The Sun. — London, England, 1867-10-17 00:00:00

REFORM BANQUET A? LEEDS. On Tuesday evening the Leeds and Bradford members of the Yorkshire department of the Reform League celebrated the passing of Lord Derby's Be form Bill by a banquetat the Queen's Hotel, Leeds. Mr. A. Illingworth, of Bradford, occupied the chair. Mr. Baines, M.P., Mr. E. A. Leatham, Mr. Chad wick, of Arksey, Mr. S. Plimsoll, of Sheffield, were among those immediately supporting the chairman, but there were also in attendance gentlemen from Halifax, Huddersfield, &c., and many members of the Leeds Corporation. After the usual loyal toasts, Mr. BAINES, M.P., in responding to the toast of "The houses of Parliament," which had been re ceived most heartily, said in the manner of its re ception there was an assurance to all who neededsuch an assurance, that when, they (the Reform League) were calling for Reform they never meant revolution —they never meant that they were not attached to the glorious old Constitution of England. No; they honoured both Houses of Parliament, and even the aristocratic house, as institutions. They looked back upon their history ; they knew the great number of distinguished and noble men whom they included ; they believed that they were a machinery calculated to promote a free opinion, and calculated in every way to promote the happiness of the nation ; but what they claimed was, and what their conscientious wish was, that those Houses of Parliament should represent the people—(applause)—that they should not represent a mere fraction of the people, and that claim certainly was most reasonable. And now what made them rejoice was not a selfish object attained, but an object wide as the nation itself, and which they shared and enjoyed with all their fellow-citi zens. (Applause.) He might remind those present that with their good help for years, and as the chief work of his Parliamentary life, he had aimed and strived at accumulating proof that the -work ing classes of this country—men fitted for the exercise of the franchise—were almost entirely shut out of the pale of the Constitution. lie ac cumulated evidence which had convinced him self over and over again that this was so. He had told the men of Leeds when standing in their presence that, when he looked upon the faces of those very men, perhaps a large majority of whom were not electors, he could no more doubt their fitness— no more doubt the fitness of the men before him whose eyes beamed reason, and judgment, and in telligence—than he could doubt the fitness any gentleman sitting around that table. During the eight or nine years that he bad been in Parliament his labour had always been to gather proof of what be thought it was impossible for any one to deny— that there had been a great advance in the intelli gence, in the education, in the temperance, in the saving habits, in the political knowledge, in the read ing tastes, and in everything which went to consti tute the fitness of a people for the exercise of the electoral franchise, and that it was no longer either just or wise or safe to withhold the franchise from them. (Cheers.) During the nine Sessions that he had been in Parliament he had supported six Reform Bills. Three of them were what his witty and wickgd friend (Mr. E. A. Leatham) had called his (Mr. Baines's) own bill, "single-barrelled bills." (Laugh ter.) But three of them were great revolvers brought forward by the Government, and he (Mr. Baines) was not sure now that that last revolver had not gone off so imperfectly that even Mr. Leatham would not have been glad if it had been a single- barrelled bill. (Laughter.) He believed that if they had dealt last session with the question of the franchise only, as Mr. Bright proposed, and as Government proposed in the preceding session, and had left those other ques tions as to the mode of voting, and as to the redistri bution of seats, to the new Parliament, they would have done a great deal better. And they might depend upon it, the question of the redistribution of seats was still to come on. (Applause.) He need scarcely remark that in Parliament, when he and Mr. Leatham sat there together, they had the Tories continually for their zealous opponents on this ques tion. Five out of those six Reform Bills were op posed by them, and their leaders were found leading their troops perpetudly to the defeat of the opposite party, when they advo'ated the right of the people to an extension of the suffrage. Let him give an anecdote or two to show what the position of the leaders of the two parties had been with regard to this question. And first with regard to Lord Derby, the head of the present Ministry, and by whom the recent Reform Bill had been passed. And Leeds was somewhat peculiarly interested in the statement he was about to make. In 1860, when Lord Palmer ston's Government brought forward a bill with which they did not persevere, a committee of the House of Lords sat under the chairmanship of Earl Grey, and two gentlemen from Leeds were examined on that committee. One proceeded to prove that a £6 borough franchise would admit a great number of men admirably qualified to exercise the franchise, and he endeavoured to show reasons for the belief he had formed, and also endeavoured to show that after all it would be a minority of the population of Leeds who would be admitted then to the exercise of the franchise. It was him (Mr. Baines) himself who proceeded to give evidence in that sense. (Applause.) Now what was the position in which he saw Lord Derby on the committee ? He was the man who chiefly cross-examined him (Mr. Baines) in order to throw doubt on all his statements, and on his assur ances with respect to the fitness of the people and their strong desire to be admitted, and to express his (Lord Derby's) own alarm with respect to those who would be admitted by a £6 franchise. The other gentleman examined was Mr. Bond, the Leeds agent for the Tory party. Mr. Bond was Lord Derby's witness, and he was brought forward to show that there would be an alarming number of persons ad mitted to the franchise in Leeds who were not parti cularly well qualified for it. That was the state of things which he (Mr. Baines) saw, and in which he took part so far back as 1860. So much, then, for the consistency of Lord Derby, who in 1867 had comp forward to carry a household suffrage bill. (Hear, hear.) Well, now, as to Mr. Gladstone. (Loud cheers hailed the mention of Mr. Gladstone's name.) He (Mr. Baines) was glad they received that name with the honour it deserved. (Cheers.) He felt very great happiness that on one of his own feeble attempts to bring this question before Par liament he was honoured by the support of Mr. Gladstone in the first great Reform speech which that right hon. gentleman made, and which speech might be considered as perhaps the commencement of that course of action and popular feeling, and as awakening it, which had never ceased until the great work of Reform was accomplished. (Applause.) Mr. Gladstone was the principal author of the bill of last year, which did not succeed. It was known to many gentlemen in Parliament that Government would bring forward not a £6, but a £7 borough franchise. When he (Mr. Baines) heard that he went to Mr. Gladstone, and did all he could to persuade him that it would be safe and wise and right to bring forward not a £7 but a £6 franchise. Mr. Gladstone lis tened most attentively, and with the eagerness of a man who sought to be convinced or to find grounds for supporting such a measure ; and he was con vinced that as to Leeds and Bradford and the York shire towns, as well as those of Lancashire; but he