The Sun. — London, England, 1841-03-26 00:00:00

N i a yOrs Itlke °f iy the . seate d !sa ted Ald er ' Ro bert 3 :(1 `},nod luito )ulf t igt 1/7') -- 4 • _---•-• crtr aa tt g A ft ' our , .squale elra. a t ding. of th! cediogi e yes, / feet' next of „ en° o losrater dr, / by tho ants r ,.. ° ,01, r2 L' o l ° aci ii. OW Do f Gl al- M. P" hel icl „ - ,. )19.yv- urba s° ' ~i t n: ri s: IVIORNING EDITION. In PO LIT AN T NEWS FROM TiE U NIT.ED STATES, II Y the arriv a l o f t h e P atr i c k H enry a t Liver rel.° WedneEday afternoon from New York, we le r , ee ''ived American Papers to the Bth inst. a - usive—bei ng seven days later than the last tir,r'vals• They bring the Inaugural Address of i t c e Ilew President, General Harrison, on assum e: t ortice—a summary of a debate in the Senate Gr‘ a the relation s between the United States and Britain--- . --and the strictures ofthe Journals a:et,Pl,ol tie ntllie same subject. - We subjoin the address i , spirit of the journals, referring our th ' i dei's to our leading columns for the debate in ee Senate. We have great pleasure in observ that the t one o f t h e w h o l e i nte lli gence from u nited St a t es i s d ec id e dly pacific, and that I, lt ;e is eve r y pro b a bili ty t h at M r . M'Leod w ill delivered over without trial to the British au tful'ties in Canada. We may here state that y l e Patrick Henry made the voyage from New A ?rk to Liverpool in fifteen days and ten hours. the Patrick H enr y was clearing out the d u ' r s . e itis entered, h av i ng sprung her mainmast In g' a severe gale in her passage out. INAUGURAL ADDRESS. titt Ca 11e4 froth a retirement which I had supposed was to con • rshe r es id ue of my life to fill the chief executive offices sos :', great an d free nation, e, ' appear before you, fellow citi os,° take th e oaths which the const i tut i on prescri b es, as a is o i l s :2' qualificati on for the performance of its duties. And • i'l'ence to a custom coeval with our government, and to y„ti oelieve to be your expectations, I proceed to present the ( 120 1 i n -nary of the principles whieh will govern me in Pors,;;W:arge of th e d ut i es wh i c h I s h a ll be called upon to of o 4 It . as the remark of a Roman Consul, in an early period olse, tt ee lebrated - Republic, that a most striking contrast was t rust, h e r . in the conduct of candidates for awes of power and to , ' re and after obtaining them—they sr lthm carrying fpris er tt ' e 1 -tter e .se the pledges and promises made in the is too ' However much the world may have improved, 'ate r sleets, the lapse of upwards of two thousand . }ears It oo. ''e rsmark was made by the virtuous and indignant os the an, I fear that a strict examination of the annals of some ofsiol_eleatite gove rnments, would develope similar instances itialted confidence. tae t h,;%tgh the fiat of the people has gone forth, proclaiming ,hair Part Nlagistrate of this glo r ious Union, nothing upon tise remaining to he done, it may be thought that a mo de st T . IY exist to keep up the delusion under which they may 'Pino t ) : sei to have acted in relation to my . principles , and *hob o and perhaps there may be some in this assembly as d er come here either prepared to condemn those I shall . trh eh e , s " r er, or, approving them, to doubt the sincerity with toss, ley are uttered. But the lapse of a few months will . r ir t ria . or dispel their fears. tdop t t oi " o tline of principles to govern, and measures to be " "3' an Administration not yet begun, will soon be tts t a 'ged for immutable history ; and I shall stand either t hos: ra s ' e d by my countrymen, or classed with the mass of the of °0 promised that they might deceive, and flattered with I I , lention to betray osioetvever strew.. ma; be my present purpose to realize the 4 de s .. lt' uns of amanhanimous and confiding people,l too well °to te stand the infirmities of human nature, and the danger . - tild e Ji i Ptation s to whi b I shall be exposed, from the magus cosl ''e Power which it has been - the pleasure of the people the ai jmit to my hands, not to place my chief confidence upon and that Al m i g h ty P ower w hi c h h as hitherto protected kit enabled me to bring to favourable issues ather im bY ia ‘ s t 's bu t greatly ' inferior trusts, heretofore confided to me ii)ountry. ile tag * re ad foundation upon which our Constitution rests t tin 'e people--a breath of theirs having made, as a breath rtl o el oo ake, change, or modify it—it can be assigned to none is ch s!'eat divisions of government but to that of democracy.. mart e is its theory, those who are called upon to administer it s ' e ir r ;? s e g l 'ise, as its leading principle, the duty of shaping 4 - 'sures so as to produce the greatest good to the greatest 1 e But, with these broad admissions, if we would corn ittoic e s overeignty acknowledged to exist in the mass of our tli s e with tbet;i e ter e ". o claimed g b other sovereignties, even by 1114 hia have h ud nsidered 3 most purely democratic, we s ates i ; 4 most essential difference. All others lay claim to • s ''"'ted only by their own will. The majority of our o'''4‘P e n the contrary, possess a sovereignty with an amount i e t r Precisely equal to that which has keen granted . to n'ond Y the parties to the national compact, and nothing Z .4 lie l .i nn .We admit of no government .by Divine right s t eats s s n that, so far as power is concerned, the beneficent s loe „"as made no distinction amongst men—that all are equality, and that the only legitimate right to 13 express grant of power from the Government. t Z iu on stitutio n of the United States is the instrument con -4 the t hii grant of Rower to the severabdepartments compos nte Government On an examination of that instrument, s i) " ,. b e f "und to contain declarations of power granted . and of ros er ' w stheld. The latter is also susceptible of division into I .`",,hieli the majority has the right to grant, but which t qi c i UOt thinkproper to intrust to their agents ; and that emselo they could not have granted, not being possessed by E ms t i ' ye s. In other words, there are certain rights pos "rt each individual American citizen, which, in his ems tin ro vf ; ith the others, be has never surrendered. Some of ilt (3l l ;t l r , ' Do ''d a e s e t t ed i r he is unable to surrender, being, in the language Thss,Ysteni, unalienable. privilege of a Roman citizen was to him a shield r'Ppot.f tZ 4ies t a petty provincial ruler, whilst the proud formademocrt , e s Could console himself under a sen' ence of death Itv i d "t violation of the national faith, which no ore under til, and which at times was a subject of the mockery of ests," t r ef banishment from his home, his family, and his 14 , Icith orwithout an alleged cause • that it was 'at r , not or a single tyrant, or hated ' risto . cracy, N f ,bis assembled countrymen. Fsr different is the 1 -I tth er , b ' our sovereignty. It can interfere with no one's • ,r 4 scrihe forms of worship for no one's observance, in !ttl, t Punishment but after well ascertained guilt, the re `ttels. ' il vestigation under rules prescribed by the Constitution hert hese precious privileges, and those scarcel s' °f giving expression to his thoughts andopinions, iisi s ''Y 'writing or speaking, - unrestrained but by the liability I, 'ata ot „'" P Y to others, and that of a full participation in all the o 'ag g's which flow' from the Government, the acknow terl"laerty of all, the American citizen . derives from no their him granted by his fellow man. He claims . thembeeause st self a man, fashioned by the same Almighty hand as "Rt 4- 4,°f his species, ' and entitled to a full share of the bless e'lowt which he has endowed them. Mplel'AStandinß the limited sovereignty possessed by the terl the United States, and the restricted grant of 3 to the Government which they have adopted, enough ; o 4 at e ' o' n given to accomplish all the objects for which . it was ri so " ha ft . has been . found powerful 1 in war, and, hitherto t 7e st i e t ' then administered, an intimate union effected, t•!1 razquilli preserved, and personal liberty secured ittre citizen , • As was to be expected, however, from the 4 , 34 of No Janguage and the necessarily sententious man ps_lsett - Itch the Constitution is written, disputes have ri t at, d a ' to" the amount of power which it has actually th o e r Was intended to grant. This is more particu th'eli case in relation to that part of the instrument 14; ee, r s e. 's of the legislative branch. And not only as regards Ft, bpd se of powers claimed under a general clause, giving is net th" authority to pass all laws necessary to carry i into n otiv.; s Peoilied powers, but in relation to the latter also. censolatory reflect, that mo3t of the instances d eParture from the le'ter or spirit of the constitu cilso.'e ultimate' received the sanction of a majority of the q ,j l ßsi s h awed the fact that many of our statesmen, most . ts o 'r of', - ,- o .r talent and patriotism, have been, at one time or A 3t 'new political career, on both sides of each _of the e i t 1 ;, 1.111 Y disputed questions, forces upon us the inference t if' errors there . were, are attributable to the o o uon s ',reality, in many instances, of ascertaining the in ottes..e7i. the framers of the Constitution,. rather than the the any sinister or unpatriotic motive. th e it us great danger to our institutiens does not appear to sr' Po o i s, °' pationy the Government of power department, anted b Ik t iat r Z... but by the accumulation in one of the . tis ‘ l, e 's n u a, l • el 's was assigned to others. Limited as are the steed t have been granted, still enough have . been _ d ° Lonstitute a despotism, if concentrated in one 1 ash lia rtmstits. This danger is greatly heightened, as it Na s j e " alw a •ys observable that men are less jealous of of one de o artment upon another, than upon tneir h ert ed rights. !" 4 ' 4 4, 3 of t T e Constitw ion of the United States first came from the *t'lltli ea lie Convention which farmed it, many of the sternest k . ::1 1 1 1 4 3 of the day were alarmed at the extent of the power been granted to the Federal Government, and more to o - t.. eati o - e 'Y b of that portion which had been assigned to the tstomi ranch. 'There were in it features . which appeared de n harmony with their ideas of a simple repreen- f o -ee ra's - , or republic. And knowing the tendency o gl e oid.inerease itself, particularly when exercised by a ki k t t e, p er; 1. ..,dua1, predictions were made that, at no very re- N o tt the Government would terminate in virtual mo -4;l,ts would not become me to say that the fears of these for th at -s e, been already realized. But, as I sineerely bes ot; kl o , toe tendency f measures, and of men's . op o"rilie,eta.rs past, h e ls o been in that directisn, it is, I con tiss proper that I should take this occasion to re te - 2 4 rances I have heretofore given of my determi kae ` s • sa' r est the progress of that tonedency, if it reall . y ts•-4 e v .igsZ t 9 restore the' Government s pristine beans' I 14 os'o as tar as this can be effected by any legitimate tio o l'ree,, oo t ne power placed in my hands. %i s 'tie of , to state in as summary a manner as I can, my hi sourc ' es of the evils which have been so eaten thsdo ° O' i lined of, and the correctives which may be ap ktoVes,-rne of the former are unquestionably to be found in ;eat a il ° tithe Constitution • others, in my judgment, are lsr t ;' 4l tifi r l a misconstruction ' of some of its provisions. Of ' s t he eligib lityof the same individual to a second kit? residency. sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson Nato 'll o Ist! l amented this error and attempts have been made, t • -.out amendatory power of the A o its success, to apply the correeth tes uwever n" une mode of correction is in the power of every Ili t) , l l Ds tr,,10 consequently in mine, it would be useless, and fthmed k oo 'ens, to enumerate the evils of which, in the v p h r o -Z our fellow citizens this error of the sages s_ tli an raio .I.42ristitution may have been the source, and the bit ligare our 'ell we are still to gather from it, if it continues e o t t' se, 'ettia r k s Y, s _tetn. It may be observed, however, as a _g . I tlg i t , t that republics can commit no greater error than th ' l layl ( . °llti utle any feature in their system: of government e calculated to create or increase the love of powe . r t 41aosrils of 'hose to lom necessity obliges them to commit gent cf their affairs. wi _ And surely nothing is more likely tio t. -e , at hi" 'ich a state of mind than the long continuance of an tit s ..etdesst.t.t.rust. Nothing can be more Lorrupting, nothing I NN.,. 