The Sun. — London, England, 1867-02-06 00:00:00

hasty proposition for the consideration of the house. How that proposition was treated is matter of history; it was not defeated wholly by the opponents of the noble earl ; but partially by those whom the noble earl had reckoned among his supporters ; so ill-considered, so incomplete, so unsa tisfactory, and at the same time so dangerous, that although the House of Commons had unanimously admitted the ex pediency of reducing the franchise, yet when its members came to discuss the changes proposed in the measure before them, some of the noble earl's supporters, as well as those opposed to him, pronounced the bill to be not good. (Hear.) I ask pardon for having been been led to take so much notice of this topic introduced by the noble earl, and I think it far better that I should not add another word upon the subject, but leave it for the consideration of the other houss, which is principally, though not exclusively, interested in its settlement. (Hear, hear.) Having addressed himself to the question of Reform, the noble earl thought it necessary to refer to only two topics. In the first place, he hoped that in making any proposition to the United States Government for the settlement of those unfortunate differences arising out of the late civil war, the present Go vernment would be careful not to stultify the country or imperil its honour. He did not complain that the present Government had taken a different course from that which he had thought fit to pursue, but he hoped we should make no concessions calculated to sacrifice the honour of the country. The correspondence upon this subject has not arrived at a point which will permit me, consistently with duty, to lay it before the house ; but I will say that, as early as the public service will permit, it will be laid before Parliament, and the noble earl will then find that while we have been disposed to come to an amicable solution of the existing differences, we have not departed from what is consistent with the honour of the country, or forfeited those rights which belong to an independent country. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl appears to think that some proposition has been made to the United States Govern ment. The fact is that shortly after the accession of the present Government to office, the United States Govern ment addressed a despatch to the Foreign-office, recapitu lating the grounds of complaintwhich they stated they had before offered for the consideration of the office. In answer to that, my noble relative thought it necessary to enter, not acrimoniously, but particularly, into a discussion of the various points raised. And I would state distinctly that there was one question pressed upon us, as it was pressed upon the noble earl opposite, to which we thought we could come to a compromise or settlement. That was as to the right of thig country to decide at what time and under what circumstances we should recognise the belli gerent rights of the Confederates. In the first place, the questions of recognising belligerent rights is inherent in an independent Power; in the next place, a recognition of belligerent rights should not precede but follow a de claration of blockade by the United States ; to blockade is essentially the exercise of a belligerent right, and when a blockade was declared between the two parties there were two courses open to her Majesty's Government—to refuse to recognise the validity of the blockade on the ground that there was no belligerent, or, on the other hand, to recognise the belligerent rights of the two parties. And 1 think the noble earl very truly said that between the two alternatives he selected that which was most friendly to the United States when he recognised that which was a most imperfect blockade, although, by taking this course, he found himself under the necessity of recognising correlative obligations. (Hear, hear.) But I cannot think this is a point on which the United States Government lay much stress, because we saw very lately that upon the introduction of the new Minister from France at Washington a declaration was officially made that after the evacuation of Mexico by the French there would no longer remain between the two countries a single question to lead to a ground for differ enc,e or complaint. Now, the Government of the Emperor of the French and the late Government of her Majesty pur sued a precisely identical course with reference to bellige rent rights and the recent blockade ; and surely, if there is no ground of complaint between the United States and France with reference to the latter's conduct in connexion with the blockade of the Southern ports, there can be no ground of complaint against her Majesty's Government in reference to the same matter. But, my lords, I will say this - if the United States admit the principle of arbitration, if they can point out the precise questions which they de sire to have submitted to the arbiter, and the grounds upon which they seek for redress and compensation, we shall be quite ready to meet them in a friendly spirit, to discuss the points upon which arbitration is sought, and, if we can find an impartial arbiter, to refer to his decision the questions at issue. Such are the points which we have submitted to the United States Government. It remains to be seen if they can be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. I trust they may, for there are no countries between which friendly re lations are more entirely for the interests of both than this country and the great Republic at the other side of the At lantic. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more suicidal than a war between the two countries; nothing more destruc tive of their best interests ; and, at the same time, there are no two countries which have it in their power to be more useful to one another. (Hear, hear.) I think there is only one other topic in the Royal Speech to which the noble earl adverted, and that is the measure to be proposed with re gard to the settlement of the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland. Ido not at all wish to detract from the merits which he so properly ascribed to the adminis tration of the noble lord the Into Lord-Lieutenant, and I agree with him that one of the questions most necessary to be solved in the case of Ireland, and at the same time most difficult of solution, is the land question. I will not anti cipate the discussion of the particular measure we propose to bring forward. It is ready to be laid upon the table of the other house, and 1 will only say that while on the one hand her Majesty's Government anxiously desire to give every facility to the tenant for benefiting by his improve ments, they also desire to maintain the just rights of pro perty, which cannot be interfered with without destroying the whole social condition of the country. (Hear, hoar.) As the noble earl has not thought proper to comment on any other portion of the Speech, and as after waiting for a little time I found that no other noble lord wished to put a question, I will saynothing more, but will content myself with expressing my thankfulness to your lordships for the manner in which you have received the Speech and the Address, and I hope that it may be an indication of the corresponding candour and courtesy with which the mea sures will be received which will be submiitecl to the con sideration of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The motion was agreed to, and The house adjourned at 20 minutes past 7. HOUSE OF CONINIONS-YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at one o'clock; after which hour the members began to arrive in quick succession. At two o'clock, when Sir Augustus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the door of the house, and, advancing to the table, informed the Speaker that the attendance of the honourable house was required in the House of Peers, The SPEAKER immediately left the chair, and the Chief Clerk read out from the list the order in which it had been arranged the members should accom pany the Speaker. Commencing with the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, the names of the members of the Government were called, and then afterwards those of various members ou either side the house, but after ten or a dozen particular names had been pronounced nearly the whole of the hon. members within the house rose from their seats, made a quiet rush to the door, and followed in the train of the Speaker in the most admirable confusion. The SPEAKER having returned, the sitting was suspended until a quarter before four. The SPEAKER resumed the chair at a quarter before four. NEW MEMBERS. The following new members took the oaths and their seats :--Mr. Gwyn, for Brecknock ; Mr. Garth, for Guildford ; Mr. Smith, for Falmouth ; Capt. White, for Tipperary ; Mr. Lanyon, for Belfast ; Mr. Vance, for Armagh ; Mr. Rolt, for West Gloucestershire ; Mr. Cust, for North Salop ; Mr. Pennant, for Carnarvon ; and Mr. Bowen, for Pembroke. Mr. Bright and Mr. Gladstone were both warmly cheered on entering the house, the latter gentleman coming in for the lion's share. NEW WRIT. A new writ was ordered to issue for North Northamptonshire, in the room of Lord Burleigh, now Marquis of Exeter. A new writ was also ordered to issue for East Sussex, in the room of Sir E. Kerrison, who had ac cepted the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. NOTICES OF MOTION.