The Sun. — London, England, 1841-04-14 00:00:00

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A public meeting of the inhabitants of Liverpool was held yesterday, at noon, in Clayton-square, to consider the propriety of petitioning the Legislature for a total e Peal of the C orn -l aw s. There was a considerable b ody of gentlemen b e l o nging to the Liberal party in town present, including Sir Joshua Walmsley (who a cted as ch a i rman ), M r . Thomas Thornely, M.P., Mr. Charl es Holland, Mr. R. V. Yates, Colonel Williams, bars W. Rathbone, Mr. J. Rosson, Mr. Alderman Shed, Mr. James Nlulleneux, &c. SL! J. WALMSLEY took the chair. He said this Public meeting of the inhabitants of Liverpool had been convened for the purpose of considering the propriety of _etittoning the Legislatnre for a total repeal of the He trusted that tbe time was not far dis tant when we might reasonably look for a more just and equal mode of taxation. The evidence which had been re cently adduced before a Committee of the House of Co mmons would, he thought, tend greatly to facilitate that desirable object. That evidence was of a most L !nportant c h arac t er ; a nd if not altogether conclu• i on the necessity of a thorough reform in our tariff, it had at least made out a strong case for deep and serious inquiry. For his own part he had been long satisfied that unless the restrictions and prohibitions which bore so hard on the middle and productive classes e i f the country were remove d, t h e y wou ld no t o n ly en danger the commerce and manufactures of the country, but the very safety of the empire. We must ever re member that monopoly and exclusion were mere apolo gies for robbing one portion of the community for the B uPPosed benefit of the other; and that no article was Worth protecting at home which, from climate or other ci rcumstances, could be imported cheaper from abroad. E ngland possessed great and overwhelming advantages over most other countries ; but neither the superiority of her coal and her mineral productions, nor the skill, capital, or enterprise of her people could long avail against the present ruinous system of restrictions, and the consequent retaliation. We should never lose sight °f this fact, that it was to our commerce and manufaes loses we owed our present position in the scale of nations, a nd that if we cease to be an exporting country of mane rtures, we should sink as rapidly as we have risen. must be borne in mind that our present exports . t i lt ‘l":etea t o b e t wee n forty and fifty millions per annum ; three-fourths of the cctton imported into this coon - was exported again in the shape of twist and cotton pr, . 7 ° L l,, s. For what were we hazarding this great branch national wealth ? For what were we refusing to take t he grain of the United States, the coffee and sugar of I } le Brazils, an d th e timber of the north of Europe ? or wh a t were we restricting the labour and enhancing 40 price of the food for the people ? It was in order t hat the rent-roll of a comparatively small number of landlo r d s , and the revenue of a few colonial mono p olists, might be increased. It was urged that we should sup- Port our colonies ; but we might support them at too great a cost, and at the sacrifice of the mother country. Give them free trade, and they would support them selves. Some were afraid that, by an alteration in our t ariff, and in the Corn-laws, we might endanger the revenues of the country. Perhaps there was no set of men in the world more tenacious of national faith and honour than Englishmen, and especially British r nerchants. Now they were perfectly satisfied upon this subject, and had openly expressed their sentiments again and again, that by the removal of restrictions knd prohibitions, commerce would be increased, and With it the revenue of the country. That meeting, llowever, had higher and more sacred objects—they thought that the people should enjoy some portion of those luxuries and of those comforts which they so ? idly produced. This was their object in the repeal of the Corn-laws ; and they could fairly cal upon all classes of the community—upon the rich and the poor, Who were the most particularly interested—upon the Working man, and upon those whom they had a right to regard as the best men in the community—to assist them in this labour of love, in this great work of jus tice to themselves and their fellow-men. He trusted they should have every man's helping hand, that no rum might be said to be supporting the Corn-laws, lest haply he might be sinning and fighting against Him to whom he lifted up his prayer—" Give us this day our daily bread." Col. WILLIAMS moved the first resolution in an ad dress of considerable length. The gallant Colonel de scribed the circumstances under which the Corn-law Passed in 1814-15, observing that the people strongly remonstrated, but in vain, the plot which was then hatched in the House of Commons against them to raise the price of bread, in order to enable the land lords to pay their taxes. That was the principle upon Which the " illustrious Duke " afterwards " improved " ,the measure, and it would contin ue to be the p rinci p le so Long as the people were silly enough to send only lords and lawyers into the Commons' House to further their leterests.—(Cheers.) Mr. WM. RATHBONE seconded the resolution. He said that the meeting had assembled upon one of the roost important subjects on which they could meet. On every ground he was an advocate for the prompt and total repeal of the Corn-laws, believing that those laws were at once in contradiction to the decrees of the Almighty, and to the interests of the people of every class. He was opposed to those laws because they gene rated in the people a feeling of dissatis:action, a feeling of injustice, which was at once subversive of religion, at once subversive of morality, at once subversive of any thing like loyalty, and subversive of principle of every kind. He must, however remember that it was not one abuse only under w hich we laboured, but that they were like the bundle of sticks of the old man of the fable. He attempted to break them when they were all bound together, and he could not ; but if they broke them one by one, the bundle would become smaller, and at last it would be broken altogether. Now, why was it that the children of light did not act thus for their own interests as well as the children of dark ness ? Why was it that they did not fellow the right cou r se when they had a right end in view ? Yet they did not do it, he was sorry to say—they did not often look after their own interests, and they often threw those from therm who were really their friends. Look at ten Years ago, when the timber duties were proposed to be altered, which was one of our great abuses The whole country was in arms, and the administration was very nearly put out, because the people rose to prevent the tim ber duties being altered and improved. If, 10 years ago, the people had petitioned for a repeal of the timber duties, he believed we should at this moment have been very much nearer the repeal of the Corn-laws—nay, in his conscience he believed that those Corn-laws would not have existed at this moment if that administration had been supported in the repeal of those timber duties. Next to the Corn-laws the timber duties were the most important. They bad now some hope. The revenue was beginning to fad off ; these terrible restrictions upon commerce had destroyed any profit to capital, and they were grinding the poor man clown to the dust, so that as an Irishman had once said from that place—" You will begin to have a nation of ventriloquists—that speak from their bellies."—(Cheers and laughter.) But it was womlerful, that curtailed as she had been by laws laid down for what was called pro tection, but which were in effect restrictive of every thing that was good, that England had maintained .her place as she had ; but she could not maintain it tnueh longer if she went on as she was doing. We should. have manufacturers in Germany and Switzerland to contend with, and when it was too late we might re pent. Let the people petition for free corn to our colo nies ; let them support the present Government in the plan they were taking to let our colonies have cheap bread ; then let the people turn round upon them and say, " Why are you worse than . the heathen ? Will you neglect your own ? Will you give to the West Indies cheap bread and deny it to our suffering manufacturers at home?" Did not the mee tin g feel—and if they did feel they would be ready to petition for the removal of every thing that was an abuse—did they not know, that the bundle of sticks, that was, the bundle of abuses, at every twig that was broken became less? If they felt this, they would come forward in a different way from that in which they hitherto have done ; they would feel that if they wished for success in any pursuit they must give time and exertion to it themselves ; that they must not be like the poor unfortunate carter who, when his cart was fast in the rut, lay down in the ditch, and began to pray to Jupiter. Jupiter sa id to him, " You lazy lout, put your shoulder to the wheel , and then I will listen to your prayers." In like manner they must put their shoulder to the wheel if they wished the Corn-laws to be repealed.