The Sun. — London, England, 1870-07-27 00:00:00

V MOSES and SON, E CORNER of MINORIES and ALDGATE. NEW OXFORD - STREET, CORNER of HART-STREM. CORNER of TOTTENHAM-COURT-ROAD and EUSTON-ROAD. B RADFORD, YORKSHIRE. E. MOSES and SON'S PRICE LIST of GENTLEMBN'S CLOTHING. Frock Corta. Dress Oxford Coats. Also at other prices Also at Also at other prices. other prices EMOSES and SON beg to remind t • that the cheapness of an article depends en quality, and they venture to affirm that every article is considerably cheaper than what cau be obtained ho ise in England. MOSES and SON'S PRICE LIST of GENTLEMEN'S CLOTHING CONTINUED: Summer 1 Tourist Suits. Suits. Summer Dress I Trousers. Trousers. 245. 245. 10s. 6d. 15s. 2Ss. 28s. 12s. 6d. 16s. 6d. 365. 365. 145. 18s. 40s. 425. 15s. 6d. 21s. 455. 48s. 17s. 6d. 245. 555. 525. 20s. 265. Also at Also at Also at Also at other prices. other prices. other prices. other prices ORDERS punctual measure introd guarantee a fai by post are attended to with care and [ay, and the easy and accurate system of self [need by E. MOSES and SON enables them to 'Mess fit. 12A "Ll MOSES and SON'S PRICE Li: Tof BOYS' CLOTHING : Knickerbocker Suits. Eton I Brighton Harrow I Suits. Suits. Suits. 9s. 6d, 13s. 6d , 16s. 6d, 48s. I 48s, Also at Also at . Also at Also at other prices. other prices. other prices. I other prices. V MOSES and SON supply every description of _ '4. clothing, ready-made, or made to measure, for all ages, all occasions, and all classes also Hosiery and Drapery, Hats and Caps, Boots and Shoes, and complete outfits for all climates. All Goods marked in Plain Figures. Any article exchanged if not worn or injured. List of Prices, with Rules for Self-measure, Patterns, and Fashion-sheet, gratis and post-fre E. MOSES and SON'S Establishments are closed every Friday evening at sunset till Saturday evening at sunset, when busi ness is resumed until Eleven o'clock. The following are the only addresses of E. MOSES and SON : LONDON. CORNER of MINORIES and ALDGATE. NEW OXFORD-STREET, CORNER OF HART-STREET. CORNER of TOTTENHAM-COURT-ROAD and EUSTON-ROAD. COUNTRY BRANCH BRADFORD, YORKSHIRE. VAUDEVILLE THEATRE, STRAND.- Lessees—Messrs H. J. Montagne. D. James, and T. Thorne.—THlS EVENING, at 730 CUPBOARD LOVE, by F. Hay. After which, at 8, a new and original Comedy, in Three Acts, entitled TWO EO'ES, by James Albery. To conclude with the new and successful burlesque, DON CARL , )S ; or, The Infante in Arms Supported by Messrs. H. J. Montague, H. Irving, G. Honey, W. H. Stephens, and T. Thorne ; Mesdames Nelly Power. Amy Fawsitt,T Lavis, and A. Newton. Door; °pea at Seven. dommence at 7.30. NOTHING IMPOSSIBLE. AGUA AMARELLA restores the Human Hair to its pristine hue, no matter at what age. J NO. GOSNE LI, and CO. have at length, with the aid of one of the most eminent Chemists, succeeded in perfecting this wonder ful liquid. It is now offered to the public in a more concentrated form, and at a lower price. Sold in bottles, 3s each ; also 55., 75. 6d., and 15s. each, includ ng brush. Red Bull Wharf, Angel-passage, 13, Upper Thames-street, Lon don, E.C. JOHN GOSNELL and CO.'S CHERRY TOOTH PASTE is greatly superior to any tooth powder; gives the teeth a pearl whiteness, protects the enamel from ~ e cv, and imparts a pleasant fragrance to the breath. Price le. dd Red Bull Wharf, 93, Upper Thames street, London. rpHORLEY'S HORSE and CATTLE SPICE, 1 In Penny Pack ets only, of all Corn Chandlers in London, and Of all Grocers, Druggists, and Corn Dealers in the Country. TELEGRAPHIC NEWS.—The Proprietor of the CENTRAL PRESS furnishes Telegraphic News to Newspaper Proprietors, to the Manageirs of Clubs, Exchanges, News Rooms, Reading Rooms, and Hotels. 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EDMUND WYLD, Secretary. WEST LONDON HOSPITAL, Hammersmith, W.—FUNDS are urgently needed, and the Committee earnestly appeal to the benevolent to assist them in carrying on heir useful work. T. ALEXANDER, Sec. and Sup. SEAMEN'S HOSPITAL (late Dreadnought).— Notice is hereby given, that this HOSPITAL is now RE MOVED to the late Infirmary of the Royal Hospital, Green wich, where any seaman, needing medical or surgical care, will be admitted on personal application, as heretofore, without in troduction or recommendation. The Society's offices are re moved from the City to the same building. KEMBALL COOK, House-Governor and Secretary. CITY of LONDON HOSPITAL for DISEASES of tht CHEST, Victoria Park. Special APPEAL for the NEW WING. Amount still required, £4,000. Number of beds now occupied, 120. Number of beds available with proposed addition, 164. The Hospital is entirely dependent on voluntary support. Bankers, Messrs. Barclay, Bevan, and Co., 54, Lombard-street. HENRY SEWELL, Hon. Scc. Offices, 24, Finsbury-circus. RICHARD P. SLATER, Sec. THE SUN.—LATEST EDITION to be seen every Evening, at Eight o'clock. Mr. GILMAN'S, "The Wheatsheaf," High-street Camden-town. THE LATE EDITION of " THE SUN" a t Air BEAUMONT'S. "The Wellington," V'ellington-street, Strand TIIE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN supplied, as soon as published, Every Evening, by W. KIC A•D ER (late Brooks), Newspaper Agent, _N o. 4, Ohl Cavendish street, Oxford-street rrHE LATE EDITION of "THE SUN" at w. Camden Stores," 78, Park-street, Camden- town. 30s. 21s, 355. 265. 425. 30s. 50s. 365. 15s. ; 18s. 1 18s. 19s. 235. I 235, 21s. 265. 1 265, j 325, 365. 1 365. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY E VENING, J EJLY 27. 1870, OPERAS, THEATRES, AND AMUSEMENTS, ITALIAN OPERA, Drury Lane.—Lucia di Lammermoor. 8.30. A DELPHI—At Seven, The Robust Invalid. Free Labour. PRINCE OF WALES'S—A 7.30. Quite by Accident. M.P. Dearest Mamma, QuEEN's—At Seven, fay Wife's Dentist. 