Nat ions are now as much akin to each other as provinces were of old. Prejudices disappear by contact. People of different nations learn to respect each other as they find that their differences are the effect of social and local custom not founded upon good reasons. I trust that tho industrial Commission will enable the world to compute the value of all productions by. the same standard, to measure by the same yard or metre, and weigh by the same scales. Such a result would be of greater value than the usual employments of :diplomatists and statesmen. I am, very truly yours, JOHN SHERMA'N. The Commission on coins of the proposition submitted to the International Committee by Messrs. Samuel B. Ruggles and John P. Kennedy, delegates from the United States of America : "The Commission recommend that a proposition shall bo submitted to the respective Governments of France and the United States of America. That the Govern ment of France shall issue, in addition to its present coinage, a gold piece of 25 francs, and that the Govern ment of the United States in future issues shall reduce the weight of the gold dollar to the value of five francs, and shall bring tho other gold coinage to the same stan dard." COUNTRY MARKETS. WAKEFIELD.—FRIDAv. At our market to-day English wheat ruled very firm, and the business done was at about the rates of last week • Other articles steady. Weather fine. LIVERPOOL—FRIDAY. There was a good attendance at to-day's market, and there was a considerable improvement in the demand for wheat at the extreme rates of Tuesday last. Flour Trag in steady demand, at full values. Barley was in limited supply, and prices rather dearer. Indian corn was firm, and advanced fully is per qr. Beans steady, and quite as dear. In oats and oatmeal there was a slow demand, but peas were is per qr dearer. LINCOLN.—FRIDAY. A scarce supply of wheat. Trade firm and prices not, materially changed in value. A small shim of barley, a' unaltered rates. Beans and other articles were a fair shoal , at the rates of last week. New white wheat, 70s to 75s ; new red, 620 to 69 s Per 3 r stone. Barley for malting, 49s to 51s per qr ; grinding, 358 to 37s per 30 stone. Oats, 27s to 345. Beans, 44$ to 50s per 38 stone. S T AMF ORD-FRIDAY. With a middling show of wheat to-day, the demand vas slow, and recent currencies could scarcely be made. barley very little doing, at late currencies. Beans in ska 'i show, and trade heavy. Oats were tolerably active , an may be quoted at the extreme prices of last week. 86 New white wheat, 66s to 72s ; red do., 62s to 68s per stone. Barley, malting 40s to 50s; grinding, 27s to 603 per qr. Oats, new, 26s ' to 325; old, 30s to 32s per 24 stout). Beaus, 43s to 48s per 38 stone. Peas as of late. DERBY—FRIDAY. There was apoor show of wheat on offer to-day; the trade. was quiet, and last week's prices were fully supported Barley in middling supply, and at fully previous rates. Oats were scarce, at last week's quotations. Beans Wer° quiet, and scarcely so dear. Peas met with a limited d o " mand, and prices stationary. New white wheat, 60s to 75s ; do. red, 55s to Gss per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 40s to 47s per qr. ; grin 33s to 3is per 30 stone. Oats, new, 26s to 345; old, 34S '° 36s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 58s to GOs ; new, 4 6 s t o 483 per 38 stone. BRISTOL S UGAR—FRIDAY. There has been a very quiet demand for sugar thiis" week, and sales have been limited, but prices are firlT supported. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the closeof the market. c l * 3 Walls End Hetton ... 19 6 llolywell Main ......... 1. 3 Wy lain East Ilarthpßol Caradoc lB 3 Ships at market, 37—sold. 23. Foreign Mail Packet List• MAILS DUE. &Wrath, and New Zealand, via Southampton July 20. Ditto, via Marseilles July it Ditto, via Panama •• •••• •• • Brazil, Buenos Ayres, and Monte Video July 4. Ditto, by French paoket Capa Verda, by Brazil packet . ..... July 1 . Cape of Good Hope. Ascension. and St. Helena June 27. China, Penang. and Singapore, via Southampton July 3 Ditto, via Marseilles • June 27. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton June 27. India, via Southampton Ditto, via Mansell es Malta, Egypt, .te . ..... .. June 27. Ditto, Maracilles June t 7. Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via Southampton July 21. Ditto, via MarFei les July 11. Newfoundland July 1 . Portugal July 4. Ditto, by private ship to Oporto . Ditto ditto to Lisbon United States, Canada, California, &c., by British packet J u ne .7. Ditto, by United itates packet Ditto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (Baltimore) Ditto, by Canadian packet Tune t:S West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerin......July West Indies and raoitic (except Mexico and Baha- June 2 8 . mas) Cub and Mexico •.. ••• lune 2S. June 2 " Bahamas, via New York Bermuda, via Halifax [ADVERTISEMENT.] Consumption, and all nervous, to stomach and liver complaints in every stage are only aggr,,,fectly and accelerated by drugs of every description, but P er Food• curable by Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta Arabic 3 .ci as proved by thousands of cases which had been eons,',oo- hopeless; such as indigestion (dyspepsia), cough, asthins,,,;ge . sumptiou, habitual constipation, diarrhoea, all gastric d o e_ r los, ments, hemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatuleneY, nery biliousness, fevers, sore throats, diphtheria, catarrhs, co i ' n wit: fluenza, noises in the head and e a rs, rheumatism, g", t ' ss aes• rities, eruptions, hysteri a , n e u ral g i a , irritability, sleepie_;,opsY, acidity, palpitation, heartburn, headache, debility, w o . at cramps, spasms, nausea and sickness, even in pregnan, c leiest , sea, sinking fits, bronchitis, scrofula, tightness of t": &c• pains at the pit of the stomach, and between the shoul, o ,rrY .B , We quote a few.—The Pope's health restored by Du . ,,lth 4 1; Food. Cure No. 68,413.—" Rome, July 21, 1866.—The, 8 '; the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, abs other remedies, he has confined himself entirely to D u „i a tcft l : Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consumes at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot Pra t gldi• excellent food too highly." From the " Gazette dn_ „ ti er' July 25. Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, timbriutigs, chant, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseas e ' o esS spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deaf , t o Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, L or d LientelTilf l Y Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia. No. 49,83 1 . u „aes 6 i years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nerv%' A na asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, siclP,, e , - alaq vomiting.—Maria Joly." Important Caution—Beware Of unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to Whic h ' ed authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously atta- / is.; In tins at ls. Lid.; 1 lb.. 2s. 95.• 2 lbs.,nc°. 71 ' 12 lbs., 225.; 21 lbs., 40s.—BARRY ' Du BARRY and Co , „WV; Regent-street, London ; also Fortnam and Mason, 182, r'e c ,a OS , and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 1 50, Oxford-street; 330, Strand; and all grocers and chemists' Births. COTTRILL—On the 16th inst., at Stanwell House, Stir; ° well, Middlesex, the wife of R. A. Cottrill, 135(1 " son and heir. DAVIES—On the 20th inst., at the Cottage, Easthanipsictio: the wife of Lieut.-Col. Davies, Grenadi er Guards' ° daughter. Wes s RIDSDALE —On the 21st inst., at Lancaster Vi lla, of al bourne-park, the wife of E. L. J. Ridsdale, of the n ° ' Mint, of a son. Marriage •,:aits - BuTLEß—Locico —On the 20th st d . , in, at St. Paul's, 130 bridge, James H. E. Butler, son of th© Hon. St. J° T .,l l Butler, to Minna, adopted daughter of the late J c ' sci- Locke, M.P. , WALTON - —On the 20th inst , at the it :i6 to chura, EiglAlston, Eiijah Walton, l'36 : q•, of Loild9 - Z o ri, Fan y lleyes, second daught, rof the lai : e John Ithir- Esq., of Edghastou. ea ths. 10 05 DIXON -On the 11th hist D at ,Hounslow Barracli - P, , I 3 , A. Dixon, Esq., Riding. M as t er , 3 d lc 0. il ti ' 3l aged 41. „•10 .0 lioLuEs -On the 19th inst., at Brighton, Amelia, 1( of the late Licut.-Col. S. Holmes, E.ll. .ijfil Ricamius -On the 19th inst , at Crockherbtown, Cal Edward P. Richards, Esq . tio - e - v ber i• WoomAcorr—On the 19th inst , d at a Now Malden, JA° L. Woollacott, aged 21. , ni, . 3- * WARD -On the 20th inst., at East-hill House, riPs °- Ward, Esq., surgeon, aged 67. ClAP bfull - WELLs -On the 21st Kist., at Battersea - ris e, common, WM. 11. Wells„E , A., aged 61. _____......... London Printed and Published by WILLIAM AN-rt-- of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE S UN ODIC°, Of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Co" Blidaleiiex•—iiaturday, June 22, 1807. A` L nndo Ri Thi Dui lii by th %-11.10 ( " Kitlf FITT Part month It. 121" ADVJ Preph repay; discos C•cc n 5, A %Ii Nev DEN Artist Thu... Band Qrl' WM] Perfo Ment, NO' A crob CO and °pew Miss Corri, Bow- hall poi Thor also t With direct and Sta be eel A' The decor, and Ii• Gi ;1[ Bea from Of fin Adr °Poo and; come IF I A 2 of Co tetisiv casi c street ►~II T t? :~ T 11( delici • 9, C U . ' th e Lond S P Drodt stilt nigh TM, • reran• —24 g. Yir tt 0 71 .1 Inune fond for Si IUDeI to th and 1 V b yßri lows —.AI mut: or to Ro g --__ th e on -____ atilt • Al Seer; T 1 free. Ntr ei Sze. Of 4 . 'Vhic Ti Wl' A A ..p Rhip Chn ? Ti t' en last ri, wit 13.? 0 , htp . ttir: 44, 1 8,0 0 en eo n the Q, Rar `Ad Itul