The Sun. — London, England, 1841-01-25 00:00:00

TEE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 25, 1841. OSEPIT HI NE Esq., M. P., then rose amidst great cheering. The trumpet having sounded to order, the Honourable Gentleman thus commenced :—Gentlemen— (Noiee)—it is quite impossible that I can express to you any of those opinions that 1 entertain, if this is to be the manner in which I am received—(Cheers and hisses, and Lome confusion.) Mr. PITKETHLEY, of Huddersfield, then came forward and said : --Gentlemen, I entreat the meeting to hear Mr. Hume, and when he has spoken, then to hear one on the opposite side of the question. (This speaker was also in , terrupted by cheers, groans, catcalls, booting, and various diseerdent noises. ) Mr. COLLINS, of Birmingham, next came forward and exclaim -7 d :—Are ye men ? I ask the question, are ye men ? If so, prove it by your conduct.—( Hear, hear.) Listsn attentively. It is one of the most important sub jects that ever could bring you together. Hear every speaker.—( Cheers.) 13y so doing you will afford the best proof that your are true patriots and lovers of your country. —( Applause, followed by comparative silence.) Mr. Hume resumed—l hope, Gentlemen, that the ap peal which has been made to you will be successful. I assure ycu that I appear here an old and a tried Reformer (Hear and applause,succeeded by groans and hootings from the Chartists)—one who would not have appeared at this meeting if I had not a hope of seeing all classes of Re formers united in furtherance of the great object of Parlia mentary Reform. I have, therefore, been anxious that every man, whatever opinions he may entertain on this im portant question should be fairly and fully heard--( Hear) —for which purpose I have been instrumental in asking those gentlemen (advocates of universal suffrage) here to attend, in order that we might have the benefit of their opinions; in order that we might express our opinions; and thus sec whether there is not one common general subject on which we can agree, in order to obtain for the people of this country that great and important elective franchise, on which the best of our liberties must ultimately depend. —( Applause.) Gentlemen, we have one common object in view—good government. We want equal laws and equal justice to all classes of the community. Up to this hour, WO have not enjoyed, we do not enjoy, these. We are met to-day for this object; and I am pleased, beyond measure, to find that so important a Com munity as that of Leeds should set the example of calling together Reformers of all classes to see whether there is not one common ground on which we can meet, and proceed together, until we shall obtain that which shall give us, 1 should say, that increased suffrage, so that every mar, who pays taxes in this country should be repre sented, and should himself vote for his representatives.— ( Applause.) Gentlemen, I have come here for no other purpose than in the hope that I may be able to assist in promoting that union amongst Reformers, without which We must continue to be trampled under foot by the aria. tocracy who now prey upon us and the people at large.-- ( Noise to the Chairman's right, in one corner of the meeting.) lam extremely sorry that my friends in that corner do not observe the extreme hoarseness under which I labour, and that I can hardly raise my voice sufficiently to be beard ; and unless they do me the favour of being as quiet as possible, it will he utterly out of my power to ex press my sentiments as lem desirous to do. The Chair man has placed in my hands a resolution to lay before you. To that resolution I hope to find the unanimous concur. rence of this meeting ; and I am quite satisfied that there is not one here, the foremost friend of freedom amongst you, who is more desirous than myself to go on rapidly, provided that we go on se curely, and provided we can obtain the great and im portant object which we are this day met to promote.--' (Great applause). I consider the step which the Leeds Association has taken as one of immense importance, as a beginning—for it is only a beginning.--( Chartist ap plause.) It is as such we meet.—( Considerable sensation.) I come, Gentlemen, to call your;attention to the circum stances under which we meet. Those who have, watched and who have attended to my proceedingie for the last thirty years, know that I have never turned my back to the people's rights ; but that I have invariably stood forward to demand for the millions that which they have not the opportunity by themselves to demand or obtain.—(Ap plause and noise.) I shall indeed be obliged to the gen tlemen if they will only listen to me. I will be as brief us possible ; but I can assure you I am anxious that' we should now meet in this immense assembly to consider these mat ters ; and I tell you that the eyes of the whole of this kingdom are upon your proceedings to day, to see if you should conduct yourselves (as has been properly stated by Mr. Collins), so as to prove yourselves to be men worthy of the suffrage.—(Applause.) No man can be ignorant of what is unfortunately every minute before our eyes—the state of difficulty, distress, privation, and want, that covers the land almost at all quarters. Is it not therefore a tit and proper question to discuss, while so many men arc suffering when others are at ease ?--(App!auic.) But let us all, be we at ease or be we suffering--let us see if we cannot unite to go to obtain those advantages and that relief which must result from good government to the millions who are now suffering by what I pronounce to be bad and imperfect government.—( Cheers.) Such being the case, Gentle men, what is it that we have to consider? We have to consider under what circumstances, living under a repre sentative government, we arc placed. Are we represented ? Are the millions represented ? I say no.--( Cheers.) Who dare deny this ? Who can put his hand to his heart and say that the millions are represented—that they have a voice in the assembly called the Commons House of Par liament ? Is it, therefore, too much to ask you to listen for a few moments to one who has now devoted a large portion of his life to forward those great and mighty ob. jects ?—( Applause and confusion.) Gentlemen. I repeat we have but one object—those of U 3 who are sincere Re. formers have but one object in view ; and there is not one man in this assembly—there is not one upon that bench (the one assigned to the advocates of Universal Suf frage) beside me here—ardent, however, as they are of freedom—whom I can allow to have an opinion more favourable to the mass of the eom munity than I myself have.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) I will now read the resolution which has been put into my hands, and then I will point out, if you will allow me, the mode by which we ought to arrive at the results which this resolution points to. The resolution is—" That the great experiment made by means of the Reform Bill, to improve the condition of the country, had failed to attain the end desired by the people; and a further reform having, there fore, become necessary, it is the opinion of this meeting that the united efforts of all Reformers ought to be directed to obtain such a farther enlargement of the fran chise as should make the interests of the representatives identical with those of the whole country, and by this means secure a just government for all classes of the people." Is there one man in this assembly who looks forward to au honest exercise of the power of the representative, who can wish more than that those men who are sent to Parliament to represent the people in the House of Commons should act on feelings identical with the people ; that they should consider their wishes, wants, and interests, and make the measures to which they consent the means of carrying out those great objects which we are striving for? This is the resolution which I now am requested to propose. Gen tlemen, we have ample means of discussion here ; I am not afraid of discussion; from discussion the truth must be elicited,and if there is one question upon which I place more reliance than another, it is in the justice of the cause. The people demand that they shall cot hive their pockets picked by persons not authorised by themselves to take money from them ; but on the other hand they are willing to consent to all taxation deemed necessary by men ersioying their confidence and esteem. That is the object for which we are now met. fled 1 taken, I ell! say, not an inactive part in pubic affiirs, per lisps there is no mar preseet—l will scarcely make an ex• ception of any man—who has had such an opportunity of fer etting cut and exposing the misconduct ofpast Governments, and showing the manner in which the public have hereto fore been plundered.—( Lod applause.) No man has endeavoured to do this mere that, myself (standing singly, Gentlemen, for I belong to no party, or, if there is any party to which I belong, it is the party of the people) ; seekinpi e justice for th e wea k, w h o cannot comman d i t f or themsellee; while, unfortunately, the rich protect them selyes ; ars! I trust you will give me credence that, throughout, my motives have been such—( Hear, hear) --and my conduct to the end of my days will show that I have no other object in view. I think it is of importance that we should understand the grounds on which we go. lam one of those who have supported a Liberal Government, because I expected that they would dell liberally towards the people ; I was one of those who hailed the Reform Bill, when all classes of Reformers joined, and, by a mighty effort, consummated that reform. Why did Ido so? Because, having acted with men who professed to be the friends of freedom, 1 had every reason to expect that they would exercise the power which they had obtained by the union of Reformers of every grade, so as to exert it fur the benefit of those w h o had placed them in power. I regret to say that I have been disappointed ; and I am quite prepared to concur with the meeting here, that the results expected from the Reform Bill have alto gether been fruitless.—( Hear, hear.) That good must be done no man will deny; but that all the good we arc entitled to has beat done, few will be bold enough to say , or in this respect beat differ from what the resolution states. —( Hear, hear.) I wish you would allow me to state what the Reform Bill promised. Few people are aware what it really did promise, And what did those who brought in the Bill state that it should do ? lam one of those tives assembled within the walls of Parliament, to protect the rights, the liberties, and interests of the nation." These were some of the benefits which the Reform Bill was intended In carry out, and he said further, that the House of Cmemoris so reformed, was to " consult fur the interests of the people to consider their grievances, and to attend to their desires." Now I have heard complaints that we, the Reformers, supported an inefficient Bill ; but if the Bill had carried out those expectations and pro mises which were held out by Lord John Russell, and which I, as a Reformer, was anxious to see realized ; and having heard those promises held out, who could be blamed for having consented to give it a fair trial how far it was possible to realize them. Did Lord John Russell alone give them these promises? No ; he was also borne out by Earl Grey. And this is very important ; that if any gentleman goes with us, it is necessary for him to under stand what was attempted to be done, and how the failure took place, and in what we were wrong. Lord Grey, on the 3d October, 1831, uttered these memorable words— " I believe the present Bill to be a measure of conciliation. I believe that on its acceptance or rejection depend, on the one hand, tranquillity, prosperity, and concord ; on the other a continuance of a state of political discontent. I believe that a change is necessary to infuse new vigour into the Constitution, and to unite the states of the realm in the bonds of a sacred and happy union make the ; to mae the House of Commons that which it is intended to be, and professes to br—a full, vigorous, and efficient repre sentative of the people of Englaod."