The Sun. — London, England, 1828-10-25 00:00:00

but he felt bound to deny that the Catholics of the present day entertained such feelings ; they no longer entertained hostility to civil and religious li berty. (Cries of " they do.") One point he must draw their attention to. It had been said that Eman cipation would be dangeroes to the Constitution, but he knew something of Ireland, and he would ask the meeting, if there was no danger in driving the Catholics to madness ? Was it not more dangerous to do that than to adopt a measure by which p as _ haps one half dozen (certainly not more) of Peers would be admitted to the House of Lords, and about ten or twenty Members to the House of Com mons. Allusion had been made to the power exer cised by the Catholic Association, and by the Ca tholic Priesthood ; but lie would ask, why it was that the Catholic Association and the priests pos sessed ibis power ? (Cheers.) Because they had raised resources more to obtain a renewal of their civil rights. (Cheers.) It was the people led the priests, and not the priests the people. (Cheering.) Let the people then be restored to their rights, and property would resume its natural sway, if they were admitted with a good grace; but if they coveted un til they were compelled to restore them, the conse quences might be very different. He was persuaded that the Catholics could not abuse the power that would be granted them if they would, and he was (pally persuaded they would not if they could.(Cheers) Ireland was now quiet, and why was it so ? It was because of the exertions of that very Association which they had vainly attempted to put down. He told the Members of the Legislature if the griev ances of Ireland were not speedily settled, they would have to conquer Ireland again, and then they must look to their pockets. The Noble Earl ap pealed, not to their fears, but to their justice. The Roman Catholics asked for rights to which they were entitled. (Cries of " No, no.") Those who were in Ireland in 1822 would know that Government pledged themselves to remove the complaints of Ireland, six months after Dumourier invaded Holland, and The Catholics enabled the Duke of York to oppose him. A freeholder had told him there was danger in making concessions to Ireland, but was there a man in his senses that could believe that to be the fact ? England and Ireland united might defy the world. (" So we can now.") The Noble Lord said he was in the discharge of an important duty, and he should. say that it was dis graceful to those who set on foot these unfortunate Clubs, for so - he must call theado •He gave his Noble Friend credit for the purity of his motives; but he thought that the Constitution would be beet preserved by giving civil and religious libertine. His hope was that the mooting would consider well what w as asked—(Cries of, we have ! we have !)—Wheie did these Brunswick Clubs take their origin. From e Jacobins of France.—(For shame my Lord.) — The Noble Duke at the head of his illajesty'e.Go vernintant would act wisely in conceding the claims made by his Irish countrymen. Lord WINCHELSEA presented himself amid loud cheers. Mr. SatEL presented himself at the same time, and was also greatly cheered by his friends. After the contest of cheering'! 1 d for sometime continued, the Under-Sheriff address the meeting and said the High-Sheriff begged him to state, that lord Winchelsea had first been observed by . him. Mr. Shiel immediately retired, and Lord Win chelsea proceeded to address the meeting—Men of Kent and brother Freeholders, I stand before you this day in the avowed character of a Freeholder .. of Kent, a county that I will boldly assert, notwith standing the illiberality which has been imputed to it, stands second . to none in high-minded principles and liberal feelings—a county which I trust will this day prove that, as it was the last to surrender its • liberty to a foreign monarch,it will be the first to sup port that Protestant Constitution which is insepa rably united with civil and religious liberty. In offering a few observations to the Meeting, he begged to state, that in withholding his support from the measure which would give to Catholics the power to legislate for the Constitution and religioni they were bound to destroy,—he was influenced-by no feelings of personal hostility. With many Cu- tholica he lived on terms cf the sincerest anti warmest friendship, which he 'trusted would not be dimi. flushed by the part he conscientiously felt himself bound to take in the proceedings in the present question. His hostility was not to the members but to the principles of the Catholic Church. A church which doomed to its votaries the