The Sun. — London, England, 1867-02-13 00:00:00

lIITERIAL PARLIAMENI __~~ lIOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING. Tho Loris CIIANCELLOR took his seat on tho Woolsack at 5 o'clock. THF, LORD CHIEF BARON. Earl RUSSELL presented a petition praying that the Lord Chief Baron sh mild be dismissed from the distinguished judicial functions which he has been called on to exercise, iu consequence of his conduct in reference to the sub jects connected with the matters relating to Mr. Wason. He considered that any one occupying the position of the Lord Chief Baron should not be open to anything like sus picion, and the circumstances out of which the present pro ceedings ems? were of a nature calculated to excite suspicion. The noble lord then went into a detail of all the facts con nected with the Parliamentary proceedings relating to the inquiry respecting the Ipswich election in 1837, and the part which Sir Fitzroy Kelly took in regard to the same. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had received from the Lord Chief Baron information which enabled him to refute the allegations contained in the petition. He must sty he thought it would have better become the noble earl if lie had refrained from presenting a petition, every alle gation of which he afterwards went on to refute. Assum ing every word in the petition was as true as ho should prove it to be false, the circumstances referred to took place 30 years ago. During that period Sir F. Kelly had twice filled the office of Solicitor-General. He has also stood six contests for the county of Suffolk, and if there is any stain on a man's moral character it is certain to be brought to light at such a time. It is difficult to understand why, if Mr. Wason believed in the charges he now made, he did not bring them forward when Sir F. Kelly received his first official appointment, for ho must have known such an appointment conferred a sort of inchoate right to subse quent elevation to the bench. He was convinced that some motives of other than a public character must have led Mr. Wason to bring forward his present charge after keeping silence so long; and he had asked Sir F. Kelly for an ex planation of the circumstance. It appeared that in 1837 Sir F. Kelly, then Mr. Kelly, stood for the borough of Ipswich. Mr. Wason, who was the candidate on the other side, having publicly accused him of telling a lie, Sir P. Kelly sent him a challenge. Mr. Wason, being either re gardless of public opinion as it then was, or being mindful of the Christian precept, "Bo not higlimiaded, but timid," refused to accept the challenge. He was therefore posted as a liar and a coward. Upon that he flew for protection to the courts, and applied for a criminal information against Mr. Kelly for endeavouring to provoke him to fight a duel. It was not because the court thought that ho was not likely to be so provoked that they discharged the rule, which they did on other grounds. This is the source of the rancarous malice which the petitioner has been nourishing for more than thirty years ; crouching, waiting for his spring, until ho thought he could inflict the most deadly blow on the cha racter of his right hon. friend. The first charge in the petition is that Mr. Kelly did on the 11th April, 1835, pledge his honour to a statement which he knew to be false, and did thus deceive an election committee of the House of Commons. And in a letter to Mr. Walpole it is explained by Mr. Wason that the false statement alleged to have been made by Mr. Kelly was that he did not. know a certain Mr. Pilgrim, who was subsequently proved to have acted as his agent at the election. Now it is perfectly un true that Sir F. Kelly ever denied that he knew Mr. Pil grim. On the contrary, he spoke of him as a clerk to Messrs. Blake and Sewell, from whom ho had been in the habit of receiving briefs for many years. All that he did was, while acting as his own counsel in the absence of the gentleman who should have represented him before the committee, to insist that there was no evidence to prove the agency of Pilgrim, and that therefore the sitting naem bers were not answerable for his acts. The committee came to the same conclusion, and then adjourned for the scrutiny. Before they re-assembled, Mr Pilgrim, having had a charge of embezzlement preferred against him by his employers, went over to the enemy's camp, proffered him self as a witness, and proved a particular act of bribery, and also his own agency. Under these circumstances the committee had no other choice than to rescind their pre vious resolution. But it is proved beyond a doubt by Mr. Gurney's shorthand notes that Sir Fitzroy, then Mr. Kelly, did not in the course of the speech he had made before they adjourned deny his knowledge of Pilgrim, and that he could not have done so was clear from the fact, that when the committee reassembled no disgust was ex pressed at his again appearing before them, as must have been the case had ho uttered the falsehood with which he was charged. The second charge in the petition is founded on an observation said to have fallen from the late Lord Denman in the course of the argument ou the criminal information against Mr. Wason ; but the fact is the observation had not the slightest refe rence to Sir F. Kelly, but was merely addressed to an argument of the then Attorney-General, who was counsel in the case, and amounted to no more than a strong expression of Lord Denman's opinion that, if a gentleman stated that which he knew to be false, it did ❑ot in the least matter whether he did or did not preface his words by any forte of asseveration. The third charge in ►he petition is that the late Sir R. Peel positively refused to appoint Sir F. Kelly Solicitor-General on account of his conduct before the Ips wich election committee, and that the scruples of the right hon. gentleman were only overcome by fraud, or, as Mr. Wason said in his letter to the present Home Secretary, "by as discreditable a dodge as was ever practised by men in high position." Mr. Wason asserts that some one palmed off upon Sir R. Peel, as a full report of the Ipswich case, a blue-book which did not contain the speech of Mr. Kelly. Now, he (the Lord Chancellor) was in a position to refute this charge. He was Solicitor-Goueral when Sir W. Follett died, in 1845. The funeral took place on the 4th of July. Immediately afterwards he attended Sir R. Peel at White hall, and received from the right hon. baronet the intima tion that ho was to be advanced—to be Attorney-General. He then said, " Who is to be my Solicitor-General ?" to which Sir R. Peel immediately replied, "Kelly." And on that very day, the 4th cf July, his learned friend received from Sir Peel the notification of his appointment. There was therefore no delay in the appointment—still less was there any delay, because of Sir R. Peel's reluctance to ap point his lent ned friend on account of rumours affecting his character. If his learned friend had been guilty of the con duct stated in this petition he would indeed have been un worthy to be raised to the judicial bench. But what could their lordships think of the petitioner, Mr.Wason, who had been now waiting for 30 years for an opportunity to bring forward charges of this description whet they are likely to be most injurious to the reputation of Sir F. Kelly ? He thought they would be of opinion that the course he has pursued on this occasion has underrated the accuracy of the character with which he was branded in 1837. He has at last drawn out the poisonous shaft which has been steeped in venom so long. He has aimed at the Lord Chief Baron, but it has fallen harmless to the ground ; and his petition will remain on their lordships' table only as a perpetual record of his folly and malignity. (Hear, hear.) Lord ST. LEONARDS said that if the petition remained on the table of the house it would be impossible for the Chief Baron to retain his seat on the bench unless steps were taken to clear his character front the charges brought against him. Ho therefore appealed to Earl Russell to withdraw the petition if lie were convinced, as he must be, that these charges are unfounded. He need not enter into art examination of the points which had been so fully dis cussed by the Lord Chancellor ; but there was another to which ho would advert. Mr. Wason asserts that Sir R. Peel hesitated to appoint Mr. Kelly as Solicitor-General, and that he was only induced to do so by the influence of Lord Leetsdale, who was then a member of the Cabinet. Lord Lonsdale, however, denied that anything of the kind ever occnrred ; and it was indeed perfectly impossible that if