4l •tra t i: e sr` t ve of all those noble feelings which belong to ir i tit`'s:,. ° ! a devoted republican patriot. When this dYi I ss ''''ston once takes possess'on of the human mind, kn e I vor eot 'told, it becomes insatiable. It is the never ttos44thee4"l 41' ;•'3 bosom, grows with his growth, and tiee ~ i s t declining -'- years of its victim.. . If this is 'ais,'" drat` e j)art oi" wisdom for a republic to limit the ser k44 tPrecoi ° j art ;east, to whom she has entrusted the at t o •e °f her forei o es relations, the execution of her laws, 11 4 i P i'ev hi rn i a . '"'d of and navies, to a period so short o kte td o l•gettiog that s:e is " . 1 41 ' e— f • el. ' '• accountable agent, 'ay s - e '4 , e nt ‘ 0 . 1 1 V, 0 , -- os the s . ervant, i re tb4iseri‘tet heretofoteobjectihl '4- I re the desired"e uonstitution can be effected, public opinion renewing will he I 'at ° Sere given, a undert gli:"mtnafter. Until an tta rd • th ere : a second term. no dtoit circumstancesby the acknow- N o . def ect Is dange r to pubtie liberty from . . ii of the s , • • •• I s I nce o f e Constitution, in the want of limit to the 44, 1r , "PPreh "'e Executive power in the same haoLls, there en d ,l, ot much less from a misconstruction if that pr eta4 eiveallt regards the po wers ac t u ally given. I Fan the le.rts wQ , i t , by a fai r construct i on, any or either of As t o eitisi ativ usa be found to constitute the President a part of it i :"Ti t , en ! D?w er . It cannot be claimed from the power ei tiz a stnee, although enjoined as a duty upon him, Eiden 11. of, which he holds in common with every other ' e tto " in r ii 4 alt hough there may be something more of con ease t hs2 .Propriety of the Measures recommended in the the other, in the obligations of ultimate do- cision there can be no difference. In the language of the Constitution " all the legislative _powers" which it grants " are vested in the Congress of the United States." It would be a solecism in language to say that any portion of these is .not included in the whole. It may be said, indeed, that the Constitution has given to the Executive the power to annul the ac's of the legislative body by refusing to them his assent. So a similar power ha necessarily resulted from that instrument to the judiciary ; and yet the judiciary forms no part of the Legislature. There is.it is true, this difference between these grants of power; the Executive can put his negative upon the Acts of the Legisla ture for other cause than that of want of confirmity to the Constitution, whilst the judiciary can only declare void those which violate the instrument. But the decision of the judiciary is final in such a ease; whereas, in every instance where the veto of the Executive is applied, it nese , he overcome by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress. 'The negative upon the Acts of the Legislature, by the Executive aetherity, and that in the hands of one individual. would seem to he an in congruity in our own system. Like some others of a similar character, however, it appears to be highly expedient ; and if used only with forbearance, and in the spirit which was in• tended by its authors, it may be producti e of great good, and be found one of the best safe-guards to the Union. At the period of the formation of the Constitution, the prin ciple does not appear to have enjoyed much favour in the State Governments. It existed but in two, and in one of these there was a Mural Executive. If we would search for the motive which operated upon the purely patriotic and en lightened assembly . which framed the Constitution, for the adoption of a provision so apparently repugnant to the lead ing democratic principle, that the majority should govern, we must reject the idea that they anticipated from it any benefit to the ordinary course of legislation. They knew too well the high degree of intelligence which existed among the people, and the enlightened character of the State Legislatures not to have the fullest confidence that the two bodies elected by them would be worthy representatives of such constituents, and, of course, that they would require no aid in conceiving and maturing the measures which the circumstances of the coun try might require. And it is preposterous to suppose that a thought could for a moment could have been entertained that the President, placed at the capital, he the centre of the coun try, could better understand the wants and wishes of the people than their own immediate representatives, who spend a part of every year among them, living with them, often la bouring with them, and bound to them by the triple tie of interest, duty, and affection. To assist or control Congress, then, in its ordinary legislation, could not, I conceive, have been the motive for con erring the veto power on the Pre si dent. This argument acquires additional force from the fact of its never having been thus used by the first six Presideats— end two of them were Members of the Convention, one pre siding over its deliberations, and the other having a larger share in consummating the labours of that august body than any other person. But if Bits were never returned to Con gress by either of the Presidents above referred -to, upon the ground of their being inexpedient, or inot"as well adapted as they might be to the wants of the people, the veto was applied upon that cf want of conformity to the Constitution, or because errors had been committed from a too hasty enactment. There is another ground for the adoption of the veto principle, which had probably more influence in recommending it to the Convention than any other. I refer to the security which it, gives to the just and equitable action of the Legislature upon all parts of the Union. It could not but have occurred to the Contention that in a country so extensive, embracing so great a variety of sod and climate, and consequently of products, and which, from-the same causes, must ever exhibit a great differ ence in the amount of the population of its various sections, calling for a great diversity in the employments of the people, that the legislation of the majanity might not always justly re gard the rights and interests of the minority. And that Acts of this character might be passed, under an express grant by the words of the Constitution, and, therefore, not within the competency of the judiciary to declare void. That however enlightened and patriotic they might suppose, from past expe rience; the Members of Congress might be, and however largely partaking in general of the liberal feeling of the people, i 1 was impossible to expect that bodies so constituted should not sometimes be controlled by local interests and sectional feelings. It was proper therefore to provide some umpire, from whose situation and mode of appointment snore inde pendence and freedom from such influences might be ex pected. Such a one was afforded by the Executive department constituted by the Constitution. A person elected to that office having his constituents in every section, state, and sub division of the Union, must consider himself bound by the most solemn sanctions to guard, protect, and defend the rights of all, and of every portion, great or small, from the injustice and oppression of the rest. I consider the veto power, there fore, given by the constitution of the Executive of the United States, 'solely as a conservative power. To be used only, Ist, to protect the Constitution from violation ; 2dly, the people, from the effects of hasty legislation, where their will has been probably disregarded or not wee understood ; and, 3dly, to prevent the effects of combinations violative of the rights of minorities. In reference to the second of the objects I may observe, that I consider it the right and privilege of the people to decide disputed points of the Constitution, arising from the general grant of power to Congress to carry into effect the powers expressly given. And 1 believe, with Mr. Madison, " that repeated recognitions under varied circumstances, in acts of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of the Government, accompanied by indications in different modes of the concurrence of the general will of the nation, as affording to the President sufficient authority for his considering such disputed points as settled." Upwards of half a century has elapsed since the adoption of our present form of government. It would be an object more highly desirable than the gratification of the curiosity of spe culative statesmen, if its precise situation could. be ascertained, a fair exhibit made of the operations of each of its departments, of the powers which they respectively claim and exercise, of the collisions which have occurred between them, or between the whole Government and those of the States, or either of them. We could then compare our actual condition, after fifty years' trial of our system, with what it was in the corn utencement of its operations, and rscertain whether the pre dictions of the patriots who opposed its adoption, or the confi dent hopes of its advocates, have been best realized. The great dread of the former seems to have been, that the re served powers of the States would be absorbed by those of the Federal Govetnment, and a consolidated power established, leaving to the States the shadow only of that independent action for which they had so zealously contended, and on the preservation of which they relied as the last hope of liberty. Without denying . that the result to which they looked with so much apprehension is in the way of being realized, it is obvious that they did not clearly see the mode of its accomplishment. The general Go vernment has seized upon none of the reserved rights of the States. As far as any open warfare has gone, the State au thorities have amply maintained their rights. To a casual ob server, our system presents no appearance of discord between the different members which compose it. Even the addition of many new ones has produced no jarring. They move in their respective orbits in perfect harmony with the central head, and with each o her. But there is still an under-current at work, by which, if not seasonably checked, the worst appre hensions of our anti-federal patriots will be realized. And not only Is ill the State authorities be overshadowed by the great increase of power in the Executive department of the general Government, but the character of that Government, if not its designation, be essentially and radically changed. This state of things has been in part effected by causes inhe rent in the Constitutton, and in part by the never-failing ten dency of political powerto increase itself. By making the Pre sident the sole distributor of all the patranage cf the Govern ment, the framers of the Constitution do not appear to have an ticipated at how short a period it would become a formidable - instrument to control the free operations of the State Govern ments. Of trifling importance at first, it had, early in Mr. Jef ferson's administration, become so powerful as to create great alarm in the mind of that patriot, from the po ent influence it might exert in controlling the freedom of the elective franchise. If such could then have been the effects of its influence, how much greater must be the danger at this time, quadrupled in amount, as it certainly is, and more completely under the con trol of the executive will lean their construction of their powers allo ed, or the forbearing characters of all the early Presidents permitted them to make? But it is not by the extent of its patronage alone that the Executive de partment has become dangerous, but by the use which it ap pears may be made of the appointing power, to bring under its control the whole revenue of the country.