—( Hear, hear.) Now, had I stated these as the promises then made by the authors of the Bill, I ask any man present whether be is not prepared to assent to the first part of the proposition contained in this resolution—that those magnificent pro spects then held out to us have altogether failed : and that we arc warranted to proceed to the second part of the proposition—how best we can carry out that agitation to command and obtain those reforms which were promised to us, but have failed. It is necessary here, that you should bear in mind the story of the old man with his sons, whom he told, "If you take that bundle of sticks and break them one by one, you will completely destroy their strength. Be united and firm, and you will be able to resist that which you could not otherwise oppose." The people of England are new divided ; there arc two classes into which they are separated, instead of that conciliation which was promised by the Reform Bill. Instead of unit ing the working classes hand in hand with the middle classes, working for reform together, as in the union which took place between them in 1831 and 1832, how do we now find them ?—divided into two parties, by a line of de marcation more strong than was ever before exhibited in this country—almost hating each other.—( Hear, hear.) And is it surprising that with such feelings existing be tween those two important branches of the country, we should be in our present situation ? I know no more im portant branch than that upon which the whole of the in dustry and prosperity of the country depend, and I will never listen for a moment to the suggestion, that the capi tal 2f the country alone should be employed, when I see in the sinews of every man who is able to wield the ham mer or to throw a shuttle, the very means of employing that capital.—(Applause.) I ask every man in his own station—l ask those gentlemen here (the Delegates, advo cates of Universal Suffrage), who, I am happy to say, will have an opportunity of stating the opinions and senti ments of those bodies from whom they have come; I will ask them to state their opinions; I will state my opinion, and give.eo &fief you the opportunity of judging how far we differ in the great object which we all seek to effect. Gentl emen, the middle classes, or the represented classes, have not acted with that cordiality towards the unrepresented which they ought to have done.—( Cheers.) They have neglected them, they have not put themselves at the head of the great movement which is taking place ; and it is now for us to see how far we can, by a cordial union of our efforts, by each party yielding in some degree that which may be objected to by the other, and fix on some one common ground by which to renew the agitation, and to prevent the aristocracy from further oppressing us, which now wields that great power by which our taxation goes on ; I will not say with no check at all, but certai illy with very slen der check, I assure you, from that 11 else of Commons which we have at the present moment. It is for us to see whether we cannot again awaken that union of moral force and influence by which we carried the Reform Bill, which we then thought would be productive of all the blessings promised and contemplated, but in which we were disap pointed. Why should we not, having one common object in view, good government—try if by any means we can again become friends and zealous advocates in the same cause ? I have no hesitation in saying that I am one of those who hail with pleasure the proceedings of this association. I now hold in my hand the original resolu tion of last year.--( Mr. Roebuck—.." Oh, don't read that.") I hail this as a commencement of what:l trust will go on well. I should not be one to lend inyaelf to what I see has been called " a humbug association," to deceive the people. I regret to see a want of confidence between the re presented and the unrepresented. I am one of six mil lions of men of full growth, and of twenty-one years of age and upwards, and when I look at those who have the power of electing the men who arc to sit in Parliament and to pass laws affecting our liberties and property—and when I find that these electors are not more than one million out of six; that there is not more than one man in every six who has a voice in the election of the representatives of the people--what is the conclusion I come to? That we have given to the few a vast power. I don't blame that few. I say it is the vicious but the necessary result of their possessing this power ; for if you trust to a few individuals unchecked power, you make them dishonest. And, Gentlemen, I trust the time is fast coming when you will not trust any men without keeping them under that check and control which is tweet sary in all societies in every part of the world. For which purpose I want to see why it is that we have so few electors. It is because the middle classes are alarmed at the idea of placing confidence and power in the hands of the many.—( Hear.) I think that it• is one of the great est vices of the present age, and especially of those who call themselves Liberals, that they have not placed con fidence in the people. I can only say, for my own part, that I have had proof from experience, which enables me to say that there is not a man who earns his daily bread, upon whom I could not place as much confidence, provided there be nothing to corrupt him or lead him astray; for, if he were under any sinister influence, he might act contrary to the duty which he owes to the country at large; but, bating that, I do say that I have not found among that class of workmen--and for twelve years I stood the representative of the trades of my own native country—l never found any one of them but what proved, beyond that of the higher claseF.—(}fear, hear.) Let the middle classes weigh well these facts. They arc suffering; they will suffer more ; for an irresponsible Go vernment is at this moment carrying on war, and it must be supported, and for this new taxes will be required. Will they (the middle classes) get relief without the peo ple ? No I Let them, then, ask for that support by the aid of which alone they can come with any chance of suc cess before the Legislature as at present constituted— ( Hear, hear.) Again I say to the working men—" You are suffering ; you went relief; will you get it alone? No. You may get additional suffering by a continuance of misgovernment; but you cannot alone obtain redress. If both parties should come to that conclusion, that it is only by union that you can obtain relief for tho suffering of the country, is not that a ground—ought not that to be a mative—for burying in oblivion all that is past, and let us meet each other as Reformers ? The struggle is one between the aristocracy and the demo cracy of the country; and, unless the people are united, those who have political power, and who are unfortunately in the possession cf it (and every one knows w hat great advantages a man in possession has over another who is not in possession), will continue to oppreis us, and it is on that ground I hope this meeting may be the prelude to that good and proper understanding amongst Reformers. Having said thus much, let me ask you whether any state of the representation can be more absurd than that which we have at the present moment? I have in my hand state ments in proof of this I but I will not trouble you with the details, because I have elsewhere taken pains to place them on record and before Parliament, with the view of calling the attention of parties to it. But this I will tell you, that instead of that equal distribution promised to us by the Reform Bill—on my conscience I believe that the present House of Commons is as much under influ. enee, and is as much a nomination Parliament, and as little in sympathy with the people, as the unrepre sentative Parliament was, which we put down in 1831. When I find that in one borough 152 voters should elect two Members ; and in another 16,000 elec tors hare only power to do the same ; if I find that in five boroughs, 1,400 or 1,500 electors choose ten Members, and that in the same number of boroughs I find fifty times the number of electors only electing the same number of Members—l ask, is it possible for any man to say that the results expected front tiro Reform Bill have not completely failed ? Again. I ask, is the representation of England, Scotland, and Ireland on a footing to be borne ? Ought we not, the re f ore , to see w h ether we cannot in Scotland, England, and Ireland, bring together all those who see the need of union, to demand from the Legislature that change which is so essential, and which must take place before we can obtain the required reforms ? I hope it is not necessary for me t o say more than that that ine quality is apparent t o a ll. Th en, does the present House of Commons attend to the requests and opinions of the people any more than the former House did ? Not one bit. —( Hear.) They h ear y our comp l a i nts ; they may be laid before them ; but as to considering them, or acting as the representatives of the p eo pl e , t h at i s quite another matter. I will not allude to the s t a t e o f t h e Corn-laws, or other laws, because that is shown in th e annual documents of Government, in which you will find them. It is sufficient to say that they exhibit a state of things that would not exist with an equal vote and under a proper representation of the people. I am not here to support, for I can tell you candidly that I am not satisfied with what is called Household Suffrage; for I hold that Household Suffrage would exclude a large portion of the men wh o arc o f the first importance in the country ; it would exclude three fourths of the mechanics of the country.—(He ar , hear.) But the question is to be considered as to the mode by which to apply ourselves to obtain that change. We are not to look upon society es a machine that may be wound up, to alter its course, according to the will of one man. We ought to show to . those who who heard the whole proceedings, who attended the House throughout those proceedings, and who were glad to support this measure of reform, but who only took that which was then given as a portion of that which we were entitled to receive ; declaring, as I did on the instant, in my place in the House of Commons, that while I acceded to ti 030 reforms which ware proposed to ba carried out by that Bill, if it did not answer the purpose of giving good government t o t h e peop l e, I should consider myself war ranted to move again for such further reformations as the wants and wishes of the people required.—(llear, hear.) I shall not trouble you with many extracts, but there are two observations of two men amongst the authors of the Rciorm Bill, that I think I am untitled to state to you, in order that you may see whether the events and results pre dicted and promised . by the m h ave b een obtained ; and if not, may then consider w h et h er the whole country is t called upon to join us in our efforts, and to cont i nue to a i d and promote those efforts, till those benefits which were then pro mised them shall be obtained Lord J. Russell, on asking for leave to introduce the Reform Bill io the !louse of Com mons, what was his statement? Ile says—" The ancient constitution of cur country declares that no man shall bv taxed for the support of the State who has not consented, by himself or his representative, to the imp os i t i on of taxes ?" Is there any man here who denies that proposition ? No; none. When he brought in the Bill, what was hi s state ment ?