right of judgment must for ever militate against civil and- religious liberty, and to the last hour of his life he would en deavour to prevent the votaries of such a church from legislating for the Protestant Constitution of this empire,—(Cheers.) • He would not waste the time of the meeting in tracing through history the proofs of the intolerant principles . which governed that church, nor harrow up their feelings by reciting the melancholy scenes that ware to be found in the pages of the history of our own country, when ever power was in possession of its members. There were sufficient proofs in the events that took place between the periods of the Reformation and the Revolution, 1688, that the power of the Church of Rome was inconsistent with the safety of our Protestant Institutions, and it became neces sary for their security to exclude the House of Stiiarts from the throne, and to place the sceptre on the heads of the Sovereign of the house of Brunswick, who, he trusted, would never abandon the principles they had pledged themselves on the altar of God to support. (Loud cheers.) They had been accused of endeavouring by means of a club to dictate to the Government. He denied the accusation. All the club had said was that they admired and loved, and would support the Protestant Constitution, which made a Protestant Government the protectors of the country in every Blass of its inhabitants. If h were said that political power wan the right of every one, he would deny the position, he would gy that the apersons exercis ing the powers of the Constitution in every coun try were justified in enacting laws necessary for its support, and if any man refused to • conform to their laws, they were justly to be excluded from possessing the powers of Government, • The Roman Catholics are in full enjoyment of t h-i r opinion and their property, and if tiny law aiasa so a s posed to deprive . them of those henetitaa he e would be the first to stand up to oppose it.--(Cheers.)-- I never have shown, condoned his Lordship, and I hope never shall show, myself intolerant. (Cheers.) All she people who may live under me have, la i ra i sure, no reason to complain on this account ; a n d, " in any little favour it may be in my power to be stow, I never make any difference between persons of dif ferent religious persuasions. It is because I am a friend to civil and-religious liberty, that I o ppose the admission of the Catholics to political power. — that I oppose all further concessions to them, and shall oppose all such concessions, till they openly abjure the principles which are the distinguishing charac teristic of 'their Church—till they are liberated from that spiritual thrafdom under which they now labonr, and which atlecti all their conduct, both spiritual ond temporal ;—tilt that time,. I shall give my conscientious, vote to support the law as it now stands. (Cheers;) This was the ground•on whieh he stood forward on every occasion. Let no one imagine the principles of that religion had changed, let them 100 to the state of Spain and Portugal, where persecution existed in its most frighful form, and to the state of thraldom in which the peasantry of Ireland were placed. They should not be de ceived. Those who said that the Catholic religion had undergone a change should take the period when it took place, and prove the reality of the changes by its effects, otherwise the assertion must be rr .. garded as an attempt to impose on the under standings of Protestants. (Applause and loud cheers.) Let those who enjoy the interest of the soil ill'lreo land pay in their purse for the disturbance they oc casion in Ireland. A petition was sent to bun, cira culated in Drogheda, which was sO. intolerant . to. wards Protestants, that he would give it to the'rneete ing. The names of Protestants were posted . up, nnd all Catholics were precluded from trading whh them. This proved the tolerant spirit of the Roman Cm tholic Clergy. He, for all the reasons he had urged would support the Protestant Constitution, which had made this country the most glorious in the world. Liberty had been enjoyed by every man in the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, but it was carried a little toofar. - 1-le wished to exclude no man within the pale of the Christihn Church, but did not wish to see Jews and Mahon - jowls admitted. For the Dissenters ha had a high respect. (Here ten thousand hats were waived in the air.) He thanked them for the indulgent hearing they had given him, and he should endeavour to obtain the same liberality for thoso who wished to speak on the other side. 311. SHEA and 311'. SHEIL rose almost at the same moment. The High