—The Constitution has declared it to be the duty of the President to see that the laws are executed, and it makes him the com mander-in-chief of the armies and navy of the United Stat. s. If the opinion of the most approved writers upon that species of mixed government, which in modern Europe is termed monarchy, in contrachstinction despotism is correct, there was wanting no other addition to the powers of our Chief Magis trate to stamp a monarchical character on our Government but the control of the public finances. And to me it appears strange, indeed, that any one should doubt that the entire con trol which the President possesses over the officers who have the custody of the public money, by the power of removal with or without cause does, for all mischievous purposes at least, subject the treasure also to his disposal. The first Roman Emperor, in his attempt to seize the sacred treasure, silenced the opposition of the officer to whose charge it had been committed, by a significant allusion to his sword. By a selection of political instruments for the care of the public money, a reference to their commissions by a President would be quite as effectual an argument as that of Caesar to the Roman knight. lam not insensible of the great difficulty in devising a proper plan for the safe-keeping and disbursement of the public revenues, and I know the importance which has been attached by men of great abilities and patriotism to the divorce, as it is called, of the Treasury from the banking institutions. It is not the divorce which is complained of, but the unhal • lowed union of the Treasury with the executive department which has created such extensive alarm. To this danger to our republican institutions, and that created by the influence given to the Executive through the instrumentality of the federal officers, I propose to apply all the remedies which may be at my command. It was certainly a great error in the framers of the Constitution, not to have made the officer at the head of the Treasury department en tirely independent of- the Executive. He should, at least, have been removable only upon the demand of the popular branch of the Legislature. I have determined never to remove the Secretary of the Treasury without communicating ail the circumstances attending such removal to both Houses of Con gress. The influence of the Executive in controlling the freedom of the elective franchise through the medium of the public officers can be effectually checked by renewing the pro hibition published by Mr. Jefferson. forbidding their interfe rence in elections further than giving their own votes; and their own independence secured by an assurance of perfect immunity, in exercising this sacred privilege of freemen under the dictates of their own unbiassed judgments. Never, with my consent, shall an officer of the people, compensated for his services out of their pockets, become the pliant instrument of Executive will. There is no part of the means placed in the hands of the Executive which might be used with greater effect, for un hallowed purposes, than the control of the public press. The maxim which our ancestors derived from the mother country, that " the freedom of the press is the great bulwark of civil and religious liberty," is one of the most precious legacies which they have lest 113. We have learned, too, from our own as well as the experience of other countries, that golden shackles, by whomsoever or by whatever pretence imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron bonds of despotism. The presses in the necessary employment of the Government, should never be " used to clear the guilty, or to varnidi crimes." A decent and manly examination of the acts of the Government should be not only tolerated but encouraged. Upon another occasion I have given my . opionion, at some length, upon the impropriety of Executive interference in the legislation of Congress ; that the article in the Constitution, making it the duty of the President to communicate informa tion, and authorising him to recommend measures, was not in tended to make him the source of legislation, and, in particular, that he should never be looked to for schemes of finance. It would be very strange, indeed, that the Constitution should have strictly forbidden one branch of the Legislature from in terfering in the origination of such Bills, and that it should be considered proper that an altogether, different department of the Government shoull be permitted to do so. Some of our best political maxims and opinions have been drawn from our parent isle. There are others, however, which cannot be in trodue:d in our system without siegular ineor.gruity, and the production of much mischief. And this I conceive to be one. No matter in which of the Houses of Parlia ment a Bill may originate, nor by whom introduced , a Minister, or a Member a the Opposition, by the fiction of law, or rather of constitutional principle, the Sovereign i s ‘ l ipposed to have prepared it ag r e eably to his will, and then s ubmitted it to Parliament for their advice and consent. Now the very reveM is the case here, not only with regard to the THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 26, 1841 principle, but the forms prescribed by the Constitution. The principle certainly assigns to the only body constituted by the Constitution (the Legislative body), the power to make laws, and the forms even direct that the enactment should be ascribed to them. The Senate, in relation to revenue bills, hare the right to propose amendments; and so has the Executive, by the power given him to return them to the House of Repre sentatives, with his objections. It is in his power also, to pro pose amendments in the existing revenue laws, suggested by his observations upon their defective or injurious operation. But the delicate duty of devising schemes of revenue should e left where the Constitution has placed it—with the imme diate representatives of the people. For similar reasons, the mede of keeping the public treasure should be prescribed by hem ; and the farther removed it may be from the control of the Executive, the more wholesome the arrangement, and more in accordance with republican principle. Connected with this subject is the character of the currency. The idea of making it exclusively metallic, however well in tended, appears to me to be fraught with more fatal conse• quencee than any other scheme, having no relation to the per sonal rights of the citizen, that has ever been devised. If any single scheme could practice the effect of arresting, at once, that mutation of condition by which thousands of our most in digent fellow-citizens, by their indu,try and enterprise, are raised to the possession of wealth, that is the one. If there is one measure better calculated than another to produce that state of things so much deprecated by a 1 true republicans, by which the rich are daily adding to their hoards, and the poor 'inking deeper into penury, it is an exclusive metallic cur rency. Or if there is a process by which the character of the country for gsnerosity and nobleness of feeling may be destroyed by the great increase and necessary toleration of usury,i t is an exclusive metallic currency. Amongst the other duties of a delicate character which the President is called upon to perform, is the supervision of the Government of the territories of the United States. Those of them which are destined to become members of our great poli tical family, are compensated by their rapid progress from in fancy to manhood, for the partial and temporary deprivation of their political rights. It is in this district only, where Ameri can citizens are to be foetid, who, under a settled systems of ;mlicy, are deprived of many important political privileges, without any inspiring hope as to the future. Their only con solation, under circumstances of such deprivation, is, that of the devoted exterior guards of a camp—that their sufferings secure tranquillity and safety within. Are there any of their countrymen who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to my other humdi itions than those essentially neees ary to the security of the object for which they were thus separated from their fellow-citizens? Are their rights 'alone not to be gua ranteed by the application of those great principles, upon which all our constitutions are founded? We are told by the greatest of British orators and statesmen, that, at the commencemsnt of the war' of the revolution, the most stupel men in England spoke of" their American subjects." Are there, indeed, citi zens of any of our States who have dreamed of their subjects in the "district of Colombia? Such dreams can never be realise.' by - any agency of mice. The people of the district of Columbia are not the subjects of the people of the States, but free American citizens. Being in the latter condition when the Constitution was formel no words used in that instrument could have been intended to leprive them of that character. If there is anything in the great principles of unalienable rights, so emphatically in-isted upon in our Declaration of Independence, they could neither make, nor the United States accept, a surrender of their liber ties, and become the subjects, in other words, the slaves of their former fellow-citizens. If this be true, anal it will scarcely be denied by any . one who has a correct idea of his own , ishts as= American citizen, the grant to Congress of exclu -ive jurisdiction in the district of Columbia, can be inter preted, so far as respects the aggregate peo;,le of the, United States, as mean:ng nothing more than to allow the Congress the controlling poorer necessary to afford a free and safe exer cise of the functions assigned to the general Government by the Constitution. In all other respects the legislation of Con gress shou'd be adapted to their peculiar position and wants, and be c e formable with their deliberate opinions of their own interests. I have spoken of the necessity of keeping the respective departments cf the Government, as well as all the other autho rities of car country, within their appropriate orbits. This is a matter of difficulty in some cases, as the powers which they respective ly claim are often not defined by very distinct lines. Mischievsus, however, in their tendencies, as collisions of this kind mar be, those which arise between the respective com munities, which for certain purposes compose one nation, are much more so ; for no such nation can lung exist without the careful culture of those feelings of confidence and affection which are the effective bonds of union between free and confe derated States. Strong as is the tie of interest, it has been often ound in ffectual. Men, blinded by their passions, have been known to adopt .neasures fo.