said, " While I am convinced that you are right, and that if left to Lancashire and Yorkshire it might do, yet Mr. Brand tells me that in the midland and southern counties of England it would not go down, and that I should not be able to carry it." It was Mr. Gladstone's conviction that he should not be able to carry a bill so strong as that, for that was considt red too strong to go down then. ( Laugh ter. ) how times had changed since ! Mr. Gladstone would have embraced most heartily that course and brought forward that measure, but after referring to the southern and midland counties, and to the state of so many Liberal members of the House of Com mons, and of the Liberal party, on whom he could not rely for support in such a case, he said, after be (Mr. Bai nes ) h a d b een w i t h hi m an hour, " Ah, it is hard work to make a silk purse out of a sow's ear." (Cheers and laughter.) That really was the state of Mr. Gladstone's mind. He was most anxious to bring forward a more liberal measure, and only refrained from doing so because he was determined not to bring in a measure stronger than he should be able to carry. What was the contrast between the two administrations, the Russell and Gladstone on the one side, and the Derby and Die raeli on the other? The Russell and Gladstone Ministry sacrificed office in order to carry a Reform Bill ; the Administration of Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli carried a Reform Bill only because they would not sacrifice office. (Loud cheers.) He asked those present to agree with what Mr. Leat ham had said as to the honour of public men and of statesmen, and then they would agree with him (Mr. Baines) that if the leaders of the Tory party had been honestly convinced that they had been wrong for so many years, and at last saw it was necessary and safe and wise to carry a Reform Bill the course of honour was to say, " We are not the persons who have all our lives opposed it to be the means of carrying it ; but a Reform Bill should be carried by Reformers, and, therefore, we resign and give place to those who =e duty and prerogative it is to carry one." (Loud cheers.) But what was the bill which after all they brought forward ? it was just a nose of wax which might bo twisted into any shape by those who were around it. (Laughter and " Hear, hear.") Tbey knew what Lord Cranborne said about it in the last debate. He said that it had the ten fatal vices which had been pointed out by Mr. Gladstone early in the Session, and every one of which had been removed at Mr. Gladstone's dictation. Then he (Mr. Baines) would say that the bill as it passed with its good points was not the bill of Mr. Disraeli certainly, but a bill which he allowed to be shaped by those around him, his own business being to stick to his post. Now, he (Mr. Baines) was not disposed to sail under false colours. (Hear.) They knew that in former times he had frankly told them when he did not entirely agree with them, and they had always been so kind to him that they had received what they knew to be his honest and hearty sympathy—(ap planse)—in the substance of their demands, and not exacted from him that he should go the full length that they went. He did not believe, then, that they would find fault with him now, whenhe acknowledged that he should not himself have gone the whole length of househould suffrage. But he believed that suf frage he was prepared to adopt would have been utterly as extensive and vastly more satisfactory— infinitely less unsatisfactory, as experience would show, than the measure which had passed, and which would lead to endless complications in consequence of the payment of rates. But now having said this, because he did not wish, and could not bear to ap pear before them in false colours—having said this frankly, he would add that he was not afraid of the suffrage being intrusted to the householders of England on one condition—namely, that they could get the honest, the unbought, the unforced verdicts of the constituencies. (Applause.) What he had always been afraid of, and what seemed to him a measure rather to be approached gradually than adopted suddenly, was what Mr. Bright had expressed his doubt about, namely, that there were certain classes scarcely deserving to be called the working classes, certainly not the enlightened think ing artisans of our great towns, but a class below them, and he was afraid of the effect of intimida tion and of the beer barrel upon a certain class. (Applause.) He wanted to know how they were to get rid of that danger. It was a danger which still loomed in the distance. He confessed that he himself did not know how to do it, except by the adoption of one measure, and that was a measure to which he believed they (the Reform League) had always clung. (Applause.) It was a measure, too,which he had always maintained. He did not see how they were to avoid the enormous influence of the purse, exercised in every variety of improper manner, except it could be by the ballot. (Loud cheers.) It had always seemed to him so clear an acknowledgment of the right of con science, and of the right of every man to exercise his own judgment in giving his own vote, that he never had seen how it could be fairly and honestly withheld. (Applause.) lie knew there were those who differed from that opinion, and he could only say that what he had stated was the light in which it presented itself to him. He believed the ballot to be the only effectual means of preventing the evils to which he had alluded, and be did not see why they ought to have any fear of that which would enable every man to exercise his vote accord ing to his conscience. (Hear, hear.) One word more and he had clone. He had said in the speech he made in the House of Commons in bringing for ward his Bill, when it was thought that in some dozen boroughs or so throughout the kingdom there might be a majority of the working-class voters, and when that seemed to be a terrible bugbear to many gentlemen—he said he was not really alarmed at the prospect of having working-class voters or having working-class representatives. (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him that, on the contrary, it would do a great deal of good to both sides to have working-class representatives. (Applause.) First of all, he thought it would bring a great deal of valuable informa tion to the House of Commons itself as to the inte rests and opinions, the wants and sympathies of the larger portion of their fellow countrymen; and he believed, in the next place, that to those who might get into Parliament it would also be a great advan tage. They would there have the opportunity of comparing and exchanging opinions with so many men that, perhaps, if they had prejudices and pre possessions of their own they might be led to mo dify some of their views. At all events, there would be a fair expression of opinion on the part of both parties, and it seemed to him (Mr. Baines) that good and not evil would flow out of it. (Hear, hear.) He retained the same opinion still. (Ap plause.) He should not be in the least sorry, but glad, to see some of the hardest headed, best edu cated, most virtuous, and best informed members of the working classes taking their seats in the House of Commons. When he said that he must be allowed to explain. He did not think, expressing his own opinion, it was desirable that they should appear there simply as the representatives of labour, and as representing only the working class. He thought they should appear there on a level, on a complete level, with all the rest of the men who were assembled there--(hear, hear)—with the best uni