Sir F. Kelly had been guilty of the conduct imputed to hint he should have been six times elected member for the county of Suffolk without a word being whispered against his character. Earl RUSSELL vindicated his conduct in presenting the petition, on the ground that it did not relate to mat ters of private scandal, but contained charges against a gentleman filling an important public office. In his opinion it was much better than when such charges are made they should be brought forward and refuted. The noble lord on the woolsack had refuted Mr. Wason's allegations, and shown them to be totally unfounded, and he thought that it was much better that such a result should have been attained than that the petitioner should have been enabled to say that no hearing had been given to his complaints. He was quite ready to withdraw the petition if such a course was consistent with the practice of the house and with the feelings of noble lords present—a point on which he would be guided by the opinion of the Earl of Derby. lie was fully satisfied that the conduct of the learned judge against whom these charges had been brought remains unstained, and that her Majesty's subjects may have full confidence in his administration of justice, not only on account of his knowledge of law, but of his high character. The Earl of DERBY said that if he were in the position of the noble earl, and had felt it his duty to present this ptition, lie should certainly now feel it his duty to with draw it after the discussion that had taken place. After the complete refutation which Mr. Wason's charges had . received, the House of Lords would only consult its dignity by refusing to albw such scandalous, slanderous, and calumnious statements to remain on the table. Earl RUSSELL remarked that ho was quite ready to withdraw tho petition. The LORD CHANCELLOR, however, observed that the more regular course would be to negative the moiiou. THE THREATENED FENIAN RIOTS. In answer to Lord STANLEY Of ALDERLEY, The Earl of DERBY said—l can gi - To your lordships little information as to the events which have taken place at Chester, beyond that which has alree.dy appeared in the public papers. On Saturday morning Air. Walpole received information from Liverpool that there was con siderable excitement in that town, caused by an extraordinary influx of strangers from Manchester, Halifax, Staleybridge, Preston, and other places, all of whom had come into the town on no apparent busi ness, and bore a very suspicious aspect. In the course of the afternoon it became evident that tha object of ,these parties was to go on to Chester and take possession of the castle. The superintendent at Liverpool accordingly sent oft an inspector at ten o'clock at night to warn the authorities at Chester. The Secretary of State, on receiving information of this, at once put the genaral commanding the district and the Mayor of Chester in communication, and authorised the latter if he thought it necessary to send for au additional company of the 54th Regiment from Preston. In the course of yesterday it appeared that the number of strangers collected at Chester had increased to between I,sooand 1,600, and that they were bent on carrying out the design attributed to them. Thereupon the mayor wrote to say that additional troops were required, and requested authority to send for them to Manchester and Preston. It was, however, the opinion of the commander-in-chief that it was undesirable to weaken the force at these places, and that if additional troops were required, a battalion of Guards should be sent down. That was telegraphed early last evening to the Mayor of Chester, and in the meantime directions wore given to have a train ready to convoy 500 men. At ten o'clock last night a telegram was received from the mayor stating that it was necessary that the troops should be sent, and they accordingly left London at one o'clock this morn ing, arriving in Chester a few hours afterwards. Up to the present time the Government have heard nothing more, but I have seen a private telegram from Lord Grosvenor (who has gone down to command the yeomanry) to Lord Elcho, in which it is stated that the aspect of matters bad been very serious, and that the town of Chester had only been saved 113 the timely precautions taken. TRAFFIC REGULATION METROPOLIS BILL. The Earl of BELIIORE moved the second reading of this bill, the object of which was, he said, to regulate the traffic of the metropolis. It was proposed to prohibit the cleaning and scavengering of the streets after ten o'clock in the morning; to forbid the loading and unloading of coals S and casks between ton o'clock in the morning and seven o'clock in the evening; to prevent persons loading or unloading goods on the pavement or leaving them there any longer than is necessary for the purpose of their being conveyed into a house or warehouse from the vehicles in which they are brought; to prohibit the driving of cattle through the streets after ten o'clock in the morning; to pro vide that vehicles carrying iron girders, long ladders, or articles of that description shall not be driven through the streets between ten o'clock in the morning and seven o'clock in the evening; that omnibuses and cabs shall put down passengers as near the kerbstone as may be ; and that placards shall not be carried through the streets. There are also clauses in the bill enabling the authorities to make special rules for the regulation of the traffic in narrow and crowded thoroughfares, such as Cheapside and other streets. By the portion of the bill relating to hackney carriages it is provided that every person taking a cab of the stand shall be bound to pay the driver at least a shilling, and that, on the other hand, the cabman shall be bound to have a lamp in the inside of his vehicle. Under other clauses an encouragement is held out to cab proprietors to place a superior class of vehicles than at present on the streets, for which they will be authorised to charge a higher fare. At present there is a great difficulty as to the removal of snow from the streets, but this bill will make it tho duty of the local authority to remove the snow both from the footway and the roadway; and on their failure to do so they may be summoned by any one before a magistrate. Under ano ther clause stray dogs wandering about the streets may be seized by the police, and if not claimed within three days they may be destroyed or sold. The bill will apply to the district within a radius of four miles from Charing-cross. In reply to Lord STANLEY Of ALDERLEY, Tho Earl of BELMORE said that he was perfectly wil ling to refer the bill to a select committee, if this course was thought desirable. The fare of Is. to be paid on hiring a cab would cover a drive of two miles. After a brief conversation, in which the Marquis of WESTMEATH and the Earl of ELLIINBOROUGH took part, the bill was read a second time. The house adjourned at a quarter before 7 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—LAST EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. Sir. J. B. KizsLAKE took the oath and his seat for Andoyer. A petition was presented from Sir Fitzroy Kelly pray ing that before the publication of certain letters concerning private character, which contain a number of fahie charges, the house would institute a searching inquiry into the whole of the circumstances connected therewith. CHARITY COMMISSION. Sir R PEEL moved for a return of the amount of funds in the hands of the Charity Commissioners requiring re appropriation to new charitable uses, with the sources from whence they are derived, whether from charities founded for eleemosynary objects or from endowments founded for parochial or public purposes, with the names of the several parishes and counties to which the endow ments of these foundations or benefactions belong, and all other local and statistical information respecting them in possession of the Charity Commission.