• their country in direct opposition to all the suggestions of policy. The alternative, then, is to tlestroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and fostering a good one ; and this teems to be the corner-stone upon which our Anse ican political vehitects have reared the fabric of our Government. The cement which was to bind it and perpe tuate its existence, was the affectionate attachment between all its members. To insure the continuance of this feeling, produced at first by a community of dangers, of sufferings, and of in terests, the advantages of each were made accessible to all. No participation in any good po:sessed by any member of an extensive confeileracy, except in domestic government, was withheld from the citizens of any other member. By a pro cess attended with no difficulty, no delay, no expense, but that of removal, the citizen of one might become the citizen of any other, and successively of the vhole. The lines, too, sepa rating p'swers to be exercised by the citizens of one State from those of another, seem to be so distinctly drawn as to leave no room for misunderstanding. Tile citizens of each State unite in their persons all the privileges which that character confers, and all that they may claim as citizens of the United States; but in no case can the same person, at the same time, act as the citizen of two separate States, and he is therefore po sitively precluded from any interference with the reserved powers of any State but that of which Le is for the time being a citizen. lie may indeed offer to the citizens of other States his advice as to the'r management, and the form in which it is tendered is left to his own discretion and sense of propriety. It may be observed, however, that organiseil associations of citizens, requ'riug, compliance with their wishes, too much re- I semble the recommendations of Athens to her allies —sup post d by an armed and powerful fleet. It was, indeed, to the 1 ambition of the leading'Stites or Greece . to control the do mestic eoneerns of the others, that the destiuction of that cele brated Confederacy, and subsequently of all its members, is mainly to be attributed. And it is oiling to the absence of that spisit that the Helvetic Confederacy has for so many years been preserved. Never has there been seen in the institutions of the separate members of any Confederacy more elements of discord. In the principle and forms of govern ment and religion, as well as in the circumstances of the seve ral cantons, so marked a discrepancy was observable as to pro mise anything but harmony in their intercourses or permanency in their alliance. And yet for ages neither has been inter rupted. Content with the positive benefits which their union produced, with the independence and safety from foreign ag gression which it .securel, these sagacious people respected the institutions of each other, however repugnant to their own principles and prejudice. Our confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by the same forheas ante. Our citizens must be content with the exercise of the powers with which the Constitution clothes them. The attempt of those of one State to control the do mestic institutions of another, can only result-in •feelings of distrust and jealousy, the certain harbingers of ditiunioe, vio lence, civil wsr, and the ultimate destruction of our free in stitutions. Our confederacy . is perfectly illustrated by the terms and principles governing a common co-partnership. There a fund of power is to be exercised under the direction of the joint councils of the allied members, but that which has been reserved by the individual member is intangible by the common Government or the individual,trembers composing it. To attempt it find; no support in the principles of our Con stitution. It should be our constaut and ear est endeavour mu tually to cultivate a spirit of concord and harmony among the va rious parts of our cor federacy. Experience has abundantly taught us that the agitation by citizens of one part of the union of a subject not confined to the general Government, but exclu sively under the guardianship of the local authorities, is pro ductive of no other consequences than bitterness, alienation, e nd injury to the very cause which is intended t d o isco b rd, e advanced. Of all the great interests which ap pertain to our country, that of union, cordial, confiding, fra ternal union, is by far the most important, since it is the only true and sure guaranty of all others. In consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the currency, some of the States meet with difficulty in their financial concerns. However deeply we may regret anything imprutlent or excessive in the engagements into which Sta'es have entered far purposes of their own, it does not become us to disparage the State Government, nor to discourage them from making proper efforts for their own relief : on the contrary, it is our duty to encourage them, to the extent of our constitutional authority, to apply their best means, and cheerfully to make all necessary burdens to fulfil their engage ments and maintain their credit; for the character and credit of the several States form part of the character and credit of the whole country : The resources of the country are abun dant—the enterprise and activity of out' people proverbial ; and we may hope that wise legislation and prudent administration by the respective governments, each acting within its own sphere, will restore former prosperity. Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may sometimes be, between the constitutional authorities or the citizens of our country, in relation to the lines which separate their respec tive jurisdictions, the results can be of no vital injury to our 1 in s titutions, if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of moderation and forbearance for which our countrymen were once di:tinotisEcd, continue to be cherished—if this continue to be the ruling passion of our sou's, the weaker feelings of the mistaken en thusiast will be corrected—the Utopian dreams of the scheming politician dissipated—and the complicated intrigues 1 of the demagogue rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty is the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutions may receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in the con struction of our government, no division of our powers, no dis tribution of checks in its several departments, will prove effec tual to keep us a free people, if this spirit is suffered to decay— and decay it will without constant nurture. To the neglect of this duty the best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all the republics with whose existence and fall their writings have made no acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the same effects ; and as long as the love of power is a dominant passion of the human bosom, and as long as the understandings of men can be warped and their affections changed by operations upon their pasions and prejudices, so long will the liberty of a people depend on their own constant attention to itspreservation. f he danger to all web-established free governments arisesfrom the unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence, or from the influence of the designing men, diverting their atten tion from the quarter from whence it approaches, to a source from which it can never come. •This is the old trick of those w ho would usurp the Government of their country. In the name of democracy they speak, warning the people against the influence of wealth and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancient and modern, is full of such examples. Cmsar be came the master of the Roman people and the Senate, under the pretence of supporting the democratic claims of the for mer against the aristocracy of tke later. Cromwell, in the character of protector of the liberties of the people, became the dictator of England ; and Bolivar possessed himself of un limited power, with the title of his country's liberator. There is, on the contrary , no single instance on record of an extensive and well establ i s hed re p u blic being changed into an aristocracy. The tendencies of all such governments in their decline is to monarchy ; and in the antagonist pi inciple to liberty there is the spirit of faction—a spirit which assumes the cha racter, and, in times of great excitement, imposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and like the false Christs whose coming was foretold by tl.e Saviour, seeks to, and were it possible w ould, im p ose u p o n the true and most faithful behoves s disciples the periods like this that it pletob I e most t atchful of th ose t o w h o m i s in v,, they have intrusted p ower. And althou gh there is at times b f i p e o of liberty. much difficulty in distinguishing the false from the true spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation will detect the counterfeit as well by the character of its operations as the results that are produced, The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle, that secured, is mill and tole rant and scrupulous as to the means it employs ; whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vin dictive, and intolerant, and tot- Ily reckless a; to the charac ter of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of the people to a thorough examination of their affairs, it tenets to the ex cision of every excrescence which may have fattened itself upon any departments of the Government, a,nd restores the eye ' em to its pristine health and beauty. But the reign of an in tolerant. spirit of party amongst a free people, seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the Executive power intro- Ctued and established amidst unusual professions of devotion to democracy. The foregoing remarks relate almost exclusively to matters connected with our domestic concerns. It may be.proper, however, that I 'should give some indications to n:y fellow citizens of my proposed course of conduct in the management of our foreign relations. I assure them, therefore, that it is in) intention to use every means in my power to preserve the friendly intercourse which now so happily subsists with every foreign nation ; and that althou2,ll, of course, not well in formed as to the state of any pending negotial ions with any of them, I see in the per3onal characters of the sovereigns, as well as in the mutual interests of our own and of the Governments with which our relations are most intimate, a pleasing guarantee that the harmony 'so important to the interests of their sub jects, as well ns - our citizens, will not be interrupted by the ad vancement of any claim or pretension, upon their part, to which our honour would not permit us to yield. Long the de fender of my o , untry's rights in the field, I trust that my fel low-citizens will not see in my earnest desire to preserve peace with foreign Powers any indication that their rights will ever be sarriticed, or the honour of the ration tarnished by any. ad mission on the part of their Chief Magistrate unworthy of their farmer glary. In oar intercourse with our aboriginal neighbours, the same liberality and justice which marked the course prescribed to me.by two of my illustrio us pre d ecessors , w h en acting under their direction in the discharge of the duties of Superintendent and Commissioner, shall be strictly observed. I can conceive no more sublime spectacle —none more like to propitiate an im partial and common Creator, than a rigid adherence to the principles of jus'ice on the part. of a powerful nation in its transactions • with a weaker and uncivilized people whom cir cumstances have placed at its disposal. Before concluding, fellow c iti zens , I must say something to you•on the subject o the parties at this time existing in our country. To me it appears perfectly clear that the in terest of the country requires that the violence of the spirit by which those parties are at this time governed must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished, or consequences will ensue which are appalling to be thought of. If parties in a republic are necessary to secure a degree of vigilance sufficient to keep the public functionaries within the bounds of law and duty, at that point their usefulness ends. Beyond that, they become destructive of public virtue, the parents of a spirit antagonist to that of liberty, awl eventually its inevitable conqueror. We have ex amples of republics, where the love of country and f li berty, at one time, were the dominant passions of the whole mass of citizens ; .and yet, with the continuance of the name and