The Sun. — London, England, 1870-09-30 00:00:00

ived at his own ope's new Cheodore dition of affresou for that has done recently who has war, and Mr. L. Lord Lmber of blem in ?Lilian on nine Mr. tur v es on igibtly on sions of , ns, may 3n, jun., w Office. edition contains measure follows ailment us Acts e excep- Dendium WIC H. lalomons dl. The gerstein, 'as filled meeting :on. The d by the leared to g to this a frag le chair, ould be wded an olleague AI in the nt. He neasures Le midst apations it and conflict which it le bitter by used iterven 'ention ? )'s guar that if were in' L trouble aver, re nhappy our Go- es from m. The nife be m inter faith of horrors Prussia ficiently ~) fie The Ad fits was a Ld the ;rnment " Who s did it- 0, "the was to ng but ter if floating r coast. 3d, and build subject iat the )00,000, ght be , there schools. )00,000, educa f 4,597 If 5,053 ring I out of ing the 16,000 ing the umber, (Hear, Id bye should nposed d do There Es, and ►dowed for the )ple of rarious don of scaped lowing ►rking- David tion of an, as iwich, tenth Lists of In the iat he ecting in the mend- THE ler on ir, Sir large st of sbury Two LATEST INTELLIGENCE. SUN OFFICE, 8 A.M. THE WAR. THE SIEGE OF AIEZIERES. THE NEWS FROM PARIS DETAILS OF THE FALL OF STRASBURG. BOUILLON, SEPT. 29, (5.15 p.m) The terms insisted upon by the Prussians, and Which the garrison of 11.16zieres refuses, is a free passage for tho Prussian troops by Maieres, or the Surrender of the place. As I have written, I believe the bombardment will not commence lyet. M6zieres is a fortress of the third rank, but strong. There is much movement of the troops at Sedan to-day. Upon the fortifications the posts are doubled. The Bavarian cavalry has arrived during the night.— Times Telegram. NEWS FROM PARIS. TOURS, SEPT. 29 (4.40 P.M.). Advices have been received from Paris of the 25th inst. There was no war news, the enemy not having been seen anywhere. A first batch of the documents found at th• Tuileries had been published. They include a letter from M. Jecker on the Mexican affair, which seriously compromises M. de Morny. decree dated the 23rd orders M. De vienne to appear before the Court of Cassation for having brought disgrace upon the character of the magistracy by a negociation of a scandalous nature. The successes obtained by the French on the pre vious day had produced a very favourable impression. The journals contained details shewing the Prussians to have suffered heavy losses. All parties were extremely well disposed. TOURS, SEPT. 29. Ten thousand Prussians are said to be near Or leans. It is denied here that the city has yet been occupied. Admiral Fourichon has noted several breaches of discipline among the soldiers, and has commanded th e officers to put them down with the utmost rigour of military law. TOURS, SEPT. 29 (AFTERNOON.). Orleans is now so safe from the enemy that the train from Tours went through to it this after noon. The Germans seem to be rapidly falling back towards Paris. A mine is said to have been sprung near Mont Valerien, and to have caused- immense loss among the besiegers. General Tripard has addressed a lettter to the Mayor of Tours about the breaches of discipline which have been committed among the troops, and the punishment which must be inflicted on the culprits. The town of Napoleon-Vendee is henceforth to be called Roche-sur-Yon, as it was called down to 1872. There is said to be good news from Paris this morning. The temper of the people is excellent. A balloon is to bi) sent every day to Bordeaux or Toulouse. bETAILS OF' THE SURRENDER OF STRASBURG. AIUNDOLSHEIM, SEPT. 28 (AFTERNOON). The formalities of the surrender of Strasburg were gone through to-day. The garrison will be sent as prisoners of war to Rastadt. They number in all 400 officers and 17,000 /ten. At 8 o'clock this morning the gates of the town and the citadel were taken possession of by the Germans, and German pioneers at once commenced restoring the bridges. At 9.0 a.m. the Mayor and Municipal Council Came to this place. At 10.30 a.m. the garrison troops laid down their arms. At 11.0 the Germans occupied the different quarters of the town and the public buildings. Three batteries were stationed in the Kleber kluare. The German staff will enter the town in tie course of the day.—Telegraph Telegram. THE NEW POLITICAL RELA- TIONS IN GERMANY, BERLIN, SEPT. 29, 8 P.M. Herr Delbruck is expected here this evening. It is announced that there have been, and pro bably will be, no negotiations either for the simple e ntry of the South German States into the Northern Confederation, or for an extension of the North German Constitution to the South German States. Tile telegraph administration in Alsace and Lorraine is making rapid progress towards the thorough establishment of communication. A tele graphic managing department has taken up its quarters at Eprnaey. STUTTGART, SEPT. 28. The Wurtemburg Official Gazette contradicts the st atement contained in a telegram published by the Swabian Mercury of the 17th instant, according to Which the South German States would enter the North German Confederation on the basis of the Pres:nt Federal Constitution. The Gazette says : . I ` If by this statement is meant that Wurtemburg I ntends to enter the North German Confederation, ' i v% must declare the news to be utterly un founded." THE MISSION OF M. THIERS. ST. PETERSBURG-H, SEPT. 29. M. Thiers was received yesterday by Prince v ortschakoff. He will not be received by the E mperor nor by the Czarewitch. THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. CASSEL, SEPT. 29. Some German newspapers have given publicity to a report that the Emperor Napoleon has at tempted to commit suicide. This statement is a Pure inveirtion. BELGIUM. BRUSSELS, SEPT. 29. The extraordinary session of the Belgian Parlia keet has been closed by Royal decree. ‘ ,.. 4 Royal decree, dated 27th inst., authorises the CI A of the Interior to prohibit all fairs and 144 rIcets for th e ex hibiti on or sal e o f b ov i n e a n i ma l s 13. ` all kinds. BRUSSELS, SEPT. 20, 4.30 P.m. 0 1 . Hubert D o bez, f o rmerly P res id e nt o f the n atnber of Representatives, has been elected a 41 L e luber of th e S ena t e by 1,045 vo t es , severa l mem bers abstaining from voting. GREAT FIRE IN ANTWERP. ANTWERP, SEPT. 29. 