'Twist Axe and Crown VAUDEVILLE—Cupboard Love. Two Roses. Don Carlos. WOODIN'S CARPET-BAG AND SKETCH BA E. Egyptian Hall, Pie cadilly, every Evening (except Saturday), at 8; Saturday Morn iugs at 3. Admission is, 2s, 3s. 0/MISTY MINSTRELS. St. James's Hall, Every Night, at 8; Wed nes:lays and Saturdays, at 3 and 8 all the year round. Zo LOGICAL GARDRNS, Regent's-park. Open daily except Sun days). Admission, Is. ; on Mondays, 6d. Children uuder twelve, 6d. MADAME TIISSAUD'S EXHIBITION, Baker-street, from 11 a.m. till 3 0 p.m., and from 7 till 10 p.m. Admission, la.; extra THE EUROPEAN WAR. THE SUN, which is Published Every Morning at Eight o'clock, with SOME HOURS' LATER NEWS than any other paper, will always give the LATEST NEWS of the WAR, and of all other events. W . \ 4l) 111 EVENING EDITION. r.iaffirms the authenticity of the treaty with even greater emphasis than before. The Daily News, which needs no such assurance in order to believe the very worst possible Charge against the EMPEROR, finds the story wholly credible. In fact, its exceeding probability is the only argument against it. That NAPOLEON should play his loyal ally Great Britain false, that he should, with an almost imparalled cynicism of wickedness, propose to annex a neighbouring country which has given him not the shadow of provocation, is, in the eyes of the very anti-Napoleonist News, so probable that it may have occurred to anyone to invent the treaty. On the other hand, there are journals which would not believe anything bad of the hero of December 2nd, even though an angel from heaven should proclaim it, even though one should rise from the dead to affirm it. In various ways they cast discredit upon the Treaty. It is bad French. Well, by a singular coincidence, a few hours before the 7imes published this treaty the Journal °Aid published an address by NAPOLEON to the French people, which contained a grammatical blunder of sufficient importance for the last-mentioned paper to call attention to it and to cor rectit. There can be no doubt as to the authenticity of this address, yet the word amOne was used instead of emnzene. The Morning Post urges further that NAPOLEON would scarcely have chosen the present time for throwing overboard the English alliance, that he would rather have chosen England's necessity for his opportunity, that he would have preferred to set on foot such an intrigue as this during the Indian mutiny. Unfortunately for the Post's theory the In dian mutiny preceded by nine years the success of Prussia. It was in 1857 that we were fighting for existence at Delhi and Lucknow, it was not till 1866 that Prussia destroyed the " balance of power" on the field of Sadowa. Moreover, it must be remembered that the treaty is said to have been urged two or three years ago when England was face to face with the Fenian conspiracy. It was urged when Lord STANLEY was at the Foreign Office ; at the time, that is, when the Luxemburg dispute turned up, and when Mr. HARDY had to walk about attended by detectives in order to protect himself against a violent death. At that time, also, there was only too much chance of war between us and the United States. It is possible, therefore, that the EMPEROR thought this country had quite enough matters to occupy its attention; that, in a word, it was the time of England's necessity and NAPOLEON'S opportunity. The Post is very anxious to know what King LEOPOLD thinks of this ridiculous project; "he is a statesman." Well, this statesman-king has for the last two or three years been constantly coming and going between England and Belgium ; he has been encouraging by every means in his power international intimacy, and especially of a kind manifested by volunteer reviews. As soon as the war broke out, he had so little faith in the forbearance or the honesty of his neighbour, that he sent the national treasure to his citadel of Antwerp and his valuables to England, and placed his army on a war footing. The Post, - therefore, need hardly doubt as to what King LEOPOLD will say on the matter. Turning to the Daily Telegraph we find considerable uncertainty and bewilderment . in that devotedly Imperialist organ. It had hoped to astonish Europe by "An Englishman's " letter announcing that Prussia had asked NAPOLEON to let her take Holland, and that the EMPEROR had replied that that would be war. But the effect of this official announce ment was completely destroyed by the extraordinary revelation in the ? lines. The two documents indeed are not inconsistent, as we have said before, "but the treaty puts the letter appear in a very different light from that which the 7 elegraph and its imperial patron intended. If there has been any bargaining at all, there has certainly been bargaining on both sides. Turning to the Standard we find also much inde cision. The basest motives are imputed to the lead ing journal. The treaty is false, and it has been published in order to punish the EMPEROR, who dared to spoil a "trade speculation" by arresting the special correspondent of the limes, Considering that the Standard is resorting t) the same "trade speculation," and is publishing fairly interesting letters from the seat of war; considering that the "trade speculation " of the Times has not been spoilt, inasmuch as the correspondent was liberated immediately ; considering, too, that from the outset of this lamentable quarrel the Times sided against France ; considering most of all that to publish a forged document would injure the Times infinitely more than the EMPEROR, this insinuation on the part of the Standard is as absurd as it is reprehensible. We shall know in the course of a few hours how far this terrible document is true or false. TOPICS OF THE DAY. should have to destroy the remainder, and even then the fourteen woald be at least 500 horses below their quota. It is also stated that in conse quence of the number of horses now ex ported to Prussia and France, some difficulty is experienced in maintaining their present strength. It may be urged that the militia reserves are avail able, but the Act provides that they shall be called ❑p only in case of actual war or imminent invasion. The fears of "A Neutral" are