forms of free government, not a vestige of these qua lities remaining in the bosom of any one of its citizens. It was the beautiful remark of a distinguished English writer, that "in the Roman Senate, Octavius had a parV, and Anthony aparty ; but the Commonwealth had none." Yet the Senate continued to meet in the Temple of Liberty, to talk of the saerehiess arid beauty of the Commonwealth, and gaze at the statues of the el,:er Brutus and of the Curtii and Decii. And the people as sembled in the forum, not as in the days of Camillus and the Scipios, to cast their free votes for annual magistrates or pass up.m the Acts of the Senate, but to receive from the hands of the leaders of the respective parties their share of the spoils, and to shout for one, or the other, as those collected in Gaul, or Egypt, and the lesser Asia, would furnish the larger dividend. The spirit of liberty had fled, and, avoiding the abodes of civilized man, ha l sought protection in the wilds of Scythia or Scanvi navia ; and so, under the operation of the same causes and influences, it will fly from our capitol and our forums. A calamity so awful, not only to our country but to the world, must be deprecated by every patriot ; and every tendency to a state of things likely to produce it immediately cheeke I. Such a tendency has existed--does exist. Always the friend of my countrymen, never their flatterer, it becomes my duty to say to them from this high place to which their partiality has exalted me, that there exists in the land a spirit hos ile to their best interests—hostile to liberty itself It is a spirit con:racted in its views, selfish in its object. It looks to the aggrandisement of a few, even to the destruction of the in terest of the whole. The entire remedy is with the people. Something, however, may be effected by the means which they have Vaced in my hands. It is union that we want, not of a party for the sake of that party, but a union of the whole country for the sake of the whole country—for the defence of its interests and its honour against foreign aggression, for the defence of those principles for which our ancestors so gloriously contended. As far as it depends upon me, it shall be accomplished All the influence that I possess shall be exerted to prevent the formation at least of an executive party in the halls of ..the legislative body. I wish for the support of no Member of that body to any measure of mine that does not satisfy his judgment and his sense of duty to those from whom he holds his appointment ; nor any con fidence in advance from the people, but that asked for by Mr. Jefferam, "to give firmness and effect to the legal administra tion of their affairs." I d em the present occasion sufficiently imprirtant and so lemn to justify me in expressing to my fe•.low-citizens a pro found reverence for the Christian religion, and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility, are essentially connected with all true and la.ting happiness; and to that good Being who hai blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labours of due fathers, and has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in ex cellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time. _ Fellow-citizens—l3eing fully invested with that high office to which the partiality of my countrymen has called me, I now take an affectionate leave of you.' You will bear with you to your homes the remembrance of the pledge I have this day given, to discharge all the high duties of my exalted s'ation ac cording to the best of my abi . ity ; and I shill enter upon their perform•ince with entire confidence in the support of a just and generous people. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. THE M'LEOD CASE. (From the New York Herald of the Bth.) We have received highly important news from Washington by the express of last evening, developing the policy and move ments of the new administration in several important questions and public affairs. Mr. Fox, the British minister, has, according to the best authority, received' instructions from his government, by the President steamer, to demand the peremptory liberation of 51‘Leod. There is also a rumour that unless this demand is compli d with, he will thin demand his passports, and return to Englard ; but thi: last account is not yet credited. The correspondence on this subject will be opened next we e k, and this, together with the boundary question, will call forth the great talents of Mr. ,Webster. It is also generally believed among the diplomatic corps that, in the pr . eseot position of APLeod's affair, the American Government, according to the law of nations, will.deliver up M‘Leoti to the Canadian authorities, and thus take him out of the han,ls of the leg a l au th or iti es of New York. We shall receive to-morrow a full account of the foreign relations of the country. We als» I;arn that a violent opposition was made in the Senate, on Saturday, to the nomination of Francis Granger for Postmaster-General, on account of his abolition principles. Our correspondent's letter, annexed, will give the conclusion of this contest as far as known. He was confirmed at a late hour, Iwwever. We also learn that the new financial system of the Govern ment will probably take the shape of a new National B nk, by combin ng the capitals of sever al of the old New York banks in Wall-street, under a charter, to be given them by Congress. This is Mr. W e b ster ' s i dea, and it is a novel and somewhat original plan, combining some sound principles and sound p-actice in banking. We also learn that General Harrison intends to make all his own appointments, and that the political cliques will be all disappointed, when these selections are known. It seems that th e old general, before he left North Bend, wrote out his inau gu al a.tdress and made o u t t h e li st of suc h prom i nent ap . pointrnEnts as he meant to make, without any consultation with the politiciai.s. His inaugural was his own—and so will his app(ityments be. In this view of the case, it is stated that Gen e ral Van Rensella er w ill b e t h e new Collector of New York. The first few weeks of the new Administration will be highly important—because in that period all the leading views and pralciples of the new Administration will be developed. Every day will bring us frsh news (From the New York Inquirer.) ARRIVAL OF THE STEA3I SHIP PRESIDENT.—The arrival of this >teamer, under the command of Capta'n Roberts, early yesterday morning, brought us six days' later intelligence from London. The principal i• ems of news consist in the temporary failure, at If ast, of the expedition against China, and the dis cus.ion of the affair of the Caroline in the British Parliament. The apprehension of M'Leod has, it will be perceived, ex cited great indignation in England, and roused a war feeling, which it will require great prudence and foresight in two Governments to all.ty; ant which, until then, cannot fat to live a very injurious effect upon American securities and credit. The press, of course, is loud in its denunciations of this coun try; and both parties in Parliament united in the opinion that it W 23 a national affair, involving the honour of the British nation. We content ourselves with laying before our readers the answers of the British Ministry to the questions propounded to them ; from which it will he perceived that Lord Palmer ston not only justifies the capture of the Caroline as a necessary measure of self-defence, but distinctly asserts that both our Minister in London and our Government at Washington had been apprised of the sentiments of the British Ministry on this subject. This declaration places the late Administration of Martin Van Buren—we say late, for, thank God, it expired at twelve last night —in no enviable position before the country. In connexion with this subject, we have heard it said, that Mr. Stevenson, immediately after making the demand upon the British Government in 1839 to disclaim the proceeding, re ceived a note from Lord Palmerston, justifying to the fullest extent the capture of the Caroline; and that, thereupon, Mr. Stevenson called upon Lord Palmerston, and asked him to withdraw the slid note of justification, because it placed Mr. Van Buren in a very awkward predicament, and might lead to a war. Can this be true ? We only state the rumour as it reached us long since ; and even now would look upon it. as utterly incredible, did we not imagine that we perceive a confirmation of it in Lord Palmerston's reply to Lord Stanley, wherein he says, " I rather think th at my Hon. Friend will p_e doubt not but t h e Administration y and to th e Administration glomac en this subj ec t di sgraceful to the. find in that correspondenc e that instr uctions from the Arne iap rican Government were gi7 to Mr. St evenson to abstain from pressing the subject ! ! , This, in o ur op i n i on, denotes a familiarity with Mr. Stev enson s instru c t ions , which could only n o, , r hh i i l e c. ahc f t r ce o or a u i no t ef s some ta d m a e n ce t er a di m, tn . erdi e ni v of General Harrison will deem it necessary. to investigate this subject. The question which now arises, is, will there he war? There w e will yet belie ve t h at the peace of unfortimately exists a smal party in this c i ty who are bent upon crying out 66 War , war," withrut any regard to the state of the country, or oar exi stin g relation s with Great Britain. When a war does come, wh ether necessa ry or not, we shall be found sustaining it; but , manifold as are our causes of corn the e in tw t oageoauiznisttrieEsn, so necessarygland and advant ageous to both, can not and will not be disturbed. True, we have demanded that England should disclaim t he affair of the Caroline, and she M has peremptorily refused t o do so. This, it appears, r. Van Buren and his Administrati on knew but h ave kept concealed, and now turn the whole subject over to their aucesssors in the Government. And what ismore disgraceful, with a f u ll know ledge of this fact, they have made no preparati ons to meet an emergency which may arise from their own act. If war should ensue, it will be because the +il lv h Administration igs are nornfl.velkdli. jacnrte,toipiniti.oil:Verrreart..i. Buren made a demand it shrunk from enforcing, and concealed from the country England's reply to that demand! Base as was this course, it was still more base—still more treacherous to the . great trust reposed in them, not _to place the country in a position to enforce, if necessary, that t . lemand. Fortunately for the country • e and since the late administration have by their acts confessed England says she was Justified by their utter inability either to advance or recede in this affair, notand le d f o t u i b t t to th t e h i e r N a v b is il d i o ty m of their w successors i,houtin to un ar y r u an .a g y e, we will fore, that rinsing the national hono t u o r. do the law of nations in the destruction of the Caroline ; we d eny . arb ‘ i ‘ t r r e ation, the croak her position, and thus the question at once becomes one which may safely be submitted to the arbitration of a tilled power, hO - all nations are equally concerned with ourselves in settling ings of alarmists to the contrary notwithstanding; and we t;hearttatinitisaqquuesetsitoir will l f b i e ia se ti o t n tl a e l d l b aw y in dulge the hope that the Goveinment of England will perceive the nec:2ssity of arranging at an early day the the other ques tions in dispute between us. We will not believe that eitbei Mr. O'Connell in the British Parliament, or Mr. Pickens on the floor of the House of Representatives, will be able to involve the two countries in war; and if England wit but act justly in regard to the north. eastern boundary and her interference with our commerce on the coast of Africa, we shall enter tain no apprehension in regard to a war. We take it for granted that in the existing state of affairs between the two countries, all the rights