1 .1 44 Fit night a dreadful re broke out in the sugar vu /lery of Messrs. Meens, Brothers. The building ent ' Ire " fire. 3' destroyed, aud four adjoining houses are A later telegram states that the fire has been subdued, ROME. ROME, SEPT. 28, (EVENING). r rhe Roman J un t a h as i ssue d a man if es t o se ttli ng the b, details of the plebiscite . The vote will by ballot, and on tilt voting. tickets there }Fill simply be printed the word " Yes" or the word " No." Rome is to be divided into twelve voting places. The formula to be submitted to the plebiscite, and the day on which the voting is to take place, will be fixed later. The foreigners here, not being able to vote, are preparing an address to the King. At the Pope's request the Italian troops have oc cupied the Castle of San Angelo. Perfect tranquility rely ns. DESTRUCTION OF TELEGRAPHS NEAR PARIS. (OFFICIAL GERMAN DESPATCH.) FERRIERES, SEPT. 28. Four telegraph wires to Rouen and the south of France have been discovered underground and in the bed of the Seine, and have been taken up by our troops and destroyed. Otherwise there is nothing new. THE MOVEMENT ON LYONS. TOURS, SEPT. 29. The statement that a movement of German troops had taken place towards Belfort and Lyons is unfounded. THE BOMBARDMENT OF SOISSONS. BRUSSELS, WEDNESDAY NIGHT. The Echo du Nord announces that the bombard ment of Soissons continues, but without much activity. (FRENCH ACCOUNT.) CHAUNY, SEPT. 28. The Prussians are massed Lefore Soissons. Shots and shells have been fired from the town since Saturday, and several sorties have been made. The enemy has erected a bridge on the river Aisne, and has set the buildings of the suburbs on fire. PRUSSIANS IN •THE FRENCH PROVINCES. TOURS, WEDNESDAY NIGHT. Two thousand of the National Guard left Rouen on Tuesday in the direction of Nantes, to check the Prussian incursion. M. Jules Favre has appointed Count Chaudordy to represent the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Government Delegation at Tours. The Paine says the appointment has given satisfaction to the Diplo matic Corps. The Patrie says that the new Imperial organ, La Situation, which has appeared in London, is in apiied by M. Rouher, and edited by a former mem ber of the Extreme Right. THE RED REPUBLICANS AT LYONS. LYONS, SEPT. 29 (8.50 a.m.) A demonstration hostile to the Government was attempted here yesterday. General Cluseret forced forced his way into the Hotel de Ville and addressed the people. The National Guard was called out, and restored order. General Cluseret and the leaders of the movement have been arrested. The National Guard remained loyal. No blood was shed. OCCUPATION OF CLERMONT BY THE PRUSSIANS. (FRENCH ACCOUNT.) BEAUVAIS, SEPT. 28. Three hundred Prussians were repulsed yesterday before Clermont by the Mobile Guards, supported by the inhabitants, but they returned with artillery, and opened fire upon several small villages, which were burnt. The Mobile Guards fell back by order of the General. The enemy has entered Clermont. A PRUSSIAN DEFENCE. BERLIN, SEPT. 29 Herr von Thiele has addressed a circular to the North German representatives abroad, in which he declares that careful investigations prove the entire groundlessness of the statement of the late French Foreign Minister, Prince de la Tour d'Auvergne, made on the Ist September. The prince declared that the German troops had been guilty of various violations of international law, both " general and as specially secured by treaty." Only one of the accusations brought forward, the arrest of M. Bussieres3, had some positive foun dation. His arrest, however, did not take place, as stated, in an ambulance. The Geneva Convention had been most carefully car ried out by the Germans. No explosive bullets for rifles, or of less than 400 grammes in weight had been used. On the other hand, authenticated facts existed proving that the French Government had not executed the Geneva Convention. Herr von Thiele adds that it appeared as if the assertions of Prince de la Tour d'Auvergne were an attempt to anticipate for the moment the German protest of the 26th ult., by counter accusations gathered out of the newspapers. THE LOSS OF THE CAPTAIN. (CENTRAL PRESS TELEGRAM.) The inquiry was resumed at Portsmouth yesterday. Admiral Milne, examined, said, he was in charge of the combined squadron, off the coast of Spain, on the 6th of September. He was entirely satisfied with Mr. May and the remainder of the survivors. When he took command he received instruction from the Admiralty to report on the capabilities of the Monarch, Captain, and Hercules. leaving Gibraltar on the 19th of August till the 6th of September, there was uo wind or opportunity of trying the vessel under sail. On May 6, with Captain Braunreth, he went on board the Captain, at nine, and visited the ship throughout. The breeze freshened a little before the witness ordered the signal for trial of sail at one, and all the ships made sail with fore topsail royals and courses, and for that purpose the funnel of the Captain had to be put down. The squadron tacked three times, some of the ships had to take in royals, but but the Captain carried her main royal up to four o'clock. At 1.40 the angle of heel made was told by signal. The Lord Warden was 4, the Captain 9-i, the Bellerophon 9, the Inconstant 11, the Warrior 5, the Bristol 10, the Minotaur 4, the Northumberland 5, the Monarch 7, the Agincourt 3, and the Hercules 6. At four o'clock, the heel was, the Lord Warden 4, the Captain 11 the Inconstant 15k, the Warrior 5, the Bristol, 7 the Minotaur 6, the Nor thumberland 3, the Monarch, 9, the Agincourt 3i. During the trial witness observed that the Captain's average heel was 12-i to 14 feet, without any special lurch. He noticed at one time the gunwale was level with the water. A slight swell met her on the lee bow, and the sea washed over the side of the deck, fore and aft. Witness remarked this was unusual, and Mr. Coles said there was not the slightest danger. Every one on board seemed satisfied with the ship. He told Captain Burgoyne that they would stand off laud for the night, and left the Captain, afterwards signalling to her in the usual way. He had not been provided with plans by the Admiralty or the builders. He should have thought the topsails would have gone before the ship, and probably the Captain would have been safe under steam. He believed the foundering wag due to heeling over beyond angle, and probably some portion of the lee deck was under water when a heavy sea struck the ship to windward. Evidence was then given to the effect that it was thought on board that, though the Captain's speed was not great, she Vras in every way a comfortable vessel; and witnesses were also called, who gave details as to measurement, and as to the presumed safety of the ship. A further adjournment then took place. Odains wharf, near the Victoria Docks, has been especially licensed by Her Majesty's Customs for the sale and slaughter of all animals coming from scheduled countries. WORKMEN'S INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION, AGRI tiiLTIIRAL HALL, ISLINGTON.