The Sun. — London, England, 1841-07-15 00:00:00

MORNING SUN the right of the British Government to call the Raja to account would not be weakened under the admission that part of the guilt laid to his charge; and proved, may possibly be thrown upon advisers; too readily listened to, or upon agents, too carelessly - overlooked. His Lordship can hardly i think it possible that to a frank tender of oblivon of past transactions, and of a return to cordial and amicable relations, and to a strict observance of all the stipulations of that treaty, the Raja will reply by a tone of offensive defiance, or by a rejection of the just and moderate terms proposed, or that he should endeavour to re-open the late inquiry, and to continue the unseemly discussion in which he has been so long by himself and by his agents engaged. Yet it is possible that those who have reaped gains by the bad advice with which they have misled him, may see ad vantage to themselves in this course, and may preriail upon him to adopt it. In such case, his Lordship would willingly rely upon the judgment and discretion of the Governor of Bombay, and prepared to support any strong decision upon which he may determine, whe ther that decision may be in the deposition of the pre sent Raja for the substitution of his brother in the Raj, or for any modified course of curtailing his political and military power.—l have the honour, &c. " H. TORRENS, " Dep. Sec. to the Government of India, with the Governor-General. " Simla, 11th July, 1839." In that letter the Governor-General had pointed out the very rock upon which the Governor of Bombay had afterwards struck.—(Hear, hear.) He felt convinced that the feeling of the Court of Proprietors, and the Di rectors themselves, was, that by pressing the Raja to put his hand to some document, admitting his guilt the case was pressed too hardly against him.—(Hear, hear.) He deplored the conduct which had been pursued in the Raja's case, and could not consider the terms as a frank tender of oblivion of past transactions.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that justice would be done the Raja, and that he would not be permitted to be the victim of a feel ing of honour which would not permit him to subscribe to an acknowledgment of his guilt when he felt that he was innocent.—(Cheers.) Before he sat down he would just allude to the appeal which had been made by the Raja himself from the decisions of the local func tionaries to the Court of Directors, by sending Vakeels here to get those difficulties removed which had since led to his utter ruin. He would only read one extract from the letter of the Raja, dated 21st Shaban, answer ing to the 10th of November, 1838, and addressed to the Court of Directors. In that letter the Raja said— " The people of this country view me with hostile feelings, because I attached myself firmly to the British Government, and thereby interfered with the objects which they had at heart ; owing to this I can only now maintain my position, through the friendship and sup port of the British Government ; and the wish which I sincerely cherish is to avoid everything that may, s in any wise, tend to the injury of the British Government, be tween which and my family friendship has always exWed. " Your Honourable Court having taken all this into consideration, can act as you see fit. Evil-minded and disreputable people, forgers, and liars, having conspired given birth to all kinds of wicked machinations, en deavour to establish them as truths ; but well-informed, and honourable, and upright men are convinced that I have done your Honourable Court's Government no in jury, and never deviated from the most disinterested line in my conduct towards the Honourable Company. If due weight be given to these facts, the schemes of my enemies will fail. But if they are disregarded, then they will accomplish what they please. Great and just Go vernments, and experienced men must, on examination, admit the truth of these observations ; and while they . cannot hesitate to punish such evil-disposed and inimi cal persons, not only to maintain their own reputation for justice, but also to inspire general confidence, they will be kind to persons of high station, looking to their rectitude. Such, in times past, has been the practice of truly great and powerful monarchs, whose memory is justly held in veneration. The Almighty has now given the government of this land into your Honourable Court's hands, and I am therefore a suitor to your Honourable Court for justice. "If persons of high and ancient families do not forsake their honourable principles, and thereby entail disgrace on their reputation, it is incumbent to act towards them accordingly ; for such individuals when treated with high consideration by those possessed of eminent station and authority, are thereby the more confirmed in their honourable course. _ _ " Powerful Governments derive great fame from acting on such principles, while to those who suffer from a dis regard of them, death is preferable to life. Forgetting what is due to ancient lineage, and for ease and subsis tence to yield to disgraceful treatment, is the part of base people, for noble persons can never resign them selves to any treatment calculated to detract from their good name. Every one of God's creatures is cared for by Him. On his providence I place my dependence, and Ido not look beyond him. So let the English Govern ment do whatever, on consideration, it may judge best. I have always conducted myself with a due regard to the high reputation of my ancestry, and therefore I rely that I shall continue to enjoy the friendship of the English Government. Your Honourable Court may rest assured I shall never act like others ; I therefore entreat that I may be early favoured with such a decision on this ap peal as shall preclude the possibility of my being con stantly subjected to difficulties. " Having taken into my consideration how every thing connected with my situation may always be made known to your Honourable Court, Iyould suggest that, after the present misunderstandings are adjusted, in order to place your Honourable Court in possession of authentic informa tion, permission be granted to depute agents, and to communicate in writing, to your Honourable Court. Un less such an arrangement be sanctioned it is impossible to foresee what may arise from causeless suspicions. "I entreat your Honourable Court to grant me a reply to this request, with the same despatch that would be used in disposing of any urgent case connected with your own-interests, for I anxiously wish to be informed of your Honourable Court's sentiments on the subject. " A long time has now elapsed, and I have therefore deputed =IL de Waalmar, Eshwunt Row Raja Sirkey, and Bhugwunt Row Wittul to your Honourable Court, and they will have the honour of representing every thing to your Honourable Court. I entreat your Honourale Court to take their statements into your consideration, and to favour me with your decision. " I would conclude by reminding your Honourable Court, that your functionaries in this country have sub jected me to great hardships ; and that I have therefore employed several persons to apprise your Honourable Court of this fact. I think it necessary to state this to your Honourable Court, lest you should be surprised at so many having been employed. The same facts will be stated by all, so that no objection need be started on that score. I beg that your Honourable Court's answer may be sent through my Vakeels. " What more can I say to your honourable Court ?" Now he would say, look at the character of the man. He was proud, overbearing, strong in the assertion of his rights—in short, a regular Hotspur. He thought the Officers of the Bombay Government had decided un justly against him, and he appealed from their decision to the Court of Directors.—(Hear, hear.) Such was his character ; and yet he was charged with crimes the very opposite of all this. He was charged with crimes the very essence of which was cool calculation, which, had he possessed, he would never have run himself into those difficulties which had at length overwhelmed him. lie cried out for justice. He had never been heard. He called upon the East India Company to afford him an opportunity of clearing his character. He denied that he was guilty of the crimes laid to his charge. They were in duty bound to afford him an opportunity of set ting his character right with them again, and of showing them that he ought to stand as high in their estimation as he had ever done. In this case they ought to set a good example to those people who professed a false reli gion. Notwithstanding his profession of a false religion, they saw the Raja of Sattara making every sacrifice in defence of his honour and character, which he had proved he esteemed more highly than his throne.---(Hear, hear.) Should the East India Company appear as the supporters of injustice ? All he asked was for justice--for a fair trial. If it should be proved that the Raja was a traitor, let him suffer the punishment due to his treason ; but let him have the opportunity of showing that he was not the base character he was represented to be—let hirn, have the opportunity o f regaining that th rone of whi' I innocent, he ought ne ver to have been depri ve d ; a nd ' the duties of which he was so competent to fulfil. The CHAIRMAN (who spoke in a very low tone of voice, and was but imperfectly heard througherat his whole address) said that it was not his intention follow the gentlemen who had preceded him throug'a all the vario us topics to which they had alluded, beta-,use he conside re d the question as settled.—(Hear, hear... ) He found on in vestigating the subject that all the. authorities in India, the authorities in this country, and the Court of Direc tors, all concurred in the propr;_e_cy o f the proceedings adopted in India.—(Hear, her .r ) The Court of Proprie tors must know that in tie., present case they had no power to alter the resolut Direc tors had come to in ree, '.,ons which the Court of Three ard to this subject.