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried. Mr. CHARLES HOLLAND, in moving the next reso lution, said they were again met to protest against the iniquitous Corn-laws, against the most inhuman and un• righteous laws ever enacted by any sect or class of men, to attempt for their own selfish purposes, and to im pose a badge of slavery, misery, and de g radation upon their fellow-men. Was that meeting prepared to sub mit to that? If they were, how long were they going to submit ? Was it not an undisputed fact, that the mi sery and destitution of the lowest industrious classes, the losses which the manufacturers were sustaining, the diminution of our manufacturing profit'. and the small returns which the capitalists were now receiving, were attributable mainly to these laws? They no longer ven tured to meet us in the field of argument ; but they trusted, with too much reason he feared, to the apathy which he was sorry to say distinguished the in dustrious classes, who seemed to think it was not a question which concerned them. Alas ! too soon would they feel it. Suppose two bad seasons were to visit thi s coun t r y, where then would be theindustri ous lower orders ; where would they leek for bread, when the foreigner was prohibited from growing food for them ? He was sorry to say that their oppo nents were not only trusting to that apathy, but they lead bribed the leaders of a certain portion of the in dustrious classes—the leaders of the Chartists, to try to, prevent the repeal of these laws. — (Cries of " No." ) 'there were many among us who joined in the senti ments of the Chartists, who thought to obtain political rights ; but it was a sad mistake on their part to sup pose they would sooner obtain those political rights with 1 - - an empty belly than a full one.—(Hear, hear.) W ere they more likely to fight the battle for political privi leges with cheap bread or not ? But hitherto he was sorry to say the landlords had been able to obtain the co-operation of some of the leaders of that party. He trusted, however, that their next appeal would receive a million and a half of signatures. Mr. Holland con cluded by calling upon the meeting to come forward with a demonstration of moral, not physical force against the Corn-laws, like that which carried the Re form Bilk. Mr. DUFFIE seconded it, and said, that if any thing was pleasing to him in the character of that meeting, it was the fact that there were united in it the middle and working classes, the two greatest and most influen tial classes in the community. They bad, he was glad to say, combined their strength together for the express purpose of removing the odious Corn-laws from our Statute-book. They had been told it was for the inte rest of the working classes to support the Corn-laws. because dear bread made high wages ; but every work ing man knew as well as he did, from sad experience, that this was not true. Mr. Duffie then proceeded to argue on this position, and to show the absurdity of protective duties. The decrees of Milan and Berlin, he observed, rendered it necessary for us to destroy Napoleon in order to open continental Europe to our commerce ; but when that had been accomplished, the landed aristocracy re-enacted those decrees by the in famous Corn-laws. He called on the meeting, with re ference to the Corn-laws, to assert the great principle, that whatever was morally wrong could not be politi cally right, and to hold that man disgraced who re fused to support the leaders who were contending for this object. Mr. T. THORNELY, M.P., said before he read the resolution which the Committee had placed in his hands, he begged to say how great a gratification it was to him to meet so large an assemblage of his fellow-townsmen, met to assert, in the face of the public, their deter mination to procure by fair, just, and constitutional means, the repeal of those Corn-laws which had en tailed so much misery upon the labouring classes, and which from year to year were fettering so much of the industry and the commerce of the country. They were probably not ail aware of the operation of the present Corn-laws. The duty upon corn was a fluctuating duty, which was fixed every week : it might be a shilling a quarter, or it might be much higher. Now, the opera tion of the Corn-laws was this, that in proportion as the price of corn falls the duty rises, and it was only when corn was of so high a price as to threaten famine, that it was admitted at a nominal duty. This arrange ment of the duties might appear a very insidious one, but he thought it a very barefaced one, because it had this effect—always to prevent the people from having corn as cheap as they could buy it from foreign countries, if the law did not prevent them. Did they know what the duty upon the importation of wheat was at this very day ? It was 235. Bd. a quarter, or nearly 3s. a bushel. That was a prohibitory duty : it brought in no revenue, and prevented the people from having corn at that price. He was happy that. the intention of the House of Com mons, and he believed of the Ministry too, was now being directed to the state of the tariff of this country ; by the tariff he meant the duties upon the importa tion of goods. It was singular enough that we, who were so great a commercial and manufacturing people, had really the most anti commercial tariff in the world ! Whenever the goods of any foreign country were cheap and good, our tariff prevented their importation ; but whenever they were dear and bad, then we were compelled to consume them. He was a very old free trader. He had long experience as a commercial man, and, from his boyhood to the present time, he never had but one opinion, that all duties upo❑ imports should be fur the sake of revenue, and not for protection— that that meeting, and all the merchants and manufac turers in the country should freely exchange with every foreign market the produce of their industry—that it should be for them to seek out in every foreign market the cheapest and best articles those countries produced, and that they were entitled to enjoy the cheapness and the abundauce of those commodities. If they would walk round the docks, they would see a great number of vessels advertised to take emigrants from the la bouring portion of the population, to labour in the United States and in Canada. Would these la bourers go to the United States and to Canada if wages were lower than they were in this country ? No, indeed, they would not. They were going there to get better wages, or they had much better stay at home. But all those vessels which took out emigrants to Canada were going to bring back flour from Canada to this country ; and the meeting might be sure that flour was brought from Canada, because it would bring a greater price in this market. Therefore, these very voyages across the Atlantic and back again, in which labourers were going from this country to get better wages than they could at home—those same vessels bringing back cheap flour to a better market showed that all the representations about the cheapness of corn bringing down wages was a complete delusion. Upon this question of free trade hung, in his opinion, a great deal more than the mere cheapness or dear ness of prices. The social condition of the people, the independence of the labouring classes, their desire to educate their children, their desire to keep out of the workhouse, were all included in the great question of free trade. An annual grant was made by the House of Commons of 30,0001. for educating the people ; it was a mere trifle and an insignificant sum ; they were now legislating upon the Poor-law Amend ment Bill, and night after night, when ho had sat in that House, it often occurred to him if they adopted the principle of free trade i❑ corn, and in every other article, the people, the honest labouring classes of this country, would be able to sustain themselves without parish relief. Aye, 'and they would educate their chil dren too, without grants from the House of Commons. In fact, it was lamentable that the time of Parliament should be taken up in reconciling what was abso lutely irreconcileable. They were adopting measures about the administration of the Poor-law ; they were educating the people ; but the first thing they did was was to tie the hands of the people from main taining themselves. However, he was not without hope ; on the contrary, he never felt more strongly than he did that he was right on the principle of free trade, whether with regard to corn or anything else ; and he assured them, that if the people of this country would do their duty to themselves, that he thought in the present session something would be done, some great step taken towards the improvement of our great restrictive code. It was his happiness, in Parliament, to be associated with Mr. Villiers, who had taken the lead, and was prepared to do so this session, in endeavouring to procure the repeal of the Corn-laws. He had, he assured them, great confidence that if the people out of doors would exert themselves by petition ing—for the cause was so good that it was absolutely unanswerable—great good must arise to them speedily. Mr. JONES, an operative, seconded the resolution, and it was carried. Mr. JOHN RossoN, in moving the next resolution, quoted a passage from Dr. Verity's work, published last year, to prove that nothing but a diminution of the supply of food could prevent this country from at taining a degree of prosperity which no nation, ancient or modern, had ever arrived at. He concluded by de claring that free trade could alone save the empire, and snake her continue what she had hitherto been, the envy of surrounding nations, and the admiration