—The number of visitors occlusive of season ticket holders, exhibitors, and others on the 29th instant WAS 5,437. SUN, LUNDO, FRIDAY, St,PTEMBEk 30, 187 L M. JULES FAVRE'S REPORT OF THE NEGOTIATIONS. The report of the interview between M. Jules Favre and Count on Bismarck was published in the Journal Officiel of the 23rd inst. A copy was deipatched by bal loon to Tours; and on the 28th it appeared in the Moniteur. The Foreign Office has favoured us with a copy in French, of which the following is a translation : MY DEAR COLLEAGUES—The close union of' all our citizens, and especially that of the members of the Go vernment, is now more than ever a necessity for the public safety. Every one of our acts ought to cement it. What I have just done on my own responsibility was inspired with that feeling, and will have the result which I have had the honour to explain to you in detail. But that will not suffice. We are a Government of publicity. If during negotiations secrecy is inispensable, yet the fact, once consummated, should be placed in the clearest light. We are nothing except by the opinion of our fellow citizens, and they must judge us every hour ; and, to be able to judge, they have the right to know everything. I con sidered that it would be my duty to go to the head quarters of the enemy. I went there, and I have ren dered you an account of the self-imposed mission. I now recount to my country the' reasons which prevailed with me, the object I proposed, and what I believe I have attained. I have no need to recall the policy inaugurated by us, which the Minister of Foreign Affairs was particularly charged to formulate. We are, before all things, men of peace and liberty. Down to the very last moment we opposed the war which the Imperial Government was about to undertake in an exclusively dynastic interest ; and, when that Government fell, we declared that we should persevere more energetically than ever in a policy of peace. That declaration we made when, by the criminal folly of one man and his counsellers, our armies were destroyed ; our glorious Bazaine and his va liant soldiers blockaded behind Metz ; Strasburg, Toul, Phalsburg, crushed by bombshells ; and the victorious enemy marching upon our capital. Never was a situation more cruel. It inspired, nevertheless, no feeling of de. spair in the nation, and we believeed that we were its faithful interpreters when we laid down clearly this condi tion : Not an inch of our territory, not a stone of our for tresses. If, then, at that moment when a fact so consider able as that of the overthrow of the originator of the war had just been accomplished, Prussia had wished to treat upon the bases of an indemnity to be agreed upon, peace would have been made ; it would have been accepted as an universal blessing ; it would have become a certain pledge of reconciliation between two nations which an odious policy alone has fatally divided. We hope that humanity and self-interest, rightly under stood, would have achieved that victory, splendid for all; for it would have opened a new era, and the statesmen who should associate their names with it would have had, in so doing, for their guides, philo sophy, reason, justice—for their recompense, the blesst ings and prosperity of peoples. It was with these ideas that I undertook the perilous task which you confided to me. It was my duty first to ascertain the dispo sitions of the other European Governments, and to seek their support. The Imperial Government had either wholly neglected, or had alienated, that support. It entered on the war without an ally, without a serious ne gotiation ; everywhere around was either hostility or in difference ; and it thus reaped the bitter fruit of a policy which wounded every neighbouring State either by its menaces or by its pretensions. Scarcely were we established in the Hotel de Ville before a diplo matist, whose name we are hardly now at liberty to re veal, came to ask to enter into relations with us. The next day your Ministers received the representatives of all the Powers. The Republic of the United States, the Helvetian Republic, Italy, Spain, and Portugal, officially recognised the Republic of France. The other Governments authorised their agents to enter iato official relations with us, so as to permit us at once to ex change friendly communications. I should give to this statement, already too much expanded, an un necessary amplitude, if I were to recount in detail the brief but instructive history of the negotiations which followed. I believe I may affirm that they will not be wholly without advantage for our moral credit. I permit myself only to say, that everywhere we found honourable sympathies. My object was to group them together, and to determine the Powers who were the signatories of the neutral league to intervene directly with Prussia, taking for their base the conditions I have laid down. Four of the Powers offered to do this ; and I have declared to them my gratitude, in the name of my country, for so doing, but I wished to have the concurrence of two others. One of these promised me an individual action with re spect to which she reserved to herself liberty; and the other proposed to be my intermediary with Prussia. She even went one step farther, at the instance of the Envoy Extra ordinary from France. She undertook directly to recom mend my proposal. I asked much more, but .I refused no assistance, considering that the interest shewn for us was a force not to be neglected. Nevertheless, time was passing, and every hour brought the enemy nearer. A prey to the most poignant emotions, I promised to myself not to permit the siege of Paris to begin without attempting a supreme effort, even though I should have to make it alone. Our interest in doing this need not be explained. Prussia remained silent, and no one interrogated her. That situation was untenable. It permitted the enemy to lay upon us the responsibility of continuing the struggle ; it condemned us to ascertain her intentions for ourselves. It was wcessary to escape from the posi tion. In spite of my repugnance, _I determined to make use of the good offices that were tendered to me ; and on the 10th of September a telegram reached M. Bismarck asking him if he would enter into conference upon the conditions of uegociation. The first response was an ob jection drawn from the irregfilarity of our Government. Meanwhile the Chancellor of ,the Confederation of the North did not insist upon that, but inquired what gua rantees. we offered for the execution of a treaty. This second difficulty having been removed by me, it was necessary to proceed further. A proposal was made that I should send a courier, which I accepted. At the same time a telegram was despatched