versity scholars, the practised statesmen, the gene rals, the admirals, the governors of colonies, the great travellers, the merchants, the manufacturers, and the men of high names and long descent and great titles, who appeared there. He thought they should appear on a level with them, and as repre senting like them all classes of the people, and not one class alone. He thought they would stand in a very invidious position indeed, and that it would damage there influence there if they went simply to appe ar there as th e representa tives of labour. He did not think they would have the weight they otherwise would have. It was always a delightful feeling that came from the blending of the different classes of society together, and whatever differences there were am ong ° them' socially they should diminish the breadth and strength of them as far as they could, and seek to consider the int eres t s o f E ng l an d a l one, and with patriotic hearts and a brotherly spirit meet there to do the best they could to consult the greatest happiness of the greatest number. The hon. gentleman then sat down amid loud cheers. The toasts which followed included " The Reform Act of 1867," " The newly Enfranchised," and " Civil and Religious Liberty." To the last-men tioned Mr. Edward Miall should have responded, but he was not in a tt en d ance , th oug h hi s name ' ap peared in the printed programme. LADVERTISMIENT.]—Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which contains three times the nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times its cost in other remedies, restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disordered or enfeebled, removing speedily and e ffec tug] ly indigestion (dyspepsia), habitual constipation, diarrme,t, hamiorrliolds. Ever emnpla:nts, flatulency, nervous, ness, biliou,ness, fevers, sore threats, catarrhs, colds, influenza noise, in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, erup tions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, pal, pitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramps, spasms, nausea, and sickness, sinking fits, coughs, asthma, bronchitis, incipient consumption, scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains at the pit of the stomach, between the shoulders, &c. We quote a few out of 68,000 cures :—The Pope's health restored by Du Barry's Food.—Cure No. 68,413. "Rome, July 21, 1866.—The health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, aban doning all other remedies, he has confined himself entirely to Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica Food, of which he consumes a plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly benefl cial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too highly."—From the "Gazette du Midi." July 2.5. Cure No. 49,832.—" Of fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Maria July, Wortham, Ling, near Diss, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121.—Mi5s Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Herts, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies. Important Caution.—Bess are of the many unsavoury and more than sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached.— In tins at Is. IA.; 1 lb., 2s Id. 2 lbs., 4s. 6d.; 5 lbs., Ils.; 12 lbs., 225.; 24 lbs., 405.— BARRY Do BARRY and Co., No. 77, itegent-street, London; also Fortnam and Mason, 182, Piccadilly ; and. at 61, Gracechurcla-street; 4, Cheapsile; 63, 150, and 289, thard - atreot 330 Strand; and all grinertj it c1ae42103. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, OCrOBER 17, 1867 IRELAND. DUBLIN, Wednesday. A search was made in Waterford on Sunday night by a strong party of police for Kelly and Deasy, the Manchester Fenians. The police visited all the hotels and publichouses in the city, and made a careful search, but without the expected result. The head-constable had received private informa tion which led him to believe that Kelly had landed at Waterford from one of the steamers on Saturday last, disguised as a fireman. One of the Irish papers states that the prisoner John Groves, charged with the murder of the Guardsman in Bloomsbury, was born in Clough, iu the county of Down. He was brought up in the tenets of the Church of England by his grand mother, a small shopkeeper, who still resides in the vicinity. Ills parents, however, were Roman Catholics. There is at present an unusual feature in the corn trade of Ireland, viz., a very large export of oats to France. Sixteen vessels which have lately left Cork for French ports carried 25,077 barrels of oats ; thirteen vessels from Waterford, 16,456 brls. ; and three from Dublin, 2,507 brls., making a total of 44,040 barrels. There are at present shipping about as much more ; and as the demand from France still continues, it is supposed that the quan tity exported to that country will not be completed under 100,000 barrels. The oats are all black oats, and the ports to which they are consigned embrace nearly every point from Dunquerque to Bordeaux. The Cork Examiner repeats its statement that not one but several communications were made to Cardinal Antonelli on behalf of Lord Stanley. These communications did not assume the character of a formal negotiation, because diplomatic rela tions are not supposed to exist between the English and Pontifical Governments ; but unequivocal overtures were made by the British Cabinet for the purpose of ascertaining the views of the Court of Rome and the Irish bishops upon this and other questions of Irish politics. The Examiner observes that the disavowal of these overtures by Lord Stan ley is, in all probability, founded on an ingenious quibble. Cardinal Cullen has addressed a long pastoral let ter to his clergy and laity, transmitting to them a copy of the resolutions adopted at the assembly of the Irish bishops held recently in this city. That assembly, he states, was convened by the Holy See. The Cardinal comments on each resolution, justify ing and enforcing it in his usual uncompromising and plain-spoken style. Subjoined are a few of the more remarkable passages of this political manifes to :—" The subject of the first resolution is the Protestant or Established Church in this kingdom, the disendowment of which is emphatically de manded by the assembled bishops. The justice of this demand must be apparent to every one. The Established Church had its origin about three cen turies ago in the Acts of a Parliament no way re presenting the Irish people, and assembled only for the purpose of carrying out the wishes of the cruel and corrupt Elizabeth, who had determined to sepa rate her kingdom from the Catholic Church and to make herself the head of a new religion ; it was forced upon the country by a system of religious persecution which has had no parallel in the history of modern times, and it was only by the same vio lence and oppression that it was perpetuated amongst us in despite of the great majority of the people. . . . The ministers of an Establishment founded on injustice can have no claim to the endowments of the past ages of our Church. . . During the past 300 years those ministers of a foreign Church, with some honourable exceptions, have generally sup. ported every enactment hostile to ourpeople that was proposed by the Ministers of the Crown ; and they still cease not to clamour for such measures when introduced. It was thus that during Elizabeth's reign they were the agents of persecution, and led our priests and bishops to the scaffold ; it was thus that, under Charles 1., they solemnly declared it to be a mortal sin to tolerate the Catholic faith in this Catholic country ; it was thus that, under Charles IL, they frustrated the just set settlement of the Irish Catholic claims; thus, too, that, under William 111. and Anne, they urged on the agents of the Government to deeds of blood shed and bitter persecution, and the enactment of cruel penal laws. Thus, in the beginning of this century, they were generally determined opponents of emancipation, and even in later times, when some foolish and wicked men would fain invade our con vent enclosures, the hallowed retreats of piety and self-sacrifice, the then Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, and many other dignitaries of the Esta blished Church, encouraged them in their criminal course, and made no secret of the exultation with which they hailed the dawn of a new era of perse cution amongst us. It is surely time that the jus tice of the English people should put an end to such an establishment. " The resolutions of the bishops further declare that we will not accept for ourselves or clergy any State endowment or any portion of the property of the Established Church, and that we will continue to rest for the maintenance of religion on the gene rosity of our faithful flocks. . . . At the be ginning of the present century the Holy See, iu the person of the great Pontiff, Pius VII., exhorted our bishops to adhere to their past praiseworthy system of living, and never to fetter the Irish Church by accepting Government favours. The Secretary of the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda wrote at the same tithe, assigning most cogent reasons why the bishops should not consent to abandon the traditional custom of their Church, so conformable to the practice of apostolic times ; and, in accord ance with these wise instructions, the Irish prelates repeatedly passed resolutions repudiating State en dowments, and sanctioning the voluntary system hitherto observed. "As to the appropriation of the funds of the Established Church, the bishops in their resolutions have pointed out one special object which ought not to be overlooked in disposing of them—that is to say, the relief of the poor and indigent amongst us, an object to which a large portion of ecclesiastical property was applied in Catholic times, in confor mity with canon law and Pontifical constitutions. Every one acquainted with Ireland knows that a vast number of the people is living in a deplorable state of destitution. If you travel through all Europe you will not find any country reduced to so sad a condition. Our towns and villages are falling in many instances to ruin ; our streets are filled with thousands of half-naked, bare-footed, and half starved women and children. It is true indeed that a heavy tax is raised on the country for the relief of the poor, but as it is doled out according to the principles of a hard-hearted political economy, and without any regard to Christian charity, what more desirable than that some share of the ample reve nues of the Establishment should be restored to their original objects, and devoted to the relief of the suffering members of Jesus Christ, who have been so long deprived of that assistance to which they had a fair claim? This is what the Irish bishops suggest in the resolution which they adopt ed regarding the revenues of the Protestant Esta blishment, viz., That by appropriating the ecclesi astical property of Ireland for the benefit of the poor, the Legislature would realise one of the pur poses for which it was originally destined and to which it was applied in Catholic times.'" Having referred to the resolutions regarding edu cation, the Cardinal proceeds :—" During the past years I have often warned you against the evils which reult from secret societies, and exhorted you to shun all communication with them, and I now renew the same warnings in conformity with the last resolu tion adopted by all the bishops of Ireland. Be not seduced, dearly beloved, by the deceitful reasonings of such societies, and allow not yourself to be led away in pursuit of the vain chimeras which they propose to you. Shun all secret associations, no matter what name they bear, whether they be Masonic or Fenian, Orange or Ribbon. They are all alike condemned by the Church of God ; they are all subjected to excommunication, and cut off like rotten branches from the Church of God by the Vicars of Christ on earth. You have had, within the last few months, the strongest proofs of the truth of what I state in the unhappy proceedings of Fenianism which we have had tp deplore, Without the slightest chance of success, without the prospect of any useful re sult, this association has disturbed the coun try, injured religion, alienated the friends who were anxious to redress their grievances, or para lysed their action; it has given power and plausible pretences for oppression to our enemies, and brought ruin and misfortune upon thousands. how much bad faith, perfidy, and want of courage, a defect rarely found in Irishmen, unless when acting with a bad conscience, have appeared in its ranks ! What hosts of spies and informers were connected with it, anxious to traffic in the liberties and lives of others, and to earn the wages of iniquity ! Societi. s which produce such fruits are not only a calamity, but a disgrace to our poor country. Whilst deploring the criminal folly of engaging in secret societies or open rebellion against the Government of the coun try, the prelates of Ireland exhort you to avail yourselves of all lawful and constitutional means to obtain redress of the many grievances which we suffer, and to secure for the Catholics of Ireland, so long persecuted, perfect equality with every other class of her Majesty's subjects. Elect, therefore, members of Parliament able and willing to defend your rights ; apply to the Legislature for the disen dowment of the Protestant Establishment, and for freedom of education ; and petition for a law to regulate the relations between landlord and tenant, so that the fruits of their capital and labour may be secured to the agricultural classes. Call also upon the corporate bodies of the country, upon all men of influence and station, upon the writers of the public press, and especially upon your mem bers of Parliament, to bestir themselves in your behalf." DUBLIN, Wednesday Night. . _ This morning the Belfast and Glasgow mail steamer Wolf was run down by the Fleetwood steamer Prince Arthur, and sunk about two miles from Carrickfergus. No lives were lost. The Prince Arthur was considerably injured. The acci dent occurred during a dense fog. The weather was calm, and other steamers close at hand, or the Wolf would probably have gone down with all on board. THE BISHOP OF 10 TVA ON RITUALISM. We (Times) have been furnished with the follow ing letter to the Bishop of London from one of the Bishops in attendance upon the Lambeth Confer ence, from the United States. It tells its own story : "London, Oct. 12, 1867. " My dear Lord,—Before taking leave of Eng land I must say a few frank words to you on a sub ject that presses upon my heart, and in which you, yourself, are most deeply interested. For obvious reasons it did not come before the Conference at Lambeth, nor was it much referred to at the Wol verhampton Congress. But still it was in all minds, at both places, and was pressing more or less on every heart. The very intensity of the interest with which it is regarded on all sides was one reason why there was such silence respecting it. There is at present too much excitement on the subject here in England to secure its candid and impartial con sideration by those most nearly concerned. You are aware that at Lambeth the subject