--GOVERNMENT MEASURES. Colonel TAYLOR gave notice that on the 7th of February Sir S. Northcote would move for leave to bring in a bill affecting railway companies un able to meet their engagements. On the Bth Mr. Hardy would move for leave to introlue a 1311 to improve the poor relief in the metropolis. On the same day Mr. Walpole would move for lea ve t o bring in a bill respecting trades' unions. On t h e 11th Mr. Hunt would move for leave to introduce .1, bill for the purpose of effecting uniformity of assessment in England and Wales. On the 14th Lord Naas would move for leave to introduce a bill to improve the position of landlord and tenant in Ireland, and on the 15th Mr. Walpole would move for leave to introduce a bill for an improvement in the Factory Act, and to regulate the hours of em ployment of women and children. CRETE. Mr. GREGORY gave notice of his intention to move for certain papers relative to the insurrection in Crete. Mr. SEELY gave notice of his intention of moving THE SUN, LONLON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1867. certain resolutions with respect to powers: of the Admiralty and Dockyard management. CHURCH RATES. Mr. HARDCASTLE gave notice of his intention on an early day to move for leave to introduQe a bill for the abolition of Church Rates. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER having read her Majesty's Speech, Mr. T. DE GREY rose to move the Address on the house in answer to the Royal Speech ; he said he felt it quite necessary for him to ask the indul gence of the house, while he addressed the house, especially as at the close of last session a struggle took place which resulted in a change of Govern ment. The different parties had not got settled down, and if in the observations he should address am anxious to offer some remarks upon a few of the paragraphs which that Speech contains. And first, I will touch for a moment on that momentous subject —the correspondence that has taken place between the government of the United Kingdom and the government of the United States of America in reference to questions pending between the two countries, and which questions have arisen out of the late civil war. I wish to convey to the noble lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairsonthe part of those with whom I have had the opportunity of com municating, that what he has done or proposes to do on that subject, will be judged by us, not in the narrow spirit of endeavouring to exact from him a precise conformity to the steps we ourselves may have taken, but so long as his measures and policy are consistent with the honour con ducive to the interests of the country, everything which proceeds from the noble lord and his colleagues shallreceive from us a most favourable consideration. (Hear.) I will now go on to the paragraph relating to the insurrection to the house he should say anything distasteful to which has distracted, and I know not how much or to what any section of those great parties he hoped they would attribute it to his inexperience. The house he felt certain was most anxious to adopt good measures, and therefore he thought it would be judged of but little importance from which side of the house those measures emanated. There was one extent it still distracts, the important island of Candia. I miss in the Royal Speech an intimation which it is so com mon to convey upon certain subjects, especially foreign subjects that have reached some degree of matur;ty,viz., that it is the intention of her Majesty's government to present papers to the house. I observe that an hon. friend of mine has already given notice of his desire to obtain information paragraph in the Speech which, he had no doubt, would give great satisfaction viz., that her Majesty was on the most friendly terms with the Continental Powers. This circumstance showed that peace would still prevail in England. There were other matters in her Ma jesty's Speech which would give great satisfaction, and none so more than that setting forth measures which would result in the improved comfort of the soldier. With respect to the war which happily had terminated in Germany, it was hoped that as soon as the disturbances that that struggle in that shape, and I venture to express the hope that her Majesty's Government will be prepared to lay before us such information on this subject as they possess, for this question is one which, although of foreign concern, nevertheless can not be regarded as very remote from our interests, but still more, it cannot b 3 regarded as a question in which we are altogether without rights. (Hear.) We do not know from any authentic sources the causes of this insurrection. We certainly know the deplorable calamities that have attended it and the desperate resolution, against enormous odds, with which the battle was fought. What lam desirous of knowing, and what I hope the papers will prove is, that the Government of the Sultan is not responsible for the insurrection—(hear, hear)—but that he had before the given ff which executionfa b i a th tt f i u_l ae a b n e d ri full to that important had produced had passed away a better and more prosperous state of things would prevail. With °t' instrument, break the he had issued at the respect to the state of matters between this country close of the Crimean war, to secure to the Christian sub jects of the Sultan that civil equality to which they are and the United States, he also felt that the in- justly entitled, which had been for too long a time withheld. formation that all chance of becoming involved (Hear, hear.) This is a question, not only of the utmost in a quarrel with that great country had gravity in itself, it is one rather in the general interests of passed away, and he doubted not that the humanity thanofis especial li Bri . tish interest,v n i f ew t i h n e g utmost in tmost importance result of the deliberations would be that a recur- 13arrowsensfen, but reference to the future.se a question (Hear.) I congra tulate rence of matters like those which had transpired her Majesty's Government warmly upon the fact would not again arise, and that a better and more that the time has a rived when they are able to promise or friendly feeling would exist between the two to form a judgment on the circumstances of the moment countries. The subject of Canada was also re- that they will not, under those circumstances, apply for the ferred to in the Royal Speech, and after the extensi o nlreland. (Cheers the exceptionailripai members.)ers of th Government Atidijnitb inw in noble manner the country had come forward to them in rejoicing from the the the spirit displayed by the community support her Majesty's rule, he thought it would tn but be just that the Parliament of this country itself in aid of that Government has proved to be so potent an ally in averting the evils which at one time we had been should take steps to consolidate and satisfy the led to apprehend -a phenomenon now in the history of Ire scheme of Confederation which had been passed land, but one which, I trust, will lead to much reflection as by the several legislatures in that country. It was to its cause, and that that reflection will policy illpr of liberality ovea i l? ib o e w with deep regret that he read the account of the tn Ireland tous to nf prosecute which i n that part we now witness the outbreak of famine in India, but the steps the Go- and justice vernment had taken during the autumn, he trusted, happy result. (Hear.) Her Majesty's Government refers to a subject of great interest relative to the condition of tho would mitigate the effects of the calamity ; and army and reserve. If I caught correctly the words of the since the outbreak an abundant harvest had been Address, it is proposed to state to her Majesty, in reply to granted to that