—The return was ordered. HACKNEY CARRIAGES. Mr. Alderman LAWRENCE asked the Secretary for the Home Department whether his attention had been di rected to the report of the Commissioners of Inland Re venue for the year ending the 31st day of March, 1866, in which they state their opinion of the condition of tho metropolitan cabs ; and, whether ho was pre pared to introduce a measure during the present session to consolidate the various acts relating to metro politan hackney carriages; to revise the tariff with a viow of enabling the public to have the option of ob taining a superior class of hackney carriages at an in creased fare; and to take away the power at present pos sessed by the cab owners of imprisoning their drivers in Whitocross-street Prison in the event of their failing to pay the daily hiring ? Mr. WALPOLE said he did not intend to introduce a bill on the subject, but the latter part of the hon. member's question would be dealt with t y a bill which was about to be introduced into the other house. Mr. Alderman LAWRENCE asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he intended to introduce a mea sure during the present session for the equalisation of the duties on metropolitan and provincial hackney carriages, the duty at present levied upon metropolitan cabs being about three times that charged upon similar vehicles in any other part of the kingdom. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER declined to answer questions relative to remission of taxation, which might lead to great misapprehension. NEW ZEALAND. In reply to Mr. GORST, Mr. ADDERLEY said the number of troops at present in Now Zealand was 3,190, but it was only proposed to station ono regiment permanently there. Orders had been sent out for the number over 1,000 to return to England. DISEASE AMONGST SAILORS. In reply to Mr. TRACEY, Sir S. NORTHCOTE said ho hoped to be able to intro duce a bill to prevent the spread of scurvy amongst sailors. THE FENIANS AT CHESTER. Col. FRENCH said he begged to ask the right hon. gen tleman the Secretary of the Home Department whether he could giro the house any information relative to the movement of 800 strangers at Chester, said to be Fenians, and whether there was any reason to believe that they were persons of that description. His informant said they were principally roughs going to a prize fight. (Order, order.) Mr. WALPOLE said the best answer ho could give was to state as briefly as ho could the nature of the disturb ance, and the steps the Government had taken. On Sun day evening last he received a communication stating that there was unusual excitement in Liverpool, occasioned by the movement of a large body of people, said to be Fenians. That they had been holding meetings and making certain movements of a suspicious nature. He immediately sent a person down to Liverpool to inquire into alI the matters, and to report to him the state of things as speedily as possible. On the Monday morning, as soon as be reached the Home Office, ho re ceived a telegram from the Mayor of Chester stating that there was a largo body of strangers in the city, and ho had reason to believe that they were Fenians, and that ho was apprehensive that an attack on the Castle was in contemplation in order to obtain possession of the anus and ammunition stored there. He stated the number of troops at that time in the town, were, he thought, totally inadequate to the emergency, and he stated that additional force teas wanted as soon as possible. He (Mr. Walpole) at once directed that a company of sol diers should be sent from Manchester to Chester. Fur ther in the day he received another telegram, and accord ing to that it appeared that a meeting of Fenians had been held on the previous Friday, and that a resolution had been come to to attack the Castle of Chester for the purpose of procuring the arms he had already mentioned. This report corresponding with that he had received from Liverpool ho then telegraphed to the Mayor of Chester to forward at once a statement of the condition of the town, and also of what he stood in need. He also directed him to telegraph to the Commander of the North-West Division, who would at once afford him all the military assistance possible. No answer was received to that telegram; and be, therefore, after consulting with his colleagues, communicated with General Peel, and a division of Guards was at once directed to hold themselves in readiness for instant removal, and a train was ordered to be prepared, with steam up, ready for immediate departure. He received another telegram at 4 a.m., stating that the number of strangers had increased to 1,500, and that they were still pouring in from Man chester, Halifax, Staleybridge, and other places; that ex citement was incre as i ng i n t h e town, and that the state of things was alarmi ng, and that all the local means of pre vention of disturbance were at an end. He then wrote to the Brigade-Major of the Guards, and 500 men were at once sent off, as it was not thought wise to denude the surrounding country of all military protection. On the ground that prevention was better than cure, he thought that a great deal of alarm would be prevented in the minds of the peaceably-disposed inhabitants to find, on n do. He t c s, nim u ation from nbut - getting up f rom t h e i r beds, that the Guards had arrived from ie Lon afterwards receivedof fthetroops, a o thecommander he was happy that ho did not take the gloomy yield of matters that others had done. Ike said th© 'THE SUN, LONLON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 13 1867. troops in Chester wore quite sufficient to maintain autho rity. Later on he received another telegram, asking for permission to call out the Volunteers. Ho sent down a message in reply, stating that the Volunteers ought not to be called out in their military character ; but, like all loyal subjects, it was their duty to give all assistance possible to the preservation of the public peace, and in case of emergency they would be justified in using their arms, but not in their military character. That was all that was done up to yesterday. Last evening whilst the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exche quer was speaking ho received another telegram in forming him that 400 more of the strangers had arrived, making the numbers in the city out to 1,200, that the town was in groat excitement, and that more troops were required. Ho then conferred with his colleagues as to what was to be done,and as there was no statement that the strangers were armed, it was thought that it was absolutely necessary that some information on that point .should be obtained before extraordinary measures wore taken. He again telegraphed to the General commanding asking whether the strangers were armed or not. Iu reply to this communication he received the intelligence that a great many of the strangers had gone home, and that several want away last night. Whether they were Fenians or not ho could not say, but the whole of his in formation pointed that way. He hoped the steps that bad been taken would be approved by the house. Mrr C. FORTESCITE asked whether the information required, viz, whether the men were armed or not, had been obtained ? 31r.WALPOLE said he had received no information up to this morning that the people were armed. (Hear, hear.) Lord ELCHO said he had received a telegram from Lord Grosvenor, who left last night for Chester, he being in command of a regiment of yeomanry, The message he had received was as follows:—" Was serious—timely in formation saved the town—all right now." (Cheers.) UNIVERSITY TESTS. The house having resolved itself into committee, -- -- Mr. COLERIDGI obtained leave to bring in a bill to provide for the abolition of Religious Tests in connection with Academy Degrees and Offices in the 'University of Oxford. Mr. FAWCETT said that on the second reading he should move that the measure extend to Cambridge as well as Oxford. Leave was given to bring in the following bills : To Mr. Torrens, a bill to provide better dwellings in towns for artisans and labourers; to Mr. Newdegate, a bill for the commutation of church rates; to The O'Connor Don, a bill to extend the Industrial Schools Act to Ireland; to Mr. Coleridge, in committee of the whole house, a bill to provide for the abolition of religious tests in connection with academical degrees and offices in the University of Oxford (Mr. Fawcett giving notice that in committee on the bill he should move that it be extended to the Univer sity of Cambridge); to Mr. Watkin, a bill for affording better security to the holders of railway debentures ; to Sir C. O'Loghlen, a bill to regulate and improve the tenure of land in Ireland between Landlord and tenant ; and to Mr. Neate, a bill to exempt during a limited time associa tions of workmen which are, in respect of any part of their constitution, entitled to the benefits of the act 18th and 19th Vie., cap. 63, from forfeiture of those benefits by rea son of their being in other parts of their constitution adapted to the purposes of a trade union. _ _ On the motion of Mr. HUNT, it was agreed that the house should on Thursday (to-morrow) resolve itself into committee on the duties relating to sugar. The house rose at half-past 6 o'clock. THE REFORM QUESTION. BIRMINGHAM. A crowded meeting