—(Cheers, a nd cries of " Oh! oh!) had no power to a T At was perfectly true that that Court %cer or to vary, or to suspend, any re solution of the P,, oar had received t dof Directors after that resolution approbation of the Board of Control, therefor eth present discussion could be of no practical use.— (ll'ear, hear.) S uc h was hi s fi rm o pi n i on .—(Hear, hear.).ee It s o h appene d that when the subject ha d fi rst n .ornachecl, 119 was out of the Direction, but on his retarn he had looked the papers carefully over, and he would say that if he had been a member of the Direc tion at th a t t i me he should have concurred in every thing that bad taken place.—(Hear.) Wh e n he found that all th ‘ authorities concurred in one opinion on the subject, 'that the Governor-General and the Lieutenant- GoveThor of Agra, Mr. Wilberforce Bird, the two suc cer.sive Governors of Bombay, Mr. Anderson, the Com missioners, who themselves conducted the investigation, when he saw, without exception, every eminent man in India was unanimous on this subject, he must say that lie did not consider they were now in a condition to ob ject to that decision. He never saw a more forcible body of evidence in his life, and after reading the ela borate minutes of Sir R. Grant, who had most atten tively considered the subject, and considering the una nimous opinion that had been come to by the most emi nent authorities in India, he must confess that he thought it impossible to come to the conclusion that all those persons were acting under a delusion. Those gentlemen were fully competent to form a judgment as to the character and credibility of evidence, and it was impossible to think that they were all acting under the influence of some extreme delusion throughout this in quiry. An Hon. Proprietor had expressed himself as thinking that because Sir James Carnac left this country impressed favour a bly w i t h regar d to the Raja, that, therefore his subsequent conduct was inconsistent. Now nothing could be more natural than the conduct of Sir J. Carnac. He had th left this country favourably im pressed towards Raja, and when he became better informed, as he got fresh evidence, he was induced to alter his opinion , such would be the case with c andid: a n t Y isfi ta t ra th i e n df t a l l a vyas tho guilx ant y ho o ri f t t, i 4 es e cwhearregepserfweheitelhy F had been brought against him ; and he thought the Court would not consent to any alteration in this case, but would confirm the resolution which they came to when the subject was made the matter of consideration in the month of February last. He would, therefore, propose an amendment, which he thought would not be objectionable in itself, and which would not compromise the opinions of any one as to the guilt or innocence of the Raja of Sattara. The amendment he proposed was, " That the Court of Proprietors having had laid before it all the papers relating to the Raja of Sattara, adheres to the resolution of the 13th of February, 1840, ' That this Court deems it highly inexpedient, and accordingly declines to interfere with the responsible Executive in the affairs of Sattara.' " Sir J. L. LUSHINGTON seconded the amendment, be cause he thought but little utility attended the discus sions of great political questions in the Court of Proprie tors. He did not deny the competency of the Court to entertain those questions, but they had no power to alter a resolution of the Court of Directors after that resolu tion had been agreed to by the Board of Control. In the case of the Raja of Sattara, the Government of India, the Court of Directors, and the Board of Control, were agreed, and the Court of Proprietors would exceed the power which they possessed under the Act of Parliament if they attempted to interfere with the decision. The power of the Court of Proprietors to discuss those ques tions was a most valuable privilege, and he could con ceive a case in which the Directors might wish to appeal to the Court of Proprietors for their assistance. But if they made the Court of Proprietors an engine for inter fering with the Government of India, he feared that they might be deprived of the privileges which they pos sessed. Before proceeding further he would briefly advert to the circumstances under which the Raja of Sat tara became possessed of his territory. That territory was part of the dominions of the Peishwa. The Raja of Sattara at that time had never possessed any territory, but was put in possession of it by the British Government who had come into possessson of it in the course of their war with the Peishwas—one of the most just wars that ever was undertaken. The Raja of Sattara was a State prisoner of the Peishwas ; he had no claim whatever on the British Government ; and they would have been considered as acting with the greatest liberality towards him if they had settled on him a pension, or given him a Jagheerdar. But as had been truly described, we had raised him from the prison to the throne. Acting i under the advice of Mr. Elphin stone, we had entered into a treaty with him, the condi tions of which, if broken, entailed the forfeiture of the territory, which, by the advice of Mr. Elphinstone, had been conferred upon him. For a while his conduct had been such that he had been relieved from the strict superintendence which had been at first imposed upon him. After a while, however, a spirit of inordinate am bition began to manifest itself, accompanied by a desire to violate the restrictions imposed upon him ; and his conduct was such as to excite the suspicions of the seve ral residents, who had been his best friends. Colonel Briggs, as early as the Ist of June, 1837, represented the Raja as extremely tenacious of his prerogatives, —as resisting all control—as being flattered into a belief of his own powers, and stated that it would be for his future happiness if circumstances were .to occur to induce the British Government to give him timely warning. Colonel Robertson had succeeded Colo nel Briggs while the Goa intrigue was going on, and he had given the Raja repeated warnings. He had been succeeded by Colonel Lodwick, who was also disposed to act in a friendly :manner towards the Raja, and it was deeply to be lamented that the Raja had not attended to the advice of his best friends, but had pursued a course of conduct by which the fears and apprehensions ex pressed on his account had been fulfilled. A great deal had baen said respecting the question of the Jagheerdars. It had been said that the English had broken the treaty made with the Raja on that subject, but that was going too far.—(Hear, hear.) How could persons be accused of breaking a treaty, when the question was sub judice ? The question relating to the Jagheerdars was one of extreme difficulty. It was not Sir Robert Grant alone who had opposed the Raja's claims : Lord Clare had also opposed those claims, as was proved by his] Minute, dated Oct. 4, 1832, page 38 of the further papers. I have endeavoured to shape it so that it may nicct his views, as well as those of the other members of the Council. (Signed) " AUCKLAND. " 20th May, 1837." _ _. _ He thought that minute would prove to the Court that at that period the Governor-General took a decided view, of the case. He had listened with great satisfaction to the eulogiums which the Hon. Proprietor had passed on the Governor-General—(Hear, hear)—but he could not agree to neutralize those eulogiums by agreeing to what the Hon. Proprietor had afterwards said of Lord Auckland, that he had been pressed and worried by the Bombay Government into their view of the subject. Lord Auck land was too much of a statesman to be pressed 'and worried into a view of a subject contrary to his convic tions. He had looked at the case in all its bearing's, had read all the papers with attention, and could not arrive at any other conclusion but that the Raja was guilty. He stated that conclusion in his minute of 23d Dec., 1838, as far as regarded the Raja's attempts to corrupt the fidelity of two native officers, and that the opinion of Lord Auckland coincided with that of Sir Robert Grant, also appeared from the minute of Mr. Farish, dated 13th Oct., 1838, which would be found at p. 272, and the three paragraphs of which he would read to the Court. " 1. I have perused with the most unfeigned satisfac tion the minute of the Right Honourable the Governor- General of India, dated the 23d ultimo, recording his opinions on the case of the Raja of Sattara, which are, in fact, exactly similar to those which the Government had previously recorded. " 2. I need not explain, that my satisfaction does not arise from the fact that his Lordship has pronounced the Raja guilty of the three principal charges preferred against him : it arises from the circumstance, that all the obloquy and reproach which has been cast on this Go vernment, and more especially on our late respected and lamented head, by the Raja and his supporters, are re moved. We have now the satisfaction of learning, that there is no disagreement between his Lordship and our selves respecting the Raja's guilt ; and in this uniformity of opinion rests the complete justification of the measures adopted by this Government, in the painful, difficult, and resposible position in which it has been placed. "3. With reference to the 10th paragraph of the Go vernor-General's minute, I cannot refrain from observing that I am not aware that this Government has ever stated an opinion, ' that magnanimity in pardoning an offence of a weak ally is not, in different cases which may be readily contemplated, to be at all viewed as a suitable and expedient policy ;' on the contrary, I am quite prepared to admit, that cases of this kind have happened, and may again do so, where the p ar ti es ma y evince repentance, and are likely duly to appreciate the clemency extended to them. All the remarks which I have made bearing on this question (and I think I may say the same of those which proceeded from the late Governor and my colleague Mr. Anderson) had peculiar reference to the individual case of the Raja of Sattara., and I am glad to find that the Governor. General is of opinion that, in this case, " measures of leniency and conciliotion would be perfectly inapplicable.' " He