would have been introduced, but for the fact that it is now in the hands of the Royal Commission in this country, which has not yet made a full and final report ; and also from the circumstance that a majority of the Bishops in the United States have already made an official declaration in regard to it. hence it was not acted upon by the Conference, though care was taken by one of the bishops, as you will remember, to state to his brethren why it was passed over in silence. "Since I came to England I have seen much in every direction to be delighted with, and to make me proud to call her the mother country.' We American Bishops have been received with great kindness and respect, and everything has been done to make us feel at home, and to render our visit as pleasant as possible. So:ne of us have now seen England and England's Church for the first time, and, perhaps, for the last time also. In any case I may say for myself that this visit is one of the moat interesting events of my life, and I can never forget the many, many happy hours pasied here amid historic scenes, and with the new friends that have greeted us on every side. But still I cannot conceal from myself that I shall take my departure from England with a heavy heart, not merely because I shall regret to part with so many friends, but chiefly because of the existing state of the dear old Church. I had no previous conception of the extent to which the Ritualistic movement had gone here, and the present state of things is truly alarming. Some ritual .reform and improve ments were undoubtedly needed, but surely none that should involve erroneous and strange doc trines.' .rhe extreme Ritualists are plainly aiming at an actual change in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Indeed, I believe this object is frankly avowed. However this maybe, their teaching, their incense, their vestments, their postures, all bear towards this one end—an unprimitive and un-Pro testant view of this Holy Sacrament—a view not warranted by Holy Scripture nor by the Book of Common Prayer, and one which, it w o uld s eem, can never be generally received by the Churchmen of England or of America. " The vestment exhibition at Wolverhampton filled me with the saddest forebodings ; for what ever may be the technical state of the case in this country as to vestments, this matter cannot be much further pressed in the direction of what is called advanced Ritualism,' without the most serious and detrimental consequences. In the United States the incipient movement has been evi dently checked by the prompt and timely Decla ration' just alluded to, so that there the danger is not imminent at present. Did the conditions of things in this respect exist there as here, I am of opinion that an open rupture could hardly be avoided. Here the connection between Church and State saves you in a great measure from this peril, and an actual schism in the Church is not very probable. But we see here a most melancholy alienation of hearts now, and the prospect is most unpromising if the Ritualists persist in their ex treme views and measures. Conceding, as they do, that the matter of vestments, &c , is not absolutely ' essential,' how can they do what they are now doing without strong upbraidings of conscience for giving such serious offence to their brethren, who are clinging to the simple doctrines of the Primitive Church and of the English Reformation? Will they not pause where they are, and even retrace their steps before any further harm shall be done to the holy cause which all profess to have at heart? Their earnestness and zeal are so great and absorb ing that it is to be feared they will persevere in their course from a mistaken view of their duty, and without due regard to the consequences that may ensue. Their zeal has certainly given them no little success already, and they ma y gather a large and strong party in the Church. Men and parties of one idea generally succeed to some extent, what ever their cause or their creed may be. The roman tic, the sentimental, the aesthetic, and the super stitious elements all combine to favour the Ritual ists, though I will not deny that many among them are actuated by higher principles and considerations, even while labouring under erroneous convictions and opinions. I confess that I am astonished at the lengths to which they have gone in so brief a pe riod, and who can tell to what extent they may yet go, if not checked by their own views of duty, or by some hing else? Their dissatisfaction with the temperate report of the Ritual Commission, so far as made, is most unfortunate, and most ominous as to the future ; but let us hope that their ' sober second thought' may tend to moderate their feelings, and that they may yet adopt a course of action which may re store peace and quietness to the Church. It seems tome, my Lord, that an awful responsibility rests upon those who are engaged in this movement. They have entered upon a most fearful experiment, and God alone knows what will be the issue. Could I gain the whole world thereby I would not join them in their efforts, their responsibility is so terrible. They are practically calling in question the teaching of the primitive ages and of the English reformers. They have little reverence for the martyrs of Smithfield, Oxford, and Glocester ; and terms of union with Rome are more desired by them than any plank; fox uniting Protestant Christendom, or for securing among all true believers an essential and all-controlling unity of spirit in the bond of peace. I would not speak harshly, for Ido not feel unkindly towards these brethren ; but, if I speak at all, I must speak plainly and without reserve. I have nothing to gain by speaking as I am now doing, except the approbation of a conscience that will not permit me to be silent ; and I feel sure that if I am mistaken in judgment as to my duty I am erring on the safe side. My unfavourable im pressions as to the nature and tendencies of the Ritualistic movement has been strengthened and deepened by my visit to England ; and I shall re turn home with new and increased resolutions to stand by the simple Gospel of Jesus Christ and the good old standards of our Church, and to dis courage in every proper way these novelties that disturb the peace, and these errors that threaten the purity of our beloved Zion. I have never been what is termed au ' alarmist' in Church matters, and am not, I believe, generally regarded as among the more Radical in my churchmanship. I am for the Church as she is, so far as doctrines are con cerned, and am not disposed to be over-sensitive and critical as to forms and ceremonies if they do not affect matters of faith. I would not have the Church less comprehensive than she is ; but she can not give place to error. These men should be solemnly warned to take heed lest they cause incurable divi sions among brethren, and really, though undesign edly, wound the blessed Redeemer in the house of His friends. While viewing the gorgeous vestments on exhibition at Wolverhampton, I thought of that coat of many colours' which caused so much trouble and affliction in a certain patriarchal family, and I could not resist the impression that these mistaken brethren, by the course they are so strangely and pertinaciously pursuing, are in danger of rending anew the seamless garment, and of causing needless separations among those of the same household of faith. " But, my dear lord, though we may tremble for the ark gf the Lord, let us remember, for our com fort, that He ordereth all things, both in heaven and earth, and that he can bring great good out of apparent evil. Doubtless, the