was held last night in the Town-hall, Birmingham, to consider the present aspect of the question of Reform. The attendance was estimated at 5,000. Lord Teynham occupied the chair. The following resolution was unanimously carried on the motion of Alderman llawkes, seconded by Mr.W. Radford, and supported by Professor Rogers, of Oxford : That this meeting having considered the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Government re solutions, is of opinion that the propositions of her Ma jesty's Government are an insult to the country, and a de ception attempted on the people ; that the Government have neither the honesty nor the will to pass any satisfac tory measure of Parliamentary Reform ; and that our re presentatives be respectfully requested to invite the House of Commons forthwith to declare its want of confidence in her Majesty's 31inisters. A resolution affirming the desirability of manhood suffrage and vote by ballot was moved by Mr. Bald win, seconded by Mr. Lanyard, supported by Mr. Ernest Jones, of Manchester, and unanimously car ried. The O'llonoghue was unable to be present, and the following telegram from Mr. Bright was read to the meeting : The proposals of Government are only calculated to dis appoint, to insult, and to irritate those who ask for an honest reform iu the representation. ing—Mr. Brown. Several of the delegates having to leave early, such as Worcester, Leicester, Bath, &c., their adhesion to the principles of the resolu tion was given in. THE WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION. A general meeting of the members of the Work ing Men's Association was held last night at the Sussex Hotel, Bouverie-street, Fleet-street, to con sider the present position of the Reform question Mr. G. Potter occupied the chair. The chairman opened the proceedings by reading the resolutions proposed by the Chan;ellor of the Exchequer, and said he considered the majority of them highly un satisfactory, and that any Reform Bill founded upon such resolutions would be a mocker) , and insult to the people. The franchise to be pro posed was a rating franchise, the very principle against which the late Government went out of office. It was therefore im[ossible, if they were to be consistent, that the leaders of the Liberal party in Parliament could support such a proposal. There was also an evident intention on the part of the Go vernment by the alteration of the borough boun daries to extend the Tory influence in the counties, while no corresponding influence on the Liberal side could take place in the boroughs. He had no faith in the intention of the present Government to deal honestly with the question of Reform in the inte rest of the people, and he therefore trusted Mr. Gladstone would meet the proposals of the Govern ment by a direct negative. He would be supported in that course by the great mass of the people. Mr. Troup thought, upon the whole, the Resolutions were good Resolutions. At any rate, they should not prejudge the Government. He would move, "That the association, while maintaining its avowed principles of manhood suffrage and the ballot, and the more equal representation of all classes, defer expressing an opinion upon the Go vernment Resolutions on Reform until the precise terms are placed before Parliament on the 25th of the present month." Mr. G. Brooke seconded the resolution. Mr. Hartwell moved the follow ing amendment :—"That this association, having considered the Resolutions upon Reform introduced into the House of Commons on Monday evening by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, is of opinion that the great majority of these Resolutions are most vague and unsatisfactory; and is further of opinion that any Reform Bill which may be founded upon those Resolutions would fall very far short of the just expectations of the people." He thought the opinions and intentions of the Government on Reform were sufficiently set forth in the Resolutions to justify the association in coming to an opinion without waiting for another fortnight. Mr. Bligh seconded the amendment. After a long and animated discus sion the amendment was carried by a large majority. The secretary stated, in reply to a question, that the meeting of trades' delegates, to be held on Fri day evening next would consider the propriety of holding another demonstration of the London trades to be attended by large deputations from the provincial trades somewhere about Exeter. The fol lowing resolution was then adopted in reference to the Royal Commission on Trades' Unions :—" That this association, while refraining from expressing any confidence in the Commission as constituted, congratulate the deputation who waited upon Mr. Walpole on Friday last at their success in inducing that gentleman to place Mr. F. Harrison on the Commission ; but that at the same time they most emphatically protest against any legislative action on the report of that Commission being taken by the present or any future Parliament in which labour is entirely unrepresented." The meeting then ad journed until Tuesday evening next. danger in the present temper of the North that the veneration of the people for the Supreme Court may be overborne by their strong political antipathies, and that this great safeguard of the Constitution may be come involved in the threatened fate of the Executive. There can be no question that recent events have presented an ominous aspect, and that affairs are beginning to indicate a very serious collision between the Executive and Legislative powers of the country. Had the Judges been more unanimous in their opinion and less nearly balanced the effect of their decision would in all probability have been attended with better results. We have, however, faith in the strong good sense of themass of the Northern people that they will not permit a civil contest so suicidal as would result from an appeal to arms by either of the contending parties. The nation ought, however, to act decisively and at once, for there is such a thing as drifting into war. In spite of the efforts of the Republican party, the feeling of the nation, as far as it has been ascertained, is against the im peachment of the PRESIDENT. What effect the de cisions the Supreme Court may have we cannot pre dict. But there can be no question a great deal of bitterness has arisen from the Legislative enact ments of Congress, to carry out to their legitimate conclusion in the Northern victory the results of the great Civil War, having been nullified by the PRE SIDENT and the Supreme Court. —Anglo-American 7 Imes. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMM—The next fortnight will test the sincerity of the House of Commons on the subject of Reform. The course pursued by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer on Mondaynight has undoubtedly smoothed the way both for those whose only wish is to shelve the question, and for the equally numerous class who desire, indeed, to see some measure of Reform adopted by Parliament, but have a still keener de sire to regain office. Nothing could be easier than a union between those actuated by these two motives. A dozen amendments might be framed on the Mini:- sterial proposal to go into committee on the Re form Resolutions next Monday week, any one of which would be fatal to the Administration. The house might,"for instance, declare point-blank that it saw nothing in the method of proceeding by reso lutions but a means of delay, or it might decline to consider the special resolutions proposed by the Ministry on the ground that they were totally inadequate to the occasion, and could not be mo dified so as to become the basis of a Reform Bill which would satisfy the country. Either of these amendments—and they could be multiplied at pleasure—would be a declaration of want of con fidence which no administration could survive. On the other hand, the House of Commons may boldly take the conduct of Reform into its own hands, may adopt such of the resolutions suggested by the Ministry as appear to be sound, may reject alto gether those which are incurably vicious, and amend those which are capable of amendment, and thus fairly push a Reform Bill through Parliament. If the former plan be adopted, there- must be a Ministerial crisis, probably a change of Ministry, possibly a dissolution, certainly a postponement of any settlement of the question for another year; if the latter course be followed, a powerful Opposition will be reduced to impotency, and a satisfactory Reform Bill may be secured. The nation will know how to interpret the conduct of the House of Com mons under these circumstances. Its