—( A voice, " Speak up.") If Gentlemen will be silent, I will do my best to be heard, and I can do no more. On the 34th of June, 1831, Lord John R usse ll, in introducing th e R e f orm Bill, sa id, I propose a Re form in Parliament, to put an ead to the nomination of the representatives ef the people. I propose that they should send i n t o t hi s H ouse their real represen t a tives; they shall ha ve i n f act t h at wh i ch at present ex i sts on l y in theory ; I promise you that laws shall no longer be passed for the benefit of governments, classes, or interests." Gentlemen, what more would the most ardent Reformer wish? He further promised—" We will identify this House with the people ef the 'three kingdoms. and that we will extend to this great, powerful, and enlightened people, the right of having their legitimate representa• havo the command of the public purse, that they are rich enough, and that they ought to live under equal laws with the meanest man in this or any other assembly. There can be no reason why the rich man should have laws made to favour him. I hope and trust that from this hour the strenuous Household Suffrage man, and every man of whatever denomination, will come forward to dis- cars these matters, and to assign the reason why each prefers these which he is advocating. Those indi viduals who hare power seem alarmed. Now I want to dissipate that alarm ; and I am con. vinced that the welfare of the State depends on having the whole country united ; and I will just give those gentlemen a proof of the manner in which the mass of the people may be united ; and not only that, but may conduct themselves in the way that their friends would desire. I am old enough to remember—indeed it is but a few years since—when the mass of the people were excluded from all public exhibitions, collections of paintings, and other places; and we were told that if we let in the people we should be sure to have these valuable things destroyed; that the people could not conduct, control, or manage them. selves, What was the result? Why, we opened the finest coalsleocptr.ionnedofdapialyinftrionmgsnoinf,Einurto4 nie, in Hammon Palace ; it w orriss to five in toe otter noon, and every man, woman, and chile mi g h t go t h roug h that valueble eolb esion we',reit fear ei iete rie,ption or im pediment : they were told " Hereyou may enjoy yourselves and do what you please, avoidinglnjury to anything." And the palace has been visited by from 200 000 to 300,000 per sons; and there, as to every other instance where we have placed confidence in the people, they have well deserved it ; indeed, I know no instance in which they have betrayed it. --( Hear.) Then why, on this great question of equal re presentation, shell we not give confidence to And ask them to join us ?—( Hear, bear.) I will only say, that as a sincere and, I will say, an old Radical Reformer, when to be a Radical Reformer was to be considered out of credit—( Hear, hear)—and I think it right to tell you what I hold a Radical Reformer to be--one who wishes to keep an honest man at his post. I have been a Radical Reformer ; I have traced the misgorernment and the plunder of the poor in this State, and I have said, as a Radical Reformer, I want to correct all those abuses, and to prevent any man from having the power of depriving me of one farthing of the property I possess. It is oely by my legal representative or myself that I wish any man to Like my money. I call a Radical Reformer an honest man, who dues not wish to meddle with any man's pro perty. R idical Reformers have been charged with wish ing to meddle with the property of other People ; but no such thing will take place, and it is merely alleged by those who are anxious to throw discredit on them by giving them a bad name, in order to prevent what they well know will be the result. And this, depend upon it, is the fact. I have found through life that the man who has acted dishonestly about anything is the most sensitive man in the world as to any inquiries about it. Upon that ground I have been denounced as a " Radical," and a " dangerous man in society," merely because I have made myself active to put an end to abuses connected with Government ; and I have borne the reproaches which have been east upon me, conscious of doing what I could to benefit my country.— ( Applause.) Having again read the resolution, the Hon. Gentleman concluded by saying, in reference to its last clause, " Such I hope may be the result," and sat down amidst loud cheers, having spoken exactly an hour. Mr. Mom, a deputy from the Chartists of Glasgow, rose to second the resolution. He said—Mr. Chairman and men of England, I now present myself before you as the representative of a large portion of the working men of Glasgow, and th e a d vocate o f t h e Ch arter i n their behalf. Men of England, I would have you to consider that the demand the working people are making is not a demand of yesterday. Without going indefinitely into the history of this country, I will refer you to the time when Muir, Palmer, Gerald, and other men, made the demand which we arc now making, forty-five years ago. Since that time the demand has never been allowed to sleep in the minds of the people. At a later period it was mooted by Major Cartwright and his compeers. More lately, great numbers of the people com bined to obtain that measure through the Re form Act of 1832, from which the working classes of the people did expect to reap benefits which have not been realised. Men of England, what is the cause that all the efforts of the people to obtain Reform in the Commons' House of Parliament have hitherto failed ? Simi ly be cause they did not take care at the beginning to Insure this in the making of the law. The people, substantially, have not been yet represented, and therefore it is that all our efforts have failed. Gentlemen, the people, profiting by past experience, are determined on this occasion to begin at the beginning of their grievances. They are deter mined to remove the cause of all their disaffection, the existing order of things, by making the demand, in a voice of thunder, that they must be admitted within the pale of the Constitution. It will not do to taunt the mass of the people with ignorance. The persons who make this as sertion, lie ; they lie, I say. What is the proof I give you? Do not you find the Tories wheedling and cosx• ing the operatives to form themselves into Operative Conservative Associations ? Do not you find these titled plunderers, whenever they get a few black-faced labourers to sh ut for Constitution and Church--du you not find them cry, " There is the elite of the workiug men ; these are the men who understand what is b st for the good of their country ?" Of late a great effort has been made by a large body of the people to obtain a repeal of the Corn-laws. Do not these men appeal to the people? Do they call only on the 101. house ! holders to assist them in their efforts ? Do they call upon the householder alone to attend their meetings ? No ; I emphatically say no. They call upon this people to come forward in their might, the whole people, to bear testimony against the wrong done to all. Men of England, do not suppose I say that we, the Chartists, form an exception to this rule. We also have confidence in public opinion, and, therefore, when we call our meetings, we do not call the tee-pounders to attend them alone. We do not call on the householders alone to attend these meetings. We also, like other classes, call on all to attend, and bear testimony against the misrule which prevails. But, apparently, we are the only party who are sincere in making this demand on the people. Not that we believe the people would never do any improper thing. Not that we believe they would never be misled. But we are bound to ask our selves the question, has any party yet been found who never do wrong ? Are other classes never misled ? On the contrary, have they not been grievously misled ? Da they not persist in inflicting wrong, notwithstanding our pro. testations ? Yes, they inflict grievous injury on us. Let us see how we have been used since the passing of the Reform Bill. You will recollect that by it an cud was expected to be put to the profligacy and extravaganey of Toryism. To what extent has this been realised? This is an important question, my friends ; and let me tell you it is this year given out that the expenditure of the coun try will just be five millions sterling more than the first session they commenced their course. Let us take a look at the way in which this Reform system has rubbed on. You will recollect that Earl Grey, backed by the people, terrified the aristocracy out of the Reform Bill. If you recol lect, be kept his place—a large portion of the people dis covering that it was his intention to give them the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill. Well, this dis covery was made, and Earl Grey was discovered to give way to Lord Melbourne, who we were all assured was a more Radical sort of a fellow that, his predecessor. And, to be sure, Lord Melbourne was duly installed into office, and kept rubbing on under the old state of things, until it so happened that Earl Spencer died. On this, old King William, who was never any thing of a Reformer, made it a pretence for breaking up the Administration of Lord Melbourne. He had no use for Reformers ; and a courier was despatched to the Continent for Sir Ro bert Peel, who was found and brought back ; and he was now duly installed into office by the Reform King William. Well, he was so bothered by parties in the House, as well as out, that, in four or five months lie was obliged to give up. Well, the old King now felt himself under the humiliating necessity of sending again for the very man he had dismissed, like an ill-behaved lackey, Melbourne. And again Lord Melbourne accepted office as a Reformer, end all his friends stated that it was im possible to believe that he could have again accepted office without having received a guarantee from the King to enable him to carry into effect the Reform Bill. All the people believed this, but it was a mistake. The first Sea. sion of this bright regime came, and it ended, but nothing was done. His friends said it was a grevious thing that nothing was executed. Have a little patience ; gait till next Session, and then you will see what be done. The next Session Caine, and it went ; and, as good luck would have it, just about that time the old King kicked the bucket—lie happened to die in the course of events, and then there was a loud shout in the country, " Give them a fair trial now." Soon efter, it was announced by Lord John Russell that Victoria had placed her self in the hands of her Ministers. Now, everybody said, Here they have a fair field ; we shall receive the good things Later than we can consume them. But it was all a mistake. The first day of the next Session came, and Lord John Russell told the people that it was all a mistake which they had been indulging in—that he had no intention of extending the Suffrage or granting the Ballot ; and as for the repeal of the Corn-laws, they were mad who made such a demand. From this day Chartism took its rise. The people then discovered that they had been deceived—cheated, and every day's experi ence has confirmed them in this beiief. Do we not see texts increased yearly ? \Vas not the