Sheriff declared the former to have caught his eye first, and therefore entitled to precedence, but first desired to know in what way he was connected with the county of Kent. Mr. SHEA declared, upon his honour, that he • was a freeholder in the county. (Still uni versal confusion.):—The Under-Sheriff then silenced in a manner the people by informing them the gen tleman attempting to speak was not Mr. Sheil but Mr. Shea: Mr. Shea then proceeded—The Noble Lord opposite had told the meeting that Roman @sitholica were not deprived of any rights, but he took upon himself to assert that he as one of the descendants of one of the most ancient Catholics of the County, was' robbed and alie nated of one of his dearest and most impor tant.rights. When the Noble Lord brought forward the violence of Catholics, why did he not emanci pate the English ? (Hear, hear.) It was said that the Roman Catholics, if they got. into power, meant to upset the church; but this he denied in toto. No set of persons were more satisfied than the Catholics that a church establishment should be maintained. They were perfectly convinced that the Church of England, as now constituted, though they differed in some points from it, was a great politic security and well calculated to provide for the happiness of the people.--(Hear, hear.)—He did not deny that there were some on .his side of the circle who would wish a better mode of collecting the tithes 'of the country from the hands of the hardworking 'and la borious farmer ; there were some that would be glad to see a part of the great wealth that rolled into the pockets of those Bishops distributed among the hard working Clergy of the country. (Applause) Yet there were others as well satisfied that these immense revenues should be received by such as Lord Darnley, Lord Winclielsea, and other Lords. What had been said about the violence Of the Irish Catholics? He (Mr. was not an Irish but an English Catholic, and he would tell the meeting that the Irish Catholics had good grounds for being violent, and that : those who abused them for it were mistaken in the opinions they formed. Those men in Ireland who called themselves Protestants, were no more Protestants, nor so much so as he himself. —(Cries of " You're a liar—you're a liar.") It was a libel and calumny of the vilest nature upon the religion of this country, to assert that the bloody prin ciples of the Orangemen were consistent with the faith of the Church of England. The Hon. Gentleman oppr;site, on opening the proceedings of to-day, had adverted to what took place at Wexford--(Cries of Question, question)—but he would tell the meeting how the Catholics were then situated. Instead of being guarded by true English soldiers, who had fought and bled for their country, they were sur rounded by an army composed entirely of Orange men, who goaded them on to rebellion and every act of cruelty. Cobbett - during this gentleman's speech occa sionally interfered, and the meeting beheld two orators speaking at the same time. Considerable uproar ensued, and many voices exclaimed—down 1 down I—You have said enough. Lord TEYNHASI gave his thanks to those who signed the requisition, for the glorious appearance they made this day. Mr. Sheil rose at the same time, but was called upon by the High Sheriff to give place to the Noble Peer. ' Lord TEYNIIAM then opposed the petition on these grounds ;--It was objectionable, because the claims of the Roman Catholics were just, and it was expedient to grant those claims. Mr. Pitt had pledged himself to concessions, and that pledge had been violated; until they granted those claims it would be futile to expect the peace of Ireland. They might as well expect to play marbles , with the Giant's causeway.--(A laugh.) (Here a person near Lord Winchelsea said Lord Teynham, you thought quite differently six months ago, when you spoke to me on the subject.) The Noble Lord did not notice the observation, and the sameperson'exclaimed, " Answer the question." There was no hope that Ireland could be pacified while the question remained unsettled. Mr. SRF.IL then presented himself amidst much applause on the one side, and tremendous uproar from the opposite quarter. The UNDER SHERIFF immediately rose, and, after having with difficulty obtained a hearing, said, the High Sheriff feels it his duty to inquire how the Gentleman, who is about to address the Meeting, is connected with the county ? Mr. SREIL—I am a freeholder of this county, and, as snA, I have as complete and as perfect a right to address you as the first Peer in your county. (Here there was a great uproar—an individual on the hust ings cried out " That is Sheil, the famous Irish agi