The Sun. — London, England, 1867-11-20 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS-LAST EVENING. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. This being the first day of an unusually early session of Parliament, it could hardly have been expected that a very numerous assemblage of peers would take place ; however, both the Ministerial and Opposition benches were exceedingly well filled. Amongst the early arrivals ware the Earl of Derby, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Carnarvon, the Earl of Dalhousie, the Earl of Malmes bury, Lord Cairns, Earl Russoll, Earl Granville, and many others. THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. Tho LORD CHANCELLOR then read the Speech, which has already appeared in a former edition of The Sun. Lord BROWNLOW said that in rising to address their lordships' house he would claim their kind indulgence. Her Majesty had submitted many important subjects for their consideration, but the foremost in imprntance it seemed was the Abyssinian question. He would upon this subject advert to the fact that Mr. Rassam had been sent by her Majesty to the King of Abyssinia to demand the captives, and they had actually been delivered up to him, and only awaited the season to arrive to pursue their homeward journey. When Mr. Rassam waited upon the King and was asked what had become of the prisoners, he said they had started on their homeward journey. So faithless was the King that he sent after the captives and compelled them to come back to captivity, and when this was done he made Mr. Rassam write a letter, which being delivered by Mr. Flad, caused English workmen to be sent under the direction of Col. Merevrether ; but the latter very wisely would not allow them to proceed into the country, but informed the Sing that the artisans and presents would be forwarded when the prisoners were liberated. After a great deal of equivocation, it was at last intimated to King Theodore that force must be used to obtain pos session of the English prisoners in his territory, and after great reluctance on the part of her Majesty's Government an expedition had been sent to that country. With regard to her Majesty's relations to all foreign nations it appeared that nothing could be more harmonious. It was also men tioned in her Majesty's address that a most calami tous disturbance, termed Fenianism, had given a great deal of trouble, and was most vexatious, but with regard to it he was very sure no English loyal subject had anything to do with it. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord then adverted to the other points in the address—the ex tension of the franchise, cattle plague, &c.—and concluded by moving that an humble address be presented to Her Majesty. Lord H YLTON, in seconding the motion, said that the Abyssinian question had long been a vexatious question before the public. It had been often agitated that an expedition should be sent to Abyssinia, but it had not been done until the present Government came into office. Even then every means was taken to effect the end aimed at without resorting to hostilities ; and now when it became impossible to do otherwise, although a groat tax would be placed upon the naval and military forces, yet he believed our Anglo-Indian army would maintain its ancient renown, and that every aid would be given from every department of the Empire. (Hear, hear.) With regard to our relations with foreign nations, it was gratifying to know that the Emperor of the French had expressed himself our firm ally. He trusted that her Majesty's Government would be firm in deal ing with the hopeless and fruitless conspiracy which had been alluded to in her Majesty's Speech, and that all would bo done which could conduce to the peace and security of English subjects. He would only glance at the clause which had stated the probability of introducing a measure of Reform for Scotland and Ireland, but after the large measure of last year in Eagland he had no doubt such a bill would be carried. The bills to prevent bribery and corruption at elections and for the educa tion of the people were most important ones. Having alluded to several other features in the speech from the Throne, he concluded by seconding the Address. Lord RUSSELL said that there was no doubt about the propriety of calling the Parliament together for the purpose of discussing this most important expedition to Abyssinia. There were two questions, however ; one was whether there was a casus belli against the King of Abyssinia, and of this ho had no doubt; and the second was, whether it was advisable to send such a large military force to that coun try. Of the bravery of our troops, and of their doing their duty, he had no doubt, but what weighed upon his mind was that the climate and the difficulties of obtaining sup plies should first be cleared up. Ile had no doubt that the means of ascertaining these facts had been taken by the Government. He thought it impossible the Government should not consider the outrageous conduct of the Sove reign of Abyssinia to their fellow-subjects, according to every principle of international law, to be a cause of war. But as to the second question, if he felt any doubts, they had been suggested by Lord Stanley himself, who had stated a great many difficulties in the way of the expedi tion. Having no interest of their own to serve, the Go vernment were, no doubt, correct in the course they had taken, but he should suspend his judgment until he knew more of the grounds on which they had acted. Us was glad to observe in the speech that the expedition was for the recovery of the prisoners, and "for that alone." lie then adverted to the other portions of the Speech, and expressed his pleasure that no apprehension was enter tained by the Government of any disturbance of the peace in Europe. With respect to the events in Rome and Italy, he referred to an article in the Convention of September which he thought was likely to give rise to complications —namely, the article giving the Pope power to raise foreign troops. Serious difficulties might arise from this provision, and he considered all these interventions in the internal affairs of other countries injurious to the interests of Europa and inconsistent with the principles they pro fessed. With regard to Fenianism he thought very cul pable negligence was shown in Manchester in not pro perly guarding the State prisoners, and it behoved the Government to see that there was no laxity in the admi nistration of the law. Lord Russell then made some ob servations upon the forthcoming Reform Bills for Scot land and Ireland, and offered some stringent criticisms on the speeches made by Lord Derby on the subject, re marking that it would bo much better he should show that his measures were calculated to conduce to the public benefit rather than that he should merely inform them that he was about to take two further leaps in the dark. Lord HARDWICKE was of opinion that the expedition against the King of Abyssinia was necessary to the main tenance of the national dignity. Lord CARNARVON dwelt strongly on the many diffi culties that would have to be overcome in a war with the King of Abyssinia, and expressed a doubt whether such a campaign as the country had embarked in was the sole al ternative that presented itself. He spoke highly of the tact and ability of Mr. Rasram in the management of wild races, but thought ho did wrong in accepting money from the King of Abyssicia, as it placed him in a false position as the accredited envoy of her Majesty. Mr. Flad also was an excellent man, but was not the person to be entrusted with a grave and delicate mission. There was nothing, however, now loft to be done, but to go on as vigorously as they could with the war which had been commenced. Lord HOUGHTON, referring to the relations existing between France and Italy, said he could have wished that the words in the Speech with regard to the early with drawal of the French troops had been omitted, because they assumed that it would lead to a solution of the Italian question. With respect to a Conference of the European Powers, he hoped that before her Majesty's Government disposed of that matter, whenever it should be referred to them, they would seriously consider that the Papal ques tion was territorial as well as religious. Lord LYVEDEN regarded the Abyssinian Expedition as one of the most formidable misfortunes that could have befallen the country; and, in order to show its necessity, the Government would be required to give a further ex planation of its policy than was contained in her Majesty's Speech. Before any money was voted it should be clearly stated what limit would be put on the operations of the ex pedition, and how those operations would be carried out. Earl of DERBY—My lords, in the first place I have to return my sincere thanks to my noble friends who moved and seconded the Address to the Crown in answer to her Majesty's gracious Speech ; and if I am to make any dis tinction it is due, I think, to my noble friend (Lord