greatly exaggerated, but there is no reason why means should not be taken to remedy any defect that may exist in the condition of the army. OUR VOLUNTEERS. At the present moment, when war is being waged by two of the most powerful nations on the earth, and sickening rumours permeate the whole atmos phere of Europe, it is of some moment to England that the efficiency of her volunteer army should be unquestioned. The readiness with which all classes joined in the movement was a guarantee of their willingness to make sacrifices to the necessity which called the force into existence, but unless a high stan dard be not only aimed at, but maintained, the results may prove disastrous to the national spirit. In shooting, the volunteers have proved themselves to be almost unapproachable, they have been repeatedly complimented by the military authorities on their soldierly appearance, and although some of the corps have failed in the matter of drill, on the whole their success in that respect is undoubted. But attention has repeatedly been called to a marked weakness in the organization of this force. The rank and file are perfect, but they have no one to direct them. The great majority of the volunteer officers are abso lutely ignorant of everything belonging to the mili tary art, and the criticisms which have been passed upon them are neither complimentary to themselves nor reassuring to the public. The latest display at Wimbledon is severely commented on by a writer in the 'l imes, who characterises the volunteer army as a rotten reed. Without agreeing so far with this, it may be as well to call attention to the matter, in the hope that some alteration may be effected. expense, is one of those gentlemen who seem to enjoy the special protection of one or two of the metropoli tan police magistrates. A few days ago he was charged, before Mr. Selfe, with assaulting his sister in a violent manner. On being taken into custody lie also assaulted the constables, and it was with great difficulty that he was conveyed to the station. Mr. Thomas Carey had been convicted nineteen times previously, two of these being for felony. Beginning at 15 by thieving, he had gradually grown up in crime, assaulting his father, mother, sister, about one tenth of the B division of police, and civilians innumerable. The magistrates had tried short sentences, but they had failed to stop the prisoner in his downward career. Now, one would suppose that, having had such a long acquaintance with Mr. Carey's antece dents, the magistrate would have stayed the hand of mercy, say at the tenth convic tion, whereby the heads of the policemen would not have come so frequently into contact with Mr. Carey's knuckles, and the "innumerable civilians" might have saved the expense of plaister, to say nothing of the inconvenience of the bruises. But the magistrate was saturated with mercy, and on the twentieth conviction he sent his interesting friend to gaol for three months. Happy Carey ! Merciful magistrate ! LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 27, 1870. THE tenacity with which professional politicians cling to the notion of still retaining intact among the great offices of State an undeniable sinecure, virtually long since obsolete, like that of Lord Privy Seal, is cer tainly exemplary. The office itself is simply inde fencible. There is notoriously nothing whatever for its holder to do in his purely nominal capacity as Lord Privy Seal. All that can be said in defence of it is that it is handy to have one member of the Cabinet unoccupied in departmental work, and who will consequently be in a position to turn his hand to anything when his colleagues may, any of them, chance to be hard pressed. Seriously and in sober earnest, no one has the hardi hood to defend the office itself upon its own merits. Even the stately and austere Mr. PITT in his day could not resist the inclination to " chaff" its holder by describing him as one whose duty it was, when the PREMIER was a peer, to sit near him, for the purpose of fanning away the moths in hot weather. The Earl of DURHAM as far back as nearly forty years ago, while giving his evidence in 1831 before a Parliamentary Committee on public sala ries strongly recommended then (more than the life time of a whole generation !) that the office of Lord Privy Seal, as being utterly useless, should be sup pressed. Another similar committee nineteen years afterwards, that is, in 1850, urged quite as strongly the need then recognisable even more than now for its abolition. It is true that be fore this last-mentioned Parliamentary Committee there appeared one after another four notable cham pions for its retention—Lord MINTO, Sir ROBERT PEEL, Lord PALMERSTON, and the present holder of the sinecure, Viscount HALIFAX, then the Right Hon. Sir CHARLES WOOD. All that could be said by them in its favour, however, was that it was worth keeping purely as a matter of convenience. In spite of their joint opinion, however, the committee before whom that evidence was given, decided as we have seen upon recommending its abolition. Notwithstanding all this, the post of Lord Privy Seal, bearing evidently a charm6d life, contrives still to this day to flourish in the midst of us. Immediately upon the formation of the present Ministry, the biographer of the GLADSTONE Govern ment, in the opening of his memoir of the Earl of KIMBERLEY slily directed attention to the fact that, in the thick of the battu of minor sinecure offices of late years, what was evidently fair game, what he spoke of, indeed, as a stage of ten, was left quietly browsing in the foreground, unharmed, un aimed at, even by the best crack-shot among them all, those " noble sportsmen " in the House of Commons, the economical administrative Reformers. On the very face of it, it seemed a monstrous anomaly that Mr. BRIGHT of Manchester should consent without a murmur to take his seat in a Cabinet when he had among his his colleagues a wonderful creature, a