demand for the re peal of the Corn-laws met with more contempt than be fore ? Yes. On the first night when it was introduced, a large majority of the aristocracy moved an adjournment of the House, thus throwing the question on the floor. On this the motion was again brought forward, and the de bate was listened to in the midst of the greatest interrup tion; and in less than one evening the tyrant majority re solved that the Corn-laws should not be repealed. These arc things which have confirmed the people in their be lief that, until they are fully, fairly, and freely represented in that House, it is in vain to expect any material altera tion in the system. lam the bearer of a resolution which it is my duty to communicate to you, adopted at a public meeting of the inhabitants of Glasgow, held on the eth of January inst., ir, which you will find the opinions of the Chartists of Glasgow; and, let me tell you, the Char tists of Glasgow are so numerous, that neither Wings nor Tories, nor both of them uuitcd, car, grill a public meeting at any hour of the day or night with et shadow of chance of success. There is an important fact fie- you to bear in mind when you think lightly of the Chartists. I can tell you the Chartists of Scotland are not an insignificant body of men, for there is not a town of any consequence where a public meeting may be called, where the Chartists can not carry their own views. This is an extraordinary state of things; but when we look at the circumstances preced ing it, we see that the people have been deceived for at least half a century. You will therefore agree with me that it is not wonderful they should have come to this reso lution at last. The resolution is in these words; and it is important for you to recollect, while you desire to go to a more limited extension of the franchise than we wish to do, that you cannot ask the public to assist you. If you do, the Chartists will be there ; and I need not tell you that without the public—without the spirit of th e w h o l e public—the aristocracy will treat you with as little cere mony as they have been treating the advocates of a repeal of the Corn-laws. We must be unit, d, and I am glad that to Iced, at no very distant day, to a cordial for once we are present at a riveting which is likely e community combination t tp i tl o ca n ot I spot, people oe t a h . rri middle joeotrne oesn.t ssaa e stl a e k sca not anan:9d 0 00 fff hearts tthhh ey .s o t hui f a a emds n t sphsdpeeooeaffokmpm workingoed idlersn people. e oey of , c f c .ots l h l ; r a p, : s doinga e r s e . flu nA t °l t y e th r ° i i n nPil p d ea A k ib n e o r t t aonfdtiVeictoria, supporting th e dignity of the fellows who receive lar m g g t a— a r e o u lu n ns e ; for, as sure as there isi a God its heaven and com mon sense among mankind, if ever Universal Suffrage shall be obtained, the affairs of Gov ernment must be car. tied on it, a way more in aecoi dance with the common sense of mankind. They will not be toad to keep th e system as it is, as necessary for the dignity of the Crown. They sail look across the Atlantic, and . see the Presid en t o f a flourishing republic there performitig the duti es o f hi s si tuation for 6,0004 a year. Why, her Majesty and Prince Albert have more in a week 1 A great many peopl e o f t h e country cannot understand this disparity. They have never been anle to discover why two hurtle!) beings should have allowed them thirteen hundred pounds per day for their eotavrt - Ale maintanance, while the fame class have the effrontery, on hearing the voices of the working people. to express their wonderment that they qr not cent, nt to ressaive, f'se thcis toil froer seoru eiget, some , crown a c.v. These things must be altered, but the}' ieet be ait ‘r. i a .ti; we have Universel Suffrage. I agree wins the (+pluton expressed by Mr. Hume. that no portion of the community can be trusted by themselves. Were the Chartists to be put in the position which Whigs and Tories have occupied, I believe they would turn out as profligate as either. But, Gentlemen of England, do not misunderstand me. As a Chartist, Ido not ask you to disfranchise the Whigs and Tories, in order that eel Chartists may riot oe the spell of the system; I only want you to admit them to a share of the management, and to keep yourselves in such a position as to be able to control them effectually. This is all our desire, and lam satisfied that ts'e result of it would be found to be greatly advantage ous to the community. The resolution which was adopted at the meeting at Glasgow is as follows, and it has been come to for the reasons which I have endeavoured to lay before you : " That it is the opinion of this meeting that all the efforts of the people to obtain substantial reforms in the representation of the national affairs have hitherto failed, in consequence of the people not being fully, freely, and fairly represented in the Commons' House of Parliament; and furthermore, that this meeting is of opinion that every man has n just and equal right to every political privi. lege, and deems it its duty to express its determination not only not to countenance, but to oppose any public convoca tion for any extension of the suffrage, if the suffrage is short of that commonly called Universal Suffrage." This is the resolution of the men of Glasgow, and I have told you that they are all-powerful in public opinion. And we will not believe it is too soon now. As it is forty-five years since this demand was made in this country, am Ito wait other forty-five years before it is obtained ? If that be so, why I must submit to injustice as long as I live. The people de not live a thousand years ; if they did, we could wait forty or fifty years till our efforts were accom plished. The time is now come; and our great object must be obtained, or else there will be no peace in Eng land or Scotland. We do not desire to divide property as Mr. Hurne has remarked. We only wish to keep the hands of the spoilers out of our pockets. We only wish to have a voice in the laying on of those taxes we are compelled to pay. If the Parliament returned under the ten-pound Re formers had reduced the taxes twee y millions, you would not have heard about Universal Suffrage I ant one of the unlettered people. Ide not come here pretending to be gifted in the learning of the Greeks and Romans. I am one of the working classes, just by chance a shop. keeper, and. I trust, although my pronunciation is not so very polished, yet it will be borne with for the sake of the order to which I belong. There is great difficulty in under standing where the interest of taxation is to come frost ; and, without it is defiled, Government must go on borrow ing without the means of paying it. For the reasons I stated, we, the men of Glasgow, are perfectly convinced, and will act on that conviction, that till we are fully, fairly, and freely represented in the Commons' House of Parlia ment, it is in vain to waste our time in asking administras tive reforms. Look at the way in which public opinion is treated in that House, and ask yourselves if the time has not come now, when the people should be admitted within the pale of the Constitution. The cry of " Keep out the Tories" will not serve any longer. With these observa tions, Mr. Chairman and Men of England, I beg leave, very cordially to second the resolution which has been so ably proposed by Mr. flume. Sir G. STRICKLAND, Bart., was next introduced to the meeting, and was well received. He said—Mr. Chair man, Gentleman, Friends, ant Brother Reformers, I take this occasion to express my utter abhorrence and my great contempt for that Tory doctrine falsely called Conserva tism—l meats the stand-still or do•nothing principle.-- (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") If I were to be asked to what party in the State I belong, my answer must be, that I belonged to that party who, instead of withholding from the people all that they dare, would dive to the people all they can.—( Hear, hear, and cheers ) I belong to that party in the State who, having felt the evils of exclusive and aristocratic govern ment, would give to the people an extension of pri vih•ges in proportion as their intelligence expands.— ( Hisses, groans, and other interruptions from the Chartists,) My friends, my principle—( Renewed in terruption)—my principle you must perceive is the principle that would lead me, in a great degree, if not entirely, to coincide with the views expressed by Mr. Hume this evening.—( Hear, hear.) It is this principle which induced me very early in I,fe to becoma a decided and uticompromisitig Reformer. I confess to you, if that be a fault, that I was a decided supporter of the Reform Bill as it was carried ; and I believe that I do not feel all that disappointment about it which some of you expressed, because, perhaps, I never expected getting so much from it as some of you.---( Hear, hear.) But, Gentlemen, I will tell you now how far my principles did go, long be fore the passing of the Reform Bill. Iso read the British Constitution, that I long since maintained, and I bold this opinion up to the present time, that the true spirit and meaning of that Constitntioa will never be en. tirely developed till we have at least Household Suffrage. —(Cheers.) This is no new opinion of mine. I have expressed it before the public ten and fifteen years ago. Awl, Gentlemen, I for one, think that the Reform Bill was a great, important, and valuable measure, for by the passing of that Act of Parliament, I contend that this day we stand on better ground in asking for all that we want. and cheers, and a voice from the far corner, " Nay, not half so good.") And there is one measure passed by the reformed House of Commons for which, above all others, I feel grateful. All my labours to carry that measure (the Reform Bill) have been repaid by that one measure by which Parliament abolished the horrors of slavery in every part of the British dominions.—(A cry of " twenty millions.") My friend cries out twenty millions. "We paid dearly for it, I know." I, for one, voted against that twenty millions, kit as we could not carry the measure without it, I was glad even to pay that amount in order to get rid of the horrid system.—(Cheers.) Now, Gentle men, we are sometimes told that we ought not to ask for more, but that we ought to look to Committees of the House of Commons to do the rest in putting down corrup tion and intimidation at our elections. Look to the Com mittees of the House of Commons to put down corrup tion and intimidation t How have they acted in their pro ceedings ? I will give you but one example. Is there any man who hears me, who does not consider that the Ref orm g polling places within a s h ort d istance of Bill, by placin g every man's residence ; by enacting that in boroughs no man should be a voter who resides beyond a certain dis tance—it was the intention of that Bill, that no man should have any expenses paid, that no man should be bribed, but that he should go to the poll and give his honest vote according to the dictates of his conscience.— ( Hear, hear.) But I ask you, what is the decision of the Committee of the House of Commons on this subject ? Why, they say if a man, who usually resides within a li mited distance, and he at the time of election be one hendred miles from home, he may have the expense of his journey paid, and himself handsomely maintained during the election. Now, this is a portion of that species of corruption against which we base been contending for a great number re years. That great and unflinching Re former—who do you think I mean ?