country, he trusted that, under the Royal Speech, that we willch f eerfully consid er any pro- Divineo a d Providence, the effects of the famine would posa lor en demand nre. shlemmualt make for that if I were a capti ous e- Fenians still disturbed the peace and quiet of the be fully mitigated. It is to be regretted that rate I eexpd should entertain a little doubt whether a cheerful consideration is exactly that form of consideration which the sister country, but the steps of the Government, he representatives of the people should give to a demand for an thought, would end in the restoration of general increase of expenditure. That the house will carefully and tranquillity. The cattle plague, it was to be re- readily consider the proposal I hays no doubt, and I trust d liberal consideration. gretted, was still lingering about, but he trusted that the subject will obtain a fair Most certainly I will express my confidence th a t while we stop the progress of such a great calamity. H e shall the most active steps would be taken to expect the Government to show that the expense proposed is necessary in the one direction, it is, neverthe now came to the vexed question of reform. (Hear, less, one which may be compensated for in another. Her hear.) If the country wanted Reform, it did not Majesty's Government, however, will receive, I have no require resolutions—(hear, hear) —but of this he doubt, the cordial support of this house in their efforts to was quite certain, that without all parties were enact a well-concerted and effective eetiyemeasufrnennfodrattihnen ni ac readyof ready to unite, practically speaking, no measure oft coniishmentthatsystem important ystemof object—the reserve. (Hear, hear.) The Reform was likely to be carried in that house. If the a g d ech also touches and a touches upon a subject as delicate as it is question was to be approached in a friendly spirit, Speech im portant in the reference which it makes to an inquiry that he thought it would be scarcely prudent for her is about to be instituted into the circumstances of the dis- Majesty's present Government to undertake the agreement between the employers of labour and their o task of revising the Constitution in the face of such workmen, and to the means by which that inquiry is istb an opposition as it was likely to encounter. ("Hear, prosecuted.bis s I th bj iak t ther b e ic h b a t v n e a been ce certain extentage ra may have state hear," and laughter.) The hon. gentleman having ne ts on on touched upon the other matters referred to in the acted l mate the idea that the differences between employers and l the t public u in ind. Such statements tend to pro . Royal Speech, thanked the house for their atten-workmen aro now either of a more aggravated character tion, and concluded by reading the Address, which, \ than in former times, or that the effect of thos differe nces as usual, was a mere echo of the Speech. is to menace the commercial an d tradinginterests of the Lion, let them pay attention to a single sentence in 1 Mr. GRAVES said that in undertaking the hon- i cou ih ntr - If there be those who really entertain that ap our of seconding the Address, no one felt P th r e speech e of the seconder of the Addrese, which acquainted more than he the inadequacy of his abi lity to perform the task. The Speech us that the joint increase of our exports and imports for the , 1 nine months of the last year, as compared with the cur which they had had the pleasure of hearing that i responding nine months of the preceding year, amounted day was, in his opinion, a good one—one which he ; to no less than £65,00,000. (Hear, hear.) But that is no fully anticipated would be satisfactory to the house, reason why the attention of Parliament should not be and that it would be; acceptable to the country. given to asubject of the utmost it and serious mportancea evils to be n d t?a mat- He portance that neutrality should be the was felt that it of the highest im treermedied. undoubtedly ßut presentingwh hope for e is that the interposition at I PY great policy of the Government will be of an amicable character, and of England in all differences abroad, and he iin particular, that when my right hon. friend the Secre thought that if those laws were found to be lax or tarp of State for the Home Department frames his overweighted, and this country was called upon to bill for obtaining powers to make the inquiry effec maketbe compensation, it would lead to the making of tive, he will bear arn uit o mind, d 'allas I am e he whe w th iil er they those laws more intelligible for the future guidance f b il e ll employers and absolute or right workmen, rkmen, to bring to market the com modityof all maritime Powers. The great question, they have to dispose of, whether it be labour, however, which was agitating all parties was its produce or capital, on the best terms in their power, so the question of Reform. (Hear, hear.) 'The I necessity long, and only so long, as they exercise their own rights of an extension of the franchise was admitted by all without prejudice to the rights of others. (Heat.) There parties, but the real question with all was, how was is but one other subject to which I wish to advert for a few a just and wise solution of the difficulty to be ar- moments. It is one, as has been rightly observed by the rived at. Whether the measure which her Majes- hon. member for Liverpool, which attaches to itself at this moment an all-absorbing interest—l mean the question of ty's Government intended to bring forward would i the representation of the people. (Hear.) I will, however, include a redistribution of seats—(hear hear)— first offer comments on that which many of us anxiously or whether it would boldly grapple with that . expected to see alluded to, and, which, probably for some great mass of corruption which had been recently 1 good and sfuffirecaiennmtecatbuseec, cause e s t n n e be t appe rn a b r ab in i h t e b r is M t a i j ia e t stLs brought to light, and which he regarded as a blot 1 Speech. recent inquiries into corrupt practices r' in certain boroughs are not at present so absolutely completed as to enable the in the honour of the country, he did not know. 1 Btu this much he felt certain, that the measure of Government to advise the Crown to refer to this subject in the Government would be conceived and framed in the Royal Speech. I am sure, however, that the subject no narrow spirit, but that a broad and good measure deserves our best consideration, as being one of the utmost would be submitted in an earnest and honest desire importance. The question of Reform is certainly a diffi that it might be found acceptable to the house and cult one, but lam quite sure that there ought not to be any the country. (Hear, hear.) 'the hon. gentleman difficulty in dealing with some of its branches, such as the 1 cases p e r r o b v a ed s c n o then proceeded to comment on the other paragraphs rr ot u m pt o i r o e n. int ( e ll ns er) but T l ha h t o ev e il o , n w t h h i e chhes in her Majesty's Speech —one of the mast important con trary l ' es p s intense ; but it has grown far more p patent, and, of which was the announcement of the relaxation of therefore, mor e scan d a l ous o f l ate years. It has now be the navigation laws, for which they were indebted to come a matter not only of domestic policy and expediency, the enlightened wisdom of the Emperor of the French, but I venture to say of our national honour. (Cheers.) So and it was in the highest degree satisfactory that long as we were in something like e x c l us i ve p ossess i on o f offences f,.nce a . i representative in her Majesty had announced to his Majesty her f fore ign sy l s a t n e d m s ; l b it u tl t e w n e o b ti a ce ve was d t a i k n e a n o e f r i t h d es i e n desire for their extinction on equitable terms. His which almost every country is possessed in mor e or less Majesty, it was highly satisfactory to learn, had perfect forms of representative institutions, and in which shown that he was anxious that an arrangement some countries enjoy them in the highest state of efficiency. should take place, and to show that he was earnest Since that has beenbat I the case itappears t t i o m met i that Europe in the mattet he bad already admitted British ships b.l findin which they conceiveds g w that evils, ofmay calla sentimental in that countrydisgust are to the advantages of the proposed new law. The scarcely conscious, have become so rife and so virulent panic which had existed last year had exercised a amongst us. (Cheers.) I hope it will he understood, and very depressing influence upon