sort of a human dodo or dinornis like a Lord Privy Seal. Fortunately, in one sense, for Mr. BRIGHT, he is still out of the way when the hon. baronet, the member for Chelsea, Sir CHARLES DILKE, brings forward his motion in the House of Commons for the abolition of the office twice for mally condemned either before or by the deliberate decision of a Parliamentary Committee. The PRESIDENT of the BOARD of TRADE, had he been present during the discussion thereby provoked on Monday evening, could not but in consistency have spoken and voted for its suppression. As it was, the retention of this purely ornamental office was voted for by nearly three to one-60 supporting the motion of Sir CHARLES DILKE and 170 voting against it. Better than this surely it would be to have one or two unat tached administrators in every Cabinet, in the posi tion of what is called Ministers without portfolio. In point of fact, a Lord Privy Seal, both in title and in salary, is about as obsolete to all intents and purposes, as that wonderful person age still surviving not so very many years ago, under the ludicrous designation of Deputy-Assistant Chaff- Wax. Go he must, one of these days, as a matter of course. But, pending the 'arrival of the day of doom that awaits him, it is certainly exemplary, as we have said, the tenacious hold this absurd office has some how got upon the traditional respect of your pro fessed politicians. SIR CHARLES DILKE was not well advised in bringing forward his motion for the abolition of the office of Lord Privy Seal. He urged it as a matter of economy. In other words he wanted to save the £2,000 a year which is now paid to the holder of that office. Most persons will agree with Sir CHARLES that sinecures ought to be abolished, this one among the number; but that we should save the salary is altogether out of the question. We have not one Minister too many ; we have too few, in fact; and most of them are under paid as well as over-worked. This very fact makes the existence of a sinecurist in the Cabinet the more glaring an anomaly. But so far from ejecting the Lord Privy Seal, we would retain him and give him specific duties and another name. At the present time we see the curious anomaly of one Minister without work, and others without pay. The LORD PRIVY SEAL has no department, and there is or was an unpaid Lord of the Admiralty, an unpaid Lord of the Treasury, and an unpaid Ecclesiastical Commis sioner. It cannot be too clearly borne in mind that work which is worth anything is worth paying for, and while we share Sir CHARLES DILKE'S objection to sinecures, we are willing to spend a good deal more than at present upon our Ministers if they should wish us to do so. WE have already given our opinion upon the pro jected treaty between France and Prussia. It may be instructive, it certainly is amusing, to read the . opinions of our London contemporaries. The Times THE DRAUGHT TREATY. Pending further investigation, the authenticity of the draught of that terrible treaty proposed by France to Prussia remains practically undisputed. Neither Mr, Gladstone nor Lord Granville cast any doubt upon the document, though of course they do not commit themselves to any contrary opinion. The Post and the Standard disbelieve in the draught; the Pall Mall Gazette and the Daily News believe in it ; the Telegraph is neutral. But none of these papers are prepared with any evidence. Arguments drawn from the form of the document are of little value in the case of a mere sketch, as this is supposed to be. Dr. Brewer, in a letter to the Standard, says that the treaty is proved to be a forgery by the fact that the name of the King of Prussia is placed before that of the Emperor Napoleon; whereas it is a standing rule of diplomacy that the name of the Sovereign who makes a certain proposition should invariably come first. This point is worth attention ; nevertheless it can hardly be deemed of sufficient importance to prove that the treaty is a forgery. The plea that if the draught were genuine it would have been made public by Prussia is absolutely worthless. As the Times points out, it is not likely that such proposals would have been preferred unless it were understood that Prussia was in a frame of mind to receive them. Moreover, we cannot tell what advances may have been made by Prussia, which would render the publication of such a pro ject as damaging to her as to France. The Times of yesterday reiterates its assurance that the docu ment is genuine, and adds that the proposals which it contains have been recently repeated. STATE OF THE BRITISH ARMY. The present attitude of England is one of strict neutrality, and while regretting the position which France and Prussia have taken up, the Government has wisely refrained from any act that might be taken as an indication of the faintest desire to inter meddle beyond what is considered obligatory on England in her character as a Christian country, and as a member of the great European family. In the mean time, however, there is an obvious duty to her own interests which should not be neglected. A writer in the 'I imes, who signs him9elf "A Neutral," calls attention to the fact that " in the last few years great reductions have been made in our military expendi ture, and considerable changes in our military organization." According to this writer, so great has been the change, that, whereas a battalion on a war strength should number 1,000 men; at the present time it is only 340. The cavalry regiments are in a similar state, and the artillery batteries are hopelessly weak ; so much so, indeed, that if it were necessary to bring 14 up to a war strength out of the 34 we possess at home, we THE HEALTH OF THE FRENCH EMPEROR. During the last few days conflicting accounts have prevailed with respect to the health of the Emperor Napoleon. While some _assert that he is in the enjoyment of excellent health, others affirm that he is in a most unsatisfactory condition, and still more gloomy prophets are not wanting to maintain that he is in a serious state. Even this view of the case gives rise to different reports, and opinions vary as to the character of the disease from which he is suffering. He is said to be laid up with an attack of a temporary nature, and again, to be overcome with the complication of disorders to which he has been subject for many years. In some quarters a doubt is expressed as to his capability of joining the army at . , all, and others declare positively that he will shortly appear in the midst of the soldiers, and encourage them by his presence and support. Time must settle this vexed question, but in the meantime the sinister rumours which have gained ground cannot fail to exercise a depressing influence, more especially when it is remembered how precarious was the state of the Emperor last autumn. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. The Commissioners of Education in Ireland have just issued their annual report of the condition and prospects of the Royal Schools and Tenantry Schools under their supervision. Satisfactory progress has been made in five of the former. Of the remaining two, returns have been furnished which present fea tures not worthy of special notice. The children who have attended the Primary or Tenants' Schools have augmented in number to a remarkable extent. This has been especially the case in the schools opened on the Dungannon Royal School Estate, and at Middleton, County Cork. At the additional buildings have had to be provided and the latter, although enjoying a very moderate endowment, is in as flourishing a condition as any school in Ireland. Much of the present report of the Commissioners is devoted to a resume of the regulations under which Royal scholarships and Royal School exhibitions can be obtained in Trinity College, Dublin. Pensioners and sizars,but not fellow commoners,are qualified,it appears, to compete for these awards, and no religious test of any kind is required. Attached to Armagh Royal School there are five T.C.D. exhibitions, three of them worth £5O each for five years. Dungannon school enjoys the privilege of having nine exhibitions, six of them worth 250 for five years : and Enniskillen Royal School can send to Dublin University compe titors for seven exhibitions, two only of which are however, worth £5O. The Middleton Tenants' School can confer a £3O prize- and a £2O prize on its scholars, but none of the other primary institu tions can offer any award. Criticising the rules the commissioners recommend that the plan of con fining University Exhibitions to certain schools should cease, and that they should be allowed to apply the funds of all public schools for Exhibitions in con. nection with any schools they may think fit. The commissioners also consider that the power of alter ing systems of instruction in all the institutions should be left more to their judgment than it is. ESCAPE FROM FIRE. The fatal fire in the Waterloo-road has brought the subject of escaping from fire again under public notice. It seems strange that so many lives should have been sacrificed on the occasion, when the scene of the conflagration was close to a fire-engine station, and when two fire-escapes were in the immediate neighbourhood. The arrangements of the buildings which were destroyed seemed to have presented unusual advantages for the inmates in an emer gency like that which occurred. The attic window furnished a means of escape to the next house, and the only way to account for the children not seeking to avail themselves of the opportunity is that they must have been suffoca ted by the smoke or stupefied by fear. It is impos sible to form a correct opinion until all the circum stances of the case have been thoroughly investigated, but according to present appearances there seems to have been too lengthy a delay in pro curing the fire escapes. The firemen showed much courage and were at one time exposed to great risks. The chief evil to be dreaded on these occasions is the unreasoning terror which is apt to take possession of people's minds. Had the inmates of this dwelling house exercised presence of mind, they could not have failed to turn the advantages they possessed to account and more lives would have been preserved. THE SOUTH AFRICAN MISSIONARY. The Cape Mail steamer just arrived at Plymouth had among her passengers the veteran South African missionary Robert Moffat, who has laboured zea lously in his profession for fifty years. A generation has gone by since he used to excite enthusiasm in the cause of missions by his stories of African life and adventure. Few missionaries have met with more success than Mr. Moffat ; he has been fortunate enough to bring the most barbarous tribes under the influence of law and order. Mr. Moffat is now engaged in the interesting task of translating the Bible into the Sechuana language, and he has come to thin country to see the work through the press. The task has been one of great difficulty, but has been so successfully accomplished that it promises to remain a lasting memorial of the zeal and devotion of the aged missionary. An ad ditional interest will be felt in Mr. Moffat from his connection with Dr. Livingstone, the great African traveller having married the daughter of the Jnis sionary. A CAREER. Mr. Thomas Carey, sometimes living in Chelsea, but more frequently having a domicile at the public IT ER MAJESTY. OSBORNE, JULY 26. The Queen and Princess Beatrice drove out yesterday afternoon, attended by Lady Waterpark ; and Her Majesty walked in the grounds this morning with Princess Louise. . His Royal Highness Prince Arthur, attended by Col Elphinstone and Lieutenant Pickard, went to London yesterday. The Marquis of Hartington has left Osborne. FASHION ABLE ARRANGEMENTS TO-DAY. Lady Holland's fourth afternoon party at Holland House. Mrs. Henry Bruce's second assembly, Queen's Gate, Kensington. NonwicH CROWN BANK.