present excitement will be followed by strong reaction ; then we may look for sad and melancholy results. Many may fall into genuine Romanism, and many others into infidelity, rationalism, or indifferentism ; and some may return to a right mind. The strain cannot last long just as it is. It is too intense and violent; but I should dread to have it now revealed what precise form the reaction will take. Let us endeavour to do our duty faithfully and in the fear of God. In our respective dioceses we can do something to keep the movement in check, and to defend the good old ways of the Gospel and the Church. We can, if need be, contend earnestly for the faith once de livered to the saints, and so keep our consciences void of offence in this most important matter. You, in God's Providence, have a large and most influ ential sphere of official action. Mine is limited and comparatively unimportant. May God give us grace to do our whole duty where He has placed us, and when He finally removes us from the Church militant here on earth, may he receive us into the rest of Paradise and into the Church triumphant in heaven. " I have addressed you, my dear lord, thus pub licly for the sole purpose, if I know my own heart, of exerting some little influence for the benefit of the Church of England and the general cause of pure and undefiled religion. " Thanking you from my heart for all your per sonal kindness towards me during my visit in Lon• don,—l am, with great respect and affection, " Your lordship's friend and brother, 44 lIENnv W. LEE, Bishop of lowa. "To the Lord Bishop of London." EXAMINATION OF FENIAN PRISONERS AT MANCHESTER. MANCIIESTER, Oct. 16. The men remanded on Monday by Mr. Fowler at the City Police-court, charged with the murder of Sergeant Brett, in the attack on the prison van on Sept. 18, were again brought up for examination this morning. Mr. Talbot, Assistant Town Clerk, prosecuted ; and Mr. R. P. Roberts appeared for the prisoners. The defence of the prisoners was resumed by Mr. Roberts, who said he had sent to Liverpool for wit nesses to prove alibis. Those for Brophy refused to come unless subpoenaed, and it was impossible to subpcena them in time. For Chambers he should call four witnesses, one of whom would also speak for Brophy. The first witness was Esther Rossiter.—We keep a beerhouse at No. 26, Adlington-street, Fontenoy street, Liverpool. The prisoner Chambers was at our house drinking between two and three o'clock on the afternoon of Sept. 18. I know it was the 18th, from the police having visited our house about 12 o'clock that night. About six o'clock the same night the prisoner Brophy was also at our house, and 1 served him with a pint of ale. By Mr. Talbot—Chambers left the house about three o'clock that afternoon, as near as I can guess. We have kept the house 20 months. My husband was previously a corn porter. By Mr. Fowler--I heard of the attack on the van about eight o'clock on the same night. People were talking about it. John Cummins said—l am a bricklayer, living at 8, Adlington-street, Liverpool. On the 18th Sept. I met Chambers in Byrom-street, about a quarter past two, and we went along several streets to Mrs. Rossiter's, where we had a pint of ale each. We stood there a quarter of an hour, but I was with Chambers altogether about half-an-hour. A man named Thornton camein while we were at Rossiter's, and entered into conversation with Chambers. We left the house about a quarter to three as near as I can guess. I parted with Chambers in Great Cross hall-street, about three o'clock. I saw him next morning between seven and eight o'clock. I know Brophy by seeing him at Rossiter's. I believe he was working on the 18th September. By Mr. Talbot—The last man I worked for was Mr. Ilaydock at Lime-yard, corner of Blackstock street. I left Mr. Haydock's last Friday, having worked eight or nine days for him. I am not in work now. I was born and reared at 8, Adlington street. Lucy Gaven, dressmaker, said—l am a single woman, living at 26, Clifton-street, off Prince Edwin-street, Liverpool. I have known Chambers five or six years. Recollect the day of the attack on the police van. On that day he was at our house bet /Nen four and five in the afternoon, and had his tea with us. Mr. Roberts—We have heard a report that your• house was searched by the police and found to be full of pictures of Stephens and other Fenians... There is no truth in that, 1 believe ? Witness—There were no pictures in the room. where Chambers was. There were one or two such pictures in a paper in my own room. Mr. Roberts—You are not a Fenian ? Witness—l know nothing about Fenianism. By Mr. Talbot--Chambers sometimes slept w ith my brother at our house, and did so on the Tues( lay night before the attack on the van. My brother is a joiner, and a most intimate acquaintance of ChPim bers'. I have lived at the house about 20 months.. Geo. Thornton, who was to hare given evidei was called, but did not appear. Mr. Roberts said these were all the witnesses. he proposed to trouble the Bench with now, and at, his request they were severally bound over. The prisoners were then all committed to take their trial for wilfui murder. There is a report current in Manchester Jay that an attempt has been made to explode a powder magazine in the neighbourhood, but without effcct. TIIE SUBSCRIPTION FOR BRETTS FAMILY,— -Mr. Fowler, addressing the reporters, said—l havi, re ceived a few small sums for the widow and famil 'y of Brett. The Rev. Mr. Richardson has, as is well known, also interested himself in their behalf, and received several sums for them ; and , as you. also know, Captain Palin has been deputed by the w, 'itch committee to receive, and has already received, st ins for the same purpose. My notion is that any P3Ol ley received by me shall be handed over to one of th, ese gentlemen, and I wish the public to be info rated through you that we are acting together, and any moneys sent to us will be appropriated in the way which may be beat for the widow and her faxaily, Blowing up of the Danish Queen Steamer. The following letter has been received by the Sec retary of the Board of Trade respecting the destruc tion of this steamer by explosion : "British Consulate, Copenhagen, Oct. 12, 1867. " Sir,—l have the honour to repDrt to you the total loss by fire of the English screw steamer Danish Queen, 768 tons register, of Hull, bound from that port to Cronstadt with a cargo of coals, &c. The disaster took place as follows :—On Sun day, the 6th inst., at two p.m., the steamer bearing NE., about 59 miles from Faro Islands, at the en trance of Christiana Fjord, the coals (Cannel) sud denly ignited, and in about 30 minutes set fire to some casks of petroleum, when the vessel blew up. Every exertion appears to have been made by the captain and his crew to arrest the conflagration, but to no purpose, and they had barely time to jump into the boat before the explosion took place ; they saved themselves in the boats. Captain Priest and 12 men were picked up some 32 hours afterwards by the Norwegian barque Franklin, of Skien, Captain Vinsuss, which landed them here this morning and placed them in my charge. The eight remaining men, forming the second boat's crew, have not yet been heaid of. Nothing whatever was saved from the unfortunate steamer, which was seen still burn ing by the captain and his men at four a.m. of the 7th, when they were at a distance of 15 miles.