manufactures and I assume there is cause for the silence of the Speech upon commerce; but he trusted that no such ele- this subject, and I close the few remarks I have made ment would again disturb or destroy the prospects upon it by expressing a hope that when her Majesty's of the country. He rejoiced that it was intended iwill Government re to say what they may be butany reports take into consideration any reports—l to introduce a measure f or th e i m p rovemen t o f th e inwi not which it it shall appear by judicial authority that the con position of landlord and t enan t i n I re l an d, because stituencies are tainted, as they have been in some previous he knew from his own experience that that confi- well remembered instances, they will not ask us to inflict denee and security which it was most essential the almost nominal and wholly unsatisfactory punishments should prevail did not exist. Until the railways which have bounded their action in former years, but will f of Ireland were put upon a b e tt er f oot i ng the give evidence to thewor t ld a , t wbyse are something ing oa in rn tti eat e innature these resources of that country would never be come known. s t rict n es s nttlaerand (Loud severity, cheers.) b Now, as regards the paragraph in To do this State control might be required, b u t h e thought that should such be called for the result the Speech of her Majesty, it is obviously open to the re mark that its language is in some degree enigmatical. But would prove highly advantageous. Ile thought if a Ido not think it will be fair to make that circumstance a precedent were required that he could point to subject of complaint. On the contrary, I think that her India, but he thought that before long they would Majesty's Government are perfectly justified in reserving be able to point to one nearer home, because the that whi ch if it full 1d explanation of their intentions to a future day, b ee n attempted to-day in a form necessarily post-office would soon have to take over the whole imperfect, would probably have tended to prejudice a set of the telegraph system. tlement of the question. Of course, therefore, in assenting The SPEAKER having read the Address, to the paragraph as it stands, I do so upon the double Mr. GL ADS T ONE, amid much cheering from:the opposi- grcund that there is nothingin its language which can give tion benches, rose and said—l rise, Mr. Speaker, for the pur- rise to a j ust reflection, and that important as is every matter pose of supporting the Address which has been moved and in connection with this great subject tinder present eireum seconded from the opposite b enc h es . I heartily approve stances—every matterboth as to substance and procedure-. of the well-established ru l e w hi c h on a ll occas ions die- I for myself, and others if they are so minded, will retain courages the needless imp or t a ti on o f su bj ec t s o f difference the most perfect liberty to canvas both the substance and into the debate upon the Address to the Crown in reply to the procedure of the measures and the steps to be taken by the Royal Speech, and I confess that on this occasion, in- her Majesty's Government when at theproper time we shall dependently of much other matter which the Address con- become acquainted with thorn, (Hear.) I think there aro tains, and which we should wish to see brought under die- three points in which our interest in the consideration acid cussion with the most favourable auspices, there are three managementof this bill will belooked at. There is the ques announcements I think quite sufficient to make any candid ti o n by whom a measure of Parliamentary Raform is to be sub or well-jud g in g man r e l uc t an t t o see ei s s ens i on introduced mitred to Parliament; the question of what is to be the sub into this debat e —I mean th e ann o uncemen t o f th e measure stance and effect of such a measure; and lastly,there is the for the union of the North American provinces; secondly, quest i on o f w h en it is to be brought under our notice. the announcement of the measure on th a t mos t important A s regards the first inquiry, by whom such a measure is to subject, namely, the state of the relations between landlord b e submitted, I humbly represent to the house that at this and tenant in Ireland—(hear)—and I must add in a form moment, in the interest of the country the speedy settlement to which Ido not think the most fastidious amongst us o f t h e ques ti on i s a ll important—(hear, hear) —and if there will find anythin g to object to—(hear)—and thirdly, the be any,of us who are loss sanguine than gentlemen opposite announcement not less, but even still more, gratifying, at the possible proceedings of herMajesty'sGoverummt, that namely, that in the judgment of her Majesty's Government will be no reason for endeavouring to cast impediments in the time has arrived when the existence of exceptional, their course. It is our duty to accept, wherever we can and in one sense arbitrary, power in Ireland may reach its •that illadequatelymeet the just expec get it, a measure w termination. (Cheers.) Sir, lam not only d . •in isposed to tations of the people ; and if we intend to be willing par make any amendment on the present occasion, but if there ties to the introduction of such a measure by the Govern be any gentleman who entertains a different opinion, and men t, we ought not, by anything we now say or do, to cast to whom I could offer a recommendation, I would earnestly the smallest difficulty in the way of a settlement of the beseech him to forbear from executing such an intention. question. (Cheers.) Sir, as respects the substance of the (Hear.) Passing, however, from the numerous and im- measure, that is a matter which I not think the present a portant subjects introduced into her Majesty's Speech, I proper moment to discuss ; but as respects the time of the measure, I must again say it appears to me tha 'yen the question of substance itself is hardly more " irtant. (Hear, hear.) It is not necessary to trace the wearisome and irksome details of this protracted controversy, or to remind the house how many Queen's Speeches, Sessions, Governments, and how many Parliaments have been in volved. One thing only we can say—that it is impossible for our legislation to proceed in its ordinary and accus tomed course until this matter has been disposed of. Until this matter is disposed of it stops the way. It disturbs and impedes, and not only so, it embitters any attempt to deal with every other subject of difficulty ; and.the vast and va ried interests of this empire, growing rapidly more vast and more varied every day in proportion as we reap the harvest of legislation with assiduity—causing new and thicker crops to spring up fresh from the ground in pro portion as these solicit us—make it our duty to take care that every step we take, and so far as we can to require from others, that the measures which they may adopt should be directed towards the attainment not only of an effectual but a speedy settlement of the question. (Hear.) I therefore ask myself how I am to construe the paragraph in which the subject has been brought under our notice— and I construe it thus :—I will not ask for any explana tions of the intentions, I will not make any remark which may have the tendency, if I may so say, to force the Government into an explanation which may lead to misapprehensions—what I under stand from this paragraph is that the Government, like ourselves and like the generality of members in the house, including their own followersi - and like the country, with out distinction of party or opinion, are sensible of the ne cessity of dealing promptly with the matter ; and that upon the earliest day which the Government can choose for the purpose, they will be prepared to propose such measures on their responsibility, such measures as they may think most effective for the attainment of this object, and above all the speedy attainment of a just and satisfactory settle ment of this question. I hope that lam not unreasonable in this construction. (Hear.) If that interpretation be a just one, I think that we ought to rest perfectly satisfied, and we ought to cherish the hope that the time is not far distant when we may be able to remove out of our path this obstacle to our legislation, and to remove from our selves what I venture to believe, if we do not remove, it will become a standing discredit to the Parliament, and the institutions of the land, and which prevents our giving to all other questions that attention which they so impera tively solicit from our hands. (Loud cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose, and