—A sub-committee of the Norwich Crown Bank creditors has been attending, daily at the bank during the past week to facilitate winding-up arrangements. The general creditors' committee has passed a further resolution to the effect that it is desirable the winding-up in bankruptcy should be continued. A. trustee and committee lof inspection will probably be ap pointed. Mr. E. C. Bailey, soliciitor, of Norwich, is proposed for trustee. NEW ZEALAND AND ENGLAND. Before the news that the English Government had guaranteed a loan of one million to New Zealand had reached the colony, extreme dissatisfaction was ex pressed there at the results which attended the mission of Dr. Featherstone and Mr. Pillion Bell to Earl Granville. The chief object for which they were sent to England, namely, to impress upon the Government the policy of granting to the colony imperial aid, received, it was thought, not the smallest favourable consideration. The Wan ganui Ch, °nick, among other papers, was highly indignant at the sang froid with which English Ministers adopt the laisser faire policy, with reference to New Zealand, and it appealed to the colonists to prepare for the ultimate result of the conduct exhibited by England. " New Zealand," it said, "might as well hoist its own flag to-morrow." Before this was done, however, the Wanganui Chroni cle observed, the claims of the colony, the load of debt which the Imperial Government had caused to hang round its neck and drag it down, must be first removed by the parent country. "It is morally bound," the Chronicle added, "to pay at least a portion of the liabilities saddled upon New Zealand by its own mismanagement." Notwith standing all this condemnation of the principles which actuate the Home Government in its dealings with the colony, the Wanganui journal admitted in another column, on the authority of Minister Fox, that Earl Granville had been generous in one respect he having remitted this year as usual the annual sum of £50,000 towards the expense of retaining a regiment in the colony, an act which will obviate the contemplated expenditure of £70,000 for the raising of a colonial force. THE LATE ADMIRAL DAHLGREN. The United States have just lost one of their most prominent naval officers. The name of Admiral Dahlgren was familiar to English readers during the great Civil War, in which be occupied a distinguished position. Though not an old man, he had spent a lifetime at sea, having been in the naval service con tinuously for forty-four years and a half, making his first cruise as a mishipman in February 1826, and returning from the command of the South Pacific squadron in 1868. His public service, however, ended only with his life, since be died while in command of the Washington Navy Yard. He deserved public recognition of his services, for he was one of the few officers attached to the Washington Yard who remained staunch to their allegiance to the Union when the war broke out. As a tribute to his loyalty, President Lincoln appointed him Commandant of the Yard, and very shortly after he was appointed Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance, an office which he held for several years. The incident of the war, in connection with which he was most known, was the expedition against Charleston. Admiral Dahlgren com manded the naval attack, and remained with his fleet inside the harbour bar after the fall of Fort Sumter. During this time a Confederate officer attempted to destroy the flag ship by a submarine torpedo-boat. Later on he co operated with Sherman in his famous march, and moved his vessels up to Savannah on the day of the evacuation. His inventions of naval ordnance, too, deserve especial mention. The Dahlgren gun and some light howitzers and field carriages were his principal inventions and improvements. AFFAIRS AT RED RIVER. The latest accounts from Red River received by the New York papers are highly encouraging and represent the war as virtually over. Riel, it is said, is virtually kept a prisoner in Fort Garry by his own men who have sent a guard to the line to prevent his leaving the settle memt. Deputations from both whites and :Indians have been despatched to meet the Dominion expedition, and to offer it assistance along the route. It is reported that a procla mation by the Governor-General will shortly be issued, declaring the admission of Manitoba into the Dominion, and that it will contain an amnesty clause. The Manitoba Act, as it is called, which provides for the government of the Red River settlements, was passed by the Dominion Parliament some time since, and has been unani mously accepted by the Legislative Assembly at Fort Garry. On the 25th of June there was a gene ral celebration of the event in the settlement, and President Riel and his Ministry were busily engaged in constructing a proclamation announcing the happy termination of the war, and welcoming Governor Archbold, who was expected to go direct to Winnipeg through the United States, and establish the Canadian authority before the expedition arrived. It has been supposed that the expedition would be abandoned, but, on the other hand, it is scarcely thought possible to govern the country in its present disturbed state without mili tary force. The termination of the war troubles has given new life to the settlement, and orders for sup plies of all kinds have been promptly despatched to the United States and to Canada. A large immi gration from Canada is looked for, and altogether the Red River perplexity may be considered to be happily settled. osZO c '" , etritibt Camb. Coats. Also at other prices the public ►tirely on its sold by them at any other OUR COTEMPORARIES—This Morning. THE SECRET TREATY. The Times considers it is too plain that we have not got the whole truth or reached the end of the business. The authenticity of the Treaty is admitted on both sides. So much,once for all, is certain. But there are discrepancies in the accounts of the origin aed of the degree of impor tance