Brown low) who, for the first time, addressed your lordship; and who, in the course of his observations, exhibited a clearness and accuracy and knowledge of the subjects on which he treated which aro to be found only in those who are in the practice of speaking. (Hear, hear.) I only hope, my lords, that we shall more frequently hear him in the debates of your lordships' House. (Hear, hear.) I have next to express satisfaction at being able to infer, from the language held by the noble lords who have ad dressed your lordship, that there is no intention of inter fering in the slightest decree with the unanimity with which your lordships are prepared to vote the Address in nnswer to the Speech from the Throne. But there were some observations which it would be impossible for me to pass over in silence, and upon which I must 13,. , g the indul gence of your lordships to make a few remarks. I understood the noble earl to say tha; he is not disposed to offer any objection to the pdiey of Ivr Illjesty's Government in cJnnection with the expedition, while at the same time he reserved to himself the liberty of dealing with the ques tion on a future occasion, and expressing any opinion which he may form upon more mature reflection. I can assure your lordships that there never was a decision to which a Government came with more reluctance, or with a greater sense of its imperative, necessity, than the deci sion which her Majesty's Government took of despatching an expedition to Abyssinia, and that that decision would not have been taken if they had not the firmest conviction that the time had arrived when any other course would have been unworthy of the Government of this country, and would have seriously detracted from the estimation in which we are held, and would, in point of fact, have exposed us to the well-grounded complaint that we allowed her Majesty's subjects to remain in unjust cap tivity, and her Majesty's Crown to be insulted with im punity by a semi-barbarian. (Hear, hear.) The noble l or d below the gangway (Earl of Caraarvon) expressed an opinion that the course pursued was not the most desir able, but the greater part of the observations of the noble lord referred to a period far antecedent to that for which her Majesty's Government are responsible. He objected to the mission of Mr. Bassani, and thought that a Minister charged with the important function of repre senting the Crown should have been sent to Abyssinia with a small escort of cavalry. I can only say that if my noble friend had volunteered to undertake such a mission with a troop of the Hampshire Yeomanry —(laugh ter)--I should not have had the least objection to his try ing his persuasive powers on King Theodore. (Laughter.) No more certain plan could be adopted to lead to absolute discredit and failure than the sending out of a Minister with a small escort, incapable of protecting themselves, and certain, if Theodore objected to the mission, of being altogether destroyed or taken into captivity. Mr. Has. sam was sent out because he was considered perfectly competent to deal with the question. He was received with great cordiality and attention by King Theodore, and then suddenly, from some of those caprices which seize the minds of cemi-barbarous people, he thought fit to change his tone, and to prove the depth of his attachment by putting Mr. Rassam in prison. Mr. Rassam was the bearer of letters from the Queen, which were treated by this potentate with utter contempt. He was the bearer also of presents, but falling under the displeasure of the King, he was informed that he and other prisoners should bo de tained until certain artificers, whom he desired to instruct his troops, were sent out. Th a t was th e position 01 affairs when we acceded to office. Mr. Fladarrived in July, and in October he returned to Massowah, bearing an autograph letter from the Queen, and also bearing with him certain presents, an assurance that if the prisoners were released her Majesty would overlook the past, and continue to entertain for him sentiments of friendship. At the same time we sent out a certain number of artificers, who were to be handed over to the Emperor on the delivery of the captives. Upon the arrival of the artificers at Mas sowah he expressed great pleasure at receiving the presents but he said nothing about the release of the captives, and that being considered by Colonel laerewether a one-sided proceeding, he was informed that the presents would not be delivered until the prisoners wero released. In the month of April, 1867, my noble friend and relative at the head of the Foreign Department sent a peremptory de mand requiring the release of the prisoners, and three months were given to Theodore for deliberation. The papers were received by him on the 13th of June, but from that time to this not the slightest notice has been taken of the communication. Now, my lords, so stood matters when Parliament was about to be prorogued ; and as some question has been raised, partly with regard to whether all other means had been exhausted, and also whether Parliament had been fairly dealt with by the Government in the matter, I hope your lordships will allow me to refer to a debate which tock place in the House of Commons on the subject on the 6th of July. The noble lord then quoted at len ;,th f:om the debate in question, and in which Mr. Henry Seymour, by whom it was initiated, Sir Henry Rawlinson, and Mr. Layard declared that an armed expedition was absolutely necessary for the release of the Abyssinian captives. It is said that the first inti mation of the intended expedition was on the prorogation of Parliament. The explanation of that is perfectly simple. In the commencement of the month of June my noble relative applied to obtain the most perfect information which could be obtained from India and from other sources. That information was not received till the 13th of August, when we first received the intelligence which led us to believe that we might with a very reasonable prospect of success send an expedition for the accomplishment of our object. On the 21st of August Parliament was prorogued, and it was not till the 19th that we came to the determi nation to send out the expedition. We therefore on the 21st gave Parliament the earliest possible intimation of our intention. There has been no desire to conceal anything from Parliament, and there has been no contradiction be tween the language of Lord Stanley before obtaining in formation and the subsequent decision of the Government to send out an expedition when we did obtain informa tion. We determined that the expedition should be sent out from India, and, for the purpose of having undivided control, we appointed to the chief command an officer who had gained the highest reputation in India, and on whose ability and talents we placed entire reliance. We left to Sir Robert Napier to say what force he required, what amount cf equipment and armament of every description. Your lordships will find from a blue-book shortly to be laid upon the table that the greatest possible pains have been taken that the expedition should be sent out with every means and appliance which could possibly be suggested. I may say here that that expedition is en tirely of an Imperial character. It has been supposed that there was no power on the part of the Crown to em ploy Indian troops except in India. That, however, is a misapprehension. The prohibition is as to the Crown applying any portion of the revenues of India fcr the pur pose of paying troops for any external war, and thereby withdrawing from Parliament the consideration and the control which Parliament ought to exercise with regard to furnishing the means of carrying on war. There is nothing in the Crown employing Indian troops, but it is illegal to apply Indian revenue to the payment of the troops, except with the consent of Parliament. Now, we do not intend to impose one shilling of burden ou the revenue of India. India will only have to furnish the ordi nary pay of the troops, as if they were still in India ; ev,ry other charge will be borne by the Imperial revenue. With regard to the object and purpose of that expedition, I thought nothing could bo more emphatic than the lan guage of the Speech. that the expedition had been sent for the release of the prisoners, and for that alone. Having effected the release of the prisoners, the force will at once retire from Abyssinia. As to the suggestions of occupying that country, establishing sanatoriums, and God knows what besides, such ideas never crossed the minds of her Majesty's Government. We have not the slightest inten tion of going one step beyond the release of the prisoners. (Hear, hear.) I turn now to one or two of the other topics of the Speech. The noble lord who last sat down expressed regret at the paragraph containing a hope that the Emperor of the French might find him sif able to withdraw his troops from Rome as early as possible, and thus remove every ground of misunder standing between the Governments of Franco and