and injuries of New York growing out o f the aroline affair a-e necessarily merged in those of the nation ; and that our State Courts have no longer any jurisdiction in the case. The recent debate in Congress, so entirely pacific in its nature, will go far towards allaying the war feeling in England, and we may, therefore, rarely conclude, that in a few weeks the intelligence from Eng land will be far more pacific. Immediately on the arrival of the President, two special messengers left the city for Washington with despatches from the British Ministry to Mr. Fox, anti from the American Minister in London to our Government. The New York Enquirer in the course of an article upon the conduct of the Legislative Assembly just dissolved, observes:— " And how is, it with our fo re i gn re l at i ons ? A report has been introduced in the House of Representatives by Mr. Pickens, of Sow"' Carolina, of a most inflammatory character, and breathing a most belligerent spirit. Puerile in it sst}le, weak in argument, false in logic, in English, and in its statement of fact, it is suffered to go before the country as the manifesto of the popular branch of Congress on a subject of paramount n:- tional importance. But while Congress has issued this mighty manifesto of its indignation, what has it done towards meet ing the exigencies which such a document is calculated 'to create ? What has it done for the completion of our fortific::- tions ? In what condition has it left our Canadian frontier ? What measures hai it adopted to strengthen our navy, and en able us to cope on the sea with the Power which is so prompt to challenge, and reckless to defy? It has assumed an attitude of war, and left the country exposed on every side to the de vastations of the enemy." CORRESPONDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES. ( Correspondence of the Courier and Enquirer.) Washington, Monday, March 1, 1841. Immediately after the House of Representatives was called to order this morning, it proceeded to the consideration of the Bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, for appro priations for fortifications already commeuced, which are not completed, or which, being completed, require repairs. The aggregate amount of appropriations recommended in this Bill is $439,500. As soon as the Bill was read, Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina (the Chairman of the Military Committee), made a speech, in which he represented the defenceless state of the country, and expressed his fear of hostilities with Great Britain—he deprecated the course proposed to be pursued, of merely patching up a few old fortifications already exist ing, whilst he thought prudence and propriety required that every assailable point should ke immediately put in the best possible state of defence, and that with as little delay as possi ble. Mr. Thompson proposed that the Bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means should be laid aside, and that the Bill be taken up which was reported by him by order of the Committee on military affairs, under the direction of the House, providing riot only for the continuation of the works already commenced, but also for new works at eery point on the frontier —east, wes.-, north, and south—and appropriating $1,678,C00 ; and what also contains $500,000 for steam frigates. On this proposition a general debate arose on the state (.1 the relations of the country with foreign powers ; and also as regards the prospect of a disturbance with the Indians on the western frontier. The general tone of- the debate was, of course, to deprecate a coilision with a foreign nation, but at the same time admitting the too great probability of it. In the early part of the debate, Mr. Pickens, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, stated that it had been intimated in the house this morning that a report was abroad that a new, angry, and exciting correspondence had com menced, and was now going on between the Secretary of Stats and Mr. Fox, tips British Minister. He said he was happy in having it in his power, from an authentic source, to state that no such correspondence had taken place, and that the state of the relations between the two Governments was at this time pree'sely in the same state as when the : correspondence was last hid before Congress; and he hoped that no legislation would be based on the %ague rumour to which he had referred. Mr. Pickens thought there was no necessity f'r passing the Bill reported by the Committee on Military Alf iirs, and recommended that the Bill of the Com mittee of Vacs and Means be passed. At a subsequent stage of the debate, Mr. Fillmore called upon Mr. Pickens to state whether lie had received any in formation of an authentic nature in relation to our concerns with Great Britain, subsequent to a conversation winch passed between th m this morning ; in that conversation, he understood directly the reverse of the public statement made to the House. Mr. Pickens answered that he had, since the converiation mentioned by Mr. Fillemore, received]. note from the Secre tary of State, fully sustaining the information he had publicly given to the House. _ _ _ Messrs. Thompson, Tillinghast, Cost Johnson of Maryland, Men:tore ' Monroe, Pope, Lincoln, advocated the Bill R e p or t e d from the Committee on Military Affairs, far an extended sys tem of d,..fenc_:. Messes. Jona., Pickens, Vanderpool, Starkweathe:., advo cated the bill reported from . the Committee of Ways and Means for carrying on and repairin g th e wor k s a l rea dy com menced. After the debate, which lasted ti 2 l after six o'clock in the evening, the great Bill reported from the Military Committee was gently turned aside by an adroit movement, sustained by the t,hairinan, Mr. Dawson, of Georgia, that the Bill first taken up must be definitively acted on by the Committee of the whole, before another could be taken up ; and that it was be yond the authority of the Committee to postpone it, or lay it down after one taken up. From this decision an appeal was taken, but the Chairman was sustained by the House. 'this I think puts the general Fortification Bill brought in by the Committee on military affairs to rest for the Session. The Bill of the Committee of Ways and Means was then proceeded in, and some few immaterial amendments made to it; and the Bill was finally passed, and sent to the Senate for concurrence, at eight o'clock at night. After this an Ineffectual attempt was made by Air. Cost Johnson to take up a Bill from the Senate, to renew fer two years the charters of the district banks. Nearly half an hour of most precious time was Spent in calling the ayes and noes upon it, when the Hou,e adjouroed. TUESDAY, MARCH 2.—Mr. Beaton presented a Report fr,,m the C.,mmittee on military affairs, requesting the Presi nt to lay before the Senate at the next Session, reports upon the fortifications of the country, or other rermanent defences, completed or deemed necessary, which led to a debate, but the subject was finally laid on the table. The Senate then proceedel to the discussion of the House Bill, making appropriations for the civil and diplomatic expenses of the Government for the rear 1841. BRITISH STEAMERS ON THE LASES.—Some months since the fact transpired that one or two war steamers were building at Chippewa, under the directions of officers of the British Government. We now learn from the Burlington Free Press, that materials have been procured by the agents of the British Government for a war steamer on Lake Champlain. ( From the New Orleans Bulletin of Feb. 20.) TEXAS..—The packet ship Neptune arrivel yesterday morn ing, bringing Galve,ton papers to the 17th, but which contain litt'e news.. We have conversed with a gentleman wh o left a Austin at late date, from whom we learn that the Texian Congress adjourned on the sth instant. Among tin laws passed, one modifying the custom-house duty is commercially important. All articles which have here tobre been charged an ad valorem duty, are hereafier to pay 45 per cent. ad valorem ; except sugar, coffee, salt, and steel, which are to pay 15 per tent. All articles which have a speci fic duty, are continued at former rates. No money is to be issued by the Government after the Ist of next March, except such as shall have been received for cus toms or ,:ther taxes. By another law passed at this Session, all slaves now in Texas are exempt from attachment for debt and seizure under execution for five yea. s. Also, emigrants hereafter to arrive in Texas are to have their property exempt from seizure for five years. Soveral gentlemen proposed to argue the co:istitution ality of the two last acts. Five hundred thousand dollars were appropriated for the support of the Government fur the current year. The navy to be laid up :in ordinary, except one ship and one schooner, for coast revenue service. The British barque Sarah arrived at CalveAm in ballast on the 16th. MONEY MARKET. SUNDAY, MARCH 7-6, P.M.—The money market pre sents the same defensive aspect. All parties are looking forward to the receipt of the effect of the news of the bank failure upon the English ma. ket. And as is usually the case, the reaction here is in a manner anticipated. It is difficult, however, to estimate the full effects of the news in England.. At our latest dates the rate of money was rising, exchanges had fallen, and the Bank of England had re commenced a restrictive policy for causes other than those con nected with American affairs ; new alarms were beginning to spread. The unfavourable news in regard to the United States Bank had increased the excitement, and was closely followed by the news of its total failure. The bills drawn by the United States Bank were perhaps not accepted, and, if they were,there is every reason to fear a proscription of all An e rican paper, on the part of the Bank of England. In either event the reaction upon this market will be great amcng the branches and connections of Liverpool and London in this city. These houses are nearly all of them involved in the affairs of the Bank. The Philadelphia partner of one was security for the Bank to delayjudgment in the case of the Boston creditors, and all of them have been concerned either in indorsements or advancing money to assist in resumption. The south ern bills drawn upon these parties are very difficult pf negotiation, and the foreign bills they create de press the rate, notwithstanding the recent large im portations. These are some of the causes which induce the caution so visible in the movements .of our banks and capitalists. After the news of the failure of the bank shall have been received, however, and its position with that of the indebted States properly defined in the London market, there will be nothing further to fear on those heads, and the Stock market may touch bottom, allowing, by temoving fears of a further panic, of a rapid increase in the already sound and lucrative business doing, based upon the actual exchange of values. Yesterday the Stock market presented very little change. North American Trust and Banking Co. rose * per cent ; Delaware and Hudson, a ; U. S. Bank, ; Harlem declined 1 per cent. ; Stoningten *; Canton improved I*. Sales of bills on Philadelphia, 5 a 51i ; Baltimore 4i a 5 ; New Or leans, 7i alO ; Illinois 6 per Cents, 1870, sold at 51. Let ters from Illinois state that there is but little hope of the passage of the Tax Bill. Uncurrent money remains nearly the same, the general rate being 3 a 5 per eent. The British packet Sheldrake, Lieut. Passingham, R.N., Commander, from Tampico, arrived at Havannah on the 18th with 5900,000 in specie, for Havannah and England, to sail next day for Falmouth. We learn that the banks in Winchester, Va., have suspended specie payments. Thy; continued fall in State Stocks seems to have ar rested that 'spirit of extravagance which has been running wild in mast of the State Governments, Pennsylvania, Illi nois, and Indiana, are standing on the brink of ruin. In the former State the public mind seems to be rousing it self to the fact, that nothing but immediate taxation can avert the impending destruction of credit. The whole debt of Pennsylvania is scarcely 840,000,000, the annual interest on which is about 51,700,000, estimating the taxable property in the state at $200,060,C00, a tax of I per cent. would be amply sufficient to meet all demands, and would be fully repaid by the rise in value of stocks and property that would attend the re storation of credit. The amount of interest falling due in July is $BOO,OOO, and on the Ist of June nex t, 8930,000 o f prin cipal falls due, making 81,730,000 to be met before August, and as yet no proposition has been made by which the means may be provided. The market value of the stock is 70 cents. cn the dollar, and will continue to fall like that of Illinois, un less something definite is done. NEW YORK MONEY MARKET. SALES ON SATUaDAT, MAISCH 8, AT THE STOCK EXCHANGE. 