— I have the honour to be, &c., (Signed) " A. DE CROWE, Vice-Consul. " To the Secretary, Marine Department, Board SERIOUS CHARGES AGAINST A LIVER POOL COT 7 ON-BROKING FIRM. The Liverpool Police-court was crowded during the whole of yesterday, on the bearing of a sum. mons obtained by Mr. Henry Barry Hyde, manager of the National Bank of Liverpool, against Charles Lee Campbell, Herbert Campbell, and Thomas Stretch, trading in copartnership as " Colin Camp bell and Sons " at Liverpool, and which charged them with obtaining by false pretences advances of money to the extent of 210,500. Mr. Sleigh and Mr. Gully appeared for the Na tional Bank, and Mr. Iliggin for the defendants. The summonses against Mr. 11. Campbell and Mr. Stretch were withdrawn, as the evidence against them was not tho-ght to be sufficiently strong to war - rant a committil. There had been five summonses on the file of the court, but now the charge was con 7 fined to Charles Lee Campbell. Messrs. C. Camp bell and Co. were cotton brokers on an extensive scale, and their system of business was to have cot ton to the extent of 25 per cent, in value over the advances made. To enable them to make these ad vances, they procured assistance from the various banks. The National Bank, on condition that they should always keep this margin of 25 per cent., agreed to advance them £30,000, and as that " ran off the reel," to keep up their advances so that a maximum of £30,000 might be maintained. Mr. Ilyde, manager of the National Bank, said that after some bills had been declined, on the 4th July two bills, accepted by Colin Campbell and Sons, and drawn by Gautier and Bertois, were brought to the bank ; one was for £5,000 at three months, and the other for £5,000 at three months. A. cheque was given to Messrs. Campbell and Sons for these sums, less the discount, and the cheque was returned into the bank as paid. Witness was induced to advance the money under the belief that Colin Campbell and Sons had cotton, with 25 per ccut. margin, belonging to Gautier and Bertois, in their hands. He believed they were general trade bills for cotton, or he would not have advanced a penny upon them. On Sept. 30 Mr. Campbell again came to the bank, and asked witness to renew the bills coming due on 7th and Bth October, saying he could not meet them. The two bills spoken off were amongst them. Witness inquired where was the cotton he held against them. Mr. Campbell re plied that he had no cotton. Witness then said, " You must have cotton under your guarantee to me." Mr. Campbell said, "I gave you no gua rantee." Cross-examined--Mr. Hyde stated that the firm of Colin Campbell and Co. stood high in the com mercial world, and up to September 30 he had never heard the slightest whisper as to their stability. Between the 2d March and the end of June the bank had advanced to Messrs. Campbell £105,000, and by the 30th June the whole of the bills and the loans were paid off in due course. Between the end of June and the 4th July there was no indebtedness to the bank on the part of Colin Campbell and Sons. On the 30th September witness had a con versation with Mr. Campbell as to the outstanding loans, which were then £36,000, and had reference to specific quantities of cotton. The authorities of the bank made up their minds to institute this pro secution on the Bth instant. Mr. lliggin concluded his cross-examination by asking Mr. Hyde if this prosecution was not insti tuted for the purpose of compelling the payment of a debt due to the bank, but the witness gave the question a direct and emphatic negative. Mr. Sleigh (and Mr. Raffles, the stipendiary magistrate, agreed with him) stated that such a question ought not to have been put. Mr. Sleigh contended that the money was ad vanced, less the discount, to Messrs. Campbell and Co., upon the faith and belief that they had in their hands at the time cotton to the value of the amount advanced and 25 per cent. more. in defence of Messrs. Campbell and Sons, Mr. Iliggin said there was no charge against them in reality, and he would be able to show such to be the case to the satisfaction both of the Court and of the entire commercial community. If his clients had not been unfortunate nothing would ever have been heard of " commercial morality." The bank, like all banks in bad times, tried to get all they could from unfortunate customers, even at the expense of other creditors, and that was what Mr. Hyde had done. The case had not terminated when our parcel was despatched. of Trade." The owners of the Danish Queen, Messrs. Priest Brothers, have received a letter from the captain, which states that there was no petroleum in the ship, but there were 31 casks of naphtha stowed on deck, clear of the cargo altogether. The hose of the fire-engine was brought into use immediately the fire was discovered, but the flames increased so rapidly that they were compelled to get the boats out with all expedition ; the men could not even get into the forecastle to get their clothes, and just as the second lifeboat was lowered the ship blew up from the bridge forward. The second boat's crew have been heard of at Riga. Both ship and cargo were insured at Lloyd's. THE BOUNDARIES COMMISSION. STOCKTON.—Lieut. Gen. Moody and Mr. Bathurst, assistant commissioners, opened their inquiry at the Town-hall, Stockton, on Tuesday. It seemed to be the general opinion that Norton should be included in the Parliamentary boundaries of the borough, on account of its antiquity, is population, increase of trade and importance, and also its contiguity to Stockton. A long discussion arose as to what part of that parish should be included, in the course of which some portion of low-lying ground near to Por track was objected to, as was also that part of the parish to the north of the railway, on the ground that the laud was purely agricultural. Objections were raised by the inhabitants of East Hartburn and Preston-on-Tees against being included, these parishes also being purely agricultural. The Com missioners adjourned for the purpose of visiting Nor. ton and South Stockton. FROME.—CoI. Hamley, C. 8., and Mr. 011ivant, the assistant commissioners, made their visit to the borough of Frome on Saturday last. As the heads of the political parties had agreed on the course to be adopted, the proceedings soon terminated. It was recommended to the Commissioners that the boun dary line be extended on three sides, by which course about 60 houses would be included in the borough. The Commissioners having inspected the localities, intimated that they would report thereon. EXETER.—On Tuesday Major Du Cane and Dr. Bramston, the assistant boundary commissioners for the south-western district, attended at the Guildhall, Exeter, for the purpose of inquiring into the boun daries of the city. Mr. R. T. Bremridge represented the Conservatives, and Mr. Britton Ford the Libe rals. Statistics as to population, inhabited houses, area, and registered electors, having been furnished, Dr. Brainston asked whether a prima facie case existed for recommending an extension of the boundaries. The answer was in the negative, and the inquiry terminated. NORTHALLERTON.—Lieutenant-Colonel M3lward, R.A., and Mr. Clifford, commenced their inquiries at the Court-house, Northallerton, on Tuesday, into the boundaries of that borough. The proceedings did not excite much interest. No wish to enlarge the boundary line was expressed, and therefore the inquiry lasted a brief time, and was confined only to the eliciting of some information with regard to the position and extent of the town, and its com mercial and municipal interests. BARNSTAPLE.