would now advert to the conduct of Sir James Car nac, and he had little fear but that he should be able entirely to repel all those aspersions and insinuations which had on more than one occasion been cast upon him as regarded his conduct in this affair. It had been said that Sir James Carnac had evinced a want of firm ness in his conduct, that he had exhibited weakness and indecision, had become infected with the atmosphere of Bombay—(Hear, hear)—that he was worried out of his opinion. Such was not the case, as was proved by Sir James Carnac's own minute, p. 296 of the Sattara Papers—paragraphs from 7 to 11 of which, both inclu sive, he would quote in support of his assertion : " 7. On the 24th June an extract from the proceedings of Government was forwarded for the consideration and instructions of the Governor-Gem ral of India ; and, under the same date, the Resident at Sattara was re quested to afford certain informationwhich would be re quired in the event of his Lordship seeing fit to autho rise the line of policy which I had proposed. " 8. At this stage of our proceedings (namely, on the 21st June,) we received Mr. Secretary Maddock's letter, dated 30th May last, transmitting for our information copies of the Minutes of the Government of India, in which all unanimously concur in opinion, after a careful and attentive consideration of the whole case, that the Raja's guilt has been conclusively established, and that his offences are of that grave and serious character as to render his deposition, and the annexation of his domi nions to the British Indian empire, highly expedient and necessary, as an example to th e hole of India. " 9. Notwithstanding this important 'accession to the strength and weight of the opinions previously recorded in favour of this mode of disposing of the case, in my minute dated the 22d June last, I stated, that I still ad hered to the sentiments recorded in those of the 19th and 20th of that month ; and this was communicated to the Governor-General of India on the 29th following. " 10. When, therefore, I became an advocate for a lenient course being adopted towards the Raja, I was opposed to the opinions of the following high au thorities : " An attentive perusal of the treaty and of those pa pers satisfies me, that the Deputy Agent has taken a correct view of this case of jurisdiction ; whatever in strument passed between Captain Grant and the Punt, could only cover his possessions actually within the Sat tara Raja's territory, that officer being confined in all his acts to the kingdom given to the Raja ; and the acquies cence of the British authorities in the Deccan would have been necessary to have given the Raja jurisdiction over districts situated beyond the limits of his territory. (Signed) " CLARE." Now the Deputy Agent, Mr. John Wall, had given it as his opinion that the Raja's claims were inadmissible. The seventh article of the treaty was expressed in the following terms, further papers, p. 2 : " The possessions of the Jagheerdars within his High ness's territory are to be under the guarantee of the British Government ; which, on the other hand, enga ges to secure their performing the service which they owe to his Highness according to established custom." He would wish to draw the particular attention of the Court to the manner in which the word "within" was made use of in the seventh article, which he had just read. He would also refer to the following passage in the Mi nute of Sir Robert Grant, page 79 of the papers relating to this subject : , "12. In fact, however, the question at issue has al ready been decided against the Raja, not only by L , ., L d Clare's Government, but likewise by the Govertrrient of India and by the Home Authorities. I refer the case of Sheikh Meeran Waeekur, reported on, in a dispatch of Lord Clare's Government, to the Court of Directors, dated the 17th June, 1835. In their reply recently re ceived, dated the Bth June, 1 8 3r 4, the Court confirm the views of the Bombay Government." Now, he would beg the:in to look to the word "within." If it had been intendcit that the jurisdiction of the Raja should extend to the Jagheerdars out of his territory, the treaty would have been differently worded.—(Hear, hear.) The words used in that case would probably have been " within and without," or words to that effect. But there could be no question but what the subject was one of doubt and difficulty, and it was to be regretted that the treaty had not been more explicitly worded. He would now consider the charges which had been made against the Raja; and first, as to the attempt which had been made to corrupt the fidelity of the native troops, and on that point he would refer to the original com munication of Colonel Lodwick to the Governor of Bom bay; and the Government of Bombay, in remarking upon that charge, said that th e y h a d no d ou bt that theinter view between the Raja and the native officers actually took place, and that, although the Raja's intentions ap peared inexplicable, yet there could be no doubt that the intention of the interview was, as had been originally reported, treasonable towards the Power by whom he had been so long protected. A Special Com mission had been appointed to investigate the charges, and all the members of it had come to the conclusion that the Raja was guilty. He said all the members, for all had signed the Report, al though one of the members of the Commission had sub sequently protested against it.—(Hear, hear.) Shortly afterwards other acts of a treasonable nature on the part of the Raja had come to the knowledge of the Bombay Government--he meant the Raja's intrigues with the Goa authorities, and with the ex-Raja of Nagpore—and on those points he would refer the Court to the minutes of the sth of May, of the 24th of May, and of the 31st May, which were among the Sattara papers, and which he supposed every one present had read, and which were conclusive as to the guilt of the Raja of Sattara. He was aware that Mr. Shakespear had expressed an opinion of doubt as to the Raja's guilt, but that opinion was only a qualified one; and that gentleman had said, that if further evidence should be produced, he might be in duced to alter his opinion. Unfortunately Mr. Shake spear had died before, this additional evidence could be produced. It, however, subsequently to the lamented death of that gr,ntleman, came to light, and the following were the observations made by Mr. Robertson on the subject, i s his minute of 9th April 1839, page 343 of the parers " First. By the entire Government of the late Sir Ro bert Grant, whose sentiments were adhered to by the Government of my immediate predecessor, my present respected colleague, lir. Farish. Secondly, kr' the Right Hon. the Governor-Gene ral of India. And this is the more important, because, in the 16 ;st instance, his Lordship was disposed to view the - .Liaja of Sattara's conduct as I did, as beneath serious notice, but was ultimately constrained to change this view, by the irresistible weight of the evidence adduced against him. _ _ " Thirdly, By all the members composing the Goyern ment of India. "11. These high authorities agreed in opinion, that the charges were undeniably proved ; and, although some variations are observable in their sentiments in regard to the precise mode in which the case should be finally dis posed of', all concurred in thinking that the Raja's trans gressions were too heinous to admit of their being over looked and forgiven. I particularly notice these facts ; for, although I do not apprehend that any one will doubt my sincerity, they are of themselves an ample guarantee that I must have earnestly and conscientiously endea voured to succeed in my exertions on the Raja's behalf, and that his failure and consequent downfal is solely to be attributed to his own infatuation and perverse obsti nacy, and to the pernicious counsels of interested and de signing men." It was, indeed, an infatuation scarcely intelligible, and was a memorable illustration of the addage—"Quam Deus vult perdere, prius dementat." Sir James Carnac had done everything in his power to leave the door open for the Raja to make concessions, but all his friendly endeavours were in vain. —(Hear, hear.) Now, he asked would any one deny that the Raja was in con stant communication with the native Indian officers in the service of the Company, for purposes which could not, after what had transpired, be easily misunderstood ? Was it possible for any one to deny that he had also been in correspondence with the Governor of Goa ? (Hear, hear, and cries of" Oh.") He would not say that the conduct of the Raja was altogether proved to be treasonable—(Hear, hear)—but if it had been such, the leniency which he had experienced could not have been extended towards him. But it was quite clear that the treaty had been violated, and that no other course was left to Sir James Carnac than that which he had taken. The Lieutenant-Governor had shown many years be fore, and constantly, up to that time, that he was most favourably inclined towards the Raja.—(Hear.) But what says Sir James Carnac, on the 4th of February, 1839 ? In page 313 of the printed papers, paragraph 37, would be found these extracts, from the minutes " In regard to the second cause of failure in effecting the object of my visit to Sattara, we are not left to con jecture. I annex to this minute two letters received from Colonel Ovens, dated as per margin, forwarding some intercepted correspondence of the Raja's agents, a short time previously to my arrival at Sattara, and during the very period of my endeavours to induce the Raja to accept an amnesty on the lenient terms proposed. " It is almost incredible the number of agents em ployed by the Raja. He had sent two separate missions to England, on whose influence and exertions he confi dently depends to obtain a reversal of whatever proceed ings are adopted against him by the authorities in India. From the day of my arrival in this country, I have been continually beset by his agents in Bombay and at Poona, and their efforts have been unceasing, to induce me to consent to direct communications with them indepen dently of the local authority. I, of course, defeated this object, and have purposely abstained from resorting to native agency of any kind.' It seemed, in fact, that the money which was supplied for these purposes was about 3 lacs 300,000 rupees, or nearly 40,000/. sterling.