tator :"—another exclaimed—" The traitor, pull him down, turn him out.") Mr. COBRETT—TeII them, them, that you bought your freehold, and that it is not mortgaged like their's. Others cried out—" Ask the cowards if they are afraid to hear the truth ?" The UNDER SHERIFF then came forward and said that the High Sheriff declared Mr. SIMI, had a right to speak ; he also requested that, as the day was far advanced, Gentlemen would be as concise as possible in their speeches. Mr. SPE'', attempted to speak again, amidst rest uproar. Ire exclaimed—" Is this fair play ? :s this English ? Is this just ? My country is assailed, my religion is vilified—will - you not hear before you condemn ? The basest criminal is al lowed to plead not guilty ; and even when con victed, the Judge asks him what he has to say why sentence of execution should not be passed upon hi m. 1 , on behalf of my country, demand that you should hear why sentence of everlasting thraldom should not be passed against it. I am no intruder ; you are adjudicating upon my rights; you shall not put me down ; you must, you shall hear me. I bid you defiance. (Uproar on the left, mixed with cheers from the right.) You may trample upon my country, but you shall not, as an individual, tread upon me. I have the law of the land on my side. (Cheers.) Again, I tell you that you shall not, you cannot put me down. (Great uproar.) What sort of ~.,y 6tern is this ? Lord Winchelsea challenges m m y e rtoelipgrioodnuce evidence_ from historv ara t i o a s s h la z — th l a ie t is not that of a bigot down the gauntlet, and you, honourable Camden h d e e n has referredassai le tlie I.3thrruon"s'swickers as you i tu o v, d ru e sh in to prevent me from my own vindi taking it op. Association: , 1 : :" f .11; : s i , 11 : h i d n I e w b in h r e y i t o i v n I o g i r c i e s e w i i n th your ferocious dis tinctly to myst , ) -.„ eatioll, you try to ' kers' tremblenswickeri' proud of this. The Bru cries.. But I am at" the the Parson-ridden truth.—(Continued \ —iV r. Sheriff, I uproar.) t of call 00 respect for upon yon .to do your duty, and maltreated. —( Here the Brunswic T. yourself let me not be so ma . _ ._ _ said . ," Argq9est you High Sheriff came forward arid will hear Mr. Shell; particularly holder pf the county."—A voice, .‘i Pretty when he Is a free ide, you nigh Sheriff--" 4s you heard one Q___ ~ free holder, he only got it yesterday at Maidstone.' The ouit,t to hear the other." Cries of " No, no . , ci Apologise and " That's illiberal." A third voice, for what you have said about the Duke of yo r k.") Mr. Shell' proceeded—lt is after this fashion that Irela n d .is ever treated at your hands ; her very com plaints are made crimes; you rack her because she 'grouri!vr:asna when this is the treatment which we experience,' my L or d C am d en , f orsoot h , nitrvels at pur violence. (Cheers.) He wonilers that we are violent when he has this sample of Brunswick vio lence before him. But I do not charge the whole of this assembly with this gross and palpable injiis. tics. The vast majority are on my side. (Loud cheers from the right, mixed with loud cries of dis approbation from the left.) It is only a faction of fierce and infuriated conspirators that seek to put me down. But they shall not put me down, for I have not only justice on my side, but, what is much bet ter, the majority of the meeting. (Applause and dis approbation.) Mr. Sheil then proceeded to speak to the following effect amidst the incessant groan ing of one side, and the applause of the other. I am, said Mr. Sheil, a Freeholder, but I put my claim to speak not so much upon any gr oun d of strict legal right, as upon the title whi c h I d er i ve 'from y our magnan i m i ty an d justice. You a re bowel by your own spi r it o f f a i rne ss, and just deali ng , to hear m e i n t h e cause o f my religion arid of my coun try., for upon the character of that religion and the interests of that country you are assembled to adju dicate. What iglu religion, and what it; my coun try ? I am a native of that island, which is one of the finest spots upon the sea; ,but which, in place of being the fortunate land, which nature intended it to be, exhibits in its distractions and its wretchedness the evidences of that condition to which its rulers (and Englishmen are its rulers) have reduced it--- and with respect to my religion, I prof ess t h e f a i t h of seven millions of your fellow-citizens; and let me add, the religion of those (your great ancestors ) to whom you are indebted for Parliamentary represen tation, for Magna Charta, and the Trial by Jury. I am a Roman Catholic ;I am therefore deeply con cerned in the result of