—Sir Robert Peel, has got his Bill carried throussh the House of Com mons, by which it is said he has effected a great improve. merit. I, for one, deny that such is the case, and for this reason. Under the old system the election Committees were chosen by a ballot, and there was a chance ; once at least in twenty times, that a Committee might be so consti tuted that they would consider what would be the law of Parliament and of the British C erstitution, and dsfend the rights and liberties of the people. But what is the new measure ? Why, the Committees are to be appointed by selection. Now, I will ask you only one qui stien ; which of you eould like to be tried for libt I by a jury appointed by selection.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) This, Gentle men, is one of the symptoms of the times in which we live. But there is another to which I will now allude. You have heard of Lord Stanley's Bill for the disfranchisement of Ireland. Here in England we determine that a system of registration should be maintained. I, for one, am of opinion that any man, who has once been placed upon the register, ought not to have the misfortunes and vicissi tudes of his life raked up in order to strike his name from the list. I think, in short, that once a votsr, a man ought to be a voter for life. But what is intended by Lord Stan ley's Bill ? Why, the poor voter is to undergo a system of annual revision. Nay, more, it he would delend his vote, he must do so at the expense of an assize trial.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Shame, shame.") I hear some one cry out that it is a shame. I thick that it is an insult. Bui I now pass over this subject to ask one question. Did not that Bill which you consider so great an insult to the people of Ireland, pass the House of Commons within a few votes?—(Hear.) I am afraid, Gentlemen, I am tres passing too long upon your time.---(" Go on, go on ! ") I am sorry to detain you, but, if you will allots , me, I will advert to ono topic, I mean the odious, the hateful, the unjust Corn.laws.—( Hear, hear, hear.) lam myself a landed proprietor; excepting from land I never can pos sess a single shilling in the world.--( Hear, hear, hear.) But ever since I had breath to speak I have often spoken against the Corn-laws.—(Cheers and " Bravo 1") I see by some arguments advanced, that it has been attempted to be proved, that if we establish Household Suffrage, we should make things worse, by confirming fur ever these odious Corn-laws ; because, by so doing, we should get rid of the newer and influence of the members returned by towns. Now, Geetlemen, I think this is totally and entirely a mistake ; and any person who writes thus cannot be acquainted with the state of feeling in the agricultural districts ; for I will maintain that in all small towns, in every village in Eng land, the people are at this time crying out for cheaper bread, and to abolish the Curn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) But then I am asked, how is it that this does not a appearour more fully in the votes which these Donnie give county elections ? My answa- Is obvious. They are under intimidation, and dare not vote according to their consciences.—( Hear, hear.) And, I ask you, is this state of things to continue ?—( No.) I have told yon lam in favour of 11 , .;usehulci Suffrage. I think that is the first thing wi.ich can he carried. I think it is a practical and wholesome measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think tnis is all we can obtain now ; and, in the present state of the Administration, to unite, as Mr. Hutne has recom mended, to unanimously call for vote by Ballot. The Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers. Mr. COLLINS, Chartist delegate hem Birmingham, said—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, the gentleman who has just sat down made an observation or two, which I will endeavour with all reapeet to reply to.—( Hear.) That gentleman stated that he was an advocate for the extension of the suffrage to such as arc intelligent ; and that he was of opinion such ought to possess it. But all important question would arise out of that as- , ertion, namely, who was to be the judge of the intedigenc. - p ? (Loud cries of " Hear, hear, !war.") Anti then the gen tleman sat down with recommending Household Suf. frage. Are all hou. , !holdets int.llii4cnt, then ?—( No, no.) Or, are there nu intelligent men among the classes who are tiot householders: ?—( FLar, hear.) ll,!es the Lt - ,gislative Assemble of this c6utitry coos...nt to tax only intelligent int n ? If so, why then only intelligent men would he en. titled to vote ; for I maintain that those who pay taxes are entitled to vote in the putting on of the taxes, and also in the appropriation of them. Are only intelligent men bound to obey the laws—arc we not all bouud—and it Wits righ; We thouid be .443—and if that, be the case, is it not r ri 7 ht that we should all have a voice in the making of theqc which .^.1"o, 1.4 bound to obey 1;1;73 wirch they 30 li ave nut a voice eking, are disgraced. he noght say th e y were slaves, as the men who tneen :tisse laea were tyrants.—(Loud e applause.) My friends I w as e xcre d inglyanxious to ee- fend the classes to which I belong from the various as persions that have been cast upon them during a very great period. We have been charged with immorality—. AC have been accused of depravity —and we have been accused of a desire to destroy property, and a variety of other things. You hare heard from one of the speakers this evening, and, if my memo does not Nil tno, you also heard from a second, that we had no such hear.) Bat I believe that there are mane individuals , ho make these assertions, who actually believe that what they assert is true ; end really and sin cerely believe that the working classes of this country are immoral, depraved, and ignorant, and consequently that they are unfit to be trusted with the franchise.—( Hear.) But it is perhaps necessary far us to inquire, " How do vou arrive at this conclusion?" It is in my opinion a mat. ter of very considerable importance that weo should arrive at a right understanding. Many of those individuals who aincerely entertain this opinion do not mix with the work ing classes at all, they are placed in a very different posi tien of society, and consequently have but little intercourse with them. Those gentl- men are accustomed to be amused from day to day with the great quantity of light reeding that is constantly appearing in the literary world. Aad who are the individuals that produce the maga zines and other periodicals of that description at the present day? Why, either persons belonging to the middle classes, or those who are paid by them, and who consequently write in a manner suitable to the tastes of the parties by whom they are engaged. In such periodi cals the working men are not sufficiently represented. They are spoken of in a manner merely suitable to the feeling of the aristocracy..—( Hear, hear, hear.) Justice has never yet been done to the real feelings, to the wants, to the habits, and to the circumstances of the class to which I belong. They read the proceedings be fore the various courts of justice—they rend the proceed ings before the Magistrates and those before the Courts of Assize, and they discover that there are a greater number of labourers committed in the manufacturing than in the agricultural districts ; and then they come to the conclusion that the working classes are the very worst men of society.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But, my friends, they are not all members of the working classes who are tried at the assizes—if they were to deduct from the list of assize those who never had any residence at all, those who had been born pet haps under hedges, and in the camps of the gipsies, and go from fair to fair to melte a living—take these, and such like people from the list of assize, I deny that these are the working classes, or belong to the class that I belong to. And I thought it necessary to express myself thus in order to free myself from the imputation ; deduct these which I have mentioned from the list of prisoners tried in courts of justice, and you will find that the list com prises as many of the other classes as of the working classes. Well, then, this being the case, my inference is, it is not right to charge on the working classes all those crimes.—( Loud cries of •‘ Hear, hear.") Any individual who believed in the charge made against us, of being im moral and depraved, would see that it could not be sup ported if he would take the trouble to look at one of the principles laid down in the Charter, namely, that any one convicted of cr me shall not be admitted to the franchise. —( Hear, hear.) Is this a proof of our immorality ?—is this a plea of want of honesty ?—is this a proof that we want to take property and divide it? No, no, my friends. —( Great applause ) Again, my friends, the gentleman who preceded me speaks of the emancipation of the black sieve. lam exceedingly glad that he did so, for it re minds me of an idea that I have sonic time had by me I recollect very well that the individuals who were in favour of keeping the black man in bundege, eatertained and expressed ass Wee that if they shoeld emancipate the bleek sleves, the consequence would be that they would rise en masse against the o users of the lend in our colonies, and that eventually we should lose our colonies. They thought thes—they said this— and urged this as a reason why they should not grant einem cipaoon to the black slave. Emancipation came, and the doubts and fears of its opponents were not realised, but if they had been realised, I deny that it would have been the etThct of emancipation. If I bind a mats hand and foot, use him ill, and keep hint in bondage mouths and years, and if 00 some pairticuler occasion I should feel a disposi tion to take off his chains and set him at liberty, and if, as soon as he could do so, the man knocked me down, it would never enter into my head that he knocked me doers because I had set him free, hut because I bound him.-- ( Loud cheers.) The gentleman who moved the resolution which is now before us, advanced many, many very ex cellent sentiments, to which I entirely and heartily responded. He stated a very important truth too, my friends. He stated that those who possessed the fran chise—those to whom the Reform Bill gave the franchise —bad not acted as they ought to have done to:curds those who did not possess the franchise.—(Cheers.) We are et issue with those gentlemen who advocate household suffrage. My friends, I have long felt the disadvantages and evils of being among the non -represented class. How could I look a man in the face who was not a householder, but who was equally virtuous, who was equally intelligent, and equally industrious as myself, and perhaps more so— how could I look on such a man, and say, " Because you do not live in a house, you have not the franchise ?" How could I say so, or how could I ask a right for myself and withhold it from my brother ?