Italy. I am glad to find from the Emperor's Speech that his view entirely coincides with the view expressed by her Majesty's Government, and that he sees the near approach of a time when his troops, having ac complished their object, may be withdrawn. The noble earl (Russell) has commented on the September Conven tion, and on the arrangement which enabled the Pope to employ a number of mercenary troops. Her Majesty's Government were no parties to that convention, and it is not the duty either of her Majesty's Government or of any British Statesman to comment on the terms of a con vention between France and Italy alone, and which they alone are bound by. Neither does her Majesty's Govern ment think it necessary to express any opinion as to the Emperor of the French in sending an expedition, which he no doubt felt called upon to send, for the purpose of protecting tho Pope, not against the Italian troops or the King of Italy, but against bands of invaders who bad escaped the vigilance of the Italian Government. Having effected that object, I think I may say on the part of the Emperor that the earliest opportunity will be taken of pre venting any future misunderstanding by withdrawing the French troops. A. noble baron opposite expressed the opinion that no hasty decision would be come to with re gard to the Conference on the Italian question. We have received an invitation to join in the Conference which the Emperor of the French proposes. We have neither ac cepted nor declined that invitation. In the first place we should be most happy to second the efforts of the Emperor of the French to restore peace and secure Italy against future complications, aad on personal grounds I am bound to say we should feel it a satisfaction to be enabled in the slightest degree to relieve the Emperor of the French from the state of embarrassment in which this matter involves him in his own country, in return for the cordial friend ship and goodwill which he has never failed to exhibit towards this country—(hear, hear)—but there are various subjects which are necessary to be considered. First, is the Conference acceded to and accepted by Italy and the Popo ? To call for a Conference to mrange the affairs of two countries, neither of which concur in being re presented in that Conference, and neither of which would hold themselves bound by the decision, would be a superfluous waste of diplomatic energy and ability. (Hoar.) Again, where the points of divergence are so great as between the programmes of Italy and the Pope, we may reasonably desire to know, before entering into a Conference, what is the basis on which it is proposed the decision shall rest. To proceed without such a basis, or to discuss the affairs of Italy and the Papal See, would be only to launch on an interminable sea of difficulty, which leads, not to ultimate success, but to ultimate disaster. The answer we have sent to the invitation of the Emperor of the French is a desire to know whether the consent of Italy and the Pope has been obtained to that Conference ; and next, whether any basis is to be submitted. I turn with regret to the next paragraph of the Speech, which treats of the Fenian conspiracy. I regret., too, that the noble earl (Russell) should have cast an undeserved impu tation on the Government first, and then on the local autho_ rides of Manchester, for what he considers great remiss ness in respect to guarding the Fenian prisoners. If there is any blame, which I do not admit, it does not attach to _ _ - - her 14 j.sty's Government, because it is entirely attribut able to the course pursued by the local police at Manches ter.. -The noble earl misapprehends , and misrepresents the course which was pursued. He says these Fenians were sent under the protection of three policemen alone. That is not the case. They were sent under the special guard of twelve policemen, some on the van itself, and others following in a cab, for the purpose of affording assistance ; but it never was conjectured by the local authorities in Manchester that an attack would be made in broad day light, in what may be called the middle of the town of Manchester, of so determined and viol en t a c h arac t er, and therefore the policemen were only armed with their ordi nary weapon, and of course were no match for fifty or sixty men armed with revolvers, and quite prepared to take life, if necessary, for the purpose of effecting their object. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think, therefore, the police of Man chester are liable to the imputation of recklessly discharg ing their duty. Earl RUSSELL - Was not a telegram sent from Dublin to Manchester, giving warning of the intended rescue ? Earl of DERBY—There was a notion ,frona Dublin to say that the rescue of these prisoners might be attempted, and therefore it was desirable to take extra precautions. Those precautions were taken by sending extra police with the van. Certainly no information was received of any such attack being intended as that which really took place. Now, while four men are lying under sentence of death, I do not wish to say anything to aggravate the crimes of the Fenians themselves ; at the same time I must be allowed to protest against those who, in the public press and elsewhere, have assumed that these cowardly outrages are to bo classed in the category of political offences--(hear, heae)—and that, therefore, they are very different from ordinary murders. The object of Fenianism is not the removal of any grievance, or the redress of any evil of which they complain. The avowed and definite object is to upset the Government of this country and to constitute an Irish Rrpublic —overthrow of the authority of the Queen in her own dominions. That is the distinct treasonable object of the Fenians. The idea of an Irish Republic is ludicrous to one who knows the character and condition of that country. lam satisfied that, if it were possible to establish an Irish Republic and every British soldier were withdrawn, in the course of six months opposing parties there would be breaking each other's heads, and in the course of twelve months they would be cutting each other's throats from one end of the country to the other. (Hoar, hear.) Some respect is due, notwithstanding the evils of civil war, to people who openly and avowedly come forward to oppose the consti tuted authorities, and who are prepared by force of arms to establish their principles. In such a case as that, political crimes and offences may be alleged ; but no such character can be given to those whose sole means of effecting their object of subverting all authority, and establishing complete anarchy throughout the country, are secret incendiarism, attacks on unprotected houses, murders of single and unarmed policemen, attacks upon police barracks, which were known to be undefended, by men who have not the courage to show themselves, and who at the very appearance of a corporal's guard or a dozen policemen take to flight, and leave their unhappy comrades who do not show sufficient speed to the tender mercies of the law which they do not hesitate to violate. (Hear.) Therefore I say, whatever may be said in mitigation of the crimes committed by these Fenian conspirators, and what ever may be the disposition of the Crown and the people of this country to show all the mercy consistently with the discharge of tire duties of justice, I cannot for a single mo ment, and I am sure the country will not for a single mo ment, connect the idea of offences of this description with those which are ordinarily known by the term of political offences, and which, as political offences, appeal somewhat to our sympathies. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think it ueces , sary to dwell on those measures which her Majesty's Go vernment has announced an intention of bringing before Parliament ; nor will I follow the noble earl (Russell) in a discussion of the general principles of the English Reform Bill or of the Reform Bills to be introduced for Scotland and Ireland. We shall, however, have au earlier oppor tunity than last year of discussing the merits of the Scotch and Irish bills. He has suggested the arguments with which 1 should introduce and support those bills, but I can assure him that I shall use my own arguments, and not those which he has put into my mouth. I will not deal with the other topics of the Speech, except to say that the question of education requires serious consideration. The circumstances of the three portions of the United Kingdom are very differentin this respect, and must be treated in a different manner and at different times. With regard to Eng land we require more information as to the state of educa tion than we at present possess. We have ample informa tion with respect to assisted schools, and some information with regard to unassisted schools ; but with regard to that portion of our population which is without education altogether, we require much more information before we can safely come to a conclusion as to the principles which should