your deliberations, and that concern confers upon me a right t o spea k . Y ou will only act in consistency with your own character, as Englishmen, in hearing me, not with favour, but with forbearance. I want nothing, to use a simple phrase, drawn from your own national habits, but " Fair Play." That I find you will not refuse me. But it is right that I should tell you something more toughing myself. I am not only an Irish man and a Roman Catholic but I arnsene of the individuals, who have incurred .the displeasure of many of you, but for whose vehement language, and possibly over ardent emotion, you would, I think, if you knew the full extent of the grievances of which they complain, find, in your own feelings, some extenuation. lam a member of that body, which, you have been so often told, is among the chief evils of Ireland, but which is the product, and not the cause of its discontents, and, instead of giving birth to the public calamities, is indebted to them for its parentage. lam (and lam well aware that in announcing it I do not beseech your partialities) a member of the Roman Catholic Association. You may net much relish me on that account, but still, you owe it to yourselves, and not to me to hear, why sentence of eternal discord should not be pronounced against my country. I will tell you more, for with Englishmen, plain and direct dealing is the wisest, as it is certainly the honestest cause. lam one of the most strenuous of the persons who are designated as the agitators of Ireland; yet, however inimical, I am entitled to plead not guilty, and I stand at your bar for the pur pose of so doing. I have travelled here with no other view than to raise my voice in this assembly, anti I did so in despite of much remonstrance and admonition. I was told that you would consider me guilty of an intrusion, and.l answered, that can not be where my privileges as a fellow-citizen are so deeply involved, and I must be affected by the issue of their deliberations. L was told that you would treat me with contumely and derision, arid I replied, that you had too much respect for yourselves to act such a part in my regard. It was said to me that you would not hear me, and I exclaimed, " they are Englishmen, and without hearing they never will condemn." Protestants, Englishmen, was I wrong, when I spoke thus ? I am convinced that I judged you rightly; and I am also convinced that I shall persuade you that many of you have judged me, and the community to which I belong, most wrongfully, in attributing to us many sentiments and opinions which, so far from enter taining, we reject with abhorrence for their detest able character, and indignant astonishment that they should be attributed to us. Would to heaven, that Protestants and Catholics more frequently blended and mixed their minds together, for upon a mutual approach they would discover, with how much reci procal injustice they had cast injurious imputations upon each other. If they would but meet calmly and dispassionately, and with a little Christianity in their tempers as well as in their creeds, they would part, not perhaps with any change in their religious opinions, but with a great proportion ' of acrimonious spirit of contention,. which vitiates the heart so deeply, ss hile it obscures the judgment in the investigation of truth. It were most desirable that Roman Catholics should often attend assemblies of their Protestant fellow-citizens, in order to set theM right, and to be set right in return; and, upon the other hand, but devoutly it were to be wished, that strong zealots in the cause of Protestant liberty, men of worth and honour, like Lord Winclielsea, arid Lord Kenyon, arid the Duke of Newcastle, would condescend to visit Ireland, and by ocular in spection ascertain the real extent and the substantial cause of the calamities of the country. They would possibly find reason to concur in the opinion which Lord Camden,who administered the government, and so many other Lords Lieutenant have arrived at, by being actual observers of the condition of that unhappy country. Oh! my good friends (permit me so to call you.) Would to God that Englishmen and Irishmen were bound in everlasting unity with each other. You do not know the true state of that country whose future destiny is in some measure in your hands. You should actually see Ireland before you take upon yourselves to pronounce upon her fate. How many good and kindly natured, as well as eminently gifted individuals, have seen cause to change their opinions, after having actually visited the country. 