directly to M. Bismarck, and the Prime Minister of the Power which served as our intermediary informed our Envoy Extraordinary that France was able to act alone ; he added that it was desirable that I should not hesitate to go to the headquarters. Our Envoy, who thoroughly knew my mind, replied that I was ready to make all the sacrifices necessary to discharge my duty ; that there were few so painful as to traverse the lines of the enemy to seek out our conqueror, but that he believed I should not shrink even from that. Two days afterwards the courier returned. After a thousand obstacles he had seen the Chancellor, who told him that he was dis posed of his own accord to have an interview with me I should have preferred a direct reply to the telegram of our intermediary, but it was delayed. The investment of Paris was progressing. There was no time for hesitation, and I resolved to set out. It was only necessary for me. to bear in mind that this negotiation, until it was accom plished, was to be ignored. I recommended secrecy, and I was grievously surprised on returning yesterday evening to learn that it had not been observed. A culpable indis cretion had been committed. Ajournal—theElecteur Libre —previously disavowed by the Government had taken ad vantage of it ; an inquiry has been set on foot, which I hope will lead to this double abuse being punished. I had pushed so far the scrupulous regard for secrecy that I observed it even towards yourselves, my dear colleagues. I could not resolve to do that without lively regret, but I knew your patriotism and your affection, and I was sure to be absolved. I believed myself bound to obey an im perious necessity. One time I told you of the agitation of my mind, and I said that it would be at rest only when when I had done everything that was possible for man to do to bring this horrible war to an honourable conclusion. Recalling the conversation which arose from this begin ning, I feared some objections, and I was decided. I wished, in meeting M. de Bismarck, to be free from every engagement, in order to have the privilege of not making any. 1 make these acknowledgments sincerely. I make them to the country, in order to release you from a re sponsibility which I alone assume. If my mission be a mistake, I alone must bear the penalty. I had meanwhile to consult the Minister of War, who had wished to give me an officer to conduct me to the avant-postes. We did not consider the situation of the head-quarters. We thought they were at Grosbois. We moved towards the enemy by the Porte de Charenton. I suppress all the details of this unhappy journey, which was full of interest, but the incidents of which would not be in their place in this report. Conducted to Villeneuve- Saint -Georges, where was the General-in-Chief command ing the Sixth Corps, I learned rather late in the after noon that the head-quarters were at Meaux. The General proposed to me to send an officer as bearer of the follow ing letter, which I had prepared for transmission to M. de Bismarck : " IVI. le Comte—l have always believed that, before un dertaking serious hostilities under the walls of Paris, it was impossible that an honourable arrangethent should not have been attempted. The person who had the honour of waiting on your Excellency two days ago has made we gather from his words the expression on your part of a similar desire. .I have come to the avant poster, to put myself at the disposition of your „,Excellency. I expect yOu will let me know tiow and where I can have the honour of conferring with you for a few moments.— I have, &c., `` JULES FAVRE." We were separated by a distance of 48 kilometres. The next morning, at six o'clock, I received a reply, of which this is a copy: " I have - just received the letter your Excellency has had the goodness to write to me, and it will give me the greatest pleasure if you will come to see me to-morrow. here at Meaux. Prince Biron, the bearer of this, will see that your Excellency is conducted across: our lines. have, &c., " DE BISMARCK." At nine o'clock the escort was ready, and I left with it. When we arrived near Meaux, about three in the after noon, I was stopped by an aide-de-camp, who told me that Count Bismarck had left Meaux with the King to go to Ferrlizes for the night. I went back, and proceeded to a farm, which had been pillaged, as were all the houses which I passed on my route. At the end of an hour M. de Bismarck joined me. It was difficult for us to consult in such a place. One habitation—the Chateau de la Haute Maison, be longing to the Count de Rillac—was in the vicinity, and we proceeded thither. Our conversation took place in a salon, in which debris of all sorts was lying about. I would fain report to you that conversation in its entirety, as I dictated it to a secretary next day. Every detail of it is important. Here I can only analyse it. I at once specified the object of my mission. Having made him acquainted by my circular with the intentions of the French Government, I wished to know those of the Prussian Minister. It seemed to, me inexcusable that two nations should, without previous explanations, continue a terrible war which would inflict deep suffering' on the conquerors, notwith standing the advantages they had gainen. Caused by the power of one man, this war had no longer a raison d'Otre when France had become mistress of herself. I pledged myself for her love of peace, but at the same time for her indomitable resolution not to accept any condition which should make that peace a brief and threatening truce. M. de Bismarck said that if he believed such a peace was possible he would sign it at once. The Opposition had always condemLed the war. But the power which that Opposition represented was no longer anything but precarious. If within a few days Paris were not taken, it would be overthrown by the mob. I interrupted him to say that we had not a mere mob at Paris, but a population which was intelligent and de voted, which knew our intentions, and which would not make itself an accomplice of the enemy in obstructing our defence. As regarded our power, we were ready to place it in the hands of the Assembly already convoked. " This assembly," replied the Count, " will have designs which nothing can make us foresee. But, if it obey the sentiment of France, it will wish for war. You will no more forget the capitulation of Sedan than Waterloo — than Sadowa, which did not concern you." Then he in sisted at length on the wish of France, the accomplish ment of which had been prevented, to attack Germany and to take away a part of its territory. From the time - of Louis XIV. to that of Napoleon 111. her tenden cies had not changed, and that when war was declared