—(Hear, hear.) A confir mation of this calculation would be found at page 301, paragraph 13, of the Sattara papers. He (Sir. J. L. L.) would not trespass much further on the indulgence of of the meeting ; but he would conclude with a refer ence to the opinions of a man whose loss every, person, not only who knew Mr. Edmonstone, but every person in any way connected with India must deplore—(Hear, hear)—a man in whose heart the milk of human kind ness overflowed—(Hear, hear)—a man who was inti mate with all that relates to India—to the native Princes or to our Government—who had always been the stre nuous and able supporter of our allies and dependents. —(Hear, hear.) Would not the opinion of that man be of some weight ?—(Hear, hear.) He felt that every Hon. Gentleman in that Court, and every man who had the honour of Mr. Edmonstone's acquaintance, would answer " Yes."—(Hear, hear.) He would not trouble the Court with the whole of that gentleman's commu nication respecting the Raja of Sattara ; but he would only read this concluding paragraph, from page 378, of the papers in the hands. of Hon. Proprietors : " Finally, I must maintain, that in political questions involving the rights, interests, and conduct of its allies and dependents, the ruling power is the sole and pro per judge, and that, in the case now under considera tion, the British Government was not required to put the Raja on his trial, and to be governed by the issue of it, but was strictly justified in deciding, on the ground of recorded and undisputed facts, that by his conduct he had inc urre d t h e f or f e i ture o f hi s dominion, and that it was placed under th e a b so l u t e necess ity o f carr yi ng th a t decision into effect, on his refusing to accede to the terms of a new treaty, which, although it necessarily involved either a direct or inferential acknowledgment of his mis conduct, yet only required him, in future, to abide by the principles of his original agreement, the conditions of which he had failed to observe." It had been said that Sir J. Carnac had not attended to the recommendations of the Governor-General to offer milder terms to the Raja than were contained in the first paper proposed to the Prince, and which was said to require of him a confession of his own guilt, but there was in fact nothing in the paper which implied a, confession of guilt. There was indeed in the preamble t a h n e allusionsceend paper, or 3 madetobre fh ac a h r e a s t t o a f m fa e it m h e o rand on his uiti (p. ) part, but in the I p n r f e e a r m m b a l t e i rann having a t v h i g s been received by the British Government; that your Highness, misled by evil advi, sers, had, in breach of the treaty which placed you.on the throne, entered into communications hostile to the British Goveriunent, an inquiry into these accusations • Aus case being still undecided, there can, I conceive, be no impropriety in my tubmitting an opinion on the merits of the evidence which I therein find recorded. " My high respect for the judicial talents of the late Mr. Shakespear has induced me to read with great at tention his minute of the 11th May, 1837, in which several ingenious arguments are advanced against the credibility of th e ev id ence , t o w h at t h en const i tuted the sole charge against the Raja of Sattar a . " Mu c h that then appeared quite inexplicable has since been cleared up ; and it may be doubted whether,' with the light acquired by subsequent investigation s , M r . Shakespear would not have given have i persisted in the opinion which he has l e f t onr e " What strikes record as remarkable is, that he should more weight to the hi g h c h arac t er an d high statio n o f Baja even the two principal witnesses, and to the fact, th a t himself does not attempt to assign any plausible up a story, t o be motive for their combining to get liked by nati ves of confirmed in th e manner ever mos t dis liked own examinataions pretensions to rank, namely, by of an alleged any attemp t on their on oath. Had the Baja even presents or favours part to obtain from him pected them of acting in petted on e m i g ht h ave sus but, as the case stands, I really usion with the Brahmin ; can whatever for not giving full reliance perceive no grounds " 9th April, 1839. (Signed) „T. to their te s t imon y. That was the opinion of Mr. Roberts on , e.ROBERTSON." and w i t h ou t meaning any disparagement to Mr. Shakespear, think that the authority of Mr. Robertson he must n was entitled great attention. — (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Proprietor, Mr. Salomons, had the other day said the Governor-Ge neral had at first been disposed to coincide in the opinion eof Mr. Shakespear, and he had read the papers with great grea attentiOn, but he had omitted to direct the attentio n of the Court to the minute of the Governor-General of the 20th May, 1837,p. 333, or the minute of Mr. Shakespear: " Mr. Shakespear's examination of the evidence taken before the Commissioners at Sattara has not altered my opinion, or convinced me that any doubt should beenter tamed of the guilt of the Raja; at least, to the extent stated in my former minute. He has indeed, pointed out certain contradictions in the evidence taken; and I might perhaps wish, with him, that in some instances cross examination had been carried further, and that the in vestigation had been more complete; but I am afraid that we shallin vain have to seek, in any complicated inquiry, a total absence of contradiction in a long chain of na tive evidence, and I should always with extreme unwil lingness adopt a conclusion drawn from the perusal of a written report, in rejection of one to which an honest and well-constituted tribunal has been led upon a viva voce examination of witnesses. In the present instance, the Commissioners consisted of officers of high character and experience, the inquiry was patiently, laboriously, and dispassionately conducted, and the verdict has been confidently given. But a clue to a new circumstance as bearing upon this case has been found, and it is desirable that the inquiry be resumed, in the hope that light may be thrown upon whatever is yet obs cure in regard to' it. To this extent I agree with Mr. Shakespear; and in re vising the draft of a letter to the Government of Bombay, THE SUN, LONDON, THITRSDAY, JULY 15, i 441 rl446lPiclered indispensable. This inquiry has satis fied tlie Dritish Government, that your Highness hasek poseifyoutself to the sacrifice of its alliance and protec tion. Nevertheless, moved by considerations of cle mency towards tour Highness and your family, the British GOvernment has resolved entirely to -overlook what has passed, on the following conditions,. namely " First, that your , Highness now binds yourself; strictly and in good faith, to act up literally to all the articles of the treaty of the 25th September, 1819:! Thus the object of the proposition was merely the re newal of the treaty, and on the Raja's refusal it was impossible not to see that he was an evil and designing man. ~He (Sir J. L. L.) was Deputy Chairman at the time, and he could say, that the wish on all hands was to -do . everything consistent with the dignity. of the CroWn, and . the security of the Indian Empire, to re store the Raja to power ; but his own perverse con duct, and obliquity of intellect, rendered it impos sible. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by seconding the amendment. Mr. HUME begged to ask the Hon. Gentleman whe ther any communication had been made to the Secret Department ? The CHAIRMAN said he had himself received a commu nication, but it was personally and confidentially made. Mr. HUME had been anxious to receive a satisfactory answer, for he felt a great interest in the government of Sir James Carnac, as he thought there never was a man sent to India better qualified for the office of a Governor than that gallant officer—(Hear, hear)—and he had no doubt such was the general opinion of the public. —(Hear, hear.) He had entertained the same opinion of Lord Auckland; and although there were differences of opinion respecting some parts of the Noble Lord's administration, yet upon the whole he (Mr. Hume) thought that Lord Auckland's measures were generally right. And besides the confidence in Lord Auckland and Sir J. Carnac, he felt great unwillingness to bring great questions of political importance into the Court. In fact, he paid very little attention to the subject, until the printed papers were put into his hands. He thought that in reading those papers he should find rea sons and grounds to Justify the strong measures which had been taken ; but, in fact, there was nothing what ever in the whole of the book to warrant the course that had been pursued. He had since reason to believe that new matter bad come to light, which was not known when the Government formed its decision.—(Hear, hear.) He therefore thought that the Directons and the Board of Control ought to re-consider the subject.—(Hear.) He agreed with the Hon. Chairman, that, as a general rule, political questions ought not to be discussed in that Court, because the Correspondence relating to them was generally voluminous, and no man who did not devote his whole time to their consideration, could make him self master of the subject. The CHAnateN explained what he had said to be, that the interference of the Court was useless in the pre sent case, as that act of the India Government had been approved of by the Directors, and was ratified by the Board of Control. Mr. HUME said that the Proprietors had however the right to meet and express their opinions, and endeavour, if they saw fit, to induce the Court of Directors and the Board of Control to reconsider their decision.—(Hear, hear.) It was not his intention to enter into the details of the question, but be must say that neither the Chair man nor the Deputy Chairman had taken notice of the facts so ably stated by Mr. Lewis, and many of which were new.