was received with loud cheers. He said—l heard with great satisfaction from the right hon. gentleman that there was no prospect of au amendment to the Address being proposed to night. It really is far from agreeable that un the first night we meet together we should resume our squabbles ; and in the months that are before us many opportunities will arise to compensate hon. gentlemen for the self-restraint which they exercise now. (A laugh.) There are one or two points to which the right hon. gentleman has referred which I will notice before I touch on his last more interesting inquiry. With regard to the criticisms of the contents of the Queen's Speech, I think I may congratulate my colleagues upon its reception by the House generally, though we owe it in some degree to the able interpretation which has been put upon it by my hon. friends who moved and seconded the Address, the first with a pleasing propriety I am sure all must ac knowledge, the second with a weight of authority derived from his position and his acquaintance with commercial pursuits. In answer to the question which has been put, I may say that papers will certainly be presented on the sub ject of the insurrection in Crete. I believe my noble friend (Lord Stanley) had a reason which for a short time may influence him in not immediately presenting them to the house, but when that reason, which may only exist for one or two days, ceases to operate, my noble friend will take the earliest opportunity of laying them on the table of the house. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) referred to the circumstance that no allusion was made in the Queen's Speech to the inquiries into proceedings in certain boroughs. The reason why we made no reference to these inquiries was that the Reports of them have not been re ceived by the Government. (A voice from the Treasury Bench, "Not all.") Some have ; but the right hon. gen tleman will feel that it would be convenient and proper to have them all in our possession before we make any an nouncement on the subject. The right hen. gentleman then, in a tone of which lam sure I have no cause to complain, referred to the paragraph:in the Speech announc cing that the attention of Parliament will be called to the state of the representation of the people ; and the right hon. gentleman, remembering no doubt his experience in the position which I now occupy, felt how very inconve nient it would be if, on the first day of the Session, a num ber of inquiries were made, the answers to which might only lead to misapprehension, and which would really not be fair to those who are responsible for the consequences. (Hear, hear.) I will not trouble the right hon. gentleman and the house at any length upon the subject, because, with the permission of the house, I mean to take, not only an early, but the earliest day at our command in order to bring the whole subject before the house. (Cheers and a voice, " What day ?") Monday next. (Cheers.) That is the first day at our disposal, and I then propose to state the course which the Government mean to take upon this sub ject, and generally to enter into the matter. I trust that under these cireunistancos we may not be pressed to make any statements to-night, but that we may be allowed to reserve our views and state them fully on that occasion. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman has done justice to the important subjects which have been brought under the notice of the house in the Speech from the Throne. lam aware, as all must feel, that it will require on the part of the house considerable devotion and efforts to do justice to the several themes which will be brought before them. But re-action is the law of life, and it is the characteristic of the House of Commons. There have been complaints of late of indolence and want of assiduity on the part of this house. It is said that we have passed through sessions without doing even a portion of what our duty required. Now, in this session an admirable opportunity will be afforded to the house, and if they only follow the example which the Government are prepared to set by the devotion of their time and labour to the pursuit of these propositions, I think we need not be frightened by the quantity of business before us, but may rather look forward to the end of a session which will redound to the public advantage and to the character of this assembly. (Cheers.) The Address was then agreed to, and The House adjourned at ten minutes to seven o'clock. The Solicitor-General for Scotland on Reform. Mr. E. Gordon, Solicitor-General for Scotland, re sponding to the toast of " ller Majesty's Ministers" at the annual dinner of the Edinburgh University Conservative Club on Friday night, said—" We are of ten told that it is a badge of servitude and inferiority for any man to be excluded from the exercise of the electoral franchise. If that be so do you feel y ourselves • slaves ? (Laughter.) I ask the question because lam addressing a body of intelligent young gentlemen, of whom, I am satisfied, the great majority are not possessed of the electoral franchise. Yet I venture to say you feel your personal and political liberties as safe as if you had the franchise. Let me just observe that had it not been for an unfortunate po litical pal ty combination in 1858, and if Lord Derby's bill had passed, the gentleman who has proposed this toast, and many others whom I see, have ac quired their degree of M.A., would, in virtue of that degree, have acquired the franchise, and have become entitled to vote. But it was thought unsafe to trust such men as these with a political fran chise, and the result was that you were excluded from what is called " the pale of the constitution of this country." Party spirit has been looked upon as a most important element in the working of our constitution. But that is in ordinary times. There are crises which sometimes happen which should induce us to lay aside that, and in such crises as the present, when the question before the nation relates to the reforming of the constitution of the country, it is essential that men should apply their minds to the discussion and the decision of the question irrespective of party spirit, and having reference alone to the merits of the measure which is before them. (Cheers.) I am happy to say that In rarliament, in the dis cussion upon the Reform Bill, to some extent party spirit did not prevail, because a band of Liberal men, thoroughly Liberal, but moderate men, who had been elected to supported Lord Palmerston, who certainly was not regarded as an ardent re- former i resisted the democratic measure which was introduced into the house in accordance with the. dictation of Mr. Bright—(applause) —a one-sided measure, which was partial, which was not complete, according to Mr. Bright's statement, for the pur pose of affording him a level-power in order to ob tain further concessions. If the question is to be settled it must be settled now, and in such a man ner as will make the settlement last our lives. Do not let us always be tinkering up the British con stitution by political measures at the dictation of a political agitator who may think his merits are not sufficiently recognised. (Cheers.) But while party spirit did not prevail over public and patriotic principle in the minds of many, I regret to say that the revelations of the recess have shown that party si irit did rule the conduct of many of the supporters of the Ministry. We have heard many of them admitting that they supported the Government bill, not because they thought it was a good bill, but because they thought it necessary to vote confidence in the then existing Administration. That, I say, is of all rules of conduct the most dangerous. Now that that ministry has been dissolved I suppose such a principle of action is no longer required at the hands of those gentlemen such as existed in 1859, for the purpose of voting. I trust no unprincipled combination will be formed against a measure which has since been repeatedly acknowledged in the face of the House of Commons by men who voted against it as a good measure, and one wjtich would have afforded a satisfactory solution of the question, though they voted against it just because, they said, they had not confidence in the men who proposed the measure. (Cheers.) I hope there will be a courageous expression by the representatives of the country in Parliament of their true opinions—that they will not keep back what they express in private, but will openly and boldly declare what are their views with reference to parliamentary reform. And further, I trust that