of the world. Mr. JAMES MULLENEUX seconded the resolution, and said, that at all times and in all places he was, and should be, ready to raise his voice against the Corn laws ; for he considered them the most selfish and wicked monopoly ever inflicted upon a country. The resolution was then carried. Mr. R. V. YATES read a draft of the petition, and moved its adoption. Mr. M'INTEEa seconded the motion, and it was carried. A vote of thanks was presented to Sir Joshua Walmsley, for his conduct in the chair, and the pro ceedings terminated. NEW POOR LAW. The Essex Herald has the following reply of Lord Western to an application made to him by some inha bitants of Rayleigh, that he would present a petition to the House of Lords against the Poor-law Amend ment Act. " I have received your letter of yesterday's date, desiring me to present a petition to the House of Lords, signed by the inhabitants of Rayleigh, the purport of which is to express an opinion strongly condemnatory of the existing Poor - law , which is de scribed as cruel and oppressive to the poor, also pray ing that the Amendment Bill may not pass into a law. I am sorry to say I cannot faithfully perform this duty you require of me, for my opinions arc by no means in accord with the petitioners' ; so far from it, I consider the Poor-law to be a most salutary measure called for by urgent necessity, to rescue the honest la bourers from the state of dependence and moral degra dation of spirit to which the miserable working of the old Poor-law had reduced them, and at the same time to preserve the security of property and the peace of society. It was enacted by the conjoint wisdom of our ablest statesmen, whose sole object, I am con• fident, was the welfare of the people, and whose public and private characters fully warrant that belief'. The best security against oppression is the publicity that attends all our proceedings under the pre sent law, which did not exist under the old. 'That some cases of hardship may occur, no man can doubt ; where is the law that can provide against all the ills that human nature is liable to, from unavoidable accident, from idleness, and vice ? There is not in the known world a country in which such efforts are made, such laws in force to obviate all the misfortunes and calamities of life. The present law lam determined zealously to support, and I concur in most if not all the amendments of the Bill vow under consideration. Under these circumstances I think you will deem it ex pedient to put the petition into the hands of some other Peer. " WESTERN." " To James Peare, Esq." THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY-, APRIL 14, 1841. lONIAN ISLANDS. REMONSTRANCE OF THE ELECTORS OF CEPHALONIA. TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD J. RUSSELL, HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLO NIAL DEPARTMENT. The most valuable privilege of the lonian citizen, conveyed to him by that Constitution to which the So vereign P. otector affixed his sanction, has been violated, and the c :dersigned electors have been grossly insulted by the C: .omission appointed to preside over the elec toral body of Cephalonia, consisting of the Most Ex cellent Si snore Count Camillo della Decima, Regent ; Signore Spiridione Anino Cavalierato, his Secretary ; and Signore Dr. Anastasio Fipaldo Xidian, Advocate Fiscal. Ought they to submit their grievances to the Senate, or must r hey wait until the meeting of the Legislative Assembly, and present their remonstrance to it ? Exist ing circumstances do not permit this delay ; availing themselves, therefore, of the right granted by article 8, section 7, chapter 7, of the Constitutional Charter, they address you, my Lord, supplicating your Lordship to lay this representation at the feet of her august Ma jesty the Queen, who, magnanimous as she is, will not disdain to listen to the complaints of respectable citizens, whose most sacred constitutional rights have been infringed. No election of representatives ought to have taken place, since the legal period had not expired, nor had the death of any member made an opening for a sub stitution ; nevertheless, an occasion for a new election was to be created. The Count Demetrio dalla Deci ma, relieved from his seat as member of the Supreme Council of Justice, found little difficulty in bringing about the resignation of the Secretary of the Regency ; he was the Regent's brother-in-law, and his place was given to a member of the Assembly. There no .v ex isted a necessity for filling up the vacancy thus artfully created, and for that purpose Count Demetrio della Decima and Dr. Rocco Pillarino were nominated can didates. We pass over in silence, us not necessary to be here noticed, the it egality of the proceedings on this occasion, in as far as regards the removal of the legis lator and the qualifications end conditions of the nomi nated candidates, and will merely speak of the illegal transactions which occurred at the election. The election took place on Jan. 15,1841. The voting had scarcely commenced when several electors observing many instances of illegality in the proceedings, and relying on the rights they had ac quired by the Constitutional Charter of these islands, made known the malpractices to the commission ap pointed to preside at the Electoral College. The commission, far from listening to the complaints of the electors, when verbally stated, or, at least, reject ing them as if they had been taken into judicial con sideration, always passed them over in the minutes, and, in open violation of the law, declared that it was not intended to hear or receive instances of any kind whatever, either verbal or written, of errors which had occurred ; thus refusing to pay attention to those pre sented by any of the electors. In this way ail were reduced to silence. For the wrong thus done to the most respectable body of the State, from which all authority emanates, the undersigned solemnly demand redress. In the hope that your Lordship may be pleased to obtain for them that redress to which they may be found to be entitled, the undersigned take the liberty of submitting the complaints which were made by them against the said election, and also other illegalities which occurred in the proceedings. They observe—l. That according to article 23d of sec. 1, chap. 3, of the Constitutional Chatter, ever) operation connected with an election must be decided upon by the majority of the votes of the assembled electors, given viva vccc. 2. That according to paragraph 2, article 36, title 2, of the constitution of 1803, which is maintained .in force by article 18, cap. 3, section 1, of the present constitution, in what relates to electoral organisation, his Excellency Count Camillo della Decima, Regent of Cephalonia, and brother of one of the candidates, ought to have resigned the chair of president of the college to some other person. If this article prohibits relations of a candidate, to the fourth degree, from being present at the polling, with much more reason should any such relation be disqualified from presiding over the Electoral College. 3. The college ought to be held illegal, since there had not been posted up, according to custom, the list of voters, in order that every elector might have the op. portunity of bringing forward his objections, as the law has provided, in the case of rights of the electors being infringed by the insertion in the list of persons not pos sessing the requisite legal qualifications. 4. That the number of electors required to form a legal college should consist of at least one-half of the totality of the electors, according to Art. 23, chap. 3, sec. 1, of the Constitutional Charter. 5. That procurations granted for the purpose of en abling an elector to vote in the stead of another who is absent ought not to be admitted, it being enacted by Art. 23, chap. 3, sec. 1, of the Constitutional Charter, " That cs ery electoral proceeding shall be decided upon by the majority of votes given viva voce ;" and the prin cipal proceeding in an election being the polling, it is not possible to maintain that a procuration is then ca• pable of supplying the place of a viva voce vote. • Numerous, my Lord, are the illegalities which oc curred in the election of Count Demetrio dalla Decima, besides those already observed ; of 427 voters, there were absent about 200, regarded, on the authority of medical certificates, as patients. Thus the extraordinary phe nomenon might be supposed to have been exhibited, that out of 427 electors one-half were sick, as if an epi demic disease had prevailed in the country. May her Majesty the Queen be pleased to order an inquiry ; and, should it be thought fit to grant this request, the facts stated will be irrefragably proved by respectable electors, and persons worthy of entire credit. Apart from the violation of individual rights, the in sult given to the electoral body is a serious offence against the public, and the undersigned expect signal redress from the justice of her Majesty. The signatures follow.) DUELL 'RAN CE (From Dr. Millingen's History of Duelling.) France may be considered the classic ground of duelling, the field of single combat par excellence whence, from the Duchy of Normandy, as we have al ready seen, it was introduced into the British isles. If we arc indebted to our neighbours for this practice, it is also to t hem that we owe the various codes and re gulations drawn out to equalise, as far as possible, the chances of victory, and to prevent any unfair advan tages being obtained to the prejudice of the opposite party. Of these various documents, possibly the rules given by Brantome may De considered the most curious. In the first instance, he says :—" On no account what ever let an infidel be brought out as a second or a witness : it is not proper that an unbeliever should witness the shedding of Christian blood, which would delight him ; and it is moreover abominable that such a wretch should be allowed such an honorable pastime. The combatants must be carefully examined and felt, to ascertain that they have no particular drugs, witchcraft, or charms about thcm.