—(Hear, hear.) It was not sufficient to tell the Court that the charges against the Raja were proved. — (Hear, hear.) They wanted to see the proofs. Looking to the three charges against the Raja, he thought that two of them were disposed of.—(Hear, hear.) The correspondence with native officers in our service amounted to nothing, and no man who had ever lived in. India could think of making it a serious charge against one chief that he had sent presents to another.—(Hear.) In fact, this occasional sending of gifts was the esta blished mode of maintaining friendships between native chieftains—(Hear, hear)—and it was absurd to construe the present of some shoes from the Raja of Sattara to the Raja of Nagpore into a conspiracy against the Bri tish Government.—(" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) As to the alleged treasonable correspondence with the Portu guese Government at Goa, he (Mr. Hume) could never believe that, even if it had existed, which was very far from being proved, Sir James Carnac or Lord Auckland could apprehend any danger from it to the British sove reignty in India.—(" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman then read a Report of the Court of Directors, dated 1835, and signed "W. S. Clerk, Chairman," and "J. R. Carnac, Deputy Chairman." highly extolling the conduct and ability of the Raja, and giving a glowing picture of the prosperity of his domi nions under his rule. He (Mr. Hume) was surprised that the Hon. Deputy should go back to 1831 and even to 1827, for proofs that the report of 1835 was not justi fied by the previous conduct of the Raja in those remote years, however well he might deserve the praise bestowed upon him in 1835.—(Hear, hear.) The three grounds of the Raja's deposition were, the interference with native officers—the correspondence with the Raja of Nagpore, and treasonable communications with the Governor of Goa. On this last charge he must say that he did not think Sir James Carnac understood the tendency of his own letters. It should be remembered how high was the feeling of honour amongst the Hindoos. He himself knew Sepoys with whom he had had the honour to serve, and who were more sensitive on points of honour than many Europeans of a higher class.—(Hear, hear.) The question now was whether the deposition of the Raja was consistent with the honour of our Government and the principles of justice. And here he must observe that it was generally supposed that we held our power in India at the point of the bayonet. But he denied that.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the confidence of the native chiefs in' the good faith and honour of the British Government, was up to this hour, and would ever continue to be, the great support of our power and pre dominance.—(Hear, hear.) It was therefore of the highest importance that we should always do justice, or that if injustice had been done by mistake, we should not hesitate to repair the error.—(Hear, hear.) In this case, he (Mr. IL) did not look to the opinions of Mr. Shakespear or Mr. Tucker—he looked only to the facts of the case ; and he could not but observe that Lord Auckland seemed to think all along that there were sufficient reasons why the Raja should not be con demned without a trial.—(Hear.) But where had there been a trial ?—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the treasonable correspondence with Goa, which Sir James Carnac said was fully proved, he (Mr. H.) could find not a single fact in all the papers that had been published.—(Hear, hear.) The Rajah had demanded inquiry into the accusations made against him.—(Hear.) He had demanded to be confronted with his accusers. —(Hear.) That just demand was refused.—(Hear.) Would any man in that Court be satisfied with such a refusal, if the case were his own ?—(Cries of (" Hear, hear.") Would the twenty-four Gentlemen within the bar (the Directors) think themselves well treated in a similar case ?—(Hear, hear.) Could they, therefore, say that in refusing a trial to this Prince, and condemning him unheard, they had " done unto others as they should wish that others did to them ?" (Cheers.) Could they lay their heads on their pillows that night, and say that in opposing the motion of Mr. Lewis they had done their duty to their fellow-man ? Hear, hear.) He was aware how difficult it was for public bodies to retrace their steps, But nothing could be more important to the interests of India than that we should show ourselves determined to maintain go od faith and justice, and that, whenever any act of misgovern- I ment might be committed through mistake, arising from the distance of that territory fro:n the seat of Govern ment at home, we were willing to repair the mischief.-- (Hear, hear.) In page 299 of the Sattara papers, Sir J. Carnac expressed his conviction that the Raja felt at the moment conscious of his guih. From the statements of the Gallant Officer himself, he (Mr. H.) arrived at a different conclusion.—(Hear, hear.) Sir J. Carnac wrote— " I had stated, that some of Appa Sahib's original letters had fallen into the hands of the British Govern ment, and inquired whether he could deny the fact of those letters having been sent to him. He did not deny, as would have been natural on the supposition of inno cence, but evaded a direct answer, by observing that the circumstance of receiving letters did not constitute guilt on the part of him who received them. A letter from a person does not establish guilt against the party to whom it is addressed. Where are my answers ? There is Mr. Anderson - he may receive a letter ; but. this would be no proof that :lie answered it, or that he committed any fault in receiving it.' He (Mr. Hume) thought the answer of the Raja was evi- . dente rather of his innocence.—(Hear, hear.) He stood upon his integrity, and in his (Mr. Hume's) opinion, he did perfectly right.—(Cheers.) As to the charge re specting the Goa correspondence, was there one letter, or a scrap of a letter, which could be construed into a charge of treason?--(Hear, hear.) When he first heard of the charge, he laughed at the idea of the Raja of Sat tara intriguing with the Governor of Goa, to overthrow the British Government in India—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—when the Portuguese could not raise 1,000 men even in Europe, without the assistance of Great Britain.—(Hear, hear.) If, indeed, he had been in triguing with Russia, there might have been something in it.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hume) believed the whole accusation to have grown out of the treachery of one individual, who more than any other ought to have taken an opposite course, although he was now placed upon the throne.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hume) had been surprised to hear the Chairman say that it was the unanimous opinion of all parties to the inquiry that the Raja was guilty, whereas it was the fact, that in the parlour of the Directors there were only fourteen in favour of that opinion —(Cheers)—and one of the Government Commissioners strongly recommended a reconsideration of their opinion. —(Cheers.) Now, if it had been chaiged against any officer of a Foreign Go vernment, that whilst his nation was our ally, he can nived at, and entered into the treasonable intrigues of one of our subjects, and promoted hostile designs against our Government, would not an explanation be demanded, certainly not from himself, but from the nation which he represented?—(Hear, hear.) Now, in the case of Don Manuel de Portugal e Cassro, the Governor of Goa, this had not been done.—(Hear, hear.) But when his (Mr. H.'s) attention was drawn to the subject, he was unwilling tq take any decided steps respecting it until he had secured n all possible information. For thi s p ur p ose he sent a special messenger to Lisbon with a letter to Don Mauoel, directing his attention to the circumstance, and requesting an e x pl ana ti on o f th e c h arge , as f ar as that nebleman was concerned. The answer of Don Ma noel inclosed his solemn declaration, certified by a public notary; ,that he never had any correspondence on politi cal affaiis' with the. Raja of Sattara, and that any writilig pnryOrting to be part of any such correspondence in hi i ruin . Nyft. a fabrication.—(Cheers.) For his own part, he H.) . had come to the conclusion, upon a careful examination of, all the documents, that every principle of justice,, good policy, and good faith required the re consideration of the decision that had been come to. . Mr.. X..'ppipEß, from all the attention he had given to the question,.was convinced of the truth of certain pro- . positions, which, on account of the lateness Of the hour, he would layt)efore to meeting us precisely as possible. . „ THE The first was, that a course of injuStice,had been per sued ,for many years towards the native Princes : of / India, of which' the present. case ,was ,only a continuation. There had been .a constant invasion of the original ter ritory assigned to the Raja of Sattara, in 1819, and no question against the Prince himself was raised until 1824.=-- , (Hear, hear.) His second proposition was, that Sir James Carnac pursued the same policy as previous , Grovernors, and carried that injustice so far as to require the Raja to sign an acknowledgment of his own guilt, and condemned the Raja without a trial on his refusal to make, that acknowledgment. His . third proposition was, that all the accusations against the Raja were frivolous, and founded only in the base inventions of his enemies, who had succeeded in giving the Raja a bad name in the Courts of the British Governors, knowing very well the truth, " give a dog a bad name and you are sure to hang him"— (Laughter)—or perhaps the way the French say it might be the truer expression, Quand on veut tuer un chien, on dit qu'il a rage.—(Hear, hear, and great laugh ter.) The French proverb seemed to; be applicable to those who condemned the Raja upon evidence which was confessedly perjured, and to which the accused was not permitted to reply.—(Hear, hear.) They had put into his place a man who was a notorious drunkard, and in every respect a most base man.