2,000 doll lilinois 6's of 1870 .. 10 shares United States Bank b3O di 18 425... do. 23... do. 50... do. 150... do. 60... do. 150... do. ..Mechanics' Dank 10... do. ...Delmlare and Hudson n w 8 9 • 150 .. do. 271... do. 25... do. 19.. do. 100... do /5...d0 State Bank 300...d0...N0rth American Trust ...b 80 21 150...d0 do 50 ~do do sn w 20 25...d0 do s lOds 20 250.. .do do 50...d0 do a Gods 19. 50...d0...8ank of Commerce, scrip 20...d0 Mechanics' Banking Ass.,. b9i 30. .do do 9...d0.......0hi0 Lite and Trutt 76 100...d0 Vicksburg 10 .do do 5 .do Eagle Insurance. 94 25...d0 Canton 50...d0 .do 2.5...d0.. ...... ...do 50...d0 Paterson Railroad .b 10 ds 45 75...d0 Stonnington 150...d0 do 225 ..do do b3O ds 31 50 .do do 25 ..do 50...d0 do bl 5 ds 80 30. do. Harlem 10 .do do 50...d0 do • 50...d0 do • lo 10 ds 271 - 270 .do do 15 .do d o 100...d0 do s n w 271 SALES AT THE SECOND BOARD. 75 Shares U. S. B an k l5 50...d0 d o s 3 ds 19 50...d0......N0rth Americau Trust..... ...... slo ds 20 200...d0... .. . do 50...d0 Delaware and Hudson 60 ds 89 ORNIN G EDITION LONDON AND BRIGHTON RAILWAY. Frnni th 2 Brighton Gazette,) We are glad to find tlio progre,ts of the works on this great undertaking so satisfactory, as to leave no doubt of the ultimate co.npletion and opening of the lice within the time mentioned in the Directors' last report. Between Croydon and Hayward's Heath little remains to be done, except in one cutting, about two miles north of Cuekfield, where a considerable portion of sandstone is still to he re moved. The excavation, however, has already proceeded so far as to admit a carriage on the level of the railway, through the entire length of the cutting ; and Vie re moval of the remaining portion of the rock is in rapid progress. A short distance to the north of this spot stands the Ouse Viaduct, a magnificent work, extending over the valley which gives rise to the river of that name. This structure, which consists of 37 archen, each 30 feet wide, and from 90 to 100. feet high, was built of bricks, made from earth dug on the spot. The last arch was keyed Borne weeks ago ; and the stone pera pet walls are f+st approaching completion. Only a few yards of embankment remain unfinished on either side ; and when this and the cutting which we have just men tioned shall be completed, for which a few weeks must afford ample time, the line will be in a condition to be opened to Hayward's-heatb,--the remaining portion of the line between that spot and Croydon, including the Mersa_ ham and Holcombe tunnels, being in a still more forward state. The time named by the Directors for the partial opening to Hayward's-heath is June but there is little room to doubt that it might take place earlier, if the Direc tors should think it desirable. At Hayward's-be ith there in a short tunnel through a bill consisting of a kind of clay, having -the colour and ge neral apre trace.: of slate, but comparatively soft, alterna ting with strata of hard stone. Tile work is consequently carr'ed on with corAiderable difficulty ; but, notwithstand ing this, steady aid satisfactory progress is made. On the north side of the tunnel there is a dirge cutting, which is far advanced. . _ Southward, at the mouth of the tunnel, the extensive contract of the Messrs. Thornton, of Brighton, com mences with a cut iag, which we btl eve is the deepest and largest on the whole line. The soil is her , a con tiauation of the strata through which the tunnel in exca vated. On visiting this spot a few days ago, we were pleased to see that a plan of drawing the earth up the enormous sloces of this cutting has been adopted, to avoid j the danger at eadant upon the mode wit:eh most of the in ' habi'ants of this town will remember was in use for a simi lar purpose at the New England cutting on the Shoreham Branch cf the Railway, where men were to be seen as cending and descending a plank pl cod on the slope, sup. ported, it is true, by means of a rope atteened to their barrows, but FAH! in such a precarious manner as to excite in the beholder a shuddering-apprebension for their safety. Al this is avoided by a simple contrivance, which - also facilitates the removal of the earth. A triangular stage, with the upper bed horizontal, and la g a enough to take three or four barrows, .and a second side with the same angle at the slope, is drawn up the in c iced plane by means of horse power, at the same time. that a second stag-e is descending wilt the empty barrows. The wits le business is thus e•riied on without the slightest danger or apprehension, l:esidea effecting a great saving of labour. Proceeding south ar we come to a large err ha Arnett, and then to LnitLer .cuttiag carried through Folly Hi 1, w - he.•c, as well as at the Hayward's Heath cutting, the materials are £0 had as be only remov able by Ila•ti T. Upwards of thirty cwt. of powder is consumed in this way ia a week ; and the - blasting is sotnAitucs carried cat to such an event, that the ex , plssions resemble the continued firag if musketry in a feu de joie. lase hardest rock is at Hayward'a Heath ; a' . .d from the stone quarried there a bridge near Folly Hill la as been consirucled. Continuing southward, an ether embank:meat is seen of great Neigh', and it is one of the largest on the railway. A second viaduct oc• curs is this rat of the liar, spanning the centre part of the valley of Vale Pon!, and joining the two porfons of th`a emb;ekaten.. It consists of &Olt arches of the same do neriions as those of the larger viaduct over t' e 0 ;se Valhy, an like it, is highly orna , r.eatril to the adjacent country. Tire largest embanka.e It on the line is still f‘r:her south it being carried over a valley a mile and a quarter land;, and consuming a milli ,n y-rds of earth. This us to the Hassecaa sta•i in, where the Messrs. Thornton hate erected workshops . and a temporary foun dry. here they cast Ell their iron and b ass work ; and here, also, any repairs that rattytie regaired to th e l ocomf -- the eng ines . ate wel - for realov:ng the care t , are execut.d. A second-class statioa is to be constructed he:e for tips convenience of the inhabitants of tastes, P.tchiing, Hurst, all the neighboutiog c ,untry; and we understand that the . Messrs. Wiguey, t re..lers, of Brigl,ton, have i : centemplatbn the erection of a large hotel near the spot. The whole of these works, from the flay ward's H nth Tunnel to the Hassocks, are comprised in the flitt con_ tr..ct ofi he Mes.r , . Thornton, by whose skill and energy the d faculties of this portion of the undertaking ate fist °vete,. me. This contract will be the last to be complete d; and although the work which .still remains is cf vast ex tent, stil', whet regarded in conjunction with what has al ready been achieved, it sinks into comparative insig-nifi cance; aid we are ii,form7td that the of ening of the line throughout to 13. - glitott wdl nit be delayed by the work is this portion 13.tyual the axe Atted by. the Directors, namely, the month of August. Co:. innicg do-cn the lire, we find in the second con tract o! ti.o M sci a. Thorct.m the work in what tr ay be ter ale la ft i•lied stet e A large cutting occurs in. this cunt rac', composed of 220 000 ysrds of earth. Cl.yt a Tann' l is also i.e.aly finished ; and .aa -hew that it will be re dy to be opened in about two months. Tner,c to Patcham, the line is so far advanced that a feat veelts only will be required to execute the rernaiilrg work; a id the same may be said of the portion that inter venes b•owcen Patcliam and Brighton. The short tunnel under itlij.ar planta ion will also be ready at about the same sine as tie tunnel at Clayton. At Brighton, the Grand Station is built; and both t'ae in crior and ex:erior fi,,i,h;ng and deeJrati.ms have al ready commenced. Iron passenger-sheds are ais..3 in course cf cast uc ion; and the terminus t g is et b ie e. r g a i l o: n appear_ ante a finis' el aspect. In fact, h ance of- tl,e works on the Lae, the e nergy aid skill' ge to ar be ,towed on the unfisishel p. rtion, ant the result of in 9u'ii 's on the su' , j-ct, all varrart us in l oo ki ng f or a - lip , cdy tem . !, btion of this great under.aking, from wh'ela 13 i4lat an will, we confidently anticipate, date a new cra of ro yerit7. THE MlfailCAL PROFESSION. " TIMEO DANAOS ET DONA FERENTES " TO THE EDITuR OF THE SUN. Sart,—As you hale long stood before the British public t , e avewed advocate of liberty and diSinterested philaotbropy, I have thought it a duty not to be waived to addrJss a few lines to you upon an important . sub. jest. You are well aware that a Bill has been brought before the Le,gislature, iati:led " A Bit to amend the laws relating to the Medical Profession in Great Brt :inU' and Irelan.l.". Being myselfa drugg:st , and, there're, one of tl e se it the, these scions of Esculapius would pros- ra e t I b rto. trouble you xith my vi e w s upon that part of the 'B 11 :el ly which has reference to the higlly respectab.e c'at's to which I have the honour to belmig. lArnbt i 3 the avowed of jeet of those who speak through their organ Mr. Hawes ? It is to prevent the chemist and druggist in any instance from t li n ia p t er h s e e., m s a u y ,iln kn a l o s w k either guarding the mistaken jud,grre, t of any iudividtlig who may ne,:d welkin° in trifling disorders, (for, in all cases of dangrr, they are clays referred to a medical man),Obrefnrcofimoiz,phresNcriobwit:gwlibioinsacrle! tcibc advice of t'i , ,:. (:ruggist P Are they the higher" the class of society, thole, who can afford to employ medical praotientr ? By no means y t, regular are the sons acid daught .!rs of of and perm ; ley penury ; those who, if they took the tn,te they hand to , the l druggist t o th e house of the prof 1" ision I ma n , w 6 their paltry pence, be rejmed by hi; very servant, ° 'w a l s it.truders and paupers. At dwh It w ou ld be the re sweep ing Ell if t w . re enacte d ? G , a u ni t thatol this marl could no longe r as k t h e gratuftou's the advicepowhich r the druggist cheerfully gives ; pain autl uncertainty would still pi °duce th e same d istrus t i n his own bosoir, and if shut out from the dialling of the druggist he would betake hioaselt to the abodes of_ those who, by their ecy ig °ranee an insignificance, would be be neath not oaly the notice but even the contempt oldie Licentiate of the Hall, or tee Member of the C•.l!cge of Surgeons. Or, is it that the profession see, by ta n exhibition of intelligence and medical kno•vledge dis played by d;uggist ~ that tLey are pr eventetkeither from eahaust:ri, , , still more the fleanc..s .of those who are gram lino with poverty, or of extorting a guinea where a shilling is now paid? Judge, Sir, i f the present dit tressed state of the lower a:us:es in this kingdom,,will to the regular practitioner fo enable tLein to iv r his a,latice, when the inoit that many of them can bring to the shop of t h e druggist is two or t hree pence. R ow often is it m atter of experience t,.iat the hand o f avarice, with to o m uch nv,dity by graspirl a _ _ riots that