attached to the proposed Convention. Upon these subjects much more must be told and be weighed before anything like certainty can be attained. It will be th• duty of the neutral nations interested in the complete olution of thismystery to compared the ex parte statements thus made, so as between them to arrive at the whole truth. M. de Lavalette's statement that the plan originated with Count Bismarck is entirely inconsistent with the spirit, if not with the letter, of the message from Berlin, and we must look for further information on this point of the difficulty. It would be in general a sound de duction, when the authorship of any articles of agree ment under discussion is doubtful, to believe that side to have originated them which would gain most by them if they were adopted, and any one may judge for himself whether Prussia or France would have been the greater gainer by the ratification of the projected treaty. M. de Lavalette says the Treaty had been the subject of some conversation with M. Benedetti, but it had never had any serious basis. It is not difficult to understand that many explanations must have preceded the reduction of the Draught Treaty to writing. A conception of this kind may spring full-grown from some Royal or Imperial brain, but there must have been much cautious sounding in diplomatic depths before the whole could have been committed to paper. It is still more surprising that it should be said the projected treaty never had any serious basis. It cannot be denied that the articles of the treaty deal with matters sufficiently serious. The con quest of a kingdom, the transfer of a province under cir cumstances leaving no choice to its ruler but to consent to the transfer, the destruction of the sovereignty of in dependent States, and an alliance in arms against any Power that might interpose to check the completion of the most daring of these designs, are serious propositions, if anything is to be considered serious. The Daily News says the treaty was neither a fiction nor a forgery. It is acknowledged on both sides. Lord Augustus Loftus says that the original Minute is in the hands of the Berlin Government, and is in the hand writing of Count Benedetti, the French Minister at that Court. This amounts to a confirmation from the side of Prussia of the implied charge against the Court of the Tuileries of entertaining the designs which that Minute reveals. It also confirms the assumption, based on the undiplomatic French of the document, and on the precedence given in it to the King of Prussia, that the publication proceeded from Prussian sources. So far as Prussia is concerned, therefore, the Minute is attested, but not explained. The French Government, on the other hand, have both attested and explained it. The communication which M. de Lavalette made to Earl Granville yesterday afternoon admits the genuineness of the document, but en deavours to deprive it of importance. M. de Lavalette says it was rejected by both sides ; it must at any rate have been sufficiently serious to have been submitted to both Governments. Here, however, we are already brought face to face with discrepancies between the statements. If the scheme was M. Bismarck's sugges tion how comes it to be at Berlin in M. Benedetti's writing ? On the other hand, if it was a French suggestion, why is it in doubtful French ? Did the Prussian Minister sketch it out in conversation, and the French Minister write it down in the dictated words ; or had the Frenchman the fore sight and sagacity to conceal his handiwork by slightly confusing his language ? Either of these suggestions is probable, yet they are the only explana tions which are at all consistent with the truth of all that is told us. The scheme is, in fact, only one of the natural products of that career of ambition and aggrandisement on which both France and Prussia have entered and which has brought about this collision between them. The Telegraph says the fact that such an imputation had been cast upon the good faith of the Imperial Govern ment must have been known in Paris at an early hour on Monday; but that no distinct official denial of the alleged Treaty has come to us from France. On the other hand, the Prussian Government has lost no time in endorsing the correctness of the statement. It seems, as Mr. Gladstone informed the House of Commons yesterday, on the authority of Lord Augustus Loftus, our representative at Berlin, that the text of a draft Treaty, identical with that issued by the Times, was to be published in yesterday's Berlin paper ; and that the document in question is alleged to be in the' handwriting of Count Benedetti, the French Minister at the Court of Potsdam. Lord Granville informed the Peers that he had had a conver sation with M. de Lavalette just before coming down to the House on the subject of the Treaty. The French Minister had been lavish of assurances as to the desire of the Imperial Government to maintain friendly relations with England, and of its resolution to respect the integrity of Belgium ; but with regard to the main question, whether the draft treaty was authentic or not, M. de Lavalette seems, if Lord Granville is reported correctly, to have indulged in mere disclaimers. He declared, we are told, " that the draft Treaty was originated by Count Bismarck, had been the subject of a conversation with Count Bismarck, but had never had any serious basis, and had been rejected by both par ties." The explanation, to say the least, is inade quate. The Standard can easily believe that the alleged Treaty was, as M. de Lavalette states, talked over, but never se riously considered. No doubt before the outbreak of the war in 1866 Bismarck made certain proposals, and it is generally believed that the offer he made was such a rec tification of the Treaties of 1815 as should give France back on the side of Germany the frontier left her by the Treaty of 1814, already recovered on the side of Italy. It is to this