regulate education for England. The question of Irish education is under the consideration of a commission, which would have been long since appointed but for the difficulty which has been experienced, first from the re luctance of the Roman Catholic hierarchy to take any share in assisting the Government, and next on account of the death of the Earl of Bosse, who had consented to be presi dent of that commission. The other questions will in due time be brought before you, and it would not be wise in me now to trespass on your time in regard to them. I will therefore, conclude by expressing the satisfaction we feel that the noble earl (Russell) and your lordships see no ground for objecting to her Majesty's Speech, and that the first day of the session has been marked by the unanimous assent of your lordships. The Address was then agreed to, and their lordships adjourned at eight o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS-LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER having resumed the chair, The standing orders were then read and agreed to. NEW MEMBER. Lord DE BURGH took the oath and his seat for Gal way county. . . THE SUN, LOND,iN WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 20, 1867 part of the country detailing the indignities officers in her Majesty's service :had been subjected: to, such as never had before been endured, and the Government had done well in confiding the command of the expe dition to so brave a soldier as Sir Robert Napier, who bad shown his bravery in man^ parts of her Majesty's dominions. It was satisfactory that the utmost care had been taken in forwarding the necessary requirements for the successful support of the expedition, and although some might say the preparations were too extensive, yet he thought the shortest way to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion was to carry ou the expedition in a most perfect manner. He for one most ardently desired that IJer Majesty's views on the subject of Italy might bo carried out, and that that quiet which was so desirable would follow the quelling of the invasion, and that ultimately peace and prosperity would prevail throughout the whole of Italy. The outrages that hal been committed in some parts of England were much to be deplored, and he felt that when the majesty of the law was vindi cated peace would follow, and that the misgoverned persons who had taken part in them would see the folly of pursuing such a mad career. The efforts to cheapen the provisions of the great bulk of her Majesty's subjects was under the consideration of Parliament, and in the hope that the best results would follow their deliberations he begged to second the address. The SPEAKER having read the Address, Mr. GLADSTONE said there was nothing in either of the addresses of the two hon. gentlemen, or the Address itself, which would call upon him to depart from the usual course of voting it without amendment. He had, however, intended to have asked the right honourable gentleman some questions on the policy of the Government, but there were matters of a domestic nature, which would at this moment prevent him doing so, and he would take that opportunity of stating that the right hon. gentleman had the sympathy of the whole house. (Hear, hear.) He could not at that moment but express his mast ardent wish that the Abyssinian expedition might not extend itself into a war—(hear, hear) —and although nothing could be done at that moment, yet he only felt it right to say that the house would expect to have the most frank explanations on the subject of Abyssinia. (Hear, hear.) The question was a most difficult one, and although he did not moan to imply any want of confilence in the steps which the Government had taken, yet the country would expect that some explanations would be required as to how it was proposed to carry on the war, and what was the hope of success against a person who it was supposed would not fight but run. (Hear, hear.) He felt that explanation would also be required as to the employment of Indian troops in the expedition without the consent of Parliament. We were now going into Abyssinia, and the next idea that arose in the mindsof many would be, when shall we come out of Abyssinia?"—and ho could not imagine there was any intention in the present expedition of territorial aggrandisement, because there was quite as much anxiety with respect to territorial government. The next matter that would be looked forward to with the greatest interest was the charge to be made for the expedition. Rumour said a largo sum was to be asked for, and that a portion of that was to bo borne of the revenues of India, but he hoped the other part would not be saddled on this country by way of additional debt. If the Government pro posed to meet the expenses of the day out of the revenue, Parliament would give her Majesty's Govern ment their best help and assistance ; therefore he hoped the fears that were expressed in some quarters would not be realized. With respect to Italy, he could not see how it would have been possible for her Majesty's advisers not to have taken some notice of the painful proceedings that had taken place in that country—(hear)—and with respect to Fenianism, he could only say that he felt the law would be found fully equal to the occasion, and that her Majesty's peaceable subjects should not be overridden by lawless and ill-disposed men with impunity. (Hoar.) There were rumours with respect to the commission ou the Irish Church, but ho hoped many that he had heard were untrue, but the object of the commission was clearly to elicit and bring before Parliament more clearly than was at present known certain facts, leaving Parliament to deal with them as it seems best. He hoped that unanimity would not be disturbed, and that with that view he supported the address that had just been read. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who was loudly cheered on rising to reply, showed strong emotion, and had evidently great difficulty in speaking. His dis- tress called forth. sympathising cheers from all parts of the house, and when these had subsided the right hon. gentleman, who was almost inaudible, was understood to say that he was much touched by the manner in which the right hon. gentleman opposite had referred to a pain ful subject, and by the kindness of the house. (Renewed cheering.) Tho Chancellor of the Exchequer proceeded— The right hon. gentleman has made a speech which, I think, every one must acknowledge has been most fair. I agree with him that the Address was moved by my hon. friend in a manner which engaged the attention and interest of the house, and seconded by my noble and gal lant friend in an able speech. The right hon. gentleman is perfectly correct in his assumption that en the part of the Government it is not for a moment to be supposed that this house is at all pledged with respect to the Abyssinian policy until it has considered the whole subject when it is for mally brought before it. Then it will be treated as if it wore a matter introduced to the notice of the house for the first time, although it may have previously been re ferred to in this or the other House of Parliament as a sub ject upon which the house must decide after candid and full discussion. (Hear, hear.) The Go vernmen t th en w ill P be ar p l r ia e m pa e r n : t d t t o o adopt. They policy which they recommend court the utmost inquiry. In deed, it is most expedient upon all questions of this impor tance, and especially when connected with a remote coun try, and where all the calculations must be formed upon a variety of complicated circumstances, that the discussion in with s tlLence to obtaining the without presumption, Parliament should be full. We are prepared to meet that thatdiscussion, w o look a k n d forwardl h o p may co say, sanction of the house to the expedition. The right hon. gentleman has treated the question so fairly, that, from the manner in which he has commented on it, we may enter upon the discussion without feeling that it is a party ques tion. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the recommendations which the right hon. gentleman has made as to the mode in which we should be prepared to recommend to Parlia ment to carry on the war —if war becomes inevitable -I think it would not be convenient at present to enter into those details. (Hear, hear.) The time is very near when it will be my duty, or the duty of some other minister, to place the whole matter before the house ; and considering that the papers relating to the question have only been laid on the table to-day, it would be premature to enter into details new. I assume that gentlemen on both sides of the house will be anxious to make themselves masters of the information contained in the papers, which have been prepared with as little reserve as probably ever occurred in public docum en t s , b e f ore th e y (Hear, hea r .) I will on ly connected with our foreign t e () n u t eolh• uponu p o n o a t n h y o r d q i suc questions u i o u n s . affairs and other points to which the right hon. gentle man has adverted. It must he satisfactory to the house, lam sure, to hear from the Throne an assurance of the friendly relations between her Majesty and her allies and the powers of Europe. All must deplore the disturbances which have occurred in Italy. This is not a fitting occa sion on which to enter into the causes of those unhappy disturbances ; but I think that the spirit in whichher Ma jesty has addressed us on that subject will be approved of and re-echoed by the house. The house will, I hope, in its answer to the Address, convey to the Throne its con currence in the hope that the presence of foreign troops in Italy may cease. (Cheers.) With respect to questions con nected with Ireland to which the right hon. gentleman has particularly adverted, it must not be assumed that when Parliament meets in November that it is not the intention or hope of the Government to deal with many topics that are not particularly referred to in the Speech from the Throne. The land question is not a question which any Government that I have been connected with can be ac - cused of having passed over. Our efforts to bring it to a fair solution may not have been fortunate, but great pains have been taken and great sincerity has been shown to effect that object. The right hon. gentleman has been just in remembering that last year, even although the time of the Government and the house was greatly occupied, there was no contemptible effort made on our part with that view. The house must not infer because the subject is not introduced in the Speech that the Government has given up the solution of the difficulty in despair. On the con trary, I think I may venture to say that a bill will be again presented to Parliament with respect to the Irish Church and the purpose of the commission which has been re cently issued. I think the right hon. gentleman has placed too largo an interpretation upon some expressions which may have been used. But I believe that to-morrow a copy of the commission will be placed upon the table, and, therefore, it will not be necessary for me to enter further into the subject. The right hon. gentleman has, I think, given very prudent counsel to the Ministry, and also to members of this house, as to the vague terms which it is, on the whole, expedient to admit into Speeches from the Throne on very important topics. I can only say, with respect to the paragraph with reference to education, it has not ben inserted in the Speech as a mere rheto rical flourish. The Government is giving serious atten tion to the subject, but of course when Parliament meets in November we aro not justified in specially referring to the results of their inquiries. I thank the house again for its great kindness. (Cheers.) Mr. HORSMAN asked Lord Stanley to state the charac ter of the invitations sent out by France for a Congress on the affairs of Italy, and what answer we had given to it. Denying altogether that it was a matter to be settled between France and Italy—for the Emperor himself, in his speech to the' Chambers, declared it to be a matter of Euro pean interest, and that it was necessary to settle a compre hensive basis for negotiations before the Congress met— he entered into an elaborate review of the " situation" in Italy, and urged Lord Stanley to accept the invitation on conditions which he specified, and which, he maintained, would lead to a satisfactory settlement. Lord STANLEY, while declining to enter into a gene ral discussion of the Italian question at this moment, pro. ABYSSINIA. Sir S. NORTHCOTE laid on the table papers connected with matters in Abyssinia. Col. S YKES gave notice that on Friday he should move for a return of the names, nationalitios, Ice., of the pri soners in Abyssinia, and also he should ask a question of the Secretary of War whether Consul Cawron held a commission in the army, and, if not, under what circum stances he quitted it. ARTISANS' DWELLINGS. Mr. M‘C. TORRENS gave notice of his intention to introduce a bill for the improvam?,ut of the dwellings of the working classes. HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH—THE ADDRESS. Her Majesty's Speech on the opining of Parliament having been read by the Speaker, Mr. DYKE rose to move that an address be presented to Her Majesty in answer to her most gracious speech. He said he had to ask that indulgence invariably extended to those placed in a similar position. er Majesty had expressed her regret in calling her Parliament together at an un usual period; the ground of that regret was apparent in the first part of the Royal Speech, and that circumstance, of course, would necessitate the voting of the supplies for the expedition to• Abyssinia. With respect to the expedition to Abyssinia, it was for the interest of all parties that a full consideration of all the matters connected with the unhappy war should take place, and although he should not on that occasion enter at full length into all the details of the Abyssinian expe dition, he could not forbear touching lightly upon some of the leading points. The hon. gentleman then re ferred to the steps that had already been taken to procure the liberation of the prisoners. The most recent matter of importance was the despatch of a letter by the noble lord at the head of the Foreign Department, and if it was asked why earlier action on the matter had not been taken, ho could only say that an answer to the letter ho had referred to could only have been received within three days of the breaking up of last session. The King of Abyssinia had been informed that unless he delivered up the prisoners active steps would be taken to enforce their liberation ; yet notwithstanding that, they still remained in captivity, and it was some satisfaction to know that the war was mainly for that purpose, and not for the purpose of aggrandisement. (Hear.) If in the course of the discussions that must follow it was shown that every diplomatic means were taken to effect the release of the prisoners Parliament would endorse the policy of the Government on the subject. ear, hear.) With respect to Italy it was a matter of regret that violent persons should have attempted to invade that tranquillity that that country so much required. The Emperor Napoleon had taken some steps in the matter, and he could not but think that a sovereign who had expressed so much good-will towards this coun try would not act now in opposition to all his former po licy. Unhappily the deplorable state of affairs which had existed in Ireland had extended to this country, but he hoped the wishes expressed by her Majesty would be realieed, that the law would be found adequate for the suppression of such treasonable proceedings. With respect to the question of Parliamentary Reform last session many hard things had been said ; be hoped these would now be forgotten, and that Parliament would apply itself to the completion of that great question, and thus bring about a settlement of a 'matter which had caused the greatest anxiety. He hoped to bring forward a bill for the sup pression of bribery at elections, which would be oue calculated to root out bribery, which was one of the great evils connected with their electoral system, and its suppression could but lead to the most satisfactory results. The great difficulty MIS to define the exact point for legislation to commence, but doubtless that; would be satisfactorily dealt with by Parliament. With respect to the question of education, he did not think there was a question that more urgently required the attention of the house. It was melancholy to run down the list of those who at various times took their trial ; it was lamentable to find so many unable either to read or write. If that great evil could be satisfactorily surmounted, it would bo one of the greatest blessings that could be conferred upon the country. The bill for the regulation of the introduction and slaughter of foreign cattle ho hoped would be one calculated to give satisfaction to all classes, and thanking the house for the kindness they had exhibited to him, he would express a hope that by the blessing of Providence the prospects of the country would continue to increase, and that their private exertions would add to the good of all her Maj !sty's subjects. The hon gentleman then read the Address, which was as usual a mere echo of the Royal Speech. Col. HOGG, in seconding the Address, said he felt his inability to grapple with the task, but he knew he could rely on the goodness of the house. His honourable friend had so dealt with the Abyssinian question that little was left for him to say; but he hoped that there would be no mistake upon one point, and that was that before King Theodore's reply was received the Government could not have foreshadowed ita policy. Three years of cruelty to the prisoners, he thought, fully justified the Government in sending forth the expedition, but he did hope the expedition would not assume the charac ter of an Abyssinian war. That was not the time to justify the