i n flict a wound i' And such would be the ~e ted Bill. of the above prof` If druggists acre excluded from ministering co mfort and removing the trifling maladies to the afflicted poor , the n e ed y practitioner es of the would ca that the void thus oc casioned soon per and be w toe step into the pl ace of ,nlust be filled up, adopting his low charge s would s• e drug g i s t, an d by at the same time Le en a bl e d to attend p a ti et A sa ttheir , cure th e i r custom , an d w , houses, where his ocharges woula be the same as those of professional t hus no ad - vantage, but men in general, and naalifest loss, would be expe enced by fire collective body of the fkoulty i add to which the ov..!rwhAl -* riling number of surgeons and apo aecaries that would b e crea t e d as druggists, would then bring up their sons to the profession, in order t o to enable th et s n to av o id th e injustice of the Meditated Act ; and taut the medical aristocracy might say to '''. the • • practice and patieufs—Vale 1 loagunt yak. Trust lug yon, Sir, will notice this subject, and draw the at tention of the public to it, I am, your most sincere admir er , emist Tewkesbury, Friday. E. MAY, Chemist [Mr. "lives, the ether cv ning, said he hal, not the least idea of airccting the trade of the e l-. druggists by any provisions of his medical annist s an d Bill ; yet, on referring to it, we find some five or six clauses affect in, these classes, one of which, a ! .most important one, 0 1VCS to a boy yet to be created, and to r'c. be called the i oanate, the power of making h l ' ye- aws " to. regulate the diploma of qualification to clause carry on the trade of chemi s t and druggist." The_ first. also provides that no pers6n shad order, either directly or indirectly, any me dicine, remedy, or ,poication wha tever, unless he has been examinA as to his skill and knowledg e i n th e practice of medici ne . I s this interference no . with the trade of the chemists and druggists ?] MR. lII.LEOII. We have, within these few days, had an opportunity of conve:sing with a gentleman recently arrived from Canada, who was an eye-witness of the burning of the piratical steam boat Caroline, on the 29th December, 1837, and who is also intimately acquainted with Mr. M'Leod. Both cur informant and Mr. Alexander M'Leod were on duty that day near Chippewa, the former having the com mand of a body of thirty men, with whom ho was ordered to cruise on the neighbouring waters; but neither of them was aware of the intended cutting out of the Caroline, or there is little doubt that both would' have been engaged in the affair. Indeed, our informant was told by Mr.lll•Le rd on the following morning, that he (M'Leod) was not one of the. party, butut that if he had been called upon, ha should have cheer fully obeyed, as the vagabonds on the Isla , id had, the day before, fired several shots at him, while rowing round in an open, unprotected boat. Mr. M-Lend is a Scctchman by birth, aail has served in the British army with great distinction, having raised himself, by his own good conduct alone, to the rank of sergeant-major; and our informant describes him as a most gallant and re solute man. In his capacity of Deputy-Sheriff for the district of Niagara, he had frequent opportunity of exer el:hag these qualities, called as he was by his duty to deal with the loose and vagabond population that inhabit the American side of the boundary. This had rendered him per sonally obnoxious to many who have now pursued him with such relentless and outrageous fury; and those who know the character of the frontier population will net . wonder to learn the apprehension which prevails, le.t men should be found to swear on the trial that M•Lead was present with the party which cut out the Caroliae. An instance—which would be laughable but for i;s revolt ing profligacy—of the little regard set by these people upon oaths—fell once within our informant's own observa tion. An American trader presented at the Canadian Custom. 'mac a forged invoice (unhappily, a common practice) fcr the purpose of fixing the ad valorem duty to which his goods were liable,—and lie swore to its truth By an unlucky chance, however, he dropped from his poc ket-book immediately afterwards the genuine invoice, and eil rot di ,cover his mistake till he rejoined his companions cut of doors, when he coolly avowed what he had done, and lamented his ill fortune. With satnes.es of this kind at hand, t ere is much to fear for the safety of M'Leod.. Our informant has relited to us various instances of Mr. hl•Leod's gallantry and darirg, one cr two of which will, we are sure, interest our readers. A few months only be fore the burning of the Caroline, Mr. M'Lcod Lai to serve a writ on the captain of a small steamer plying as a ferry boat between the two shores, when, at the !quest of the captain, he good-naturedly consentel, i t crier to spare the feelings of the li►ter, to take lunch on board, so that his prisoner miglq confide the care of the vessel to the mate, and then slip off quietly, witi out excising observation. Mr. M'Leod accordingly went below, when presently he discovered the trees flitting rapilly by ; for the fact was that the rascally Yankee was coolly conveying his good-natured captor to the American shore. la one instant Mr. M'Leod was upon the deck, and in another had knocked the steersman down and seized the tiller himself, which he then ern ployed to guide the boat to the Canadian shore, his well known bravery deterring his prisoners fern further inter ference. Oa this occasion he narrowly escaped being carried by the current over the Falls, and when remon strated with by his friends for the risk that he had run, he quietly told them that " he would have had as good a chance at swimming as the rest." Oa another occasion, when some disturbance'occur:ed among the free negrce , , who we numerous in the Niagara district, Mr. M'Leod, aided by our informant alone, actually took and lodged in prison no less that► scse ateen cf the rioters I On the day before the Caroline was burnt, our inform ant aa; dining with a friend in the Canadixn ge of Chippewa. Shortly after they left the table, it was struck by a cannon-bail fired from Nary Island. Sh2ll we then be to:d that thoie subjected to outrages like this were to look quietly on, while they saw with their own eyes a piratical v.sscl e3nrey arms and ammunition to the rebels, which arms and ammunition were to be subsequently em ployed against themselves ?—.BI iglaon Gazette. HOLLAND. SECOND CHAMBER OF THE STATES GENERAL. SITTING OF MARCH 20. The Committee appointed to examine the certificates of the election of the two Itiemligrs of South Holland, reported that they were in the usual TOrm ; that it appeared that the Go vernor of South Holland had voted in the election of M. Enschede, but it was doubtful whether he had voted in that of M. Van Blieswyk ; that whatever may be thought of the Go vernors of provinces voting, it is certain that in this ease the elections were not decided by the Governor's vote, since the new Members would have had a majority without it. The Committee therefore proposed that the Members should be admitted. The President moved that the Report be adopted. A debate ensued in which the Minister Baron Van Zuylen Van Nyevelt said that some of the Members were mistaken in supposing that the Government, by its late circular to the Governors of the provinces, meant to recognise that their voting at elections was contrary to the Constitution. He thought it his duty formally to refute this supposition. The Report of the Committee was agreed to by a majority of 29 to 21, and the Members were in consequence admitted. AMSTERDAM, MA acia 20.—Preparations are making at the Palace to have everything ready to receive the King, but it is not yet exactly known when his Majesty will arrive in this city. ROTTERDAM, MARCH 22.—1 t is officially announced that the King and the Prince will anive here on the 24th of this month. At the general annual meeting of the proprietors of the Na vigation Company between St. Petersburgh and Lubeck, the President, Count Bonkendorff, announced that the receipts du ring the last year were— Receipts 'l he Expense Value of coals iu the warehouses at Lubeck Net produce . . DUTCH .FUNDS.—AIusTEILDAIL Ma Reis 22 Money. Lillis. tctual Dabt, `46 per Cent .)ittO, ditto 5 per cent. Atom t Syndic, 44 per ............ - 8334 Ditto, ditto, 3!.;, per cent 7 i Commercial Company, 414 per cent 11 3 ,4 164 Ditto (Ins and 1637) 5 per cent. ...... • Loan 1037, 5 per cont. Exchange on London, One month /2 05 Two rnemtbs Dutch Papers, March 23. PRUSSIAN FUNDS.— Bk.:m.lN, Marten 19. Bids. Money. St. Sclkuld. Sch., 4! v per cent. lO l'russian English Loan, 1330, 4 per cent 1110% 100!4 Is;xchange on London, three ineni Si; it % —Prussian Stale Gaze:tc, March BELGIAN UNDs—isau.scLs, MARcll etetatid Debt, '3!-; t per Cent. ............. 521,4 Rothschild's Lox., 5 per C;nt 9O Loan of Thirty Millions, 4 per Colt ll2 3 per Cent. Thirty.soven. 70 (1.4 ') 9O Loan of City, 1632, 4 per Co , Society of Corrimoree, •Iliper Cent lO2 Bank of Belgium, 5 par Cent ............. National Society . — Exchange on London (short) —Brussels Papers, March 23. - - S PANIS I/ FINANCE. MADRID, MAW!! 14. There were 1,490 lots of national property sold during the last month, valued at rs• 15,568,780 5 Ms., which have fetched re. 40,929,671 20 ms. ; so that the total numbar of lots sold since 1834 is 37,573, realising rs. 1,435,912,000 12 ms., or about fifteen millions sterling, independent uf seventy millions, or 735,000/. sterling, that are still due by the purchasersof national property in 1821 and 1822, among whom there. is one of the present influential excellence!. The censos sold, 1,833 in number, have obt.ined a capitalised prize of re. 24,481,476 5 ms. It would thus appear that, although the sales have been so extensive, not more than about two millions sterling have teen settled for, there being still outstanding, as due by the purchasers, the sum of fourteen millions sterling, for which Me;srr. Mendiz at al, San Millen ' Santillan, Rio Pats., Gamboa, and the many others who have been at the bead of the Finance Deprt went are answerable, because, had they not connived with the fraudulent purahasers, these latt. , r would have been punctual ia paying up the instalments as they became r!ee• It is supposed that M. Ferrer will decline acceptiag_ Messrs. Matheu and Co.'s offer for the nominal advanccec .. 1 o ninety millions of rids. Should such be the case his E x lency will have acted with patriotiz. i n d e p e nue ; c,, Leo:luso it is not, in fact, a loan from Matheu and Co. i t ,m o e G at T b rn u - t ment, those gentlemen do not trust Gov ernment; they,t o trust from London in b th th e e rn t . erms of their proposal, expec t Government M. Gonzales writes desp johff d.. ome pglY n Ball to c for_ respect to the chance of indu:invgdi ward with some spare cash towaredsthae Jading lifta why to h our s sinking financial condition ; his rntssao told the deputation that waith:dnnonhim at . Hotel, on on behalf of the bondholders, that n is qcito un connected with financial lamrs. GREAT WESTERN ON'TnsTu°enildayTl:lorEning as the first train was Farringdo ‘ t V it o e otten Bassett road to London just rtA A IL c A 1 y. D ... ! employed on the line, who was knocked temp l e . A short time afterwards another station, it Came in contact beforep ro c e d itsiv, igt arrival f ra o i v i n i:lla t n h: t on to the tram, and th e whole t pa ed manover w h c i r s k left iij g on the line near Reading was finishing some work on the side of the road, when , a part of the e m ba n k men t gave way and crushed him.... Chellenham Chronicle. :, i U r R• nd the e r yo- ,d Ad' Owe- In th e of the Ken t be R it _foss. ~,, A l Tof f Pe• t i l t he I Vraj• sESt ir ' ' rortg' khi e Ar lay or, Co' )r ad ow', , Mr. ' the 5.1 r. ; t oots oto n or 01 a b r Cad" ° T ' a tree' i inttr" lit )y 0 ter ; tbc ;tV ~•l~~c it ny their -.,;.~