the Corps Leg,islatif had received the words of the Minister with acclamation. I remarked to him that the majority of the Corps Legislatif had some weeks before called out for peace; that that majority, chosen by the Monarch, had believed itself bound to follow him blindly ; but that the •nation, which had been consulted twice, at the elec tions of 1869, and at the vote on the pl6biscite, had per sistently clung to a policy of peace and liberty. The conversation on this subject was prolonged—the Count maintaining his opinion, whilst I defended mine ; and, as I pressed him strongly on these conditions, he replied, in effect, that the security of his country com manded him to guard the territory which protected it. He repeated several times " Strasburg is the key of the house : I must have it." I then asked him to be more explicit. " It is useless," he replied, " since we cannot listen to you. It is a matter to arrange later." I asked him to do it at once. He said then that the two departments of Bas Rhin and Haut Rhin, a part of the Moselle, with Metz, Chateau-Salins, and Sonenes were indispensable, and that he could not give them up in th 9 negotiation. I then re marked that the assent of the people of whom he was thus disposing was more than doubtful, and that the public opinion of Europe would not be satisfied with it. " T know well," he replied, " that they are not with us. They will impose an unpleasant job on us, but we cannot suffer it. I am sure that in a short time we shall have a new war with you. We wish to make it with all our ad vantages." I protested as I should against such solu tions of the question. I said that two important elements of the discussion had been forgotten—Europe, which would find these proposals to be exorbitant, and oppose them ; then the new right—the progress of civilisation and manners —which was opposed to such conditions, I added that so far as we were concerned we would never accept them. We could, I stated, perish as a nation, but we would not suffer dishonour ; besides, the country alone was competent to decide regarding a cession of territory. We have no doubt about its feeling, but we are willing to consult it. Opposite to it Prussia is arrayed. And, to be beref, it is clear that, influenced by the intoxication of victory, she wishes for the destruction of France. The Count protested, taking his position behind the absolute neces sity of the national guarantee. I continued, " If it is not an abuse of strength on your part—concealing secret designs—let us summon the Assembly. We will resign into its hands our power ; it will nominate a definitive Government which will consider your conditions." " For the execution of this plan," replied the Count, "an armistice would be necessary, and I do not wish for that at any price." The conversation took a turn ever more and more pain ful. Evening approached. I asked M. de Bismarck for a second interview at Ferrieres, where he was going to stay for the night, and we left each for his own destination. As I wished to fulfil my mission to the end, I had to return to several questions on which we had spoken, and to conclude. So in meeting the Count about half past nine in the evening, I observed that the intelligence which would be put in my possession would be conveyed to my Government and the French public, and I would engage that nothing would be published exeept what had been agreed upon between us. " Do not give yourself that trouble," he replied ; " I give you full liberty. I do not see any disadvantage in revealing it." We then pur sued the discussion, which was prolonged until midnight. I insisted particularly upon the necessity of summoning an Assembly. The Count appeared to become convinced by degrees and to return to the subject of the armistice. I asked for fifteen days. We discussed the conditions. He and reserved hexiepprerissvieldegheim:felefeninsualtvieergy the King. wa H y e , postponed our conversation until the next day at eleven o'clock. I have only one word to say, for in reproducing this sad story my heart is agitated by all the emotions which have tortured it for the last three days, and I hasten to the end. I was at Chateau de Ferrieres at eleven o'clock. The Count left the King at a quarter to twelve, and I heard from him the conditions which were required for an armistice. They were con tained in a text, written in the German lan guage, of which he gave me the sense verbally. He demanded as a guarantee the occupation of Strasburg, of Toul, and of Phalsburg; and as to the demand of the previous evening that the Assembly should meet at Paris, he desired in that case to have added a fort commanding the city—that of Mont Valerien, for instance. At this point I interrupted him by saying, " It will be much more simple to ask us for Paris itself. How can you snppose a French Assembly can deliberate under your cannon?" I have had the honour of telling you that I shall faithfully transmit our interview to the Government ; but I really do not know that I dare tell them you have made to me such a proposition. " Let ue seek another combination," he replied. Then I spoke to him of the Assembly meeting at Tours, and of no ma terial guarantee being given in the neighbourhood of Paris. He then proposed to speak of this proposition to the King, and, returning to the question of the occupation of Stras burg, he added : The city is about to fall into our hands —it is now only a question of days ; so I ask that the garrison should surrender themselves prisoners of war." At those words I was moved by grief, and rising, I said, " You forget that you are speaking to a Frenchman, Count. To sacrifice an heroic garrison—the admiration of ourselves and of the entire world—would be a peace of cowardice; and I do not promise that I shall not say you attempted to impose such a condition." The. Count replied that he had no intention to wound me—that he only conformed to the laws of war; and that if the Kind" consented, that article might be modified. He then went and saw the King, and, re turning in a quarter of an hour, said his Majesty accepted the proposition with regard to Tours, but insisted on the garrison of Strasburg being retained as prisoners of war. My strength was here exhausted, and for an instant I feared it would fail , me altogether.. I turned to hide the emotion which nearly choked me, and, apologising for my involuntary weakness, I took my leave with these simple words : " I was deceived, Count, in coming here, but I do not repent. I have suffered suffi ciently for my own excuse, and, moreover I only came in deference to a sense of duty. I will report to my Go vernment all that you have told me ; and if they think proper to send me back to you, however