—( Hear, and loud cheers.) How could I lay claim to the title of Christian if I did such a thing as that ? No, no, my friends, I could not lay claim either to the title of a Christian, or of a Briton, or a patriot. Gentlemen, you have heard read the resolu tion passed by the men of Glasgow. There was also a resolution passed at a large public meeting held at Bir mingham. when they appointed me to attend as dele gate to the Leeds meeting, as the representative of their opinions, which resolution I will not read to you, as it will be read by Mr. O'Neil, from Bismingham, in the course of the evening. when he addresses you, and when also lie will have occasion to notice an address from the men of Bir. mingham to you. But the principle of the resolution was expressive of a determination, after due consideration, to adopt the Charter. They entreat that you will not ac cept anything less than the Charter, or be gulled by any thing on the ground of expedieucy ; they would not be • content with any principle short of the principle contained in the Charter. My friends, we take our stand upon principles. Gentlemen may use the term expediency if they please, and say, if we cannot get all we want, we must take all we can get But would any man of com mon sense ask a debtor for less than the full amount he owed him, more especially when he knew the debtor was solvent ? Would any man who understands the principle of right, who is an honest man, wish to take his stand against his principles ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) I hold there is no real expediency but that which is right, that to du that which is right is the best expediency that can be adopted. lam sorry that there should same of the noodle classes who do not see that their interests are idene tical with the working classes. This being the ease. the best way is to act upon the spit ii of brotheily love— (1-rear, hear)—and, as patriots, to be willing to extend to others the rights which we claim for ourselves.—( Ap plause.) This was one of the principal reasons why the men of Be norigham had adopted the Charter as the ex pression of their opinions. It is 110.47 going something like terse or fuur years since their attention was first calico to the condition in which they found theieselces, and that led to the present movement, which is called a movement of tins Chartist body. From a firm conviction of the pro priety of the principles contained io the Charter, we en. tered into a union, and pledged ourselves to support them, and assert them throughout the length and the bretteth of the land; that we would not be diverted front oer object by any means to set aside the princi ple* we advanced.—( Heir, hear, hear ) They would not be diverted by a proposition to repeal the Corn-laws—hut there is not a man in the country who does not feel the evil of the Corn-law, and the Chartists would be desirous to take off that law as soon as posaible. But the Corn law was not the only evil they laboured under, and they were wishing but to have them all removed. It is as winking then the Chartists have adopted this pledge, and I have full confidence in them that they will keep it.-- ( Loud applause, and hear.) And yet, though they are so difiereni, it is not because they have no respect for the gentlemen who have stood aloof from them, or who may hive cast vituperations upon them.—.( Hear, hear.) They have felt it was necessary to calm their feelings so far as to forget the parties who have slandered them ; but then their principles were advocated, and the time, they hoped, WOUill yet come, when they would be advocated by every right-thinking man of the community.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Gentlemen, to see the result of giving the franchise to the working classes, should look to America. America, during the last fifty years, has had the po pulation increased by those who have violated the law in various parts in Europe. America has had its popu. lotion increased by persons of other nations, who had gone thither for the purpose of repairing their fortunes, which had been reduced at home—having only left so much as was able to transplant them on the other side of the Atlan tic, And the fact is, that those who have been so trans planted to America have been admitted to the right of citizenship after a residence of six months in the land. And I would ask what country in the world has selected wiser men for her rulers than America ?—( Cheers.) What better statesmanship had been shown in the same age in arty country, than what they had exhibited, either in peace or war ?_(Cheers.) Look at the democratic spirit at any period, and we shall see its beneficial effects. The democratic principles, for the prevalence of which we contend, are all towards the democratic sprit of ancient Greece and Rome; but the pyramids of Egypt and the Pillar of Pompey are crumbling into dust.—(Cheers.) My friends, I will nut trespass longer on your time or at tention.—(" Go on, go on.") lam desirous of going on, but a sense of justice tells me to desist, as there is a great number of other gentlemen who have to express their sen timents.—( Cheers.) As you are Britons—as you love your country—as you love your children and your wives, I beseech you—l entreat you to unite in an unanimous effort, not for a portion of the community, but for the whole people who arc enthralled —( Loud cheers.) JOHN Ar,Titott Roesucis, Esq., was received with re peated cheering, and said—Mr. Chairman and Gentle men : As I would solicit you to hear me, I would entreat you to be silent. Fancy fur a moment ou are on a so. l lenin occasion ; not listening to me, perhaps little worthy of your attention, but to one speaking on a great subject— feitcvy yourselves withi n wa ll s t h at are sacred you will then be silent an-i hear, and I do not thilik you will do yourselves any harm by being silent—( Hear, hear.) A resolution is moven, commencing a preamble stating that thei e has been a failure in the ant septa hitherto made to restore the constitution of this country.—( Hear, hear.) We assume that as a thing proved—we_ are all agreed on that point—( Hear, heal )—we therefore see that fur tiler return is necessary ; so far we are all agreed. and there cats be no difficulty. Now conies the next teopoai tion. Let us so continue to advance, to enlarge the fren until we make the interest of tOe representative co incident and ideteical with the interests of the whole cons- Tlllllli V. But when I ask the question how w's a'e to d '' this, I find difficulties arise, because d,fl rences arise.. We wart save—my friend, if he will permit me to call him Collins and Mr, Moir also lioy, you cannot do MORNING E_DITIOIkI . a -- --- ' --- 1 -- this but be mekin g th e f sene bi ess eetesea, net to ITetee - est will completely obviate the evils: and we foiitheas r t s'''' . " e. Siutteage, b,.• se the Suffre e e ot tire Cher:era T's '• -•- ?sac every cimstentional means to bring into 1 . -"'''''• - • • t i their propoell ioa, I see here a prueositicti called lluose- , ratiett its princi hold Suffriesse. That is another propos i floo. A 1 , 01 ,, t , i . sar a repeal of ?lie Corn-laws, assured tile.: ire perreane. ~r ,„ A sure of geed could be reasonabiy expected from an Ullet,la,,,'.', scan says, Ido not go y:ite so far as that : lam for the ples. In vain were we called ueon teria4tat. Government. 'sVe refused to give our support to, i a a r n iy .s vf t l ie Ten Pound Suffrage. Here, therefore, differences arise. And for what purpose are we met here ? Why, for this short v,hnie of tha l t e, whiclt 2 by placing control inurethetel all d just sod great purpose, this great end, a new and great era opens ishould enable them to sec upon us now, and the . equitable pe l o a i % ) vs. middle and working classes meet .We would hail your co-operation as a powerful bison; we , here to discuss the question.—( Loud cheers.) And I say are persuaded that this feeling would be mutual ; but lie , ;t"'i that we are not prepared at once to determine what is I not, were we in your situation, desire the co-opsration of i S e , ' t right end whet is wrong.—( Hoar.) We ore come nere who world, for the sake of enlisting however large aet 5 ..,,i to throw our oeitaims miils!. this e rest sea; let them be ;of however powerf u l friends, retrograde from the point thea t i L, tossed isbeest, the ship will find her haven ; truth is her P cargo; let God direct her.—(Loud cheering.) But while previously attained. No, we cannot think you would fee t l o sit respect that you must feel in the holding of our preseeie y , ' .. nioas ; we rejoice that we can at least claim from yvu t , l c we watch her battling with the waves, let no one say I pression ' If they are not wise—they are at least hoot. r _ ,c , will assume the helm and put all other men under my feet. "here, then, is our position, as inflexible as 011ie the —(Cheers.) Let no one say I am infallible ; to me listen as to a god.---( Hear, and cheers.) No one, my p ir e e s s. a e r d e eternal elasse sh;al shall unite en on n - if t l h i b s l essth basise. day for u w i l li e te n d al rte pO te friends, no one here is of that opinion. We come here to ! can successfully oppose them ; civil ' and religious libely bear with one another. I came here to bear with them that commercial prosperity, and happiness would speedily ( 4 1 speak for household suffrage, although I myself am for the upon our unhappy country ; but an union upon unjus t ° s t suffrage of the Charter.—( Cheers.) I am not bold exclusive principles will not, cannot triumph ; theusetai%, enough to say that I alone am right. I would, theretore, the best aed bravest of Britain's sons of toil would riss je ~:, impress on you, above all things, one grand duty. Recol- in indignaticri against the attempt to exclude them Irr i sg 'e. lest you have to listen to all opinions —that you have all their rights; and thousands . who might obtain the 5,, , ,, , t i t even f upon your principles, would indignantly refuse . t,_ vir , the interests that are identical, all the interests to come to a right conclusion, and, for God's sake, be to one t h u l o a t u 3 O a r n( t i h i e n n t l e S l C l l i " e s nt "hie N h ve th t e i y i denied to other s s uc e c e ee li, .1 th e t y o au sa c ‘ a e nn ,o o u t along a witi , u s another as brethren, and not as quarrelsome disputants, it sou value the g power that is able to quarreling for victory.—( Loud cheers.) Now, then, I yen will engage on your behalf the mi n ta ge , who, by w t ' rk „ l l have told you, lam not for household suffrage •; I have for their own as well as for your advantage, will bring to ~i ' sb e come to cast my opinions amongst you ; take them for aid a tenfold more efficient power than that which cool`{ what they are worth, for nothing more, weigh the argu- wielded by men who, though they agitated with you, felt meets by which I shall surround them.—( Cheers.) If degrading thought. that the rights sought could not be a id , they be worthless, cast them away ; but if right, grapple by them. Choose, as wise men, which course you will e s: ). That in which you shall be as you now are, alone, and e:: to them.—(Cheera.) Coming to this amicable field of ful ; or that in which the verse of the millions shall rise ts ; controversy, I say I am for carrying the suffrage, the fran with you—a voice which, combined with you, no tyrant chide, so far as tnat the interests of the representative shall esist. become identical with those of the whole community.— r "We invite you to joie in our noble struggles ; we ar tien , t s li i (Cheers.) Why ? Because I find if I have a man en- request you to ascend still further in the path of justice:, dovrcd with power for which he is not responsible—and Oh mercy ; let no cold and fearful expediency mar your owo '" this principle we are all agreed—it would be in nature piness and the destinies of millions." that he should be led to abuse it. How can we be He said that the question of expediency required to b e al ; made responsible? To whom ? To a part of the come derstood. He believed that expediency was not al` c .: is 1,, rn unity—say th e H ouse h old Suffrage men. I ask, what right—he meant the expediency of their cnetn'ii, the result ? J u d ge b y t h e present. We have a part He had read of an occurrence when democr 4 6 l of the commu n ity e l ect i ng a House of Commons, and the principles prevailed in Athens, and when it "lo House of Com mons are responsible to that part of the stated to the Athenians that a measure of gifie, community. Do they consult the interests of the com- importance might be accomplished. Aristides wa s b e munity ? Your preamble to the resolution says no ; puled to ascertain the secret, and he reported t .