policy of Government, but he would answer one objec tion he had heard against the expedition, and that was the expense, but he did not think the house would calculate the value of the lives of British subjects at money's worth. (Hear, hear.) He had letters he could read from that fessed his readiness to tell the house all that the Govern ment had done in reference to the occupation of Rome and the invitation to a conference. Not being bound by treaty obligation to pronounce any formal opinion on the occupa tion, the Government had refrained from any such act, though ho had expressed to the French Government his belief that it would produce a very unfavourable impres sion in this country. But in the differences which had arisen between the Italian Government and the French Government our good offices had been asked by Italy and had been accepted. To the invitation to a Conference ad dressed to us by the French Government he had answered that the Government saw little chance of any satisfactory result following the Conference unless some definite plan of settlement were proposed beforehand, and unless it could be ascertained from previous negotiations that the plan would have a reasonable chance of acceptance. Sorry though he might bo to lose a chance of removiug this cause of disagreement, to go into a Conference without some such previous agreement would have been a waste of time. Sir G. BO WYER took exception to parts of Mr. Hors man's résumé of the Italian "situation," maintaining that the Emperor of the French was master of the situation ; if King Victor Emmanuel was embarrassed, it was owing to his own duplicity; that events had shown the perfect satisfaction of the Roman people with the Papal rule ; and that the repetition of such a filibustering expedition, pro tected by Victor Emmanuel, would lead to a rebellion in Southern Italy and a restoration of the Bourbons. Mr. NEWDEGATE expressed his complete satisfaction with Lord Stanley's decision to have nothing to do with the Roman question, and reminded him that on a previous occasion the Papacy rewarded us for our protection by fomenting wars on all Protestant Powers. Mr. P. TAYLOR, on the contrary, was deeply grieved by our attitude of non-intervention and abnegation of international duties, denouncing the invasion of Italy by France as an act of brigandage, and maintaining, in con tradiction to Sir G. Bowyer, that the Roman people were only prevented from expelling the Papal Government by the presence of foreign troops. Mr. BUTLER-JOHNSTONE was of opinion that the Roman question was too complex to be settled in a Con ference, and asked those who complained of our non-inter ference to point out how we could have prevented the invasion of Italy by French troops. We were not masters of the Mediterranean, and we could not have sent an ex peditionary force more than strong enough to copo with the Papal army. Mr. Whalley and Sir P. O'Brien also made some obser vations on the Roman question, and Mr. Corianco ex pressed his approval of the paragraph in the Speech relating to the cattle plague ; after which the Address was agreed to without further debate. The house adjourned at 20 minutes to 8 o'clock. Mscellaneous News. (From the Anglo-American Times.) PARIS, Nov. 14. The Italian Question appears steadily progressing towards a settlement, the Emperor having given orders for the evacuation of Rome and other parts of the Pontifical territory upon the re-establishment of order. Garibaldi remains at Varignano, at tended only by his son-in-law, the Major Canzio, and by his secretary, Bassi, under the strictest sur veillance ; even the Doctor Randina, his usual medical attendant, not being allowed access to him. His son-in-law and secretary are free to leave Varignano, but in that case they will not be per mitted to return there. The late affairs have, of course, had considerable effect upon the reciprocal commerce of France and Italy, and ru mours have circulated as. to the establishment of a league in the latter country against the pur chase of French merchandise and products ; but it is more than probable that these are mere vapour ing4, which a prompt settlement of the question in dispute will speedily dissipate. The tone of the extreme Liberal journals is softening considerably, as, notwithstanding all their sophistry, they find it hard to get over the fact that great reforms, when needed, may be carried out in a more constitutional manner than that acted on by Garibaldi ; and, al though I am not a vehement politician, and touch upon political questions as little as possible, I cannot help expressing my opinion that the prompt action of Napoleon has averted many great social evils, and opened up a legitimate method of solving any questions arising as to the Pope's temporal sovereignty. It is not improbable even that the whole question may remain in its present form until the decease of Pius IX. Reforms founded upon revolutions are of the most unsatis factory character, and even reforms of a more peaceful nature will find their best basis and motive power upon the advance of education. Almost every country is and has been for some time past engaged upon this work, and at this moment in Paris one may see the walls placarded with large affiches offering gratuitous courses of instruction to the working classes, not only in the ordinary branches of education, but even in foreign lan guages. The principal society for this purpose being under the immediate patronage of the Prince Im perial, the numerous Lycees also, and other public educational foundations in France, which arc within the reach of nearly all classes, and under the immediate and able surveillance of M. Duruy, Minister of Public Instruction, place France much in advance of England in this respect, where, although a plain and sound system of edu cation is introduced into the national schools, and even into the workhouses, yet from the non-interference on the part of the Govern ment inspectors with private schools, regarded in a commercial point of view, a liberal education is as yet more strictly and peculiarly the advantage of those able to pay for it. America has also, in yet a different manner, taken an advanced educa tional step in the gratuitous common schools, of which she exhibited a model at the International Exhibition, and in which many of her most re markable and successful citizens have received their education. But the questions of reform and educa tion afford too great a scope for the limits of my present letter. Pass we on to the more immediate events of the day. The provision question is now attracting attention in France, as well as in England, and an ordonnance issued this week by the Prefect of the Seine, by which the price of bread is fixed not to exceed 50 centimes (five pence) the kilogramme (a little more than 21bs.) for the first quality, and 42 centimes (about four pence three farthings) second quality. France has purchased largely in grain during the present year, which has probably contributed in some measure to check any too great and too sudden a rise, which is the more ad vantageous, as bread forms the great staple of consumption, vegetables being rather regarded as entremets than as the piece de resistance ; the greatest anomaly existing in Paris, and which acts directly in raising the price of other articles, being the octroi or duty levied, especially upon the wines, or piece or hogshead of wine, valued at 40 francs, paying 46 francs duty—the same amount levied upon wines of a higher quality. The tuuni cipal grain departments which supply Paris are La Manche and Calvados, and, should it prove of inte rest or advantage to our English readers, I shall be happy to quote in my next the scale of present prices. The dismantling and removal of the Uni versal Exposition continues with equal activity at Billaucourt and the Champs de Mars. A t this moment the Island of Billancourt is literally covered with workmen. The beds have been demolished, and a large part of the agricultural instruments exhibited removed by the exposauts or purchasers. On Tues day last a number of waggons were engaged in the removal to the Palais Royal of a number of statues and works of arts purchased by Prince Napoleon at the termination of the Exposition. It appears that the Exposition, although finished, has yet, like the odour of the wino cask of Uorace or the broken vase of Moore, an indirect attraction, as on Sunday, on the Boulevard de la Madeleine, an honest farmer was then coursing at the top of his speed after two tall and well-dressed young girls, who, accompanied by a resplendently-costumed path, fled in all haste before him. At the cry of " Stop them," however, the fugitives were soon surrounded ; the never-failing serpents de vale appeared as suddenly, and soon after, the whole party were in the presence of the commissary of polica, the farmer in the first ebullitions of his wrath demanding nothing less than the incarceration for life of the juvenile delinquents. The commissary having at length, however, succeeded in calming