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that all the Governors and all persons con nected with the Indian Government were unanimous in condemnation of the Raja. But, on the contrary, the Proprietors had received in the Court on the last discussion, the strongest testimony that the Raja was an honourable and well intentioned Prince, and that he was foully maligned, from two gallant and distinguished officers, members of the Court, who had every opportunity of observing his conduct and examin ing the merits of the whole case. The Hon. Proprietor -concluded by expressing his concurrence in the original motion. Mr. FIELDEN, who was imperfectly heard throughout a very long speech (in the course of which the Court. from being crowded to inconvenience, became exceed ingly thinned) supported the amendment, and defended the conduct of the Government and Directors. He read numerous and lengthened extracts from the Sattara papers, to show that the Raja was guilty of the crimes laid to his charge, and had been justly deposed. It being then a quarter past six o'clock, the Chairman adjourned the meeting to twelve to-morrow (this day). Just ready, in 3 vols. post Bvo., T HE OLD k; A R L and his YOUNG WIFE. A STORY OF THE DAY. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA having AUTHORISED and GUA RANTEED several DISTRIBUTIONS of MONEY DIVIDENDS, which (though they are NO . LOTTERIES) offer many possibilities of obtaining LARGE FORTUNES, HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH and at LUBECK, Are now SELLING BONDS for the - said DI ST RIBU TIONS. Persons desirous to purchase for the Neat Distributions may re?eive, PREVIOUS to giving any orders, the PROS PECTUS and PAR FICULARS, upon addressing, WITH OUT DELAY, a line to HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH, or to HEINE BROTHERS, at LUBECK. The NEXT DISTRIBUTION contains DIVIDENDS of £25,000 £6OO £l2O £BO 5,000 400 110 70 1,500 200 100 60 1,000 150 90 50 800 100 The largest Dividend of the Distribution of Ist March last, TWENTY-FIVE THOUSAND POUNDS, was remitted to London and vicinity by HEINE BROTHERS, who remitted, during a few years, 21 large Money Dividends, from 6001. and upwards unto 25,0001., besides many Dividends of smaller amounts to England, Ireland, and Scotland. ROYAL SURREY THEATRE. UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF MR. DAVIDGE AND MR. WILLIS JONES. Grand Musical Treat.—Locke's magnificent Musie to Mac beth will be sang by Miss Romer, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Leffler, who will appear on the same evening in two pieces, a combination of attraction that can only be given a, this Theatre. Nightly overflows. Mr. Graham has been emi nently successful. THIS EVENING, JULY 15, Will be performed Shakspear's Tragedy of MACBETH. Macbeth, Mr. Graham ; _ Hecate, Mr. Leffler ; Singing Witches, Miss Ronv.r, Mrs. Serle, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Stoker, Mr. Roberts, and a powerful Chorus, conducted by Mr. G. Stansbury. After which, Auber's Grand Opera of HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY. riling 11 minutes attar 10. Evening 1 minutes after 10. 401,4 ,•. $ nu) 7, 4 • trf'477; ' ), • .. ,rllO O 'ur ono FRA DIAVOLO. Zerlina, Miss Romer ; Lady Allcash, Mrs. Serie ; Lord All cash, Mr. Roberts ; Lorenzo, Mr. Stoker ; Beppo, Mr. G. Stansbury: Giacomo, Mr. Leffler; and Fra Diavolo, Mr. Wilson. To conclude with, EVERYBODY'S RELATION. Supported by the comic strength of the Company. ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE. UNDER THE DIRECTION OF MR. OSBALDISTON. ant splendid continuation of success in the unparalleled combination and attraction of " Susan Hopley !" " Mac beth !" and " Othello !" supported by Mr. Osbaldiston, Mr. E. F. Saville, Mrs. W. West, and Miss Vincent! THIS EVENING, JULY 15, The splendidly successful Domestic Drama, in Three Acts, of SUSAN HOPLEY ! OR, THE TRIALS AND VICISSI- TUDES OF A SERVANT GIRL ! William Dean, Mr. E. F. Saville ; and Susan Hopley by Miss Vincent, the accepted Heroine of Domestic Drama. After which Shakspere'* Tragedy of AIACBETH. Macbeth, Mr. Osbaldiston ; Macduff, Mr. E. F. Saville ; Banquo, Mr. Dale , Lady Macbeth, Mrs. W. West ; First Singing Witch, Misa Vincent. To conclude with, the new Barletta. entjtled THE PALACE OF GENEVA. Old John, Mr. Gardner ; Selina, the Countess of Barotti, Mrs. Howard. Boxes, 2s.—Pit, Is.—Gallery', 6d. Half-price to the Boxes aniy, at Half-past Eight. RAILWAY SUN IS NOW PUBLISHING, PRICE ONLY SIXPENCE. eb"Je LONDON: THURSDAY, JULY 15, 1841. The present plan of registering voters is a scheme of the authors of the Reform Act. It is intended to facilitate the exercise of the right of voting, and to keep that right exclusively in the hands of the electors constituted under the Act. The principal object, however, was to en force and secure the limitations of the franchise. It must be admitted that it has facilitated taking the poll. The Reform Act, by register ing the voters, has prevented disputes and im proper personation, riot, and turbulence. Nu merous as have been our riots at Nottingham, Carlisle, Dublin, Waterford, &c., there would have been more confusion and disturbance, had there been no registration of voters. So far the registration of voters has been useful, but its be neficial results might probably have been ob tained by a much simpler system of registration, could such a system have been connected with the varied franchises which the Reform Act left in existence. The other intention of the framers of the scheme has also been effectual. The limitations to the franchise, with the exception of creating fictitious qualifications, against which no system of registration can guard, have been enforced. Lawyers have been engaged to see them put into execution, and party warfare, under the guidance of paid agents, has been carried, by the advice of the great Conservative leader, into the Registration Courts. The Tories have fought their battles there with success. From this part of the scheme a consequence has ensued which neither its authors nor the public.anticipated. The political rights of the community have been placed at the mercy of jobbing attorneys. We see a long list ofLiberal voters registered at former and present elections, from which it results that the contest between principles of Government has been mainly decided by the skill of Tory agents in placing partisans on the register, and the neglect of Whig agents in performing the same duty. The people, it appears from this, cannot do it for themselves. The system is so cumbrous and complicated that they cannot secure by their own exertions the rights the Constitution intended to bestow, nor protect themselves against the craft of the wily attorneys of their political oppo nents. From this circumstance it is to be inferred that the present system of registration is erroneous, and it will become some of the Liberal Members to devise and bring forward a plan for improving the registration. Let them teach the Tories how to make good and useful laws. That the voters should be registered is indispensible to the easy and peaceable exercise of their rights; but they should be enabled to ensure their own registra tion without the assistance of a lawyer, or putting themselves to much inconvenience. It seems to us a misapprehension of the nature of the points to be ascertained to appoint lawyers of any de, scription to revise registers. Revising Barristers and Courts of Revision are a mistake. The rights to be settled are not complicated rights of pro perty, but mere occupancy, residence, and rate paying, which the overseer of a parish should be competent finally to decide, without the assist ance of professional men. We trust that some independent Member will six once turn his atten tion to the subject, with a view of simplifying and improving registration, which is a very useful part of the Reform Act. We learn from Manchester that a National Conference of Ministers of all religious denomi nations, on the subject of the laws restricting the food of the community, is to be held in Manchester, commencing Tuesday, August 17, 1841. This has been brought about principally by the instrumentality of Mr. GEO. THOMPSON, who has already made himself celebrated by his advoCacy of the cause of the slave in both he mispheres. He convened a meeting by a circu lar, of which the following is a passage : The aspect of public affairs, at this juncture, is fear fully ominous of collision and animosity between the different classes of the community, and seems to demand the prayerful interposition and co-operation of all who desire the peace of our population, and the prosperity of the empire. Our consultations have brought us to the unanimous conclusion, that the attention of the religious public should be immediately directed— To the effects of the monopoly in food ; To the principles upon which the law of that mono poly is based ; and To the most legitimate and Christian means of obtain ing an equitable settlement of the question, without civil convulsion, and without injury to the just interests of any class of our fellow-citizens. Twenty-eight ministers attended the meeting, who came to a unanimous resolution that a con ference was desirable, and that it should be held between the 15th and 22d of August. A Com mittee, appointed to carry the resolution into effect, have issued an address to the ministers of all religious denominations throughout the United Kingdom, of which this is a portion : We are surrounded by scenes of want and misery, over which our heart- have long mourned with the power of affording little, beyond the consolation of mere words. The conviction has been forced upon our minds, that the sufferings we deplore, and the calamities we would avert, may be traced, in a great degree, to the operation of the laws which produce a scarcity of the necessaries of life, by circumscribing the bounties of Divine Providence. We think we may be permitted to say that, to no body of men ought such momentous questions to be submitted with a better prospect of a calm, an enligh tened, and an honest solution, than