character is even now not unassailed, and if it shows a'determi nation to sacrifice Reform to the advantage of a party, its best friends will find it difficult to defend its sincerity. It is very hard to understand what induced the Chancellor of the Exchequer to follow the course he adopted on Monday night. He knew that within twelve hours of the time he was speaking the resolutions be had framed would be published to the world, and that for a fortnight he would have no opportunity of explaining or defending them. He knew that some. of them embodied principles which are startling novelties ; but, instead of stating the reasons which may justify their adop tion, he wasted the evening in a dreary retrospect of the conduct of the House of Commons and of the Liberal party, not very accurate in fact, and most impolitic as a mode of conciliating opposition. He touched, indeed, upon some resolutions, but they were almost self-evident ; he avoided altogether those which are in the highest degree debatable. We shall not imitate his error. No one will deny that the number of electors in England and Wales ought to be increased. We hold it equally clear that the increase may be best effected by reducing the occupying qualification, and by adding other franchises not dependent on the value of the quali fying tenement. Some ignorant sneers have been directed against " fancy franchises," but the prin ciple of these was sanctioned by the Coalition Minis try of 1854—certainly the ablest boiy of advisers serving the Crown in the present generation—by Lord Derby and his colleagu es in 1859, and they have been approved by all independent thinkers on Parliamentary Reform. The third resolution, de claring it contrary to the Constitution to give any class a predominant power, is incontestably true. It is the singular felicity of the House of Commons that it is what it professes to be—a representative body ; and so much as Mr. Disraeli proved on Monday cannot be alleged of the popular assemblies of the great nations which rank abreast of us in the march of civilisation. Mr. Gladstone politely deprecated criticisms on the institutions of our contemporaries, but it is impossible to deny the substantial accuracy of the position taken up by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and there are occasions when-we are bound to take warning by the experience of others. The House of Commons will certainly in sist upon preserving its representative character intact. It might also have been assumed, after the experience of last session, that little objection would be taken to the Resolution proposing to base the oc cupation franchise on Rating. The first four Re solutions would be supported by large majorities, if not with unanimity ; but a general consent to adopt Resolutions not containing a single figure would not much advance the solution of the question. They do not, in fact, touch the difficulty. It is very well to affirm the propriety of reducing the occupation franchise ; it is very well to insist upon the necessity of preventing any class from becoming predominant ; but the task of statesmanship is to reconcile these two propositions in practice. Re duce the franchise, as the phrase is, making no other alteration, and the most numerous class must become supreme ; maintain the representation of all classes, and you cannot, while making no other alteration, reduce the franchise. This is a dilemma from which there is no escape, except by the a d o ption of some new principle. It is boih feeble and foolish to doubt and hesitate, and hope that after all the difficulty may be evaded, when it is plainly a lion in the path which must be directly encountered. The Ministry deserve the credit of having faced the difficulty, though we cannot ap prove the means they propose to meet it. They would have the House of Commons sanction a plurality of votes as a means of facilitating " the settlement of the borough franchise on an extensive basis," and it has been rumoured thar if additional votes were conferred on those who possessed edu cational or professional qualifications, or occupied tenements above a certain re n t a l, household suf frage would be recommended for the rest of each borough constituency. It must, however, be re membered that the means adopted for securing the co-existence of a variety of representation and of enlarged franchises must be not only such to re commend itself to the present Parliament, but must be sound enough in principle to withstand future onslaughts in, it may be, a more demo cratic assembly. It may be possible, though we See no reason to believe it, that additional votes given for educational qualifications would be re spected by a future House of Commons, but who can believe that a proposal so invidious as that of giving a voter two or more votes be cause he lives in a larger house than his neighbour could permanently endure? Whatever doubt we may have of the temper of the present House of Commons—and for our part we are satisfied that a plurality of votes will never be sanctioned by it—we cannot but know that the bulwark thus proposed as a defence of the constitution would be washed away by the first wave of popular opinion. The Govern ment has indeed expressed the fifth Resolution most hypothetically, and the House of Commons must at once reject it. Something, however, must be done, and the suggestion that each voter should be at li berty to give the two or three votes he can now distribute among as many candidates cumulatively seems the simplest plan of solving the difficulty—at least where there is• more than one member to be returned. It would set the voter free to do what he liked best with his votes ; it would give no man an invidious privilege over his fellows ; it would preserve the representation of the less nume rous classes from being overridden or extinguished; it would do more to stop bribery and cor ruption than any penal legislation, and its jus tice is so apparent that we might rest confi dent it would never be set aside by a future Parliament. It is not, however, necessary to pin our faith upon this plan, simple and satisfactory as it appears; but if the House of Commons rejects, as it must, the Government proposal, it must find a substitute. Everything turns upon the soluti on o f this central difficulty. The re-distribution of seats may be extended or contracted according as other modes are or are not devised to enable the repre sen tatives of the different classes and interests in the kingdom to enter the House of Commons. The concluding Resolutions, if they are ever reached, will probably be as little opposed as those that come first. Parliament cannot decently refuse to acknow ledge the convenience of votin ,, papers, after allow ing their use in the elections for the Universities, and if any controversy arises about them it can only be upon the efficacy of the checks proposed for their due authentication. The revision of boundaries is a subject the Chancellor of the Exchequer is never tired of dilating upon, and it is confessed by all to be sufficiently important to be a necessary part of a complete Reform Bill. THE WESTMINSTER GAZETTE ON DOVER TO CALAIS BY RAIL—The time is past in which Englishmen and Frenchmen thought it their sacred duty to hate each other. Steamboats, railways, tele graphs, reduced rate of postage, the treaty of commerce between France and England, and inter national exhibitions, have all helped to bring us into nearer relation and more friendly intercourse with our foreign neighbours. A few hours and a few shillings only now separate London and Paris. Artisans and tradesfolk flock to the gay capital to wander through the Louvre and get a peep at the Emperor on the Champ de Mars. As we have long ceased to fortify our cities, so we begin to set less value on our watery ram parts. We do not " wish they were a whole At lantic broad." Generally speaking, we would narrow them if we could. We would fly over them in balloons, bridge them over with boats as Xerxes bridged the Hellespont, or tunnel beneath them as we have tunnelled the Thames. No doubt there is much evil to be learned from the French, but there is also much good. They are a great people enterprising, advancing, and refined. Self-interest with us as a nation is no longer synonimous with self-defence. Our insular posi tion had immense advantages in times past, but we have now more to gain by closer union with the Continent. If easier access would expose us more readily to the attacks of France, or France to the assaults of England, it must be remembered that the communication would be of such a nature that it might, in the