painful it may be to my own feelings, I shall have the honour of seeing you again. I- am grateful to you for the kindness you have Atown towards me; but I fear there is no other 'means remaining than to let events take their course, The popu lation of Paris is courageous, and re solved to make any sacrifice. Their heroism may change the course of events. Even if you conquer you will not make them submit. All France entertains the same sentiments. So long as we can find an element of resistance, we will fight you. It will be a struggle between two peoples who, ought, rather to join hands. I hoped for a different solution, and I do part deeply grieved, but nevertheless, full of hope." I ad - led no:' ing to this speech, which was eloquent by its simplicity. I may now be permitted to conclude, and to tell you what is my idea of the effect of these interviews. I sought peace, and I found an inflexible determination in favour of war and - conquest. I asked for the possibility of eliciting the opinion of France, represented by a freely elected Assembly ; and I was answered-by a display of the Caudine Forks, beneath which we were first required to pass. I make no recriminations—l confine myself to a statement of facts for the consideration of my coun try and of Europe. I do not attempt to deny that I ardently desired peace, and that the three days spectacle of our ravaged country increased that desire to such a point, that I was forced to call all my courage to my aid in order not to fail in the task I had undertaken. I desired not less keenly an armistice, in order that the nation might be consulted on the terrible question which fate has placed before us. You know now the preliminary conditions that were sought to be imposed upon us. With me, and without discussion, you have been unanimously of opinion that it was our duty to repel a proffered humi liation. I have a profound conviction that, in spite of the sufferings she is now enduring, and that are yet to be borne, our indignant country will share our resolution. It was with her sentiments I believe myself inspired in writing the following dispatch to IV.- de Bismarck, which closed the negotiation : "M. le Comte,—l have faithfnlly expressed to my col leagues in the Government of National Defence the decla ration that your Excellency has been good enough to make to me. I regret to have to make known to your Excellency that that Government has not been able to accept your propositions. They will accept an armistice having for its object the election and meeting of a National Assembly ; but they cannot subscribe to the contingent conditions. As 'to myself, I car say with a clear conscience that I have done my utmost to stop the effusion of blood, and to restore peace to two nations which would be so much benefitted by that blessing. I have only been stopped by an imperious duty, which re quired me not to yield the honour of my country, which has determiced energetically to resist such a sacrifice. I and my colleagues associate ourselves without reserve in that determination. God, our Judge, will decide on our destinies. I have faith in His justice.—l have, &c., (Signed) " JULES FAVRE. " Sept. 21, 1870." I have done, my dear colleagues; and you will think with me that, if I have failed in my mission, it has still not been altogether useless. It has proved that we have not deviated. From the first we have conducted a war which we condemned beforehand, but which we accepted in preference to dishonour. We have done more—for we have laid bare the equivocation on which Prussia relied, and let Europe now assist us in dissipating it altogether. In invading our soil, she gave her word to the world that she was attacking Napoleon and his soldiers, but would respect the nation. We know now what to think of that statement. Prussia requires three of our departments : two for fortified cities—one of 100,000, the other of 75,000 inhabitants ; and eight or ten smaller ones, also fortified. She knows that the populations she wishes to tear from us repulse her ; but she seizes them nevertheless, replying with the edge of the sword to their protestations against such an outrage on their civic lil:erty and their moral dignity. To the nation that demands the opportunity of self-consultation she proposes the guarantee of her cannon planted at Mont Valerien, and protecting the scene of their deliberations. That is what we know, and what I am authorised to make public. Let the nation that hears this either rise at once or at once disavow us when we conusel resistance to the bitter end. Paris is resolved to take the latter course. The Departments are organising and coming to our assistance. The last word is not yet spoken in this struugle, where now force is arrayed against right. It depends upon our constancy that the balance should rest on the side of justice and liberty. Receive, my dear colleagues, the fraternal homage of my unalterable de votion. The Vice-President of the Government of National Defence and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Paris, Sept. 21 (Signed) JULES FAVRE. THE HOME SECRETARY AT PAISLEX. (CENTRAL PRESS TELEGRAM.) The Secretary of State for the Home Department, yesterday, met the electors of Renfrewshire at Paisley. Sir Peter Coates introduced the right honourable gentleman. at the same time expressing the pride that was felt by the constituency that in supporting Mr. Bruce they were supporting a Liberal Government. Mr. Bruce spoke at considerable length. He undertook at the outset to defend the conduct of the Government during the past session, especially referring to his own share in Ministerial work. The Cabinet, he said, under took at the beginning of the session to introduce measures for diffusing general education, to reduce the burdens of the people, and to economise the national finances ; and they had done all this. The principal measures of the session were of extremedifficulty ; and the fruit they might bear might not be evident for some time. This was especially so with respect to the Irish Land Bill. Ireland could not be expected to become immediately as indus trious, orderly, and peaceful as England and Scotland ; but there was nothing in the Irish character to prevent Irishmen from becoming eventually like the other inhabi tants of the United Kingdom. Had the Roman Catholics been treated with fairriess and justice in Ireland, they would have been as loyally attached to the Crown and Government as any other portion of the population ; but being treated harshly and unjustly, they fell into the arms of the priests and of a foreign spiritual power. Mr. Bruce then referred to and defended the provisions of the Glebe Lands Bill. He maintained that the advantage given by that