time that the date of the projet de trente is attributed, we will not say by its authors, but by its sponsors. The grand scheme w hi c h the Times reveals is then a subject of general conversation. but that nothing came of the negotiation is clear, and that the suggestion as to Belgium came from Bismarck is very probable. If Belgium were given to France, Prussia might put in a claim to Holland, and it has been the persistent purpose of Prussian policy for many years to seek the annexation of Holland. That the Emperor of the French listened to the tempter in the first instance is possible, but that, if he did, be soon repented himself of any such complicity with a project so dishonourable to bpth Powers is certain. By the treaty signed in London, the Emperor of the French gave for himself, fcr the first time,_ a solemn pledge to respect the neutrality of B e l g i um . Europe had given him a satisfaction which he had a right to claim. The occupation of Luxembourg by Prussia after the disruption of the Germanic Confederation by the acts of that Power was utterly indefensible. After the Treaty of London France had every interest to maintain the independence and the neutrality of Belgium, and France will maintain it unless Prussia violates it. That is the real danger. If the Prussians ever get as far as Paris they will reach it by the Belgian route ; and all must acknowledge th e cleverness with which they have used the Times to produce in England an alarm of French designs upon Belgium, intended, no doubt, to justify a violation of Belgian net , - trality on their part, if such a violation should at any time be found convenient. The object of the publica tion of the document, the Standard says, was that public opinion in England might be worked up against France. Prusia is engaged in a life and death struggle, and it is her interest to involve at any cost of her own honour other Powers in the conflict. But we might have expected that the conductors of an English newspaper possessing great influence, enjoying much consideration, would not have made themselves the agents of such a scheme. The Post claims that its anticipations with regard to the treaty have been found correct. The Post has reason to believe that last autumn M. Benedetti, in speaking to anEnglish statesman whom he met at a German water ing-place, repeatedly asserted, in reference to these topics and to the negotiations of 1866, that M. de Bis marck had frequently intimated to him that the annexa tion of Belgium to France would be approved of by Prussia. The document now published goes to prove this posi tion firstly, because on the face of it its Prussian origin is self-evident, for, according to the invariable custom of diplomatic etiquette, in the preliminary recital the Monarch from whose agent the proposal emanates is named first. M. Benedetti, according to all rule, would have given precedence to his own Sove reign. Secondly, because " the original language " in which it is couched is no t th e French of M. Benedetti, or of any Frenchman. The language is dis tinctly the translation of the words of a German into French, so clumsy that no one with any knowledge of that language can fail to detect the gross faults of style and constructiou of which we yesterday gave a brief but irresistibly convincing catalogne. The publication of this project of Treaty coming from the Prussian side is fair only on the old plea of all things being fair in love or in war. The printing of the draft of the treaty could only have been for the purpose of arousing English feeling against France. If Prussia so strongly disapproved of the French proposal as she would wish us to believe, why was not th e proposition communicated to the English Government a t the time it was made? THE ARMY ENLISTMENT BILL. Only three weeks ago, observes the Times, the atmos phere of Europe was regarded, even at the Foreign Office, as unusually serene. Ministers were under no immediate anxiety, and felt justified in relieving us of a present burden while they initiated reforms which would render us secure in future peril. That future peril has come on us with terrible rapidity, and we have had more than one warning that no statesman can say what a week may bring forth. Under such circumstances, we welcome a measure which, so far from limiting the re sources of our army, opens a wider, because a more varied, field for recruiting ; but it is essential we should not lay aside the weapons already in our hands while the new are being forged. If, as is stated, our battalions of Infantry muster barely more than a third of their full strength, if our Cavalry regiments stand at half the force of continental regiments, if 34 batteries nominally available would furnish a meagre 14 at war strength, if we are destitute of any means of filling up our cadres from the Militia until the alarm of war is actually upon us, it becomes the Goverment at once to consider how the army may at least be rendered capable of recovering its efficiency at brief notice. It is of no avail to recount, with Lord Northbrook, the number of battalions, troops, and batteries we have at home, unless we can be assured that they are ready for prompt action, and capable of becoming effective parts of an organised force. We should be sorry to assume an atti tude of " armed neutrality ;" but it is certainly time we looked to the state of our armour, and to the joints of our harness. In a word, the Army Enlistment Bill may prove of great value if regarded as affording us an additional resource. But it would be nothing but a peril if it were allowed to allay our vigilance. TI-1.1 THE P The C text of which ti the unif litate th assist her says the writing c Minister the war with a Austria Prussia to Frain We 0 letter, E . Englani Ii m y any tru sure yo negotia Prussia "Iv all wit betwee Claren stone may a ciatior the pE will eA of Mil friend two g essenl reaso] repor ing u ' , ftir ` • polio, thou of t belie prey side we x