*lt is allowed to wear on such occasions some relics of Our Lady of Loretto, and other holy objects ; yet is is not clearly decided what is to be done when both parties have not these as no advantage should be allowed to one com batant more than to another. It is idle to dwell upon courtesies—the man who steps into the field must have made up his mind to conquer or die, but, above all things, never to surrender ; for the conqueror may treat the vanquished as he thinks proper—drag him round the ground, hang him, burn him, keep him a prisoner ; in short, do with him whatever he pleases. The Danes and Lombards in this imitated Achilles, who, after his combat with Hector, dragged him three times round the walls at the tail of his triumphant car. Every gallant knight must maintain the honour of ladies, whether they may have forfeited it or not ; if it can be said that a gentille dame can have forfeited her honour by kindless to her servant and her lover. A soldier may tight his captain, provided he has been two years upon actual service, and he quits his company. If a father accuses a son of any crime that may tend to dishonour him, the son may demand satisfaction of his father : since he has done him more injury by dishonouring him, than he had bestowed advantage by giving him life." " Notwithstanding Brantome's authority, the right of a soldier to call out his Captain has been a questionable point ; and La Beraudiere, and Basnage, and Alciat, have discussed the point very minutely. The last au thor came to the conclusion that such a meeting could only be tolerated when both parties were off duty,— post jitnetionern sceus. The same learned writer main tains that you can only refuse to fight a bastard ; and he therefore strongly recommends all noblemen to legi time t!ze their son:, that they may be rendered worthy of the honour of knighthood and of duelling : and he further declares, that all challenges from a roturier, a mere citizen, or a man in business, must be considered as null and void. " There is a passage in Brantome which singularly applies to modern France, as regards the multiplicity of decorations of honour, and their various button-hole badges ; distinctions which, from the facility with which they are obtained, he • does not consider as qualifying the wearer to fight a gentleman. If these people were attended to,' hesays,' onccould no longer fight a proper duel : such numbers of them pullulate in every direction, that we see nothing but knights of St. Mi chael and of the Saint Esprit ; to such an extent were these orders abused during our civil laws, to win over and retain lollowers being no longer the meed of valour or of merit."fo tear off a decoration, or even to touch it, was considered an unpardonable insult ; and we have seen in more modern times an example of the respect to which such attributes of distinction are en titled. In August 1833, Colonel Gallois, an officer in the service of Poland, felt himself offended by an article in the Figaro, a paper conducted by Nestor Roqueplan ; and, having met him, tore off his riband of the Legion of Honour. The patties met in the wood of Meudon, when Roqueplan received three wounds, and Gallois one in the knee : the two seconds of Gallois at the same lime had thrown off their coats, and challenged the seconds of Roqueplan, who very wisely declined any participation in the fight ; when one of Gallois's party insisted upon satisfaction from Mr. Leon Plllet, a friend of Roqueplan, with whom he was on intimate tern's, and, to urge his suit, requested that he might be allowed to take the badge of the Legion elf his coat, to overcome his apparent repugnance ; adding, that he entertained too much friendship and esteem towards him to offend him in any other manner. There was no refusing so polite a request. " The colours of a lady, in a knot of ribands worn by her admirer, and called an emprise, were equally sacred ; and, when a brave of those chivalric days was anxious for a combat, he exerted himself to find some daring desperado who would put his finger on the badge of love. in Ireland to this day, in many of its wild districts, a pugnacious ruffian will drag his jacket after him, end fight unto death any spalpeen who ventures to touch it. " Choice of arms was a matter of great importance in these meetings, indeed of a vital nature ; since, if a weapon was broken in the hands of one of the parties, he was considered vanquished, and at the discretion of his conqueror—such an accident being looked upon as a decision of Providence : a mis-fire at the present day is considered a shot, although on a l ess re li g i ous prin ciple. Pisti Is were introduced in the reign of Henry H. ; and, being considered as affording a more equal chance to both combatants, this arm has been gene rally selected in modern duels, more especially in Eng land. On the Continent the small-sword and the sabre were more frequently resorted to ; and we shall shortly see the regulations regarding their employ ment, which in France form a regular code. Some of the ancient modes of fighting were most singu lar and whimsical. Brantome relates a story of two Corsicans who had fixed short sharp-pointed daggers in the front of their helmets, being covered with a suit of mail called a jacque' over their shirts, although the weather was remarkably cold ; such an arrangement having been proposed by the offended, who had the right to select and name the mode of combat, and who was fearful of his antagonists' renown for his power and dexterity in wrestling. Both were armed with swords, and they fought for some time with such equality of skill that neither was wounded ; at length they rushed upon each other, and wrestling com menced. It was during this struggle that the daggers came into play, each butting in his antagonist's face, and neck, and arms, until blood was streaming in every direction, and in such profusion that they were sepa rated one of them only lived a month ;in consequence of which the survivor was well nigh dying of tristesse and ennui, as they had become friends, and expected that they both should have died—Notwithstanding this valorous disposition, it appears that the choice of arms and appointments was frequently made a subter fuge to gain time, or cause much trouble and expense ; and Brantome relates that, in the fatal duel between Jarnac and Chasteneraye, the former proposed no less than thirty different weapons to be used on horseback and on foot, and had also specified various horses, Spanish, Turkish, Barbes, with different kinds of saddles ; in consequence of which our chronicler adds, that if his uncle bad not been a man of some independ ence, and moreover assisted by his royal master, he could not have maintained the challenge; and he very truly observed, when receiving it, " This man wants to fight both my valour and my purse." This privilege of the offended to choose their arms and regulate the na ture of the combat, however capriciously, afforded con siderable advantages ; since the art of fencing taught many secret tricks, the knowledge of which gave great reputation to professors. So secret, indeed, were these instructions, that not only was the pupil solemnly sworn never to reveal the mysterious practice, but in structions were given in private, after having examined every part of the room, the furniture, and the very walls, to ascertain that no third person could have been concealed to witness the deadly lesson. To this day in France such cuts and thrusts are called coups de maitre, and by the lower classes coups de matins. " A curious case is recorded of a knight, who, having been taught invariably to strike the region of the heart, insisted upon fighting in a suit of armour, with an opening in each cuirass of the breadth of the hand over the heart ; the result, of course, was immediately fatal to his antagonist. " Th e cunning' of armourers was also frequently re s orted to to obtain unfair advantages. A skilful workman in Milan had carried his mode of tempering steel to such a point of perfection, that the solidity of the sword and dagger depended entirely on the manner in which they were handled : in the hands of the inex perieuced the weapons flew into shivers ; whereas, in the grasp of a skilt r tt . l combatant, th e y wer e a s rusty as the most approved I oledan blade. Nor were these va liant knights very particular as to odds. It is related of two French gentlemen, La Villutte and the Baron de Salligny, who fought a duel with two Gaseous of the names of Ma!ecolom and Esparezat, that Malecolom having speedily killed his antagonist Salligny, and per ceiving that his companion Esparezat was a long time despatching Villatte, went to his assistance. When Villatte, thus unfairly pressed by two antagonists, re monstrated ags,inst the treachery, Malecolom very coolly replied, I have killed my adversary ; and if you kill yours, there