event of war, be cut off in a moment on either side. It would be but to take up a few rails or barricade a tunnel and our insular position would be restored. We should retire, secure as ever, within the roaring and billowing breastworks of the deep. The Channel Railway, if it could be laid at all, would be constructed by the united Governments of England and France. It would be worked in peace, and maintained in happy and useful activity by peace, and by peace only. It would be a sign of peace, and perhaps a security for it too. It would add to our pleasures, enlarge our experience, and assist our commerce. There is an advantage even of a higher sort which might accrue from it, and to which I shall presently refer. But can it be effected ? Have art and science, indeed, such power over the ele ments ; and supposing they have, could the enor mous,capital such an undertaking would require be realised, and, if realised, would it eventually return an adequate interest? These are grave questions, but let us see how they can be an swered. It is now nearly ten years since M. de Gamond proposed to the Emperor Napoleon a plan for linking France to England by means of a tunnel. Ile was to reverse the mode of tun nelling proper to the mole. That creature tunnels towards a centre where he resides. M. de Gamond was to tunnel from centres thirteen in number, consisting of thirteen islands, or huge mounds of chalk and stones cast into the Channel. Through these mounds he intended to sink shafts, and then to tunnel right and left when he had reached a certain level. Thus the artificial Chan nel Islands were to be drilled like Mount Cenis, and navigation was to be impeded that Mons. Gre nouille and Mr. John Bull might avoid sea-sickness. That scheme would not do, and M. de Gamond was with infinite politeness bowed out of the Impe rial closet. But his Majesty favoured the Suez Canal, and devised a plan himself for cutting through the Isthmus of Darien. Other prop° , sals, therefore, for uniting France and England materially were sure to court his smiles. Twelve had been laid before him three years ago, but none appeared altogether feasible. Some proposed tubes submerged and lying in the depths of the sea. Others preferred tunnelling beneath the Channel, and, with this view, Mr. Hawkshaw, a high autho ity in Hydraulics, has, we hear, lately been taking soundings between Calais and our chalk cliffs. A French engineer inclined to a tunnel or arched railway running along the bottom ' • and one Englishman, whose thoughts were of wider span, proposed constructing a monster bridge from shore to shore. It is hinted (but people are so malicious in these days) that the Emperor is resolved to have a meeting with the Queen of England, as Francis I. had with Henry VIII., not near Calais, but midway between France and England in the depths of the Railway Tunnel, and that the " Cloth of Gold " is already being prepared with great secresy. Hence the gracious attention he gave to the plan for building a tube on shore, floating it out to sea, and dropping it into its watery bed. ft would be only 20 miles long—a trifle in the 19th century—and the two ends being made solid, it would be en tered, from the Calais and the Dover side, by chain piers, or (sea-sickness again!) by a small steamer. Perhaps some curious reader will ask, How upon earth the French engineer I mentioned proposes to build his arched railroad at the bottom of the Straits ? I reply, simply by means of 40 submarine boats, and 1,500 submarine sailors and navvies; and, not to pass over our fellow-countryman's project of . a bridge too lightly, I will add, that he would build up 190 piers or pyramids in the restless waves. They would measure 300 feet square at the base and 150 feet square at the water's level. They would support towers of colossal height-260 feet high, reader, and 100 feet in diameter. Do you think they would stand firm in a tempest? I have my doubts, nay, to tell the truth, at once, I believe they would totter like reeds. The projector, of course, says otherwise. From tower to tower he would sus pend his tubular bridge, and passengers would look down on ships passing under, like eagles watching the wrinkled deep from their mountain walls. Now the Channel is 160 feet deep midway, and the towers, therefore, with their massive pedestals, and 40 feet required for foundation, would rise altogether 460 feet high from a base of 300 feet square. If Old Neptune, with his ex perience, could not upset them all in a week, he must be in his dotage. The proposal of Mr. Joseph Chalmers promises better, and Dr. Wynter, who is no mean judge in such matters, thinks leis scheme worthy of great attention. He sees, in deed, formidable difficulties in its execution, but believes in " the 'ultimate accomplishment of a land passage under the British Channel." Since he wrote this, the Atlantic Telegraph Cable has been laid successfully, anal the principle of laying tubes at the bottom of the sea has been reduced to practice. If a cable from Ireland to Newfound land can enclose an electric wire, a tube large enough to contain railway carriages may surely be sunk betw een D over and Calais. Thi s i s , i n substance, Mr. Chalmer's scheme. His tube would be embedded in stones forming a ridge from coast to coast 40 feet high, 150 feet wide at the base, and from 40 to 120 feet under low water level. Iron boxes filled with stones would be fastened to it as dead weights ; it would be 18 miles long, and would have three venti lators at about equal distances, so that passen gers could not, at the worst, be ' more than 4} miles from light and fresh air. But as some per sons might be disposed to complain even of this moderate privation, the projector kindly proposes a system of draughts up and down for the accom modation of weak lungs. Mr. Chalmers's prose rises into poetry when he enlarges on the charms of the way. The bright coloured iron, clean and painted, with thousands of lamps at regular dis tances—the noise reduced to a minimum by the equable and elastic pressure without—the perfectly , united rail—the speed and novelty of the pro gress through the caverns of the deep—will con trast agreeably with the noise and darkness of ordinary tunnels, and even with " the miles of uninviting scenery" one is often condemned to pass through ; and the traveller who enters the Channel Railway will experience a sensation allied to that which we feel when we step with tired feet from a gravelly road " upon the downy sward of a smooth greenlawn !" Oh, the strange delight of this facilis descensus, this iter liquidum (they are both expressions of Virgil, though he, poor blind Pagan, had never even heard of an underground railway) ! Could any diving-bell, any canoe on the rapids, any acrid ship offer half the excitement and satisfaction of this gentle, noiseless gliding under the seething surf ? Say not that it is all a dream, nor doubt that the art which has preserved the subtlest of fluids—the electric spark—safely across the Atlantic will arrive at last, after many fruitless attempts, many cruel disap pointments, at conveying human life, horses, flocks, herds, and merchandise in tact in a tubular railway from France to England, and from England to France. And is it to be all in one piece ? By no means. The tube is to be laid out in lengths of 400 feet and 30 feet in diameter. The masses of iron are to be floated out, then sunk, and united together under water so as to exclude the intru sive element. Mr. Chalmers does not seem to take much account of the difference between working above and below water. But what of that? Science annuls differences, and accomplishes the impossible ! Look at the Menai Railway Bridge. Think of Stephenson. Remember Brunel. Twelve miJlio sterling ould, according to the projec tor's estimate, suffice for the enterprise. It is but six millions a piece for the French and English portion of a Channel Railway Company. If we allow a few millions more for interruptions and swindling directors, it is, after all, a mere baga telle for modern millionaires. Once completed, the profits would be immense ; and Mr. Chalmers has been thought moderate when he computes them at £1,300,000 per annum, for the passenger and goods traffic would certainly be prodigious. The benefit of a higher sort than any merely mate rial to which I alluded was simply this. The religious rule under which we live is eminently central. Such is the divine order in the Church. We find by experience, as well as hold in theory and dogma, that the members work best when closely united with the head. To the Pope and to the Courts under his immediate control