him to some extent, it appeared from his explanations, together with those of the young fugitives, that the two young girls were his daughters, and the youth his nephew, who, dazzled and seduced by the marvellous recitals of the later visitors to the Exposition, were devoured with the desire of once in their lives visit ing Paris, its magnificent promenades, brilliant boulevards, spacious quays, wonderful spectacles, and unparalleled riches. The girls had confided their wishes to their cousin, who, in his qua lity of galant homnze, undertook to accompany them. Two small difficulties, notwithstanding, remained to be overcome, permission and money ; the former they resolved to do without, the latter was overcome by the elder sister, who appropriated 200 francs from a sack deposited with a goodly number of others in the paternal armoire, and the same evening saw the youthful pleasure-seekers en route for Paris. The next day the father and uncle, who was not slow to perceive the disappearance alike of his family and his money, took rail in pursuit, and by one of the most singular chances happened to encounter the fugitives before he had been thirty six hours in Paris. The commissary of police made the farmer comprehend at last that the wisest course for him to pursue was to pardon, and return with his relatives to the family mansion, a course to which the young folks nearly attached the less ob jection, the money being spent. The governor accepted the alternative at last with considerable grumbling. The family honour was thus preserved intact; but, alas for the money ! NAPLES, Nov. 8. When we last wrote we expressed the opinion that the enthusiasm for rushing to the conquest of Rome was nothing like what the Italian press represented. The very superficial character of the demonstra tions which were got up, we believe, confirms the correctness of our opinion. Since the Garibaldian disasters a deep and very natural feeling of grief and pain pervades all classes, and, in honour to the Italians be it said that, except ing a few ignorant families, even those who were most opposed to attacks on Rome, feel keenly their national misfortunes. But to nations, as well as to individuals, adversity is often a wholesome lesson. The late episodes will be a blessing if they induce the people to set their house in order and look to their practical needs. At present the greatest proof of vitality in the Italian nation is the fact of its keep■ ing together in spite of the wretched character of the public administrations. Stories of official im becility and beaurocratic despotism could be told positively incredible. The Naples Custom House is just now distinguishing itself in that line in a way pretty sure to end by causing serious disturbances amongst porters and labourers, Fortunately this does not concern travellers, of whom a few are be ginning to arrive, and probably more presently. The news from Lisbon is that the American squadron will winter in the Tagus. It was thought that it would have proceeded to Naples, but this intention appears to have been changed. At a general assembly of the Natiocal Verein, held at Cassel last Monday, the dissolution of the Union was decided on. It was resolved that out of the funds of the Union the sum of 106,580 florins should be handed over to the Administrative De partment of the North German Navy ; 2,000 florins to the German Society for saving Life in Ship wrecks ; 1,000 florins to the Marine School at Ham burg; and 100 thalers to the German Legal Pro tection Society in London. Impeachment makes no way. A correspondent of the New York Times says a leading member of the Senate at Washington told him he did not believe there were half-a-dozen changes in the House on the subject, and none in the Senate ; adding that if New York is lost or carried by the Republicans by a close vote that would be the last of Impeachment. The New York Times now states that the majority of the Congress Judiciary Com mittee will report against Impeachment. If the New. York Herald is right, the trial of Mr. Jefferson Davis will be postponed until the May term of the Richmond Court. This decision is at the request of the Government Council, in order that Chief Justice Chase might preside, and a new indictment be framed. It is clear that this further delay is on the part of Mr. Davis, as Chief Justice Chase had signified that he would be in readiness to try the case on the 13th inst. The Virginia election having been decided in favour of the Reconstruction Convention, General Schofield has directed it to assemble at Richmond on the 3d December. Frightful storms have raged in Texas, along the Gulf States, and up the coast. Galveston has been greatly injured, and many lives have been lost. It is, however, gratifying to learn that the yellow fever has almost disappeared, though it is reported by the China that it still lingers at New Orleans. The officers who have received leave of absence on ac count of the fever are now ordered by Gen. Grant to return to their posts by the 30th inst. The detectives of the Treasury announce that the counterfeit 7-30 Bonds put into circulation amount to $150,000 only. Some counterfeit $5O compound-interest notes have been discovered in the Treasury. It is thought that they belong to an issue floated more than a year ago, and then dis covered, and these have been in circulation ever since. The Congressional Retrenchment Committee are making a thorough investigation of the Cur rency Bureau of the Treasury Department, so as to establish the truth or falsehood of the charges of fraud made so frequently and persistently as to have kept up a constant source of alarm, and armed speculators with an effective weapon. The books and accounts are in possession of the commit tee, and the officials against whom shortcomings are proved are unhesitatingly discharged. It is said to be now ascertained and officially certified that none of the 7-30 counterfeit bonds bear date prior to the 18th August, whence those who possess these securities of a date previous to this have no cause for uneasiness. The American Industrial League and the Ameri can Free-Trade League have agreed to appropriate in their respective journals a certain space for the statements and arguments of their opponents. It was some time since proposed that one paper should be published conjointly—half devoted to free trade, and half to protection. The next best thing to give life and animation to a wearying discussion is the plan now proposed, and we doubt not it will secure numerous readers for journals hitherto most uninteresting. _ _ _ On the 21st of October a treaty was concluded 1 by the Indian Commissioners with the Kiowas and Comanche; by which 6,000 square miles of Lind between the North Fork and the Red River has bee❑ made over to the tribes. The tract contains 3,500,000 acres, beginning at the intersection 53d, parallel with 98 deg. meridian, embracing the south-western corner of the present Indian terri tory, with a fraction from Texas. Estimating the number at 4,000 persons, this would give 800 acres to each. The Comanches of Northern Texas are, if possible, to be induced to settle on the same territory, when an ad ditional tract will be granted of 320 acres to each of their number. Every Indian on the reservation is annually to receive a complete suit of clothes, and $250,000 will every year be expended by the Go vernment in the articles the Indians most need, for distribution amongst them. Those who choose to farm will receive seed and agricultural implements. The tribes on their side agree to let railroads be built, especially the Smoky Hill and Platte roads— no more to capture women and children, nor attack trains, nor kill men, but to keep a lasting peace. The Indians are to be allowed to hunt on the old reservations south of Kansas until the buffalo dis appears. On the 25th a treaty was concluded with the Alpaches, numbering 25 lodges, and another with 500 Cheyenne warriors, who allege that they alone had been fighting. They caused considerable alarm More their arrival, as all manner of rumours preceded it that_they meant mischief. It is reported that they sent word that they were coming in on a charge with a yell, and desired the other Indians to get out of the camp—a message more calculated to raise the hair than the spirits of the Commissioners. The Cheyenne warriors acted very independently, desired no reservation, and received the right to hunt between Arkansas and South Platte rivers while game lasts, and intimated their intention of living in their own way. We are glad to see by the advices of the China, which bear date to the evening of Nov. 5, that General Sherman, having concluded the treaty of peace with the Indians in the Western Territory, has ordered the cessation of hostilities. Still in Arizona Indian outrages continue. Corn and stock have been carried off in large quan tities, and upwards of 20 lives lost in one county. From San Francisco the news is that a telegram i had been received from Jacksonville, Oregon, that General Crook had