may be a chance that you may also kill me ; therefore, here goes!' " More punctilious, however, were some of these persons in points of honour. We read in Brantome of two Piedmontese officers, intimate friends, who, having gone out to fight, one of the patties received a wound that was supposed to be mortal, when his opponent, In-. hi t w ur , g a e s o s n is . ted hire ' wounded man, do not be generous by halves ! — let . offex exclaimed ine(l ground, the t an d say that I hit you to conduct him to a sntoetadboefst:liedsptalticahtinlg fell w i t h ou t inflicting a wound : so, pray wear your arm in a scarf, ere I succumbed,' His friend generously acceded to and, h av i ng sme ared a bandage in his theta blood, e proposalLe wrapped it ro un d hi s area, publishing abr oa d ha ; been wounded ere his brave companion re ceived his mortal thrust. The wound, however, not proving fatal, an everlasting friendship, cemented by gratitude, ever after prevailed b e tween them." DUELS BETWEEN FRENCH WOMEN. That women, who can mostly get silly people to fight for them, should not fight themselves is natural, but there are instances on record in which ladies have shown their determination to avenge their own wrongs. Ma dame de Viilechen mentions a duel fought with swords by Henriette Sylvie of Moliere with another wo man, both in male attire. In the letters of Madame Dunoyer, a case is mentioned of a lady of Beaucaire and a young lady of rank, who fought with swords in their garden, and would have killed each other 'had they not been separated ; this meeting had been preceded by a regular ch a ll enge . De la Colombiere mentions a duel that took place on the Boulevard St. Antoine, between two ladies of doubtful virtue, in which they inflicted on each other's face and bosom several wounds, two points at which female jealousy would naturally aim. St. Foix relates the tale of Ma demoiselle Durieux, who in the open street fought her lover of the name of Antinotti. But the most cele brated female duellist was the actress Maupin, one of the performers at the Opera. Seraae, the famous fencing-master, was one of her lovers, and from him she received many valuable lessons. Being insulted one day by an actor of the name of Dumeny, she called him out; but as he refused to give her sa tisfaction, she carried away his watch and his snuff box as the trophies of her victory. Another performer having presumed to offend her, on his declin ing a meeting was obliged to kneel down before her and implore her forgiveness. One evening at a ball, having behaved in a very rude manner to a lady, she was re quested to leave the room, which she did on the condi tion that those gentlemen who had warmly espoused the offended lady's cause should accompany her. To this proposal they agreed ; when, after a hard combat, she killed them all, and quietly returned to the ball-room. Louis XIV. granted her a pardon, and she withdrew to Brussels, where she became the mistress of the Elector of Bavaria. However, she soon afterwards returned to the Parisian opera, and died in 1707, at the age of thirty-seven. Under the regency a pistol meeting took place be tween the Marquise de Nesle and the Countess Polig nac for the possession of the Duc de Richelieu ; and in more modern times, so late, indeed, as 1827, a Madame B-- at St. Rambert, received a challenge to fight with pistols ; and about the same period a lady of Chateauroux, whose husband had received a slap in the face without resenting the insult, called out the offender, and fighting him with swords severely wounded him. " In 1828 a dual took place between a young girl and a garde du corps. She had been betrayed by the gallant soldier, and insisted upon satisfaction, selecting her own weapons by the right of an offended party. Two shots were exchanged, but without any result, as the seconds very wisely had not loaded with ball. The pining lady, however, ignorant of this precaution, fired first, and received the fire of her adversary with the utmost coolness, when, to try her courage, after taking a long and deliberate aim, he fired in the air, and thus terminated the meeting, which no doubt led to many others of a less hostile nature. In the same month, as a striking instance of the contagion of this practice, a duel was fought near Stras bourg between a French woman and a German lady, both of whom were in love with a painter. The parties met on the ground armed with pistols, with seconds of their own sex. the German damsel wanted to fire across a pocket-handkerchief, but the French lady and her seconds insisted upon a distance of 25 paces. They both fired without effect, when the exasperated Gernsau insisted that they should carry on the contest until one of the parties fell. This determination, however, was controlled by the seconds, who put a stop to further proceedings, but were unable, to bring about a recon ciliation.—History of Duelling. MISSION TO THE BRAZILS It is considered by parties connected with Brazil as not singular only, but extremely disrespectful to the young Government of that rising empire, that at this present mo ment there is no British Minister of suitable rank at the court of Rio to represent with becoming dignity the friendly alliance and interests of this country, the eldest friend in dubitably of Brazil. This failure in the usual mark of courtesy and attention between Powers united by a mutually good understanding and the most amicable ties is the more remarkable too at the present moment, and can hardly fail to be felt, if not resented, as an unmerited slight, seeing that the coronation of the young Empei or stands fixed for next month, an occasion which, of course, it is customary to honour by special missions of personages of high rank, independent of the regular accredited lega tion, to convey the felicitations and compliments of one Soveregn to another. It ha; indeed been reported for some time past that Mr. Hamilton Hamilton was appointed to proceed to Rio as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, but nothing more is heard of the matter, or of any preparations for his departure, although it would seem that his presence there was urgent. But without meaning to suggest any objection to that gentleman's fit ness for the discharge of the important station for which he has been named, by report at least, it may be observed that it might be of great advantage, and would redound much to the honour of thin country in the conception of the Brazilians, who are naturally a proud and susceptible people, if a person•of higher standing than Mr. Hamilton, one of the principal nobles of the land in fine, were deputed to assist in the pomp and ceremonial of the corcnation, and on an event of such transcendant interest in Brazil to conci liate too praiseworthy pride as well as the vanity of the people•, and they have perhaps more than a due share of both, ea with young nations is not uncommon, by a display of the vicarial magnificence of a special representative of the most splendid couit and chivalry of the old world. It is not forgotten how grateful an influence the special em bassy of the Dukc of Northumberland exe:cised on a like occasion ia France, and how pleasing an impression his sumptuous hospitalities, so well remembered still in that country, left behind. It should not be forgotten, taking the subject in the sense of material interests alone, that Brazil is the largest foreign consumer of British manufac tures and products, in proportion to population, and there fore on that ground alone well entitled to every mark of respect which can be shown her, leaving political conside rations out of question. The relations of Brazil with Rus sia, whether commercial or political, would seem of small account, and yet the nstute Cabinet of St. Petciburgh is not slow with all such courtesies as shall lay the ground work of future influence and advantage. M. Lonionosetf, the Russian Charge d'Affaires at Rio, not long out there, has, it is understood, recently had his credentials sent rut to him from the Emperor as Envoy Extraordinary and Mi nister Plenipotentiary, not only to assist at the coronation but permanently to reside thei e in that character, being, as said, the first time that a Russian diplomatist of such high rank has ever been accredited to Brazil. And at the same time the grand cross of the highest Russian order was forwarded as a compliment to the young Emperor of Brazil.—Morning Herald. CHURCH-RATES. —At St. Ives, on Thursday next, 400 gentlemen, who resisted the Church -rate, will dine together to celebrate their triumph. In the rural parish of Headcorn, where a rate was a short time ago re fused, citations have been served, calling upon the church wardens and all the parishioners to appear in the Consis tory Court on Thursday next, to show cause why they should not meet and make a Church•rate. This is a good joke. At Ringwood, in Hampshire, the Rev. George Harris, the Independent minister, was a few days since summoned before the Magistrates, when he distinctly stated to their Worships that he did not intend to try • the validity of the rate in the Ecclesiastical Court. An order for payment was in consequence made upon him : yet, notwithstanding this, he has been served with three citations, the first two having been found to be informal ! This, by the way, from the Consistory Court of Wirichet-- ter ! At Llanelly, a threepenny rate having been pro posed, the opponents of Church-rates contented them selves with carrying a penny rate. This we regret in,.a parish which has so often resi sted the g ranting of anyrtte', and we regret it the more, because it appears to bavo pro eeeded from a misapprehension of the recent judgment of Lord Chief Justice Tindal. In that jui'grucet was decided, but that the churchwardens could not of themselves make a rate.