we sub mit all questions of doctrine and discipline in our ultimate appeals; and the progress of Art and Science has effected this good at least—that it ren ders the communication of distant dioceses with the Holy See far more easy than it was of old. The consequence is that the Church was never more united in its members than it is now ; and whatever tends to facilitate communication still more by sea or land, by telegraph or personal transit, tends also to tighten the bonds which link the faithful to their common father. The Church can make Science, as she has long made Litera ture, her vassal. THE REFORM LEAGUE. A crowded meeting of provincial delegates was held at the League Rooms, Adelphi-terrace, yester day, at 12 o'clock, to consider the resolutions of the Government, and the future course to be pursued by the League in reference thereto. Mr. Beales occupied the chair. Most of the large towns in Eng land and Scotland, as well as the Irish Reform League, were represented. After a long discussion the following resolutions were unanimously agreed to : 4 , This meeting, consisting of the undersigned delegates from different towns, and of members of the Council of the Reform League, having taken into consideration the resolutions laid upon the table of the House of Commons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; 4 , Resolved unanimously,—That such resolutions are wholly unsuited to meet the exigencies of the present crisis, and that the time has arrived in which the unenfranchised portion of the people of Great Britain and Ireland have a right to demand from the Legislature immediate and effective action in favour of a real and substantial reform of the repre sentation, and to insist upon not being any longer trifled with in the establishment of the electoral rights. " That the people having exhibited a spirit of much forbearance in lending i their support to a recent measure of Reform, which fell far short of their just expectations, and which was defeated by the party now in power, combining for that pur pose, with professed but insincere Liberals, this meeting begs very respectfully, but most emphati cally, to warn the members of the House of Com mons that the country is no longer disposed to ac cept a similar measure from any party, and espe cially beg to impress upon the minds of the Liberal members of that house that if they desire to retain the confidence of the people they must be prepared to insist upon such a measure of Reform as shall embody the principles of the Reform League, or otherwise secure to the unenfranchised millions their full share, free from all undue influences, in the choice of persons to represent them in their own branch of the Legislature." Mr. J. Bula, President of the Scottish National Reform League, proposed, and Mr. W. R. CROFT, of Huddersfield, seconded the following resolution. which was also carried unanimously :2 ,‘ We, the undersigned country delegates, having full confidence in the wisdom and prudence of the President and Council of the National Reform League, resolve, on behalf of our various constitu encies, to continue to be guided by and to co-ope rate with them in the further prosecution of the great question of Parliamentary Reform, the.settle ment of which is essential to the peace, prosperity, and happiness of the nation, and we now call upon the whole people to assert their unqualified deter mination never to rest contented until full justice be done to them as regards their electoral rights." It was next resolved--" That the question of a Conference or .National Convention be left with the Council of the League." The President was then cordially thanked for his untiring assiduity and devotion to the people's cause, and the meeting separated. The following delegates then signed the resolu tions :---Scottish National Reform League—Mr. J. Burt, president, Mr. James Moir, and Mr. George Jackson, secretary ; Paisley—Mr. R. Cochran ; Kilmarnock---Mr. C. Johnson ; Manchester—Mr. Ernest Jones, Mr. F. Clayton, and the Rev. John Morgan ; Irish Reform League—Messrs. Jas. Reilly and Thomas Cuttle ; Bradford—Messrs. James Wallwork and W. H. Arnold; ',Huddersfield — Messrs. W. R. Croft, C. Denham, and F. Curzon ; Halifax—Messrs. 11. Horsfall, F. Wright, and 11. Birley ; Derby—Mr. R. Brown ; Uxbridge—Mr. M. Leno ; Whitstable—Messrs. John Porter and E. Watkins ; Nottingham—Mr. Councillor E. T. Cox ; Oxford Reform League—Mr. M. A. A. Mathews ; Rochdale—Mr. M. Stock ; Oldham— Mr. R. Allen; Lynn—Mr. J. Brown ; Leeds—Mr. DrallSaeid ; Birmingham—Mr. W. Wright ; Rea,d. Further Decisions of the Supreme Court. The decision of the Supreme Court on the " Milligan" case has been followed by another on the Test Oath, which has reversed the action of the Missouri State Courts, and sets aside, in the case of the Rev. Mr. Cummings, a Roman Catholic priest, the Test Oath as unconstitutional. This gentle man was indicted for refusing to take the oath. The Supreme Court held that the oath was uncon stitutional, on the ground that it is ex post facto in its operation, and equal to punishment without trial in its nature. In another case, two attorneys who had been pardoned for the part they had taken in the rebellion demanded re -admission to practise in the Supreme Court, but could not take the oath required by Congress. The latter case raises the question of the effect of a pardon by the Executive power. The Court has decided that pardon, what ever may be the offence, relieves not only from the penalty, but restores the offender to th e status h e occupied before committing the offence. The Court has also ruled that attorneys are officers of the Court, and as such are not subjected to the con trol of Congress. The provisions of the oath, as described by the Court, are as follow : " First, that the deponent has never voluntarily borne arms against the United States since he has been a citizen thereof ; second, that he has not voluntarily given aid, countenance, counsel, or en couragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto ; third, that he has never sought, accepted, or attempted to exercise the functions of any o ffi ce in whatsoever ho u s n t d il e it r y an to y athuiethouriituyteod States; fourth,r pretended au thoritythat he has not yielded a voluntary support to any pretended Government, authority, Power, or Con stitution within the United States hostile or inimical thereto ; fifth, that he will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, and will bear true faith and allegiance to the same." The decision of the Supreme Court on these cases had in effect pronounced this oath to be un constitutional, and, therefore, invalid. The unani mous opinion of the Court, as to the legal effects of a pardon, is as follows : " A pardon reaches both the punishment pre scribed for the offence and the guilt of the offender; and when the pardon is full it releases the punish ment and blots out of existence the guilt, so that in the eye of the law the offender is as innocent as if he never committed the offence. If granted before conviction, it prevents any of the penalties and disabilities consequent upon conviction from attaching. If granted after conviction, it removes the penalties and disabilities, and restores him to all his civil r i g hts. It makes him, as it were, a new man, and gives him a new credit and capacity. There is only this limitation to its operation—it does not restore offices forfeited or property or in terests vested in others in consequence of the con viction and judgment." The majority of the Court go further, and say : " llc is thus placed beyond the reach of punish ment of any kind. But to exclude him by reason of that offence from continuing in the enjoy ment of a previously acquired right is to enforce a punishment for that offence, notwithstanding the pardon. If such exclusion can be effected by the execution of to oath, covering an expurga story the offence, the pardon may be avoided, and that accomplished indirectly which cannot be reached by direct legislation. It is not within the constitu tional power of Congress thus to inflict punishment beyond the re ac h of Executive clemency. They also rule tha t the pardoning power of the PRESIDENT cannot be restrained by Congress : " The Constitution provides that the President shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States except in cases of impeachment. With the exception stated, it ex tends to every offence known to the law, and may be exercised at any time after its commission, either before legal proceedings are taken, or during their pendency, or after conviction and judgment. This power of