been defeated on the 17th 0 ! October near Goose Lake Valley by t h e Pint and Pitt River Indians. After an action extending over . two days, the G enera l re t reate d ,. with the loss of Lieutenant Manigan a n d s i x men killed and wounded. The General is awaiting reinforcements at the upper end of the valley. Thaddeus Stevens being too ill to take to the " stump," has resort e d t o hi s pen t o influence his countrymen in the present crisis of his party. l l° , has publi s h e d an elaborate allress in the form °I a conversation held with a German-American citizen. Since the adoption of the 14th Amendment to that Constitution h e h as no d ou b t o f t h e f u ll power of Congress to regulate the elective franchise, so far as it regards the whole nation, in every State of the Union, and he hopes that the Legislature Will exer cise this p.,)wer for the benefit of the nation. In this he means that Congress can pass a Negro Suffrg e Bill, operative alike in North and South. T he Amendment declares— . _ "All persons born or naturalised in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the ITh it ' ed States, nor shall any person be deprived of life, liberty, o r property without duo process of law; nor deny any Per son within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." Mr. Stevens asks—" Can he who swears to sup' port the Constitution in all its parts refuse to aid in carrying this into effect without clear, direct Per jury ?" He concludes this portion of his address 1.. glorying in the fact th a t thi s resu l t h as b ee n brough t , about by the rebellion, say i ng , ,t Wh a t a gran d compulsion have these despots, rebels, and Emu' derers finally forced upon the American Repub lic by their impatient, ras h, an d bl oo d y ac ts." li/n , thinks that the man w h o wou ld d eny th e right suffrage to any being " to whom God has giv en immortality . . must be an impudent citizen, and ought never to profess to believe in the existence of a Deity ;" and, with an allusion which, as a writer says, must come Pain fully home to him in his present enfeebled con' dition, adds that, "W e mus t reme mber th at most of us are separat e d f rom th e d rea d tribunal occupied by a Judge who cannot be deceived, 11 the narrowest isthmus that ever divided time fr ntn eternity." He goes on to d escr ib e th e position o ' , the West Indies and the future before them NO ° formed into a powerful r ep u bli c , an d pa i n ts in glow' ing colours the de s ti n y o f th ese r i c h territori es under the rule of their negro inhabitants. While sober-minded men look w ith d rea d a t th e proceed' ings of the Hunnicutts, the Morisseys, the Un der , woods, engaged in the task of separating the black i sheep from the white, as one not un lik e ly to end li a a war of races, this enthusiast, true to the gra n . idea of his life, expends almost his last breath In picturing a career of grea t ness f or th e p e ople wi th whom he has so identified himself. Oliver Goldsmith has made famous an Eng lisll hamlet as— "Sweet Auburn, loveliest village of the plain ;7, , g • but this is nothing to the l us t re M r . Seward shedding over his Auburn. The last move of tt:' Secretary for Foreign Affairs, if report speaks tre e ' will raise the ghosts of some of the Puritan Fath ers ' Ile has sent the Rev. Dr. Hawley from Auburn e n a mission to Rome to offer the Pope an asylum it ; America should he be compelled to abandon ° Eternal City. A hom e i n M assac h use tts, wi tb. Garibaldi next door, will be a pl eas i ng prospect f or the holy Father, who would th en i n d e ed have s chance of ending his days in peace ! The President has appoint e d th e 28th Noveieber a day of National Thanksgiving for abundant hal: vest and general prosperity, for the return of Pe 3c and reconciliation, and, we p resume , f o r the grea t Democratic victory in California, Pennsylvania' Ohio, New York, and New Jersey. The Nati/ $ which always writes bitterly of M r . J o hnson, s a l that it likes him better as a p o liti c i an than a 5 theologian —how it likes him as a politician it 113 s given some proof, and how it likes him as a the ol ,; giau it proceeds to tell. It objects to Mr. Johnsen catalogue of the blessings for whi c h th e people aro to give thanks. " There are some men," it sae' "who could make one out which would move us all t° tears, but when Mr. Johnson tries it, it is not tear: exactly that we feel rising. The progress ef tut Pacific Railroad seems a very fi ne thing, I l whether God will look on it with favour or not will depend on the use that is m a d e o f it when it 1 . 5 finished, and not on the rapidity with which it I t laid. There is no good ground for b e lieving tb n i he considers the mere rapid settlem en t o f arable 1aa . . 14 or the development of " our miner a l r esources' n ; things in themselves pleasing. R a il roa ds, we n . r bound to presume, are satisf a ct or y to him net in i r proportion to the superficial area they open up _, quay ib4 the sale of dry goods and patent pumps and crushers, but in proportion to th e amou nt a tru th ' and justice, and mercy they sp rea d a b roa d. The I t o change in the management of the Erie Railroad " consider also a good thing, and apparently a WI, ing to the commu n it y , b u t we a d v i se our fellow' citizens to omit all men ti on o f it i n th e i r devotions on Thanksgiving Day." COUNTRY MARKETS. BRISTOL—TUESDAY. a for At the corn market to-d a y th ere was a s l ow derail," , i ce• wheat, but prices were firm, with an average atteroso Boiling peas 2s per qr. dearer. Other articles q uite dear as last week. LEED. nd We had a fair attendance of the S—TUESDAY trakle to-day, 3- r iceS improved business in wheat took place, at about tho P OJd of last Tuesday. Barley sold at rather easier rates' and beaus in limited demand; new inquired for. 031 other articles unaltered. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. th ti le (3 We had only a moderate attendan ce t o -d a y of -_, bast town and country trade at our m ar k e t , an d a ness was done in wheat, which may b e quoted ta to a tes• prices of last Friday. Fl our was qu i et at previous A r s dal Indian corn in moderate request, at the rates of It ar iel last-49s 6cl per 4801 b fo r p r i me A mer i can m i xe d. ' oci brought full rates. Oats and oatmeal were ne glectet, lg prices nominal. Be ans b roug h t an a d vance o f ab° per qr. and peas is on tho week. MELTON MO WBRAY.—T UESDAY. White wheat, 75s to 80s ; red, 66s to 74s per 3u„S per Barley for ma l t i ng, 43 s to 4 6s per qr; f ee d , 34s to 0 110 , 30 stone. Oats o ld, 34s to 38s ; new, 27s to 32s P er Beans, old, 42s to 48s; new, 42s to 41s per qr. lEL. ; y it' The show of SHEF whea F D t at to-day's —TUESDAY market was fa -r i ,' presented, the finer samples of which brought last 'vett-4o prices, but the demand is inactive. Beans and peas ? to as dear. Malting and grinding barley came toleral9 Yot hand, and former quotations hard to maintain. Oats a healthy demand. 280 °j Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....2ss Od to - go 0 ,1 White do do ....•:88 Od `, ,,r3s Od New red do do „„255 Od 3t Oa 0,1 New white do do ....2Ss , 'd , ' 2 , Oa Beans do do ....lus Od n , oa Peas, per qr . iga ud 1,, od Grinding Os ley, per qr 42s Od " 041 Malting barley, i o Oats, do 2 5 3: od °d LI : °I I F10ur....2s 7cl to 2i ild per 141 b. MARKET HARBOROUGII.—TuEsDAY - r 36 Old white wheat, 72s to 80s • new red, 64s to 73s Yip st• stone. Barley, fine, 46s ; other kinds, 37s to 41s P er . oldf Oats, new, 25s to 30s ; old, 30s to 32s per qr. 1;0 3 - - 46s to 535; new, 42s to 47s per qr. : „ Birthsl'! limkt - On the 18th just, at . Castle-terrace tAbrov`" South Wales, the wife of W. 0. Huhn, }ls+ , daughters. MACGREGOR—Qn the 17th inst at Glencarnoc,k, oh the wife of Major-General Sir G. Macgregor, -1-•`' a son. the sv if6 MAY—On the 18th inst., at the Bank of England, -- of Frank May, Esq., of a son. Marriages. I, ERELL —WILLES On the 19th inst , DE ' Paddington, John Deverell, Esq barrister -at-o:,' }i• Frankleigh, Wilts, to Jane, daughter"of the late Re" Willes, prebend of ! Wells. Dri tisli WALro LE —AIuRRAY—On the 12th inst , at the, iq jloo• Embassy, Florence, Spencer, eldest son . of tho R' g" A l ta Spencer 11. Walpole, M.P , to Marion, youngest daughter of Sir J. D. Murray, Bart . ., of Blackbarony, reel/I'3E4 Deaths. , - 1 (lir' 9 FITZGERALD- On the 15th inst. at Carton, Lady ijo ra 5 of Fitzgerald, daughter of the ~ a , Kildare, aged 18. fp/. Jain©' at All S 3tit o 9l MANGLER—On the 18th inst., at Fairfield, Ele'' Mangler, Captain R.N., aged 82. ' A IC Ol3l ' KENNY— On the 16th inst., at Richmond, W. -. ~d ()* Esq., father of Dr. Kenny, Richmond, SurreY l 9 y B d .gr o o 0' PULFORD —On the 18th inst , at Hampstead, Pulford, Esq., aged 39, . London : Printed and Published by WILLIAN A 1 ' 11) 7 4 - 0 1 12 ', of No. 112, Strand , Printe r, at Tits Sus in the COllll- Oh Strand, iu the Precinct of the Se vuy , •••• IliddlueL—Weduesclay,Norembe r 20, 1607. I 141 ii 141