—Patriot. CAPTAIN ELLIOT. In the Indian Papers, the circumstances of the two ships under American colours being allowed by Captain Elliot to withdraw from Canton rived laden with tca, after having remained there some months, when it was declared to be in a state of blockade, is warmly discussed. The British merchants at Macao ad dressed a letter to the Calcutta Chamber of Com- merce, in which they express their conviction that the case of the American vessels is not such a one as shows a single circumstance in their favour accord ing to which a relaxation of the law of blockade might be justified. It is said, they both entered the port with a knowledge that a blockade was intended, and in undoubted violation of it ; that even admit- ting the entry to have been excusable, they might hate retired with their original cargoes, or in ballast, or have remained within till the blockade was raised, and that it can be fully proved that the teas forming the cargoes in question were not in Canton till some months had elapsed since the establishment of the blockade, and, indeed, were only purchased a few days before the departure of the vessels. A circum stance that is considered aggravating in this case is, that the intention of relaxing the law in favour of these American ships was concealed for many weeks from everybody but those immediately interested in these vessels by the Superintendent of. Trade, who admitted the Vice-Consul of the United States to a private visit, to make known to him the intended sus pension of the law in favour of the Americans, and also, besides soliciting such suspension by the naval commander, guaranteed him against all consequences with the British Government. The merchants conclude, after announcing their intention• of petitioning the House of Commons, by soliciting the co-operation of the Calcutta Chamber of Commerce in preventing a recurrence of similar proceedings, to the injury of British interests. The , Chamber of Commerce, it seems, on considering this letter, have condemned the indulgence shown by Captain Elliott to the Ame rican vessels, but refuse to interfere on the ground that the subject being purely Chinese, does not fall within their province. Su far the view of the ques tion is entirely on the side of the British merchants, but the Indian journals that oppose these merchants are also opposed to the policy adopted by Captain Elliot, contending that the blockade has been in efficient, and as such injurious to British interests. With respect to the merchants, they say, that, notwith standing the disaffection they now show at the depar ture of the American vessels, they themselves carried on considerable traffic from Macao with the blockaded city of Canton. These journals seem willing to admit that the Ame rican ships having been once allowed to enter the port were rightly permitted to retire, but they regard the inconvenience arising from this case as a mere consequence of the half measures which have ren dered the blockade inefficient. The blockade being such as it is, the whole affair of the American ships follows, they say, as a matter of course ; and as for such an unsatisfactory policy, they regard it as threatening destruction to the prosperity of British commerce, ns opening a source of disputes be tween the British merchants in China, and as cal culated to lower the importance of the English in the eyes of the Chinese. Thus it is worthy of remark that on the one band the merchants are dissatisfied with Captain Elliot for allowing the vessels to break through the blockade, on the other hand the papers who oppose the merchants are against Captain Elliot's policy in general ; so that in fact the only point in discussion is whether he has been wrong in a particular instance, or whether, in fact, he has not been wrong altogether.—Times. ROCKET PRACTICE IN CH The report just received of the attack on the Chinese forts and shipping mentions the projection of Congreve rockets, as a part of our means of offence which was called into operation. These auxiliaries to our ; artillery were supplied, no doubt, from the stores of the East India Company, who keep a large stock at all times in India. Among the many causes for edification and astonishment which the " Emperor of the Sun and Moon," with his strange people, will have had, as the consequences of this collision with our forces, will be the circum stance of the superiority of our fireworks. It is a fact, we believe, that the Chinese are the real inventors of the rocket as an artificial firework, and even as an instrument of war ; its capability, however, for this second object, in their hands, being confined—so trifling is its projectile force—to a simple means of annoyance, instead of destruction, for confusing . . the ranks of cavalry. It is to the late Sir am Congreve, after many years of practical experiment, that this weapon owes its present character for de structiveness and precision of flight. To h . im be longed the merit of manufactu rin g rockets of almost unlimited weights ; of bringing up the range, for instauce, of the 32-pounder to 3,000 yards, and of gradually increasing the power of even the 12-pounder to the penetration, at 1,200 yards distance, of a solid bank of earth to the depth of 20 feet. We must add, also, as the inventions of the late Sir W. Congreve, the substitution of strong iron for paper cases, and the fixing of the stick by a screw in the axis of the rocket, instead of by binding on the side, so as to give it the straightness of the arrow. Great, we repeat, must have been the consternation of the Celestial ration at such a visitation of their native and familiar plaything , with its appalling roar , an d, t o them, n ew and gigantic dimensions and powers of de struction. In the case of the Congreve rocket, it was thought at one period just to give the in ventor a pension of 1,2001. p er a nnum, which he enjoyed for very many years, and now to continue to the widow 300/. of that pension. Yet it is notorious in the Ordnance department at Woolwich, that the com monest care has never been observed to preserve a secret thus handsomely paid for, which would have been a much easier task than in many other cases, as a mere specification in writing will not adequately teach the art without the aid of practised workmen, and many of these have been turned adrift as rea dily as common labourers. There are two individuals, who from the first, as Directors and Masters of the only War Rocket Works in England, must be the deposita ries of all the essential particulars for the manufacture of these articles. The deposit of such particulars, with draeings of the machinery and tools, in custody of the , ?Taste:-General and Board of Ordnance, would seem to be a measure of prudence that could hardly be over looked. BANKS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. The quarterly periodical returns of the Bank of France, just published, afford a striking illustration of the superior advantages and safety which that establishment confers upon the trading and commer cial interests when contrasted with the Bank of England. We have frequently adduced the system of management pursued by the Bank of France as a proof of the benefits which would be enjoyed by the people of this country, if the Bank of England were so assimilated to it as to be placed under Government control, thereby insuring to the public perfect publicity, and a consequent steadiness of prices by a more uniform and prudent course of management. Taking a few of the average results of the Bank of France during the last quarter, we find, Francs. The average amount of bullion on hand was 230,182,500 The average amount of Bank Notes in circa- Lation Difference 3,045,000 So that the bullion on hand was within 120,000/. of the notes in circulation. We do not argue that such a perfect state of " convertibility" could be supported by the Bank of England, but, if the Di rectors were compelled to furnish actual bona fide quarterly returns of the real state of their affairs, it is plain enough that they would be more prudent than hitherto, and that the mercantile interests would be exempted from these " ups and downs" in the value of money, which, in past times, have exposed them to such frequent vicissitudes. The average returns of the Bank of England, pub lished in the Gazette, appears to have been framed with the greatest mystery that the ingenuity of the accountant's department could produce to conceal from the public a knowledge of the real position of the affairs of the establishment. The returns of the Bank of France, on the contrary, are made clear and intelligible to every one. The amount of bills dis counted is given ; the securities held are separated and classed, and stated so as to be understood. In the case of the Bank of England, again, the returns are purposely prepared so as to make it impossible for them to be understood All that can be gathered from them is the general result of an increase or decrease of liabili ties, of the circulation, and sccuiities in proportion to the bullion. Thus far the public may go—but no further. We entertain a confident expectation that the Committee on banks of issue will apply themselves to a redress