the constituencies of this coun try, if appealed to, will discharge their duty with courage, that they will not allow themselves to be affected by antiquated party views, but will really act in accordance with what they truly know and feel to be that which is necessary for the preserva tion of the liberties of this country. (Cheers.) I cannot expect from one gentleman that abstinence from party spirit—l refer to our friend Mr. Bright. The other day in his speech at Rochdale, and we must occasionally speak of Mr. Bright, because he is almost the only man that speaks upon that side —he said, in justifying his conduct in abstaining from voting in favour of the Factory Acts, that he did so because the country party, as he called it, or some other name he considers by no means compli mentary, had no right whatever to interfere as be tween the masters and the labouring classes. What ! are we to be dictated to in this way by a mob orator —(cheers)—and told that the gentlemen of Britain are not to interfere for the protection of the infant labouringclasses—children who were obliged to work for 16 hours a day—against the grinding tyranny of those who thought it for their interest to exact such tasks ? (Cheers.) I say such a damaging de- fence of his conduct is one of the strongest condem nations of him which could have been uttered. In this country there is freedom of public opinion, and whenever public opinion is firmly and clearly ex pressed in favour of the honesty, and policy of any particular measure depend upon it that measure will be passed ; but the great thing to guard against is, lest we should not be carried away by a hurried impulse. My earnest hope is that, by the cordial co-operation of men of moderate opinions on all sides—l do not care what be their politics—l do not care what be the administration which carries the measure—we shall have this question of reform settled in such a way as that we shall not be ex posed to danger from an extreme democratic power, and shall have preserved to us the influence of public opinion, which I think is essential to the liberties of this country. (Loud cheers.) Several other speeches brought the proceedings to a close. The New Highway of the World. The Colorado, one of the finest of the Pacific Mail Steamers, left San Francisco on the Ist day of January, for Japan and China. She carried 45 cabin, and 700 steerage passengers ; $582,300 in treasure, and 1,300 barrels of flout. She will steer direct for Japan, leaving the Sandwich Islands to the south, and, in all probability, will reach her destination iu 19 days. From Japan she goes to Shanghae, and from Shanghae to Hong Kong. Her deparure from San Francisco was celebrated by a public banquet, over which the Governor of the State presided. Amid the discharge of guns, and the cheers of the citizens, another great ocean steam-ship commenced a voyage which, humanly speaking, forms a main link of a highway destined to be the greatest yet opened over the world's surface. It will take a year before the line gets into full working order, and, in the mean time, the Union Pacific Railway will be vigorously constructed to complete the chain be tween the Pacific and Atlantic, through the centre of the Union. Two steamers for the service be tween China and San Francisco each 4,000 tons burthen, and built in the best style, are approaching completion in New York. Ihe Costa Rica has been sent to China, round the Cape of Good Hope, for service on that coast, and it was intended that the Hermann should leave San Francisco yes terday as the second vessel of the line. She will remain at Japan as a receiving ship to work in case of accident. The Government has con tracted with the Pacific Mailship Company to pay a yearly subsidy of half a million dollars, for which the Company undertakes to despatch a steamer from San Francisco for China once a month. A special line will ply between the Sandwich Islands and San Francisco. It was originally intended that the China steamers should touch at these islands, but fuller informa tion ha.s induced the l projectors to modify this plan. To those bound from England to Shanghae and Japan, it may be worth while to consider whether their best is route not now by the Atlantic, either via New York, or by the - West India steamers, direct to the Isthmus of Panama. When the Union Pacific Railway approaches completion, the whole passenger trade as far as Hong Kong and Manilla, and probably to Singapore and Batavia, will find its way through New York or Philadelphia. No other route will be able for any period to compete. In the first instance, the road will be direct, therefore shorter and cheaper ; 2. The latitude will be main tained in the most equable and temperate parallel of the earth's surface ; 3. The journey will be broken and diversified by crossing a continent in well-constructed railway carriages. Though Europe gives little heed, just now, to the steady progress made by America towards this object, the full effects and grand designs of the work, will, at no distant day, burst on these nations with surprise. The revolu tion will, in all probability, be immense. Japan will be hurried into the civilised world, and the walls of Pekin become a lounge for the adventurous tourist. What were by our old Eastern roads the furthest po i n ts will become the nearest by the Western journey. America, that barred the world on one side, and was but a short time ago the ultima thule of civilisation, will be made the highway between the oldest empires known to history. The opening of the line between San Francisco and China is an event of the highest importance, not for America only, but for the progress of the world. The change for the United States, however, will be something marvellous when the railway between San Francisco and New York is completed. It is not that it will open a new vein of material prosperity, in a aline already so rich, although its effect in this respect will be inealulable. It will bring the Central States more into connection with the world, and rub off much of the rawness of these new communities. It will tend to dissipate ignorance and prejudice, which the self-complacency of isola, tion begets. New ideas will circulate more freely— new thoughts be more more readily received, and their bearing better understood. The great Re public will become more closely allied in its brother hood with mankind. But, if outside nations will benefit the Union as their citizens drift to and fro through the continent, what will be the influence of the union on these nations ? The mo ment the United States establish this road as the highway to the East, Americans will be, beyond all question, the leading people. The United States literally will grasp the Pacific in one hand and the Atlantic in the other. It is surprising how little attention the greatest work in the world is receiving from the world, although all the world is interested. Even in the United States but a flickering gleam of the truth flashes out now and then from the press. There are those, however, who know what they are doing, and what the results will be ; and though they work silently they work steadily and persistently. It is not improbable that when England begins to take this subject up, it may be with s mind filled with alarm She will awaken to find America standing on the threshold of her own pet preserves, and the Re public in possession of the key to the East. The influence of the Republic, in China, and the Southern Islands, will become dominant. But in all this we see cause only for congratulation. A more senseless and absurd feeling than hostility between England and the United States cannot possibly be entertained. Both nations will begin to appreciate more than ever the necessity of working together as kinsmen and allies, and one of the great benefits likely tO iw spring from the general use of the new highway is( that it will tend, by increased inter course, to dissipate prejudice and to establish friendly relations on a wider basis of mutual benefit and goodwill.