measure to the Protes tant Church was not an endowment, but only a facility for the borrowing of money, to be repaid. Passing to the Education, question, the right hon. gentleman ad mitted that no complete general measure had been passed, still something had been done in Scotland by the passing of the bill introduced by Mr. Moncreiff for the purpose of givin g power to trustees of what were called in England school endowments to extend the bevefits of these institutions. The general measure of Scotch edu cation would again be taken up next session with every prospect of being passed. He denied that the Government had any intention of favouring the Established Church at the expense of Dissenters in the English Education Bill ; and in proof of this he pointed out that almost precisely the same measure was recommended by a meeting held at Manchester of all de nominations. Having alluded shortly to Mr. McLat en's Church Rates Bill, the Truck system, and the Licensing system, he went on to speak of the war. The charge brought against Prussia of needlessly protracting the war was unfair. To throw a burglar found in one's house out of window was not enough ; security must be had that he should not return. He felt in the interests of peace that the conditions of peace could not be too stringent. But whilst Prussia had every claim to be amply' secured against further aggres sion, it was not for her interests to inflict many unneces sary wounds upon France. Neither the prosperity nor the strength of Prussia would be increased by uniting to itself an unwilling population. The Cabinet, he declared, was perfectly united. GREAT FIRE AT SIIOHEDITCH. ------- - ---- One of the largest and most destructive fires that have taken place in the metropolis for some time broke out at a few minutes before twelve o'clock last night, in the extensive timber yards of Mr. Tapping, Castle-street, Shoreditch, in a narrow street running at the sear of Shoreditch Church. The flames were first discovered by the watchman rising from a stack of timber in the centre of the yard, and he at once gave the alarm, but before any aasistance could be obtained, the adjacent stacks of timber had caught, and the flames leaped from stack to stack until the whole yard was one mass of fire ; the flames shooting up to a great height, the reflection of which could be seen from all parts of the metropolis. On the arrival of the engines the firemen found it useless to attempt to save any portion of Mr. Tapping's premises, and their attention was directed to the surround houses and to another timber-yard on Friars Mount, several of the stocks of timber m which were in flames. While their efforts were directed in this quarter, a row of small tenements,t running at the back of Mr. Tapping's yard, caught fire, and a scene of great confusion ensued. These houses were thickly peopled with' labourers and costermongers and their families, most of whom were in bed at the time, and on being aroused, began throw ing their scanty furniture into the street, until it became completely blocked up. The greatest portion of the furniture was burned, have been set alight by the showers of burning sparks from the lighted timber. The firemen having succeeded in arrest ing the progress of the fire at the timber yard in Friars' Mount, at once turned their attention to the row of burning houses, but they were unable to extinguish the flames until they were nearly all destroyed. It was not until two o'clock in the morning that the fire was mastered, and at that hour there was an extensive body of flame from the timber. The concourse of people attracted by the great reflection of the fire was immense, and greatly impeded the action of the firemen. In the confusion that prevailed, and the fire still burning when the reporter left at two o'clock, it was impossible to ascer tain how the fire originated, or the amount of damage done and property destroyed, but it must amount to many thou sands' of pounds. 'There were reports that some lives had, been lost, but it was impossible to ascertain whether the report was correct or not. OUP. COTEMPORARIES—This Morui-ag ENGLAND AND THE WAR. The Times says it need not waste words in examining the excuses that have been made for the apparent inaction of the Ei,g,lish Ministry. The consi deration that must press most emphatically on the attention of our Ministers is that each belligerent has, in a manner more or less formal, appealed to them, as to the other neutral Powers cf Europe. Our Government stands between the two belligerents, and, if unable to do anything to bring them into agreement, is unable also by - the necessity of its position to keep Silence. If the Ministry agree with Count B:smarck that the best guarantee of the peace of Europe is to be found in the annexation of a hostile dependency, it must approve of his resolution to persevere in the war till this end is obtained. If it doubts the reality of the benefits 'he would secure for Europe, if it sees guarantees of future security free from the difficulties that are confessedly attached to those he demands—guarantees, too, that might be at once secured so as to put a stop to the further progress of a war already satiated with blood, it cannot but express the divergence of opinon thus entertained. It may not, in the judgment of some, redound to our glory to express an opinion without the intention of enforcing it. It cannot, in the judgment of any, redound to our glory to abstain from expressing an opinion when it is demanded of us, because we may find ourselves differing from a powerful neighbour. The Telegraph adverting to the meeting of the Cabinet Council, which takes place to-day, says, that although the 'events of the war seem for the day to indicate a remote possibility of peace, still the situa tion is eminently unfavourable for friendly inter position. It is not beyond the range of possibility that our Ministers might find yet another appeal made to them on the part of the French Government, cast down by unbroken reverses, and discovering to their bitter cost the fallacy of the expectation that the rising in mass of a people without discipline, leaders, or arms, should result in the expulsion of seven hundred thousand armed and skilled invaders, peculiarly well supplied with all the appliances of warfare, Were such an appeal to be made, we cannot doubt, says the Telegraph, that the English Cabinet would do all that if duty of strict neutrality permitted, to devise for the combatants some basis of peace, which might at once secure to Germany the guarantees she de mands, and salve the bruised susceptibilities of France by a slight withdrawal from the " hard and fast" line to which . Count Bismarck has in all his