of this grievance, by com pelling the Bank to make periodical intelligible ex hibitions of its actual position, framed upon true commercial principles, as a balance sheet, so that the merchants of Londen may know what bullion is really in the coffers of the Bank, with the same precision that they can tell the time on the clock. But perfect publicity is not the only reform which the public will look for in regard to the currency on the expiry of the Bank Charter. The Bank of France must be adopted as a modcl to a much greater viten , . The question cannot be slurred over nor blinked. There must be a full and searching inquiry, and a free, unfettered Parliamentary discussion. We have, however, inculcated this doctrine so fully and frequently on former occasions, that we forbear from dwelling upon it at present. We shall only repeat apart of what we said on the 18th of January last, that" the affairs of the Bank of France show the working of a national bank, conducted under the immediate superintendence and control of officers chosen by the Crown, subjected to periodical publicity, in contrast with the Back of England, managed without any such right of inter ference by the Crown, and affording no account to the public of its actual position: Difference of opinion in and out of Parliament will, no doubt, be entertained as to the extent to which the prin ciple of Crown interference ought to be carried in renewing the charter of the Bank of England, but we are confident it will not long be anything more than a difference of degree. The expediency of having the national currency subjected to the control of Parlia ment through the supervision of officers appointed by the Crown, we believe will soon be generally admitted by the leading men of all parties." Subsequent obser vation strengthens our confidence in the accuracy of his opinion.—Morning Chronicle. AN INCIDENT IN ARRAN. On Thursday last, the fait day, a somewhat him• venient, but withal laughable, mischanter, befel a large party of pleasure-seekers from Glasgow, at Brodick, in the Isle of Arran. At half-past six, A.M., the Sir William Wallace steamer left Broomielaw, literally crowded from stem to stern with well-dressed passen gers for a day's sail to Arran, with the intention of re turning the same evening. Ail the way down the Clyde and Firth the passengers became thinned, by landing in detachments at Greenock, Largs, Millport, &c., but still upwards of 100 accompanied the vessel to the limits of her trip at Brodick, where they landed, and were allowed two hours to stroll about and survey the beautiful geological features of Arran. At two o'clock the party were called on board for the homeward run, but to the dismay of all it was discovered that the paddles were immoveable, and that the vessel could not be propelled the length of herself, from a leakage in the boiler, occasioned by the giving way of a step. bolt, through which the water escaped. Vigorous efforts were made to repair the rent, and night began to close in, but still the Sir William lay motionless in Brodick Bay. Hunger and discontent now began to creep over the party,- but they had to put up with them as best they might and make preparations for passing the night in the vessel, in which they stowed themselves away, some in the cabin and some in the hold, so far as the accommodations of the Sir William permitted. This it will be conceived was no easy matter, as the party consisted of all classes—husbands, wives, a goodly sprinkling of children, and gallants gay with their sweet hearts. Friday morning rose, and relief was as far away as ever ; but the passengers and crew got up with appetites keen as a razor. In ordinary cir cumstances the detention of the vessel would have been a matter of little moment, for all could have been relieved by the mail steamer ; but it unfortunately happened that she was at this moment temporarily under repair; and a small wherry of very limited ac commodation carried the bags from the Island to Ar drossan ; and although she might have taken more than she did, the great majority of the holiday folks had only put as much in their pockets as to bring them back by the steamer, and even had they landed at Ardro3- san, they had no means of paying the railway fare to Glasgow. In the course of the day they eat up the only baker in the place twice over—at least they twice consumed his stock ; and a quantity of biscuit which he was sending to order was stormed in the cart in which it was placed, and munched on the spot. The head inn was equally beset, and the whole of the sweet marine village of Brodiek was in a state of fearful commo tion ! When provisions became scarce here the party dispersed themselves inland, and the country people were glad to bespeak their forbearance by giving them cogs of porridge, cakes, and " dads o' kebbock," or boiled kail, and one old gentle man gave them two pails of potatoes. Indeed, some of the more desperately famished of the group spoke of slaughtering a sow, a few sheep, or a bullock ; but we are happy to say that they bad not occasion to resort to this absolute extremity. Brodick Castle, the Arran residence of the Duke of Hamilton, was also tried, but as the " quality" were absent, all that could be levied here was a bundle of herrings. The pleasure party paid for what they got as far as they could, and though some of them could not stand out the expenses, it must be remembered they could not starve. Friday night was setting in, and still there was no relief, when, fortunately, the Victor was observed steaming into the bay. Mr. Young, the proprietor of the Wallace, had set out for assistance in the morning, and brought or sent down this vessel ; but it was too late to set out, and the whole party, minus the small num ber who had gone by the wherry, were compelled to pass another night in the cabin and hold of the steamer. The beleaguered passengers at length started at four o'clock on Saturday morning, and were landed at the Broomielaw in the course of the forenoon, in a rueful plight. The holiday garments, which had never been shifted for two days and eights, were sorely dashed, and some of the men had beards of a hermit's longitude, after a weary pilgrimage. Altogether, the islanders were as glad to get rid of the Glasgow folks, as the latter were to get away, and the incident is not likely soon to be forgotten by either party. It is only fair to state that the accident which caused this annoying re sult on the part of the Sir William Wallace, was of a perfectly trifling kind, and such as not to damage her fair fame ; but, slight as it wa s, there was no :mea ns of repairing it at hand.—Glasgow Herald. P ASSENGER S BY THE ORIENTAL.— .01d lowing passengers ca me by the Oriental, which arriv . , from Alexandria at Falmouth, on SundaCol. W y night Charles Napier , Commodore, R. N. ; allace H. E. 1. C. with Lieut. Falkfcld, Dr. Baddcloy,L ieu 2 t d P . onsonb and Capt. Fo rster ; Lieut. Simmons, Queen's}', Regiment, with Lieut. Hodsavorthy, Lieut. Dickenson, and Capt. Hirling ; Capt., Houston, 4th Light Dragoons ; Dr. Rankin, Rifle Brigade ; C d apt. NLieassic, R. N., with Capt. Bradley, Lieut. Green, anut. Johnson ; Mr. Boose, Barrack-master; Rev. Mr. Far rant and family ; Lady Sarah and Mr. Campbell ; Messrs. Dalras, Holmes, Sturnorif, Cowan, Cursetjor, Oliver, Ross, and Cleland ; Mr. and Mrs. Pennington ' • Rev. Mr. Hill; Mrs. Brown • Mr. an d Mrs. Parry ; Mr., Mrs., and Miss Fatish ; Mrs. Mulligan , Mrs. Sterlirg, Mrs. Farmer, Mrs. Williams, Mr. and Mrs. Gent, Mrs. Cun ningham, and Miss Weeks. BOULOGNE, APRIL 10.—This day, at a quarter before noon, the Magnet had actually landed her passen gers on our quay , after a cassage of no more th an n i ne h oura for the difference and 40 minute s from London, allovNing of London and•Boulogne time 11 minutes. The Magnet is a tine vessel, and the quickest in the Boulogne trade,. but all who are in the habit of making the passage, and are competent to form a judgment upon such matters, ascribe her rapid trips in a great degree to the admirable seamanship of her commander, Captain Robert Stock, a gentleman no less diltinguishad by his urbanity and at,cu tion to his passengers than by his indefatigable care and professional skill. Theft MORNING EDITION. THE RE F TEXAS. Texas is larger than France ; its soil is said to be unsurpassed by any in the world, and its climate admir ably adapted to the European constitution. It is ca pable of producing more cotton than all the United States, of a better quality, and at a cheaper rate. Sugar can also be cultivated to great advantage ; and all the grains, and fruits, and vegetables of Europe can be raised in great abundance. It is the only country in America where cotton and sugar can be extensively cultivated by white labour. Hides, tallow, beef, furs, peltries, live oak and cedar timber, can also be exported to almost any extent. The inhabitants are intelligent, bold, hardy, enterprising, and industrious, of the Anglo- American race. They have formed a government mo delled after that. of the United States, except that it is a single sovereignty of similar interests, instead of a federative system of different interests, which i' gives it prospects of greater permanency, e ffi c i ency , an d simplicity, arid renders it more acceptable to European tastes and nctions. By the constitution they have de clared the African slave-trade piracy ; they have esta blished religious toleration, and made all equal before the law. They have adopted the common law of Eng land ; and the laws are promptly and impartially ad ministered. Religious and literary institutions are springing up in all directions, and are liberally endowed by the Government. Emigration is pouring into the country, with unprecedented rapidity. Society is im proving ; and the English language, literature, and civilization is spreading, with railroad rapidity, over scenes which were, five short years ago, a wilderness. The people of Texas have wisely established a very cheap government; the debt of the republic amounts only to about 600,0001., and she has an unappropriated public domain of 150,000,000 acres, intrinsically as valuable as any land in the world ; this source, with the mcst reduced scale of taxes, will support the government for a century.