„ (Chtherefore, the question is answered by yourselves.— the plan was expedient, but it was not just, and th er ,', o eers.) Why do they not ? Because the persons to fore the people at once abandoned it. That plan was to b u i l , wiiom they are lesponsible ate so small a number, it may the Lacedwmonian flea in the night. It was right to o btain be for their interest to gratify that small number at th e franchise for every male adult, and it was n o t expedient t° a r o expense of the whole community.—( Hear• hear, hear.) from any man his just rights. The people not only asked , ' t el the measure expedient ? but was it right and just ? He sh ° Iv Well, then, increasing the basis, I only increase the diffi like to have the meaning of the word expediency righted' culty of the representative ; but I cannot make him the e e bestmewnpaiilgni co r yt i . g al h: 1 3, always a st : r a iin l w ht a th y .e s expedient, for t f i o se r o honesty fedtht was exe c. responsible to all the community, unless I give the enow principlespr es presented the m ' en of p a ir: power to elect him to all. Ah I but lam not out e ho te a rt d it ire" 1° of my difficulty. That would give the elective franchise dienc the Chairman, as co'reaSn g ing the to men, women, and children. And here I would answer mingham. The : suffrage they demanded was not o f the C c s 1 a proposition by a friend of mine. He said, every man stitution—the glorious Constitution which had been so ro d s having to submit to the laws ought to have a voice in the lauded. The law was, that every man paying his se et . o l making of those laws. I differ from that principle. I say bearing his lot should have a vote. Every man but the insan e 0 , that is not th e case. S uppose a foreigner comes into the the criminal ought to haves vote. He knew no reason t h e ho s a d country, is he n o t t o su b m i t to t h e l aw ? Yes ; but is he to have a word i n th e ma ki ng o f that law ? The Charter holder only should h ave it. Wh y s h ou ld h e himself and thoto.,oo of ledgers be deprived o f it ? Th ere f ore h e could not sul'lti,e says a m an must nut h ave a word in the making of the Household Suff rage , an d, sa id h e, I cannot conceive 0 , 1( you e can t get it without us. i I am expecti ng y:,u vi „ co ef submit to the l aw b e f ore t h at a law till he i s twenty-orie y ears of a ; but is he not to on .e y w a ili st h ep y t a o ll a th fu e r m th e c a r ns st io , li r , age ?-- ge Cheer,) The prin. and we •, ar u e s de y i e e t r . mined that , a cipte is, if I Cain get a communtty so large th a t th e ir i n - power, render ourselves wcrthy of your cc- o p era ti o n, hi c i of !elitist s are couieident w ith t h ose o f the whole commuriiiy, c reas ing our i nte lli gence, b y ennobling and purifying -,0 I may fairly trust the franchiso in their hands.--( Louu morals. But we will never depart from the high positieeo applause. Here some person in the meeting made a sort have maintained in the Charter. I call upon you as men ;0 desire co mmerc i a l prosper i ty to join us. I know at' w ea of whistle.) D o no t w hi st l e (sa i d Mr. Reebuck) no hottest man can come here to whistle.—( Loud cheers.) starving, because others are starving in India and Irelano• of I! is a great, a solemn you don't w an t t o b e mere we l l-fed slaves. You desire I n occasion ; and I a pp ea l to you as rights. You desire to cultivate the noble faculties ofd t tiO inen brought here together ler a great business, to protect rite white I address you.—( Cheers.) I have just said, the minds, to place man in the proper position he ought to .0, 90 g a c i r , 7t i i n o t n e , ll t e h e a tu t a h l e miglt not be merely an animal, but . a 'ler: w y to make us ask is to base so laige a community stoop dim their interests; shall be identical with the interests cl thing can be done unre being.s, Join nu. us in the 1 noble struggle bo a , ire whole. Now I will answer the question as to the women. in hand for the lull measure of u nn t j e e r: a e ycijtoamr hear.) ° , t ost Why are they to be excluded from the franchise ? Mr. SIIARMAN CRAWFORD' ) :poke t h roughout mi. e hi I Why? I cannot tell why. Pnilesophers may say their hoe. , disturbance, which rendered him inaudible excepting vc ' tr i j t4 rests sic identical with those of their parents and husbands. : very limited circle. He begged the attention of the ni e 'i at As to children, their interests are identical with t for a few moments. He appeared in the cause of the V g a these of their psi - cuts, and they are not required to vote. of the people us an Irishman. ,He contended that the sn o il should be extended so as to take in all the working classees•ory Beyood that I cannot go; no principle takes me further; that h no suffrage could be satisfactory that did not ,give tee f o r and I eels, why should I go further ? Excluding all touched by crime, all wider twenty. one years, and ail not Members ne honest, ar l a m o e - working i ng lt ma w " as thneot rhigihstd o t f y Y tO ii t ' f :, ) registered, I cannot answer why all the rest ought not to out to Englishmen the course they should pursue u t° ii have votes.—( Loud cheers.) I ask, is that the right tain that object. But if Household Suffrage were adnr e ,`;',ll l way to proceed ? I am riot going to proceed much should be in such a way as to include every working alt 3l a t ett longer.—( Cries of "Go on, go on.") I want to know, was a lodger, as well as every occupant of a house. An- e r ea thou, whether that is coming to the conclusion. I feel important point was a new distribution of the'electoral boors! They could not have just representation unless the e lec „dost myself at a stand, and humbled, when I come to act practically. It is here that I find others disagree with me. districts were so apportioned as that no one part of the li,,jr2: t hir I find I cannot get all at once. I find I must convince should have an undue weight beyond any other part. e , i o ,,i s ral redistribution their particular attention.. ire' other men as well as myself, and therefore it is that question nted he Ripon, with 5 ,7 u 3 t s i on i n a h s ah w it e ui ll t a s s sh lr n e n l i a d nd hava W a a s s In i a t n i ) ns t " epra t: I bear with those men. I say to the Household Suffrage men, lam willing to converse with you as to your sentatives as Leed;, with 123,000? He, therefore , c ae ' 61 opinions—l do not put mine ou t as i n f a llibl e . — ( Ch eers.) tended, that England herself needed redistribution,S, D r Talk about them. You ma y atta i n your o bj ect b e f ore that without it justice could not be done. It was nass'easer I can possibly attain mine ; I w ill go as f ar as you go, cessary that voters should be protected from undue info of of and when you cease to ad v ance I w ill go on. —( L oud and, therefore, he recommended the Ballot for the 55araeuld cheers.) Therefore, I labour with every labourer—l electors. He conten.ied that the middle classes hel m . the row the boat with every man—l do not stop be. have security themselves, but by asking the franchi' e sees anos working classes. Ile deinandedeguality for Ireland—thatcaa heel cause some are tired, I row while the stream is against me, till at length I attain the goal.—( Loud cheers,) Let Th en e , g w o er o e a in s ir a o l v so em fo e r nt be w r we demanded a th n e ded t i h n our own fr ins r t , i i t i u n tio e n n s de s s e voto li es some fail, let some faint, row on I will ; and I will be bound obtain the people's 'm forward they shoulj ti o .; the good ship arrives in safety.— (Loud cheers.) This all they could get. rights. But how were y they. to get anythteed seems to me prudence, expediency ; for as Mr. Collins has By moral power—by the voice of the people. The mased said, expediency is right, and right is expediency.—( Loud the community must be combined with the middle clasese .w . cheers.) I k now not w h at r i g h t means, but the happiness thus only would they have the power to influence the Leg,'' of the comm un ity.—(L ou d cheers.) If it is expedient lature to grant the improvement they demand.—(Chee . 3,)o, we should ad vance , i t i s r i g h t we should advance; if it is Mr. LOWREY—FeIIow-countrymen and fellow-I'day that the interest of the community that we should advance for it is to you I come to speak—if ever there was„, a r, h e ar. ) together, it is expedient and right that we should advance we have a right to be proud of, this is the day,—(Hea r ' we la together.—( Loud cheers.) if not, neither is it cape- i l i ' a ti v i e s i w s 6 a h, e d ay tor tira i t t %h a ays longed . for--it is a day that r oMi men could meet — and could discuss i n s i e ti s s y s h itchhe their e gr n i r e i elTdalneeaersi,da and toil dient, neither is it right.—( Bravo, bravo, and loud cheers.) see which had been in error.—(Hear.) I stand her e gel Where, then, is the philosophy of attempting to catch men by the words expediency or right, when expediency, working man; I stand here as a Chartist as a man brae , properly understood, signifies right, and right is only born iii the lap of poverty ; as a man who claims n ought fru it another word for expediency ?—(Loud cheers.) Welt, his riches, but from his existence as a man, then, I will take the word of my friend Mr. Collins; is it agitation which refers men back to musty parchments P!, ea expedient that the middling and working classes should rights of the people. 1 stand here as a man who says tT r t ba rights of citizenship are written in Heaven, and 't r ot ..., G o v advance together? and here, I will have a word about the Courts o; Kings and of Parliaments. (Cheers.) /Vt . ! co aes middle classes. lie calls himself a working man—my t l lemen, what do 1, and all b r t vh l e are of my bias, sa a y f t a u ct .: ,t bst friend from Glasgow also calls himself a working man. I ask, if in that position, that of an honest and honourable youseandolminennastcesitnokyotung;ether, andsay i t weto o if l s ' in u k aa you sink alto 1 tradesman, whether or not, is he more a working man along with us.—(Hear, hear.) I have wished for the d . , 3 Y a l it than lam ?—( Loud cheers and some hisses.) Mr. Col. which you would come to discuss grievances with us, acid - 0 3 0 lies is a workin g man—so am I.—( Hear.) I gain my for a remedy. I know you will tell me that, as Chartists, . 4 0 j bread by my own labour.—( Hear, and loud cheering.) have been violent, that we have uttered language that nolW io s , And I would ask all who do the same, to follow in our man could assent to—but, middle men, 1 ask you, lie' e es er who scernsrotio track, to battle down the enemies of the people, namely, ever stepped into the huts of poverty ? Have yi)u i.c 4? the great Corn-lavr Lords of the country.—(Cheers.) seen your wives in rags, and your children without c u itios o If you have not, then 1 ask you to bear in mind the_ l e d Let the middle and working met, join hand in hand ; their why !ho t se ha u t f w h ho e in y h o o ucomplain have been violent, line r, o _, r s ., interPsts are identical ; they both live by: industry ; let us see if' we cannot idemify our interests, and beat the con,i- d n a l ti m on m t ( o t its bitterest dregs; have ibeentt for r violent them I have ask „a r n ra _ n il,. l e r• cti s . ; ) - i " t j e O le ' mon eneony.—( Bravo I and loud cheers.) We ought to De ray of human nature, t ' Y ' allo a te r them to give expression so friends—we have a conitrion enemy. G. d knows, tlh, ag:aiy.