conversations so re solutely stuck. But, in any case, whateves they do, if they should to-day determine to do anything more, must be done with the utmost discretion and conciliation. A " word and blow" have been so often unfortunately associated in international affairs, that Germany might think, and France expect, onr diplomacy in this case to be the precursor of acts. As to the German misconception, that might do no great harm ; but the French expecta tion would be a painful result. It is, then, our clear duty not to arouse false hopes in the minds of a. nation that is sore distressed, and that needs all the truth to com prehend its painful situation. RUSSIA ARMING. Russia, remarks the Standard, after waiting till the con flict between France and Prussia was seemingly decided, is arming. Why:? To secure the advantages which Prussia, at the outset of the war, promised as the consideration of a benevolent neutrality. It would have been impossible for the Russian Government to have directly taken part with Prussia in this war. The Prussian Government did not desire the eclat of such an affiance, and the Russian people, so far as there can be said to be a Russian people, would have struggled very bitterly against such an alliance. The sympathy of the Russian national press—and the pref is now-a-days a greater power in Russia in them any other country—is, and has been throughout, entirely with France, not so much from love to France as from hatred to Germany. The quotations from the Russian newspapers, with which the telegraph fitfully exercises English public opinion, come from Government organs, published in French or German ; the national press, the public opinion of Russia, is altogether on the side of France, that is to say, is bitterly against Germany. Alli ance with France against Germany would have been popular in Russia, but was repugnant to the feeling of the Government. Affiance with Prussia would have suited the Government,' anxious about Poland, and the aatisfaction of those schemes of policy in She East, for which so much has been sacrificed ; but then such an alliance would have been intensely unpopular, and even dangerous. So the course was taken — quite as agreeable to the Prussian Government' as actual intervention—of benevolent neutrality, and by that neutrality Russia, as the Prussian official journals allow—and it must be remembered that in Prussia the press is a Government concern—has entitled herself to ask the support of Prussia to promote any par ticular ends she may think it opportune to pursue. Well the Russian ends lies eastward. THE EASTERN QUESTION, The Manchester Courier says the Eastern question is once more on the point of lifting its head in Europe. Russia's designs on Constantinople, which were frustrated by the Crimean War, will be made again, not with Prus sia this time, as a benevolent neutral, but with her open and avowed support, and who will there be to stand in the way? England cannot do so alone. Franca is para lysed and crushed. Other European Statel are either powerless or reduced to a po sition of mere puppets of Prussia. If the attempt be renewed, supported as it may be expected, it can hardly fail of success. With success, we may look to see the total annihilation of the Turkish Empire. Such a result is but the natural effect of the foreign policy of a Liberal Government for the last few years. The country is hardly to be congratulated on its adoption of it. (CENTRAL PRESS TELEGRAMS.) AFTER A POSSIBLE PRIZE Pier Dover yesterday watched with intense interest an event which took place six miles out upon the sea. A !French man-of-war sailing east, suspecting a screw steamer sailing westward to be a Prussian, demanded her colours. She refused to show them, and the Frenchman fired upon her. She tried to escape ; but the man-of-war giving chase came up with her, and sent officers on board to examine her papers. These, it is supposed, were found to be perfectly satisfactory, and the screw Wa3 allowed to steam on her way. The French crew were thus disappointed of an expected prize. THE LOSS OF THE CAPTAIN. Two free admissions to the school frigate Conway, lying in the Mersey, have been placed at the disposal of the Portsmouth Captain Relief Fund Committee. SIR GEORGE GREY AND THE LICENSING SYSTEM. Sir George Grey presided yesterday at a meeting of the delegates of the Northern Union of Mechanics Institutes at Morpeth, and said that something ought to be done to improve the licensing system, so as to check drunkenness, but he did not approve of the Permissive Bill, believig it would not remove the evil. ANOTHER RAILWAY ACCIDENT. A shocking catastrophe took place at 2 o'clock yester day near Croom on the Limerick and Cork direct Railway. The train, which is due in Limerick at 2.18, from some cause not yet ascertained while in full speed suddenly got off the rails and turned completely over. The track is completely torn up, and a great number of carriages smashed to atoms. Several of the passengers are much injured, and, as far as ascertained at present, two lives have been lost. A gentleman named Taylor, who was in a carriage immediately behind the engine, was crushed to atoms. EARL PERCY AS A FREEMASON. A Provincial Grand Lodge of Mark Masonry was held yesterday, in the Masonic Hall, Newcastle, and Earl Percy was installed as P. G.M., for the provinces of North umberland and Durham, by Brother W. W. Veitch, P. G.M. THE RECORDERSHIP OF BRISTOL. Mr. Montague Bere, Q.C., of the Western Circuit, has been appointed Recorder of Bristol—the post relinquished at the desire of the Plymouth electors by Sir Robert Collier, Attorney-General. THE MEMORIAL TO ARCHBISHOP LONGLEY IN RIPON CATHEDRAL. • Five of the windows in the west front of Ripon Cathe dral have just been filled with stained glass by Messrs. Hardman, of BirminghD4n, as a memorial of the late Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Longley, who was the first Bishop of Ripon. The cost of the work is estimated at £BOO, which has been raised by public subscription. The windows consist of a combination of various geomet rical forms, with the conventional foliage of the stone work of the 12th century. The committee refused to admit a window having a scriptural subject. Loud complaint is made on that account, it being urged that the present work is quite out of place, and an entire break in the harmony of the architecture. Mr. Reginald A. Vyner, brother of the Countess de Grey and Ripon, died at Studley Royal, near Ripon, on Wednesday night. ncies, xcite them ich to is our our - :t we when have 0,000 who itary n for ions ; 1 the three , so coin for ;ion, three ip to terly pits, Ition )wed hing day hing "don of 3onl- issia the self. Y in .the the reat