the President is not subject to legislative control. Congress can neither limit the effect of his pardon, nor exclude from its exercise any class of offenders. The benign prerogative of mercy re posed in him cannot be fettered by any legislative restriction." The minority of the Court dissent from these opinions, contending that Congress has the power to proscribe an oath to be taken by all persons ad mitted to office, and that the Test Oath cannot be properly considered in the nature of an cx post facto law. The Judges who delivered an opinion were Mr. Justice FIELD, Judges DAVIS, CLIFFORD, NEL SON, and GRIER. These formed the majority, the minority being Chief Justice CHASE, and Judges MILLER, SWAYNE, and WAYNE. Two of the for mer were appointed by President LINCOLN. That PRESIDENT also appointed three of the latter, and one was made by General JACKSON. The decision is of the greatest importance, and is exciting a lively feeling of interest throughout the country. limit; COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS-TUESDAY. Millers would not take freely of wheat at late rates, but as factors will not sell exeept at an advance of at least ls. per qr. from Friday's rates, but little business is doing. No alteration worthy of note in barley or any other article. LIVERPOOL-TUESDAY. At to-day's market there was a moderate attendance. Wheat was in fair request at rather dearer prices. Flour also somewhat better. Indian corn in only limited re quest at 3d. per qr. lower. Oatmeal dull. Beans in more request, and slightly dearer on the week. Barley quiet, and the turn cheaper. LYNN-MONDAY. At to-day's corn market there was a moderate show of wheat ; and prices were ls to 2s per qr. lower than last week. There was a limited supply of barley, which met slow demand at barely late rates. The show of oats was by no means plentiful. Beaus quiet at about bite rates. Now wheat, 54s to 58s ; new red, 40s to 48s; old white, 67s to 71s ; old red, 59s to 63s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 46s to 52s ; secondary, 37s to 38s. Oats, new, 24s to 28s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 42s to 445. Peas, 36s to 40s per 28 stone. MARKET HARBOROUGH.-T UESDAY. Old white wheat, 60s to 73s ; new red, 50s to 68s per 36 stone. Barley, fine,. 528 ; other kinds, 23s to 36s per 30 st. Oats, new, 228 to 23s ; old, 30s to 34s per qr. Beans, old, 50s to 555; new, 46s to 48s per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.-TUESDAY. White wheat, G6s to 74s ; red, 50s to 66s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 40s to 52s per qr; feed, 32s to 38s per 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 35s ; new, 22s to 29s per 21st• Beans, old, 52s to 54k; new, 46s to 50s per qr. SHEFFIELD -W EDNESDAY. - .. EDNESDAY. Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels....23s Od to 2is 01 White do do ....25s Od 27e Od New red do do ....21s Od 23s Od New white do do ....21s Od 268 04 Beans do do ....2os Od 228 01 Peas, per qr -8 64 196 64 Grinding barley, per qr 35s Od 38s Od Matting barley, (Jo *Os Od 483 Od Oats, do 278 Od 32s Od F10ur....1s 10d to 2i : d per 141 b, Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Amaralia and New Zealand, via SouthamptoL....Feb. 1!. Ditto, via Marseilles Neb. 13. Brazil and Cape Verde. by British paoket! Mar. 0. Ditto. by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Feb. 27 China, Penang. and Singapore. via Southampton—Feb. 19. Ditto, via Marseilles Falkland Islands Gibraltar, 'Via Southampton Feb. 13. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Ftb 13 Ditto, via Marseilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Feb. 13. Ditto, via Marseilles . Feb 7. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Feb. 13. _ Ditto, via Marseilles Feb. 7. Mauritius, via Southampton Feb. )9- Ditto, via Marseille+. Feb. 13 Newfoundland ••• .•,•••Feb. 13. Portugal Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. ... cfnittd htates and British North America, by Bri tish packet Ditto. by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto. via Cork . Ditto. oy Canadian packet. via Londonderry ..Fcb. 8. West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and Honduras) Feb. 13 Bahasma. via New York. Mar 7• Cuba aqd Mexioo Feb. 28 Bermuda. via litlifax.. . Feb. la. West Coakl of Afrlos, !Madeira, and Tonerlife ..„Mar. 0 The Senate has confirmed the claim of John E. Bonligny to 75,000 acres of land in Louisiana ; provided for the appointment of franking clerks for the heads of departments ; amended the homestead and postal laws in several important respects ; heard and referred bills for the equalisation of boun ties, and for fixing the salaries of territorial judges at $2,500. The bankrupt bill which passe d the House last session is no w likely to pass the Senate with some amendment ; and the tariff bill, for which all other business was set aside, on Monday, Janus* . 20, is declared to take effect April 1. A bill to protect all persons acting during the war under orders from their superiors, who may be in clanger from the decision in the Milligan case, passed the House by a vote of 105 to 42, and goes to the Senate, where there is little prospect that it wil l pass this session. Mr. Dodge, of New York, made a strong speech in the House, January 20, against impeachment and against State reconstruction at the South, declaring his belief that those States are now in the Union as much as any others. Th e Senate will not allow the house bill making League Island the depot for ironclads till a committee of naval officers has reported favourably upon it, which they have already done in favour of New London. Fire has destroyed the conservatory of the Exe cutive mansion at Washington, containing maul valuable plants that no money will replace. Lose on the building $20,000. Seventeen other destruc tive fires are reported, involving an estimated loss of $1,560,000, besides much loss of life. We trust that the recent frightful losses from fire will arouse such a measure of attention to an evil -- capable of prevention to a very great extent—ths t some stringent regulations will be passed, and close investigation made into the subject. The Queen, of the National Steam Navigation Company, arrived at Liverpool on Thursday own ing, having left N ew Y or k, on th e 26th ult., wit h 59 passengers. Messrs. Bowles, Drevet, and Co. will receiv e applications for shares and subscriptions for stock 10 the new line to be opened between Thames Har e ! and Boulogne, the English and French Transi t Company. A letter from Berlin states that the commercial flag of the Confederation of Northern Germany hi ° been definitively fixed upon, and that it Will P a composed of the colours black, white, and red. Th . e black and white represent the colours of Prussia, and the white and red those of the Hanseatic tow oB ' In the middle of the flag the Prussian eagle will h e emblazoned. Births. CLARKE —On the 10th inst., at the Dingle, Sydenham-- the wife of Major-Gen. John Clarke, of a daughter. in HICKMAN On the 11th inst., at Esher, the wife of Cal Robert J. Hickman, 60th Rifles, of a son. wife HILL—On the 12th inst., at Long Ditto; Surrey, the of John S. Hill, Esq., of a son. STEWART—On the 11th inst., at the Admiralty 11 ° 11 2f: Royal Dockyard, Chatham, Mrs. Wm. H. Stewart, ° son. Marriages. MARKER—CooR—On the 9th inst., at St. John's C h u n , t h Upper Holloway, Mr. Orphas Barker, of Floore, 14°`",i,t; amptonshire, to Elizabeth Cook, granddaughter OL late I lhomas Cook, Esq., of Holloway. , SIIEPHERD—CARTER —On the 7th inst. at a t the church, Pontefract, Ben. Shepherd, so n . of John Shelf herd, Esq., of Sheffield, to Mary, youngest daughter the late John Carter, Esq., of Potter Grange. Deaths. g tolro BELLAMY—On the 11th inst., at Barrett-grove, - Newington, Henry Bellamy, Esq., aged 76. Vi• KEPPEL— On the 9th inst., at Beckett, the Right Pio"' Keppel, sixth Viscount Barrington, aged 73. MORRIS—On the 10th inst., James Morris, late of " rl ^- ,s b Lodge, Peckham, aged 49. , a dillf MATTAM —On the 11th inst., at 14, Down-street, „,; '— Mr. George Mattam, aged 71. STEVENS—On the 11th inst., at 17 Eaton- lace, Pr'"' H. Stevens, Esq., of the Middle T emple, a ged 5 8 . Tu m mE r. T n u th rn e er li a th ge ins 6 t s .,. at 50, South 31oltou-otte: c et WEST—On the 10th inst., d Ft '° at South Park, Re i g ate, West, Esq., late of Fleet-street, aged 77. London : Printed and Published by IV lb LIAM AN ~•11„ ', 112. of No. 112. Strand, Poster at To); SON 011 1 0 0 . of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy , in We Cola BLlckllesex.—Wedueaday, February 13,1987.