to that body which we desire to convene—a body composed of men who. while deeply sympathizing in the wants and woes of the poor, profess to respect the just rights of all, and to be guided equally by the feelings of a disinterested bene volence and the dictates of an uncompromising morality. We cannot doubt that the decisions of such a body would exercise a benign and beneficial influence over the na tion at large. _ _ Unite INCith us in an effort for the common weal and general safety. For a while let us lay aside our sectarian and partizan differences, and, on the hallowed ground of Christian charity, assemble for the purpose of bettering the condition of famishing multitudes. As the friends of humanity, let us plead the cause of the poor. _ _ As the expounders and defenders of the principles of immutable justice, let us protest against laws, under whatever form, which deny to our necessitous fellow countrymen a share in the bounties which the Creator has provided for the wants of all his creatures. As the ministers of religion, let us remove, if it be pos sible, the causes which are engendering a frightful amount of immorality and impiety. As patriots, burning with a love of country, let us make an effort to put away the occasions of disaffection and animosity, and to restore peace and harmony to a now unhappily distracted people ; and may the blessing of God rest upon our meeting ! We rejoice very much to see this important, moral, political, and religious question taken up by these earnest and sincere men. Their appeal will, we trust, be responded to from every part of the kingdom, and congregations who take a deep interest in the question, and are fortunate enough to have a pastor who agrees with them in sentiment, should depute him to attend at Manchester on their behalf. Before the solemn, devout, and fervent convictions of such men, the shallow sophistries of a STANLEY, the hollow and disgusting plausibilities of a PEEL, and the common-place niaseries of the herd of vulgar publications, put forth to serve a temporary party purpose, or taken up without a moment's reflec tion, will vanish like the foul mists of the night before the rising sun. Even if the Confer ence should do nothing else, it will bring together, personally acquainted as the several pastors must be with the actual condition of the people, a greater body of testimony to their sufferings than could by any other means be collected. It will be sure also to give a religious sanction to the great struggle in which the people have embarked, and make the abolition of the Corn-law a religious question in every part of the empire. And why should it not be made a religious question ? Every duty of man is connected with religion, which is of no earthly value if it be not a guide to actions. The clergy of the Established Church take it upon themselves to preach up the duty of obedience to the law. Would they dare to tell men they ought to obey a law which enjoined parricide or infanticide ? They would not, because they know that doing so would expose them to universal scorn and horror. The preaching obedience to the law implies, therefore, an obligation to ascertain that the law is just, or the preachers may peril their own souls. Our Bishops in Parliament lie under a double obligation—the obligation which they share in common with the lay legislators to make laws exclusively for the public welfare, not for the enrichment of individuals, and the obli gation, which is exclusively their own, to take especial care that the law be just before they venture in the name of religion to enjoin men to obey it. To discuss the great question of the Corn laws on the grounds of humanity and justice, will get rid of these objections, founded on most imperfect information as to prices, fertility of soil, and cost of production at home and abroad, which are only introduced by the bread-taxers to perplex and harass their opponents, and stave off an unpleasant conclusion. Suppose there were all the difference of the cost of raising wheat between England and the Ukraine which some persons have represented, suppose that there are regions of boundless fertility, ready to pour their produce into our country, by what right does the Legislature withhold that pro duce. from the millions of people who want it, and who are willing to pay for it. Suppose that two, or even ten millions of acres were to he put out of cultivation by the abolition of the Corn-laws, what have all those sup positions to do with the plain and un deniable facts, that the Corn-laws were passed and arc now maintained to keep up rents, and that they annually doom a great number of our people to hunger and starvation ? What have all those fear-born fancies to do with the fact that the law is unjust, and such a law as no Legisla ture can with safety make, for it violates all the principles on which any Legislature asks fir, or can claim, the obedience of any people ? The Conference will make short work; we trust, with mei ely political and party objections, and . set the example of deciding questions of legislation by the great principles of right and wrong, not by the imagined expediencies of men as much interested and as selfish as ever lived. personages whose opinions they sent. This is the more necessary, as_it is Well knowo that the presence of M. PISCATORY, the French Aent' in Greece, has given the greatest uneasiness •to the arc -;ipposed to repre - Porte, which suspects him to be in some mysterious waY connected with the Parisian Philhellenic Society,,, no stranger to the projects of the Spakiote Chieftains. It was known in Paris on Monday that the new treatyd in for preserving the peace of the Ea st would be signe London by the representatives of the Great Powers, France includd, on uesday. The exiled e Bishop T Pof AMPELCINA and the ropes Nuncio, lately expelled from Spain, having been ordered out of Bayonne by the French aut horities, left thar: city for Pau on the 10th. h 'ottla v It was reported at Toulon th at the ~. renc w shortly evacuate their military hospital aromahon ~ _ The Friedland, ship of the line, sailed Cherbourg for Toulon on the 10th. the — tit T le h s e of Q; l o a t r i l d u ie i s n e n s e d states s e t h o a , t d E e s p c a a rt st e r r o o h p a i ss t tm j ,de abolished s e i a. Real, an d de Roda, and those of Counts de Casa-Ayala, Buis de Castilla, and de Fuente Roja. The 'Hague journal informs us th at Prince COtistintitlde of R uss i a en t ere d th a t city on the 7th instant, attended frIINy , th . Russian Admiral Lutke and the Imperial Ambassador, High: 11 ' de Maltit a. The King went out to m eet his Inaperial ness on the Leyden road, and entered the Princes carriage. According to a letter quoted by the Cons titutionnel, the young Grand Duke's visit to Holland has for its object the band of th! Princess Sophia, of Orange, which some journals have as. to have been solicited for the Prince de Joinville. , ' The N a tional published, some time averal'articles in favour of the Fortifications Bill. • M. Cabe„ foritteriY, a Deputy, published several pamphle ts maintaining In Telt: opinion, and combating the arguments , of the journals n ~ reply to one of these, published by the National on the 1 0 ° ! ult., M. Cabet conceived that his good fai th was called in %ne. t tion, and required the journal to insert a n answer din by ITT). The editor refused, first, on the• ground that the t he l _e a put2,'s article was no answer to that which appeared ° fiat V tional, and secondly, because M. Cabet had made die c ited !., attack. Upon a persistance in this refus al, M. Cahet Thomas, th e res ponsible editor, before the Correctional. , jr , banal. The ease was heard on Saturday, when, after a I ° 4 debate, the Tribunal imposed a fine of lOtlf. on the defend a f t :. ordered the judgment to be published in the Notiond, toget"ea with the reply of M. Cabet, with certain amendments he fa consented ti to, on condition that he paid fur so maiohtd . 'th e a ar : cle as exceeded twice the length of that to which it is - an t , _ saver. M. Thomas was also ordered to pay all the ts CO.' f the proceedings. M. Paul Delaroche has finished the tainting of the , sern „i i ; dome which forms the ceiling of the amphith ea tre ikir,.,. des Beaux Arts, and has just left Paris for Vichy • " c :i ° A lli n - a y . :_. t h e ~..c. ments forming the borders id . this large surface are now g 0 . 17; Thr -,s, representing_the,l::.ne, se composition includes eight groupes, - l 3. °low • cipal schools of painting—the Roman, Florentine, 'rti latter German, Dutch, Flemish, Spanish, and French. s' e __, a nd Y being in the middle. M. Delaroche has bee n three " ea eceive d a half in executing this undertaking, for whic h he ho r 80,000 fr. 8,,, of the Extensive paintings on the walls, entablature, '1 Church St. Louis d'Antin, are now executing Brezard and Abel de Pujol. Charn ber The sculptured pediment of the portico at the . ..,,g, the of Deputies, executed by M. Cortot, is now unee°e,'s'eowipo work being entirely terminated. In the middle oft me t r es, sition is a figure of France, the height of which is 5 ij wit h the or 18 feet 9 inches English, standing on a pedestal, and right hand resting on a copy of the Charter. F ez.