—Colonial Magazine. SIR CHARLES BELL ON MEDICAL REFORM. (From the Medical Gazelle.) In times of civil contention, said the ancients, it be hoves every citizen to take his side, and 'not affect a neutrality dangerous to the State ; and now that our medical republic is so sorely distracted by fears and jealousies, we hail with pleasure each document which gives the deliberate opinion of some man of note. Sir C. Bell, whose pamplet is now lying before us, comments on the two bills which have attempted to ap _ ply a salve to our professional grievances ; and, like all other persons, he condemns them. When we do agree, as Sheridan says of stage concord, our unanimity is wonderful ; and the Bills for improving the medical profession have reconciled the most violent antagonists, and, like some great public calamity have made all other misfortunes appear trifling by comparison. Sir C. BM, however, though utterly rejecting the little medical parliaments, and all the cthcr queer de vices proposed to make us happy, is by no means per ketly satisfied with things as they are. He is a Re former, but then it is atter his own fashion ; he does not come into the field with any well•know uniform on his back, but fights like a partisan, in plain clothes, and does not draw up with the regular troops. The consequence of tl.is is, that he cuts right and left withot.t inuoh mercy ; old corporations and new Reformers share his censure, and his motto seems ,o be— Tres Tsriusve fuat, nullo discrimine agetur. Sir Charles warns the members to whom his pamphlet is addressed against the bias arising from local prejudices, and so far he does well ; but when he begs to reflect thet in London they arc " exposed to the influence of men rho form their judgment on very limited expe rience," and " who have not hitherto taken an enlarged view of this matter," we think that, in phrenological language, his organ of caution is too strongly deve loped. Far from London being under the influence of local prejudices, it seems rather to approach the unde fined line where impartiality borders on indifference ; so that intropolitan sluggishness occasionally forms a curious contrast with provincial vivacity. In fact, London, instead of being the heart of the empire, as it is often called, has sometimes seemed to us more analogous to the brain—the source of sen sation to every other part, but itself almost destitute of fee hog. Did we find, for instance, that Mr. 'Warburton's Bill, that bundle of whims and oddities, was discussed in the capital with heat and agitation, as a thing likely to annoy the profession extremely ? or, was it talked of, like the fortifications of Paris, as a strange freak that nobody need mind ? Does Mr. Hawes's 1311, again, fill us all with perplexity and terror ? We can assure Sir Charles that every one waits for its extinction with the most philosophic composure, and that scarcely an epi gram will be written on the occasion. Sir Charles tells the story of Walter Scott find ing Mungo Park throwing stones into the pools of the Yarrow, that he might learn to judge of the depth of the rivers in Africa by the time the bubbles took to rise from the bottom. Park was at this time a country surgeon, with a practice of 1501. a year, and " rather than suffer the privations of his condition, he was con templating a perilous adventure." Mungo Park's ta lents clearly did nct lie in the country practice line ; "to sit by the side of a groaning woman till dawn," as Sir Charles phrases it, was not his forte, and he did well to give up the Yarrow for the Niger. This anec dote scarcely proves, as it is intended to do, that the income of country surgeons is so small that the Legis lature must, at all events, refrain from increasing the expense of their education. The case is clearly an ex ception ; and we have no doubt that Mungo Park's successors have made larger incomes on the same ground but non 0711nia possumus omnes ; and the man who was destined to immortally as a traveller, was unable to grow popular amongst the farmers' wives on the Yarrow. The Legislature, complains Sir Charles, when they wanted to pass a Medical Act, sent the in quiry to a Committee, " and then there is a farce of taking evidence and receiving the statements of corporate bodies, all tainted with the imperfections of a rude age." But surely the Professor would not have rejected all evidence save that of the malcontents ; and after the Committee had heard the statements of frail contented creatures, they must have hastened with a higher zest to evidence untainted by imperfection ; for none was ex cluded—good was allowed admission as well as bad. Perhaps the following sentence contains a nearer ap proach to the marrow of the question The radical defect being the attempt to legislate for a profession, to reconcile the interests of medical men, instead of looking steadily to the interests of society." In rude ages, or even now in some continental coun tries, it may be advisable for the supreme power in the State to meddle with the details of ordinary life. Catharine of Russia issued regulations for the conduct of evening parties ; but though it might be easy to prove to the satisfaction of a Committee that for want of an ukase, ices melt,• and lemonade grows lukewarm, no one has d yet advised us t copy the Muscovite model. In Malta, again, our Government has fixed a tariff for medical and surgical advice, and while venesection is recompensed by six tads, or lOid., the reduction of hernia claims six times as much. In this country, however, we leave the settling of the tariff to doctor and patient, with probably less dissatisfaction in the main, than on the straightlaced system intended to prevent all disputes. Some few and obvious improvements might be safely attempted. First, sweep away the minor examining bodies. Secondly, let each remaining Board qualify the successful candidate for practice throughout the Bri tish empire. Thirdly, on all occasions where the State cremes in contact with our profession, let a more liberal scale of remuneration be adopted : it is degrading to the profession, and therefore injurious to the public, that the services of an assistant surgeon in the army, or of the medical officer of a Union, should be rated Lt less than those of a tolerable clerk in a house of husinesr. These are points with which the State may advantage ously interfere. B ut we would warn legislators and re formers that th e customs of a nation cannot be sud denly change d b y Act of Parliament. A very delicate p oint touched upon by Sir Charlesexperience of te aching in London , hundreds of young men enter e d the i s the indiff eren ce of the College of l ' e S s ur b g e e f. o o n re s to th e. moral But u t influence of the p rofession. He complains of t heir re ceiving certif ica tes from anatomists of irre gu l ar h a b its, and observes t hat durin g his thirt y y e ars' t p we r hm o a r p e tt s , e s v i da o u n a l n d wi i t n l l : q at t u h e is e i b ti e l o v e o n n r i s s n t a t i e o d oxatmitiep College,tmbeoralsofrer lec h t a u dit s, or , because, though a a w f e ree m l u iv s e t r have done—at least ? refused a certificate from a teacher w an as d g oo o d n a n n m at o o r m e is p t n , il l i i t e , for the present. Sir Charles Bell complains of small rewards bestowed on the exertions t t practitioners of physic, compared with th ose lavished lavished on other learned professions. So far he is right :no medical practitioner occupies in English society the station of a Bishop or a Judge. But when he goes on to say that there is no worthy tribunal to judge the merits, of our profession, and that all success depends upon igno rant rumour, or the prejudice of fashion, we are com pel:ed to differ from him. Indeed, we may quote his own examfle against his own theory. In any scientific association, from the Neva to the Tagus, when the nerves become the subject of discussion, the name of Bell is quoted as an authority. Is not this fame? The Earl of Mallncsbory has been suffering from severe i n disposition during the past week, but was considered much better on Monday. Dr. Ketrison has been in constant attendance on the Noble Earl. Although at first his Lordship's disorder caused much alarm, a Lvour atlo chan,ge tcck place on Sunday night, which promises a complete recovery. H i s Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex has quite recovered from his illness. His Royal Highness, ac companied by the Duchess of Inverness, left Kensington palace on Saturday, for Wimbledon Park, on a visit to the Duke and Duchess of Somerset. His Royal High, ness returns to Kensington Palace on Tuesday next. The Duke of Northumberland is still suffering from an attack of gout. - 7::\ ,„