—Anglo American Times. The NPw Docks at Millwall. A curious illustration of the gigantic spread of London and its suburbs is exemplified in the now very modern history of the Isle of Dogs. The dreariest and most marshy of all the islands of the Thames has within the last few years sprung into a scat of industry, and become the focus of the ship building trade. As recently as half a century ago not a single inhabitant dwelt upon it; at the pre sent day it is covered with little villages, occupied by thousands of artisans, and the ships turned out from its building yards and wharves, Sic., compete successsfully with those of the Tyne and the Clyde. So much has its importance increased that recent histories of London all seek for and all differ as to the origin of its name—the Isle of Ducks, from the sea-fowl which used to make it their resort, and the Isle of Dogs, from the staghounds which were kept there when the early Kings made Greenwich their hunting seat, being equally claimed as authorities for the name. The Isle of Docks, however, is more likely than any to be its modern appellation, for on this waste marsh some of the finest docks iu the world are now in course of construction, and by the end of autumn next will be finished and open to the shipping of the 'Thames. For the formation of docks this island offers peculiar advantages. Its frontage faces Greenwich, and its rear almost looks upon Deptford. To make docks here seemed easy enough, for the great difficulty has hitherto been to koep the water off the soil—not to bring it on. Yet these very apparent facilities have, in fact, been causes of serious delay in the works, for the soil was soft and peaty, with now and then layers of clay and piles of snail-shells, and beneath all, in spots, were found the patches of a subterranean forest, nearly all the gnarled and rotten trunks in which were those of fir and oak, bedded in immense masses of decayed vege table matter. In such a soil it was a work of na or dinary difficulty at the same time to make enormous excavations and keep the water down and out while labour was going forward. This, however, by the continuous employment of 3,000 men, has been successfully accomplished, and the outline of the great docks, with all their facilities for wharfing and warehousing, can now be discerned, and it is not too much to say that in all modern improve ments, and in all the conveniences required for the enormous tonnages of modern ships, these works will be, of their kind, unequalled in London. On Saturday a long inspection of the whole plan was made byalarge party of gentlemen and shareholders. Every portion of the huge excavations was gone over, the sites for the warehouses examined, and the proposed route by which it is hereafter intended to connect the whole of this series of water basins with thel% est India Docks pointed out and explained to the visitors. What has already been done in this waste marsh may be briefly explained as follows : The freehold property purchased by the company comprises an area of 200 acres, having a circum ference of about two miles and a half. Thirty-five and a half acres have been excavated for the purposes of a floating dock, having two basins, one of 25 acres in extent, the remaining 10i being occupied by the other. The depth of water in each will be about 28ft. or 29ft., so that the largest ships afloat, such as the Northumberland and the Royal Sovere reign can be accommodated. The Great Eastern herself could be floated in the dock were it not that her immense width with her paddles would not per mit her to pass the entrance locks, which will be 80ft. wide. The land on which the works are being carried on is, as we have said, so situated that the docks will have two entrances, of which, however, it is contemplated at present to open only one—that on the Millwall side of the property. The circum stances under which the present undertaking is being carried are unusually favourable. The land, with charges, cost only about £l,OOO an acre —a very low price when it is taken into consideration that the river entrance to the pro posed docks is only 31 miles below London-bridge, and by land the distance is 4i miles from the Royal Exchange. All the materials excavated have been available for making embankments and a road way which is being constructed to compensate the public for the loss of one of the ferry roads, which will in a short time form part of the Company's es tate. In many other cases where similar works have been promoted the contractors have been obliged to remove everything that has been dug out, but in this instance every foot of excavation has, in fact, added 2ft. to the depth of the projected dock, for the sand and mud dug out have been thrown up on the embankment, so that in some places the surface has been raised as much as 10ift. As a most valuable and important adjunct to the other works, a large graving dock is being constructed on a plan which will add greatly to the facilities we now possess on the river for examining and repairing ships, and will also provide most carefully for the safety of the ves sels lying in its basin. A number of recesses have been built for the reception of what are called " bilge carriages," which, with the " altars," nine in num ber, which rise above them at either side, will super sede to a great extent the old system of propping, which was at once inconvenient and comparatively insecure. The bilge carriages can be run out and so placed under the ship that the keel will be kept off the ground, and there is also the advantage that the vessel can be properly caulked, and at the same time prevented from straining. The graving dock is 420 ft. by 86ft., and will have an entrance 65ft. wide. All the work, both in this and the other basin, is solid and massive. The docks will have a frontage of 7,700 ft., which is to be occupied as wharves or sites for warehouses and manufactories, while the other parts of the land will be hereafter made available for dwelling houses. The portion that has been quayed has been formed to a level of 4ft. above high-water mark. All the gates, bridges,warping cap stans, and othermachinery are intended to be worked by hydraulic power,so that vessels may enter and leave the docks with the smallest pmsible amount of delay. The Dock Company also intend to supply, on econo mical terms, hydraulic power to the users of late wharves, either for working cranes, hoists, or, in fact, warehouse machinery of any kind. The con tract, according to its terms, ought to be completed on Sept. 1 ; and considering the present progress of the construction and the favourable season which is now approaching there is little doubt that the docks will be finished in the specified time. The United States Mail Mir,. The steamers of the United States Mail Line, instead of being discontinued, have been doubled, and, instead of running once a month, will now ply regularly every 14 days. To the Fulton and Arago will be added the Merrimac and Mississippi, as will be seen by a reference to our advertising columns. This is the reply to give to the strictures on the disappearance of the American flag from the carry ing trade. That a great and energetic people should have allowed their flag to have come so near its end in this trade will one day be regarded by them selves with astonishment. They have, however, rallied to the work at the last moment, and, al though late, they have recommenced with their usual energy. To this line will belong the honour not only of having carried through sunshine and storm the stars and stripes, of having borne the heat and bur den of the day, but also of being the first to re suscitate and lead under great disadvantages in the trying race of foreign competition. A com pany has been formed at Boston to commence an American line between that port and Liverpool, while a magnificent fleet has been constructed to ply between San Francisco and Hong Kong. Thus at the very moment the howl over the de cay of the American flag from ocean lines has been raised the flag itself has been run up to the mast head of s score of magnificent vessels, as if in defiance of the thought that a nation aspiring to be a leader in the world should fail in any of its great national undertakings. We hail this rapid e:iange as a happy omen, fur we fe.l as.:nre 1 that it is no mere flash that expires as rapidly as it blazes up, but a return to the old channels of enterprise, temporarily interrupted by the events of the great civil war•—Anglo-dmerican Times. , 1 The President and the Times Correspondent President JOHNSON has again unbosomed him self to the Times' Correspondent. He speaks now in plaintive tones of the violent and unconstitutional course taken by Congress. He asserts that " the minority in the country was seeking to impose its views upon the majority. If all were represented, the scale would be turned, so the minority were inflexible in keeping their enemies out. The people were hoodwinked and deceived, and in the elec tions last autumn false issues were dexterously in troduced upon which the people pronounced judg ment, and not on the real questions at stake. Congress was engaged in destroying the States to which it owed existence. If the States refused to be wiped