° group °I tice guard her on either side ; on the left hand is a the a rmy. ' figures representing navigation, the nary, industrp ilat gr oup, peace, and eloquence ; and on the right is a sal arts, the consisting of commerce, agriculture, eloquence, Seine, and the Marne. , e , place Some improvements in the paving are now ta"A ero ains on the Place du Louvre, opposite the Church by 11e,srs. o f t. ‘. ‘-' un d oa r l'Auxerrois. A quantity . of human bones have been l e long ed t° the surface, and it is conjectured by some that they b!..4. persons massacred on the Eve of St. Bartholomew, Fa's- Seine, of A new trial was made a few days since, op the weig h M. Leclerc's boats, made of water-proof cloth. The_ raeo oa scarcely 40 kilogrammes, or 801bs. each, and with movesin men w ith bexotarradorddrianwarnyocemleorriteyt.hanA3courri3otsfe:ctenweater. Th e y One wa' of the boats, being purposely deprived of its w h i al tn i aes ,l' ea c w i rden as s expected, upset by the wind when above the Pont " „ l ying sel, upon which a man on the left bank of the river c, s e dge, another which was folded up, hastened to the water. e lean unfolded it, launched it into the stream, picked 11P this gooa who was in the overturned boat, who was of coll ighto ess, swimmer, took to the boat itself, which from could not sink, and brought them safe to shore. done in a few minutes. si Boa' at The total number of eggs hatched by the fenlir s e , he s hell the Garden of Plants, is eight, the first breaking 6 ' l " e l a id. During this period the mother lay coiled up taking place on the fifty-seventh day after they 5 0 e ; jeer on the•e t g b m o , from ing them at an equal temperature, and defending the Sot any attempt to touch or take them away. As e° °° ° t oe e° ll egg was broken the mother left them for the first , j obs" ate, which she had net done during the whole periods' . The tion, her meal being a rabbit and four pounds a bei tion ar young serpents all got through their shells, an °P er t other ; parently of some difficulty, within four days front eae rke t heir they were about twenty inches long, spotted exa ctly I n h i r ing Its All this arse mother, and endeavoured to exercise their tiny j aw 9 that thi' anything that lay in their reach. It is well Snow ° be en M class of serpents are ot venomous. The y have siuc a e _ wr n ie, of a thriving state, are very agile, and are b e autiful 5 their species. less th" The National states that, on Wednesday, n° t vree 1.400 killogrammes (2,8001b5.) of unwhole some °tat° the seized in Paris by the authorised inspectors , and ten Garden of Plants to teed the beasts. ro or'i v g The Gazette de France s t a tes that yes t e rdaY lo ra some boatmen drew out of the Seine the body ei s ie en i s l lady of great beauty, who had apparently ceased i t it t roan", a short time. She was dressed in black satin , a had chi' her neck a diamond necklace of considerable value ; supp osed has yet been obtained to her identification ; bu t it 15 she drowned herself from being crossed in love. `t Two malefactors were aested, the niht befor e la ,s' rested, aibnyt the police, as they had forced a man into a' corner Pe ar l , was Eustache, and were about to rob him. Upon one of tl , ' ec iby' found the following oath, written by one of them, and ,5i face of theni both with their own blood :—" I swear in t , I w ill the sun which enlightens me, and by my own life , th a i t h InY never betray the oath I am about to take and sign, with ..e t blood. I engage, that en the day of my liberation ' .. d ne ver out with Grivelet. I swear to love him as a brother, t i n to eV desert him in distress. I henceforth devote '9'l oa th, I friend Jean Baptiste Grivelet. If I ever betray h f ts i bec ome give him a right of life and death over me ; ands. ', „ o p me' perjured, may all the most horrible maledictions. %IA:. Done in double, and signed with nay blood and wi t . ~,, „ Gap E 1,, ,,,, ..,,a " JULES CASIMIR BEUFFLEN. • gne''' . An inhabitant of Villejuif, near Paris, havingticee the himself to be thrashed by his wife, a few d i a P treat ' in ° young men of the neighbourhood determineu to partlyby re.- with a charivari; but the Mayor interfered, and fnr e g Sig , rnonstrances, partly by threats, induced them te xt w orn intention, at least for that evening.. Earl/ the ,o ur ' however, the charivarists, being reinforce war d s o f 9.,' - i . rounding villages, renewed the project, and Kor a ! t b e 31s) ° persons assembled to carry it into execution. AgallA w ith re' interposed, but his advice and commands were ,'damn and t s ° sistance, and he was obliged to order a party of gea t Ti o , se' disperse the assemblage. Numbers prevailed Or a t)) , D 15 1 1,1% the armed force was put to flight. Fortunately, .., g et e! trate, at the commencement of the disturbance, haff t o f inth; Secretary to Paris to require the aid of a detect:in:lir:teeing ot tary, which soon arrived, and at once, by thY. is ed 0 1,1 their bayonets, struck terror into the rioters, and caused catifk* to scud away in all directions, but not before a few' w and sent to the Prefecture of Police. ore it, It is affirmed, and the Journal of Lyons seen" to j ibe l e ad sPd that Cabrera has obtained from the Ministry, entire 4 that he has resolved to fix his residence at Lyons.' I • , de France• ' t h e disrl, The Temps says—The Embassy to Vienna is et been o ee of Marshal Sault, but it is affirmed that his son ba s s o' ch_.. 9e come by the objections made to him, and that he 0 the fee' . Rome, that M. de Latour Maubourg will be rais ed t ea age, and alentdtelSrlf.rdoemilAlonnastebialloofrejmualyin2:t his post. , al pert l y , a ear _ s o Plitle. tions recommences. We hope when that, the art' s : .he fill' Marquis of Dalmatia, who, it is said, is appointen tO eeosing bassy at Rome, will put an end to these persecutions , .!',/ as the proceedings which are pending to be suspeac tel i l u o dene , P The journal Voce della Verita, published at 0. tiuo ther! ceased to appear. This journal in its concludinetaneousye; takes care to state, that this resolution has been ell c i lb isfitti' s t i , but it is reported that Lord Holland, the new Eng ' sou ired tP at the Court of Tuscany, Parma, and Modena has r - s ito ran ee e i suppression. The Duke, it is said, has yielded only af sw j oonla for the Voce della Verita warmly recommends 0... T Aeri a, lr,, which is to succeed it, by the name of Paper ot this of which the first number will appear on the 6th of thie ''' —Le Commerce. ogle A letter from Semlin dated the 29th of June ( 10 th e et burg Gazette of the Bth of July) says— ken plaee„,, "An insurrectionary movement has just te w hich 'S , Goluba, a little town in Servia. This movement,saddeo "eii speedily suppressed, becomes important, by e th e t re bite parture of the Princess Mother Lubizza, a d p i a: 1: 0 rot r e - r resembles a flight, and by the arrest of Gaia, un c ere ral ? s o Michael, and brother to Princess Lubizsa. ' persons of distinction have been arrested,' so doubt that this attempt had a degree of political iror' Le Commerce. . i my 1Z i set BOURSEL—PARis, Mo that . th_e .. r t3 e ae ls e, --• ND hest)`l,-,,wess ~,ice f drat Hig ....,. _ pr IP 60 p r ice Price. ~,9 1 .. , o s French 5 per Cents ll5 ... 115 05 ... !,..i 6 ) ... is„s 30 4% per cents lO4 60 ... 104 00 ••• "' IN 30 .. ,T 6 70 4 per Cents is 10 ... 99 30 ••• 7 6 10 ••' . 035 3 per Cents. ex. div 76 11) -. % 6 9° • '"sjss '510 5 'tank ot trance Lattitte Bank 5,0001. Shares 5110 ...511 0 ••• 76 5 •'' jo Botatan /Sank Belgian 5 per Cents. New Loan ll 2 ipartish Active...—. ..... Passive 5 .. 5 ,„ ". ,10 I° lO3 NcaTrolitan Roman „.. 102 ... 1m e• 0 RAILWAY SHARES. 0 ... 0 St. Getman, Versailles. L.B 192 50 ... 197 50 ••• : 0 5 ••• 4 6 , 1,,, 11.. 1.1 315 ... 3) 5 ". .460 "' ,it; 3 ,A l' lousn ~, ."' ,s 3 75 ••• 07 •,- (stied.. . StrAsburz to Bale 236 25 ... 13 3 75 *" - 3 c AUSTRIAN FUNDS.—ViaNt4a, Jay 1057 i live per Cc ta ts. Metalliques .............. . ....... .. ?1 , ' , 4 Foist per Centa........... .......... .......•••••• ........... .. !ti Three p..r Cents. ... ............................... ......"- ;6'.- . ... ...... .. Bank Shares .-Allgemcine Zeitung. July 8 that , f° il .....----.....e1...• la d d a r y id th P e a e p h e a rs tab o e f r the of D 6 6th /lost., (stiesi st . that l‘ sion of the Budget. It approved of the e."1" ,.e jos join first six months of 1841. and orerjected by a li tr b rsititiell. all the amendments having their o bject t it r e / foree r e of the salary of the REGENT. .A- nnsit3the Bales 10,000 men is to be shortly concentrated in . 0, Islands. • ve the , 'reisilufm°ren:d etillaisediatui're.cti.eolf Letters from Seville, of the 29th June , F l Flte ntcs ,; lowing details of a most destructive fire at' bro ke olO ro '.. Andalusia :—" On the 23d of June asidefire , o els 1 ) 0 ., the Calle de l'Entendiemento, and .san dthe e tti a gross in spite of the zeal of the authori e , _ en s ce . dons of the inhabitants that the devourinag_.oifino. setae,a.,i not be prevented from extending- to the Id.Jositilde'plor, tebtn San Francisco, which soon presented a n d r ed al° wo s spectacle. In less than four hours one fun , an d i cotil d houses became a prey to the flames, ,0..., not until night that the exertions of the l ire, wil i so :, , succeed in arresting the progress of theelihood of thou _.t.en_ei destroyed the hopes and means of liv The po . b 1 41 ' 0 c i tor i 0 be op ene be cc;' chief has ordered a subscription t doubt not w ill . _hab i. relief of the sufferers, which we . ho r ich in rendering them houseless and destitute. ponded to generously and promptly.eoJ '' 0 to 1.16 tants of the fertile province of Sevill •it, 26 1-3. cash. Bourse heavy, and Five per Cents. t We have received both the Paris Journals of Monday and news from that capital of Tuesday's date, brought by Extraordinary Express. The latest intelligence from Toulouse announces the restoration of tranquillity in that town without any more bloodshed. To quiet the people the new Prefect, M. MAHUL, had issued another procla: mation apprising them that they were in error in sup posing that the Government ordered returns of windows to be made for the purpose of increasing the taxes. The Moniteur of Tuesday publishes the promotion of ten French Admirals, among whom is Mt BAUDIN, pro moted to the Maritime Prefecture of Toulon. On the 6th instant the French squadron under Admi ral HuooN, was off Cape Sardier, on its way to the Gulf of Juan, where it was to perform evolutions. France is preparing for some new aspect in the affairs of the East. The Debuts continues to oppose the insurrections of the Christians in the East. The tone of these articles is not such as to satisfy us that this Journal is sincere in from C°ll' condemning the rising of the Christians in Crete. We nna , cos' merely see in its cautiously worded periods, the dread We have received , by way of Vie beat The $ 11142.1*4 which Cotta organs entertain of committing those high stantinoplo of the 24th ult. 1 MORN I Ntrer SU. X At A At A w P, In 1)( et of ( 1 El b }) 1 t a