—(ll,ar.) 1 pass from that, and I come to the qu" 00 , eor k:ng m en h ave riot b een well treated. I nave seen before t h e meeting—naniely, what is the exten t o f rr e' oe set (Luring the l ast year, the poor working men, who rainy n tenon that will t r uly represen t th e peop l e, and secure t o "e as s have been misled, eba•teci through aft the meshes of th e their rights ? I say no representation short of that W el 'i t , law with an eagerriess and cruelty that I have felt to he admits every man arrived at a mature age to a vote—tht t .j seniew het disgraceful to my ceuntrymen, and hi the bitier. Universal suffrage. Why talk to us about expediency: or expeoieticy is right, then Universal Suffrage is right ; gird all re.ss of my salsa I have; said, " Put up a game cock, arid thing short tit' Universal Suffrage is not expedient. `, a ) say he bad rooted Chartism, and he would by a Ma xis, iTe n n e te re rn , b , c a r s baentloarne who ought e to n h h a t v t e n h h e e ar h d er o e f t e n xi n ie i tt r i i c it ne w %- 0 t ( a lit e r ,i s! trate be giren two years' imprisonment." I lay th e tors- chief te the middle class m••n's floor. He has wi tired the expediency .—( Cries of" g flear, and shame.") 6 l s ' av shame ( t ea serepethy he ought to hev e , .—( Che er s .) Ido hair that man.—(theers from the Chartists, and loud groan' ' ni t er this great occasion as the breaking down of the barrier be others in the meeting.) I cry cowardice upon that rne°, o f t mixt th. classes ;I do hail it as the first great meeting of not being here.—( Renewed cheers from the Chartists, an d i '' ' I both classes of the %soma - minty. as asy m pto In that the groans and hisses for the speaker, from others in the halt. / 4 . peeted la g oo middle class men has come to his seilees, that he feels his expected that it was argument I was to hear—l ex interests identical with those of the wiirking Man, that he Hemel would listen to reason. I expected that the c isti , I feels for the working Man as a man living by his industry, who are clad so bravely would have listened to me; ~"' o p am sorry that I have been mistaken in them. But . . ce , e • and that he stow the same, that he has learned to sy tripe - hie with him.—( Cheers.) From this evenitig we will where ai e is your i 1 ifnoytobue enter date tlei era in which we begin to act ir. one hood of soot- e l x e e d a i e e l : , t' that s y a o c u riff ` ce the 40s. sacrificedfree holders. It was ° , l , pathy for the great end of a great, entire, efficient reform cheers.) It was found expedient to give up the P r !" - i of Parliament, which can alone be obtained, in my heart I ciples of civil and religious liberty. —Misses aid ehee r ;;* do believe, by that which shill give to every man whose Arid what is this of which we are 'complaining ? Ar e S I interest is really concerned in the good government of the not hero to complain of Lord Meibourne's Governine v n if I be say llea tri"l 11 country, a voice in the constituency.—(Loud and repeated Are you Whigs satisfied with it, or are you riot ? ~1 .5 ., seekw(lill will s for stand i aid fartherhens cheers.) u Reformntil Now,mifo r n y cheering.) Mr. O'NEIL, from Birmingham, began by reading the i o n u o g n c a b e r for t e d s i a t :a s h ] i l a , e l d i following address : " Birmingham Christian Chartist Church, (Cheers from the Chartists.) I have a right t°,,,, s e Jan. 19, 1841. heard, and I have a right to address to yeti t"" e s , sentiments, and to discuss such sentiments, and to give - y, "THE ADDRESS OF THE MEN OF BIRMINGHAM TO THE pression to such opinions. The Whigs are men of expeat eP 0 LEEDS PARLIAMENTAIt I REFORM ASSOCIATION. d V ° " Gentlemen,—We, the men of Birmingham, in public and they have ruined their oven cause by it. If they had 1,0 meeting assembled, take this opportunity of addressing you honest, we never should have.complained of them. They' too taught us a lesson, and we know from them that he who tr t on the political principles held by us. ohs • with it' i "We have observed with feelings of deep interest the Astoria- to expediency trusts to a broken stick.--( Hear.) Then _ tir , suffrage should we have? Should it be ary individual's t aaa o , lion you have formed on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. We or should it be property? That is the question which wt We have bitterly felt the evils of increasing poverty. have met to discuss. 'The individual right is the on •I tb a know, from long experience, that, in the language of the na for the suffrage of the people. Every man amenable t , 05 tional petition, capital brings no profit, labour no reward. law has a right to be a maker of the law. Whe o ", Joe Urged by the same cause that has at length stimulated you, get Universal Suffrage, you get all the intelligence , namely, growing necessity, we have investigated the causes that are pr o d uc i ng it. rtea• • nation ; and by H ouse h o ld S u ff rage you shut out a tare.; P° i to ut of the intelligence of the people. Middle min, 71 1' , 4 ., / " It is from our firm conviction that only by the universa you a question—it is a solemn one. You cannot _ei ii ` jo l lity of the suffrage can prosperity and happiness be restored ; our right to the suffrage. It nover has been d,e 4 ,1 , that we view with great interest the gradually awakening at tention excited in the minds of the British manufacturers on even by the most rabid Tory. They have a''''' e a l ~ it that subject. We believe that no single class could wield suf- said you have the right, but you are not wise en ° 7;a ets ficient power to secure any important measure of Reform, and to exercise it. Now I ask you—have you not aeh nit , ff' knowing that the interests of the manufacturer and the workmen in your churches and chapels young persons of fifteen yea r ' s ° ?' ' arc commercially and politically the same, we are certain that age to choose their ewn ministers and their own communion', if tiles did a proper understanding exist between them, it would pro- Why? I. is because they are old enough; and then duce such an immediate union of their powers against the cone- are wise enough to choose their own religion, surely they a .se re • men enemy as would secure that which, iii oppssition, they wise enough to choose their own Members of Parliamen t a,) should in vain attempt to obtain. (Cheers from the Chartists, followed by cries of "Oh, 010 , rgl) " Upon the terms of union, therefore, d oes th e quest i on rest. l am sorry for this class feeling, and to see dislike se sit•e, re We have expressed our terms in the f o ll ow i ng resolution, passed mar k ed ; and as a Chartist, I tell the Chartists if they a unanimously by- us :oat That this m ee t ing views with i n t ense afraid t o h ear t h e arguments of their opponents—if they s e e i , s , interest the approaching meetings to b e h e ld at Leeds, and to c l oa k these arguments by brawling and clamour ; then 11 being fully sensible of the great importance of a perfect under.. that lam ashamed of them, and I wash my hands of them , so , standing among the various classes to b e th ere assembled, on would giv e every man a f a i r h earing. I claim the Suffrage _ O.. the principles and intentions of each, d ec l are t h at h aving, after myse l f, for my fellow-workmen, and for the aristocracy the .l 0 mature consideration, adopted as th e o bj ect o f their political se l ves. I say for the aristocracy, because I know they hafd struggles, principles contained in the document entitled the stood our friends, as well as other classes, and that r ii ° ' People's Charter,' they will neith er countenance nor assist men are to be found amongst them. Wh e n, then, I say , stra n g e any body that shall, through expedien c y, see k any enactment Peop l e, I mean the whole classes of the emp t rire. It is stra n i short of the full measure of rights ther e i n conta i ne d . ' — i t i s passing strange, that men who till the land, who ply v o s " Gentlemen, we desire that you will no t start at names ; l oom, who build your cities, who fight your battles, who lis we are Chartists. As such, we cannot j o i n you upon your b orne t h e British standard across the waters, and chastis ed e present limited position ;We detest a prop er ty nom i nat i on ; we every tyrant but their Own ; i t i s strange that you w ill no t fto fear that so long a term as three years wou ld en d anger a them the privileges th a t th ey requirie.—( Hear, hear.) I s it thorough representation. We cannot hid e f rom ourse l ves the be right and mi g ht, an d w hi c h is to be prepared to exc l u de is, glaring injustice we should commit, wer e we t o exc l ude our neighbour? Then th ose w h o are prepared to act on their fellowmen front their rights, merely because th e y h ave not b e- might, must al s o b e p repare d to come in collision with the] come householders : we could not hear our b ro th er upbraiding I fellow -countrymen. T his is the f ee li ng th a t h as rouse d up 0 so us for having branded lam practically with th e mar k o f s l avery. c i e ti es . Thi s i t i s which has made them angry ; for a li l We will riot f o ll ow ex p e di enc y, nor i raffle with our birthright; who will bear p over t y pat i ent l y, wiil not bear insult—if l i e ', a ri,s • the groundle ss f ears o f one man s h a ll nu t w ith us b e th e s t an d ar d man , he will n o t d o so .—( H ear.) And the rnan who i s no t , f b wherewith to measure the rights of another. vils'ged is insulted, and he is a renegade to human nature, .. e.. , "We abhor the truckling expedien c y whi c h ha s t o o o ft en ; d oes not attempt to remove it. Are you then, I askey'tc, marred the otherwise noble struggles of politicians; a n d ! pared f or th e cont i nuance of agitation in this country ( dropping knowing that mutual confidence and resp ec t f o rm the best 1 hare that state of feeling in this country—to see it droPf ; ' ,er 'a wherewith to hied nier, oho fi g ht tog-tiler in any cause, 1 into ruin, while faction hinders ail classes from coming toget.. . ties. 1 a we si m uld feel that to iieseend 'role the legh position of uni- , I expect that this night will be the foundation of good fee s t 3 vernal right, and ;;resent ourselves as your supporter s , wo u ld ; for the re•lempt ion of our common country.—( Hear, bea n a.4 ; degrade us in our own estimation, and must also do so in I expect that those who hitherto stood aloof' will now jol t ' be Yours. and those who were supposed to be opposed to us, will ne i. _ t " Years have rolled over—years of incre4sina adversity, ' friendly 1" us. I ilia ress then upon you the necessity t t " ' • • ' ;ton% since we Is ere convinced, that in the irresponsiail. ty of our whateverbe the movement made by you, iewill be one ado' , tu ,„ legislators r..sted the main eaise. •With feelings of indigna- , the whole of the population ant} , in tire bounds of the Consa,%, y tam we saw that none of the community were represented, a i tion.—( Cheers and hisses.) What am Ito learn froin ., o , a ar few only possessing even the power of nominating once in seven I will not mince matters with sou.—( Hisses. ) If it i w ar sears the n e lividoals in whose hands rested the power of ren- ; you want, you shall havo it. If it is opeosition you taksirO, l '" ,, dering them happy or miserable. shall have it also.—( Hisses.) When I see meo w I. ~ A ;tar , ' "At length, in the document entitled the ' People's Char- i nigh themselves upon their station in society, 1 " ~,,, ter,' we moguised principles, and laws, the operation of which !in this way, want to know and understand what it the 1 I MORNING EDITION c al !aq in xl ul th Bi • rl • Ifc rrh 401. 41 hi 0 1144,4 1 z !Pe uot to d Prat I