—Major Du Cane and Dr. Bramston, the boundary commissioner, attended at the Town hall, Barnstaple, on Tuesday, to pursue their in quiries into any proposed extension of the borough boundaries. The mayor suggested that it was very desirable that Rolle's Quay, which is divided from the borough by the river Yeo, and the intervening property between Rolle's Quay and Chaddiford Pill stream, including the Pottington estate, should be incorporated with the borough. It was also deemed desirable that the borough should be extended to a larger area, so as to include not only the district named by the mayor, but the whole of the parishes of Pilton and Bishop's Tawton, ports of which parishes only were now within the borough. The result of this would be an increase to the borough of 215 houses, containing a population of about 1,009 persons, and this, added to an increased population of 55 houses within the town since the last census was taken, would raise the population to 12,000. These proposals received no little amount of opposi tion from parties interested in these parishes. The commissioners then proceeded to view the above mentioned districts. THE WEST RIDING.--The boundary commissioners held a sitting on Monday at Leeds, to inquire into the altered boundaries of the IVest Riding, as pro posed under the last Reform Act. Mr. Baines, M.P., laid before the commissioners a plan prepared by Mr. IL S. Thompson, as against that of the Govern ment, and stated that the objection to the latter was the disproportion in the area and population of the several divisions—the plan proposed by Mr. Thomp son giving greater equality of area and nearer ap proach to equality in population. By the amended plan the population (exclusive of the boroughs) would be 311,965 in the northern division, 234,940 in the eastern division, and 295,529 in the southern division. Mr. Dent, M.P., and Mr. Kitson objected tothe Government plan, more especially as it affected the northern division ; whilst Mr. Bond, Mr. Baxter, and Mr. W. S. Stanhope expressed their preference for the Government scheme. At the sitting on Tues day Mr. W. Beaumont, M.P., produced a third plan of division, differing from both that of the Govern ment and that of Mr. 11. S. Thompson, and having for its object " the wants and requirements of the county in an agricultural, manufacturing, and min ing point of view," and commingling the agricul tural and manufacturing interests. Mr. J. Garnett, of Otley, expressed himself in favour of Mr. Thompson's plan, with some modifications ; and Mr. Collins, jun., of Knaresborough, and other witnesses, made various suggestions. BIRKENHEAD. —Lieut.-Colonel Gordon and Mr. Patrick Cumin, the assistant commissioners of the district, sat at the Birkenhead Town Hall, on Tues day, to inquire into the boundaries of the borough. The Birkenhead Improvement Commissioners did not recommend any alteration of the boundary, which includes the townships of Birkenhead, Tran mere, Claughton-cum-Grange, Oxton, and part of the Higher Bevington. Mr. Bretherton, solicitor, of Birkenhead, advocated, on his own account, the inclusion of the whole of the parishof Wallasey, and the chairman and a member of the Wallasey local board opposed the suggestion. Mr. James Allsop, Conservative agent, recommonded that the whole of Higher Bevington should be included instead of a portion. Two barristers appeared for the Mersey Dock Board to prevent any more specific definition of the boundaries. This is with a view of fighting the dock rating question, the dock board now con tending that the docks are not within high water mark. THE UNLUCKY DAY.—A curious statistical fact has just been published by a M. Minard. Friday is con sidered such an unlucky day in France that not only is the number of travellers by rail much smaller on that than on other days, but the difference is also sensibly felt in the receipts of the omnibuses. COUNTRY MARKETS. SALISEURY.-TUESDAY. A full attendance of farmers, millers, and dealers to-day, and a pretty good offer of wheat. Holders asked the same rise as at Mark-lane yesterday, but only a moderate busi ness was done. There was a middling show of barley, and late prices advanced is to 2s per qr. For oats quo tations were against buyers. Beans and peas is up. The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised from 44s to 82s ; barley, 38s to 48s ; oats, 25s to 30s ; beans, 46s to 59s ; and peas, 40s to 50s per qr. Tares, from 58 Od to 7; Od per bushel ; Best bread, 17d ; household ditto, 16i per 81b loaf. Flour, 53s to 55s per sack. HULL-T UESDAY. A fair supply of wheat.. Trade active, and former rater advanced 2s to 4s per qr. English white wheat, 73s to 80s; red, 68s to 725; Dant sic and Konigsberg, 75s 'to 80s ; Baltic red, 70s to 728 ; Danish and Hamburg, 66s to 7Os1; Russian, 66s to 70s. Barley, English, 42s to 48s:; grinding, Mediterranean, 34s to 35s 6d. Oats, new English, 26s to 28s; Russian, 2Gs to 275. Beans, old English, 45s to 465; foreign, 42r to 435. Peas, English blue, 44s to 46s Od; foreign white, 43s to 445; grinding, 42s to 43s Od per qr. MONMOUTHSHIRE-TUESDAY. The late advance has not only been maintained, but a still further increase of is has taken place at most of the local markets this week, and trade has been somewhat brisk. The following are the average quotations:—Wheat, red, 8s 3d to 8s 9d per bushel ; white, 8s 6d tops 3d:; inferior, 7s 6d to Os Od ; malting barley, 42s to 46s per qr ; grind ing ditto, 36s to 38s Od; beans, 43s to 45s ; white oats, 271 Od to 30s Od ; black ditto, 26s Od to 27s Od. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. &ustralia and New Zealand, via Southanlpton.....oot. 20. Ditto, via Marseilles .............Nov. 13. Ditto, via Panama Brazil, Buenos Ayres, and M on t e Vid eo Nov. 4. Ditto, by Frenott packet ...... .......... Oct. 2.: Cape Verde, by Brazil packet ..—.. Cape of Good Rope. Ascension. and St. lielena Oct. 23. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton—Oct. 20. Ditto, via Marseilles . • Oct. 23 Faikland Islands .. Gibraltar, via Southampton • • Oct. 20. India, via Southampton Nov. 2. Ditto, via Marseil es Malta, Egypt, &o. Oct. 20. Ditto, Marseilles Oct. 27. Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via Southampton Oct. 20. Ditt ), via Marseilles Nov. 3. Sewfouudland .. Oct. 23. Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Oporto Ditto ditto to Lisbon United States, Canada, California, &c., by British packet Ditto, by United States packet Ditto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (New York) Ditto ditto (Baltimore) •• Ditto, by Canadian pao ',Let ........... ..... ....Oct. 18. West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Teueriffa Oct. 17. West Indies and Pacific (except Mexico and Baha mas) Cuba and Mexico Oct. 29. Bahamas, via New York Bermuda, via Halifax Births. FIELD—On the 15th inst., at Down House, Bamstead, Surrey, Mrs. Frederick Field, of a daughter.' FISHER— On the 15th inst., at Harrow-on-the-Hill, the wife of W. IL Fisher, Esq., barrister-at-law, of a son. ATARKBY —On the 16th lust, at 25, Gordon-street, Gordon square, the wife of Henry Markby, Esq., of a son. Marriages. PAMPHILON -YAPP—On the 15th inst., at St. Luke's, Chel sea, Frederick Wm. Pamphilon, of 257, Brompton-road, S.W., solicitor, to Mary, only daughter of George Yapp, Esq., of Oakley-street, Chelsea. SCOTT—MACANDREW— On the 15th inst., at the parish church, Hove, Sussex, Francis H. Scott, Madras Stag Corps, to Julia Margaret, widow of the late Wm. Mac andrew, Esq., M.D. 1.1.M.'s 57th Regiment. Deaths. Dicxsox—On the Bth inst., William H. Dickson, Esq., of Tunbridge-Wells, aged 58. DRYSDALE- 7 0U the 13th inst., Andrew D. Drysdale, Esq., of 39, Belsize-park. GRAHAME—On the 15th inst., at The Moat, Annan, Duni friesshire, Wm. H. Grahame, Esq., aged 61. 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