out, which constitutinally they could do, what remained to Congress but force, in volving another revolution, to which all the pro ceedings of Congress tended. The Executive Go vernment was at least endeavouring to fulfil what was the supreme law of the land—the Constitution. Once, the Constitution was everything. Then, when a measure was introduced, the question asked was —ls it constitutional ? next, Is it expedient ? Now Congress only asks, Is it expedient ? The Consti tution was on the side of .the Executive, and law, reason, and justice. The Executive stood in the way of Congress, and Congress was bent on destroy ing the Executive, and, if needs be, the Supreme Court also. But the PRESIDENT hoped the people would discern to what the acts of Congress tended, and stop this revolutionary tribunal on its ruinous course." President JOHNSON appears to be in a bad way when he, the head of a great nation, a ruler endowed with vast powers, finds himself in so pitiable a position. If Congress represents the minority only, if its acts be opposed to the Con stitution, to law, reason, and justice, and the people of the United States are unable to see a question so clear in its true light, the'n we may well be alarmed for the Executive power in the hands of Mr. JoHN SON. We believe, however, if a leader of the Re publican party in Congress could find a faithful correspondent of the Times, to whom be also he could unbosom himself, and through him take the English people, into his confidence, that matters would be represented in quite another light. It would be found that there are two sides to this story, and that the question was capable of assuming a different hue. In fact, the charges that Mr. Jong • sort brought against Congress are exactly the charges which Congress bring against Mr. JOHNSON. Who is right and who wrong ? We do not pretend to judge. Indeed, we believe neither to be right and both to be wrong ; and it may end in the nation wearying of these wrangling parties—taking the law into its own hands, and sweeping the capital clear of the contending factions. The PRESIDENT destroyed his influence by hid violent attacks on Congress on his celebrated tour. Con gress is destroying its influence by the violent measures of retaliation it is now enacting. But, whatever may be the judgment of the nation, We cannot regard the mode taken by the PRESIDENT of attacking Congress through the columns of the Times, as other than undignified and unbecoming one placed in his high position. We are amazed to see the PRESIDENT condescend to discuss such ques tions at all with the correspondent of a foreign, or anY other newspaper. The people of the United States are not blind. If the position of the chief magistrate is unfair, and Congress makes an improper use of the powers delegated to it by the nation, this will soon be perceived, and the position reversed. But the limes will not help President JOHNSON ; and Avn regret to see that gentlemen derogate from the dignity of his office by making so unbecoming an attack on the Leaislative power of his country. We maintain that the people hold the balance of power in their own hands. If the judgment of the nation be wrong, it is still Mr. JOHNSON'S duty W bow to its decision and to retire from the position in dignified silence. The nation made him, and the nation can unmake ; but of all courses, the most unlikely, we woull have considered it possible he could have selected, was to appeal from the judgment of the representatives of the people to the columns of a foreign newspaper. The position assumed by the Times during the civil war renders this news paper the last to which the people of the United States would tolerate such an appeal......Aligio - Times. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. Wo had a good attendance at our market to-day, an d wheat met a fair inquiry at 2d to 3d per cental since Fri day. Flour dull, and prices must be quoted 6d to is pe.r sack lower. Indian corn dull, at 40s Gd for mixed Ameri can. Oats and oatmeal steady. Peas is and beans 6d to is per qr. lower. LYNN—MONDAY. At to-day's corn market there was a moderate show wheat ; condition of samples irregular. The inquiry prove, heavy, and prices were is to 2s per qr. lower than lasl week. There was a limited supply of barley, which w et I ", slow demand at barely late rates. The show of oats by no means plentiful. Beans quiet at about late rates. New wheat, 54s to 58s ; new red, 40s to 48s ; old whi t t ° ,.' 67s to 71s ; old red, 59s to 63s per 36 stone. Barley i°' malting, 46s to 525; secondary, 37s to 38s. Oats, rie,,, i ' ll 24s to 28s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 42s to 445. Po' 36s to 40s per 28 stone. SHEFFIELD —W EDNESDAY. ~ EDNESDAY. There was a tolerable supply of wheat, the demand for which ruled slow at is to 2s less money. Barley sca rce. Oats steady. Beans quite as cheap. Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels 23s Od to 248 0 1 White do do 2ss Od 2 78 °,/ New red do do 2ls od 23s 0. IN ew white do do Us Od 26& O d Beans do do 2 OB Od 22 o f Peas, per qr. Grinding be ley, per qr 35s Od 388 d Matting barley, . o iOs Od 488 ',l Oats, do 270 Od 328 - F10ur....1s 10d to 2s ad per 141 b, MARKET HARBOROUGII.—TUESDAY. "cot Not a large supply of wheat, best sorts 2s cheaper. e much doing in barley, at downward prices. Oats Wet ° heavy trade. Beans at easier rates, but slow. r 36 Old white wheat, 60s to 73s ; new red, 50s to 680 Pe n et , stone. Barley, fine, 52s ; other kinds, 23s to 36s per 3 u o ld, O a ts, new, 22s to 235; old, 30s to 34s per qr. Bean s ) 50s to 555; new, 46s to 48s per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TUESDAY. do' The demand for wheat was not brisk, and with a o e t t i rate supply prices declined is to 2s per qr. Barley w e du White Oats and be to 7 ans at late values. g to fir wheat, 66s 4s ; red, 50s to 66s per 3- s r qS Barley for malting, 40s to 52s per qr; feed, 32s to — 2 4ot. 30 stone. Oats old 30s to 35s new, 22s to 29s per Beans, old, 52s to 545; new, 46s to 508 per qr. Pills.—lll-condit ioned LADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Stomach.—Few persons, save those who hav e long, eon dured the hydra-headed disease called dyspepsia , can fails en` any notion of the great expense chronic indigestion ,00 on muscle, nerve, mind, and temper. In the early st8:0 of this protean malady, the purifying, regulating,i t he aperient pills, invented by Professor Holloway, ocerLoc most wholesome power, by accurately adjusting the ."' itt o tions of the stomach, liver, bowels, and the minor fi r med subserving the solution of man's daily food. In con l i a ble debility of digestion Holloway's pills are likewise r,ellsto remedies which may be confidently resorted toll.lat:hout inachic, hepatic, renal, and alvine derangements, ;104 the slightest doubt of their ability to rele ase the 611' from almost insupportable misery. Births. 10114 FERGUSON—On the 2d inst., at Cannes, the wif e of 0°- Monro Ferguson, of a son at . lie WO MASON—On tho 3d inst., Clift onv ill o , Brighton, of Major C. C. Mason, Madras Army, of a daughter' ° ree t, QUEENSBERRY— On the 3d inst., at 3, Chesterfiela„ st Mayfair, the Marchioness of Queensberry, of a B° Z . tr Ad' STIRADBROKE 7 On . the 3d inst., the Countess of NI broke, of a daughter. Marriages. ti rcbr LEWIS—WHISTLER—On the 2d inst., at St. John's In s of Clapham, John Owen, the eldest son of Owen Clapham-rise, Surrey, Esq., to Alice Amelia, t he lat e daughter of the late S. Oram, Esq., and widow f t Ralph Whistler, of Shanghai, Esq. CbAl lel' OPPELL—PEAT —On the 29th ult ,at the BoYa- 9.0 and afterwards at Trinity Church,. Dresden, flerlietters' von Oppell, Oberleutnant Royal Saxon CrardeUum to Elizabeth, oldest daughter of the late 11: 1 ) °r Peat, C.B. Deaths. n bat COOK On the 4th inst., at Harley House,Batb,,,, Cook, Esq., M.A., of Trinity college, aged 35. or of i : HETLEY— On the 4th inst., at Norbury Lodge, li c‘ , ll3 o f Fre wood, Surrey, the Lady Charlotte Hetley, W"" Hetley, M.D. o" MIDDLEWOOD—On the 3d inst., Duerdon L°"'w' ling to n-ark, Josa Middlewood, Esq. afoo t ' ROTE - On p the 3d hu inst ,at Farle Luton, De shire, Charles Rote, Esq., aged 71 . , l a te - SMITH—On the 3d inst., Colonel George Split", „f t he Royal Hrse Guards, aged 71. rt ha"°r i o 1.0 WALLACE On the 3d inst., at Dinder b y Hall, I ; 3 T ° G o loo e ton, General Sir James Maxwell Wallace, . 17th Lancers, aged 82. London : Printed r.nd Publiehed by 'VII . LIAlg Alcl9l `i 114 of No. 112, Strand, Punter at TIT-; SuN otiw' Cou p 1 °t Strand, in :he preehat of the S ao Middlesex. — Wednesday, February 6,180' the y, in