1 do not nrerely speak of statesmen and politicians; their minds are engrossed by ambi tion, and clouded too often by passion; but of per sons who, occupying the middle class of life, had no motive of personal Interest to sway them, and were the most credible, because the most competent judges. I might cite a thousand examples; but there are two persons who are in themselves most assuredly worth ma n y or di nary ituthe-1 ritiee. I perceive that a gentleman, named Dr. Fry, at a late dinner at Aylesbury, thought it in accordance with his clerical character to indulge in some curious specimens of Bacchanalian mirth, mingled with Bachanalian savageness, at the ex pence of Ireland. On reading his after-dinner ho mily, my mind was carried by the identity, not in deed of character but of name, to the dismal t!un geon, and to the gloomy prison -house, where that incomparable woman, that guardian angel of capti vity, that female Howard, exhibits all the elevation of genuine Christianity, united with all the charities of a human heart. Yes, we may well contrast her with the Doctor, and triumphantly appeal to her counter testimony in favour of Ireland. She went to that country, attended by a relative of the same religious opinions, arid she went merely upon a mission of charity, yet the political state of Ireland pressed itself upon her, and in the account which she afterwards published of her journey of benevolence, she stated that she had gene to Ire land with feelings adverse to Roman Catholic Eman cipation, and having seen the country, that she was persuaded that it was absolutely necessary for its improvement. But I deviate from the order of ob servation which I had intended to pursue. It is not so much my office to invite you to visit my country as to apolo gi s e f or my com i ng amongst you. M y vi ndication for so doing was in a single sentence. — You are called together upon a matter which affects my interests and rights, I am entitled to address into you re . lioEnglishmengos —I am not com e h ere t o en ter disputation with you. It is not in the year 1828 that we should enter into a scholastic controversy upon controversynot--what lo n b e l ieve , and what matter is it to you what I believe ? I do not want to take down the ponderous folios of dis putation, in order to blOw tho last with which they are tiDpropriately laden into your eyes, and to envelope myself' in a cloud of theology. You think me an an idblater. I deny it. But supposing I am, lam not the worse citizen—l have a right io be an .idolater if I think proper, and my idolatry is no business of yours. It would be very hard, hi deed, because I may have a fancy to holy water, that I should be excluded from the benefits of the -Constitution. But it is said that my religion is the religion of slavery Now, this, I admit, culls for an answer, and I must say that, with the exception of William Cobbett's reply to the charge, I never read a sufficiently strenuous defence against this accu sation. A Protestant in encountering this imputa tion may reason well, but he will not feel strongly. I as a Catholic feel strongly, and such are the facts in my favour that I should be dull and unskilful indeed if my reasoning were not conclusive.-- I deny and I decry with a justifiable warmth that there is any foundation for this charge; and although I admit that there have been many Catholic despots, I ask, with a retorting interrogatory, were there never any Protestant despots ? Do I attribute a spirit of tyranny to your religion ? no such thing; but I claim the same indulgence for my own; and I demand that you should not refer the atrocities of Catholics to their religion, when I do not refer the atrocitiesiof Protestants to theirs. Bat come, let us go out of theories and speculations, and proceed to facts. One fact is worth a hundred arguments, and I have a host of facts upon my side. First, let us open the pages of English history ; where do you find the elements of your Constitution. Alf re d gave you the body of your common law ; your judges, your magistrates, your sheriffs (you hold your office, Sir, and have called this great as sembly by virtue of his institutions), your courts of justice, your elective system, and the grand bulwark of your liberties, the best and most useful, as well us the most glorious of your rights, the shield of free dorn,--the Trial by Jury. He placed this great aegis in the temple of the Constitution. Does the Duke of Newcastle thiukrathat Alfred was a Pro testant ?. or that the Barons of Runnemode, with Archbishop Langton at their head, were Protes tants ? But to touch upon a• case that appertains more nearly to his Grace. Who was it that gave the people the power of self-taxation, and fixed, if he did not create, the representation of the people? Edward the First. Oh ! my Lord Duke, there were no rotten borough then. The House of Commons was not returned by a set of Nobles, who, talking about liberty, opposed all reform. There were no great men, in those times of Catholic slavery, who seat .in ten Members to the House of Commons, and, when a corrupt bo rough was cut off, contrived to get its still more rotten substitute into his pocket. The House of Commons Was then a perfect mirror of the people, which was unstained by the breath of an oligarchy. Give up your ten Members, my Lord Duke, and then you will talk of liberty with a better grace ; if not to a more useful purpose. It was to the first Edward that England was indebted for her Parlia ment, and her pecuMary controul over the Crown; and the third Edward gave perfection to the system by holding annual Parliaments. He, too, passed the great statute against constructive treason. Eng lislunen, with these facts before you, how can you listen to the men who tell you that Popery and sla very are necessarily allied ? Englishmen, when you peruse the ancient chronicles of your glory, do not your hearts beat with a sense of exultation ; are not your motives deeply stirred, and are not your natures highly kindled? Where is the English Loy, who reads the story of his own great island, whose pulse does not warmly heat at the contemplation of all the re nowned names, and all the lofty incidents with which the early annals of his country are splendidly studded? Is there one of you all who hath not almost fallen down to adore the memory of Alfred? blaye not you turned idolaters in the worship of the immortal Edwards ?—who is there that hath not thrilled at the name of Runnemede, and whose soul bath not swelled and dilated at the remem brance of the scene when Langton, with a Catholic mitre upon his head, extorted from -a tyrant your mighty, and, I trust in Cod, that it will prove your eternal charter? Still little did you think (and yet how could you forget?) when you experienced, as you must, this generous national exultation—little did you think that it was at the altars of religion, which you are instructed to consider as . the hand maid of oppression, that the great progenitors of liberty knelt down—you may write damnation upon every grave which bears slate before the year 15:1l, but in the face of clear and indisputable evidence,withAlfred and the Edwards, with Trial by Jury, with Parliament and with Magee Charta before you, do not denounce the religion of your forefathers as the brother of slavery, and visit it with all the execration that should pin sue the part of so detestable a child. Englishmen, I have spoken with warmth, I can not help it. But that warmth shall not carry me too far— it is enough for me to defend my religion, without ani madverting on your's—hut if I were disposed so to do, might I nut turn the leaves of history upon you, and after you had charged my creed with its servile tendencies, might I not ask, whether the cradle of the reformation was not rocked with a bloody and an iron hand ? Whether he did not trample upon the press of liberty, and his base parliament did not make him a voluntary release and sur render of the Constitution? Did liberty exist in the reign of that precocious theologian, Edward VI., or under the auspices of the virgin of the reformation, who took infan Protestantism under her maiden auspices ? You mighl say to me, if llvere su ff iciently bold to press th e se eonsi• thrations that I should not refer to such remote events— well then—l should- , —but no—l will—that is a fact of much importance, that without meaning to offer you tLe smallest offence, I think it only due to honesty to repeat to you ; on the -- day of --, John Lord Russell, one of the noirtyt s to liberty, perished on the t.eatiohl, and on the very same day ( it teas a felicitou _ . selection) the University—the Protestant University of Oxford—the seat of reformed Christianity, the throne of English orthodoxy, published its ingenious declaration in favour of passive obedience. I pray you, when you are disposed to fling your projectiles against the Catholic reli gion; te• look round you, and consider of how much glass yeur own house is built. But let us travel a little out of England. Protestantism, it, is said, is the inseparable com panion of liberty—they are always found walking arm in arm together in their march for the intprovment of men kind. If this be so, how does it happen that Prussia is a Protestant, and Pr.t.ssia is a slave ; and Sweden is a Protestant, and Sweden is a slave; and Den mark is a Protestant, and Denmark is a slave ; and half the German States are Protestant, and are also slaves ; and even Hanover (hear it, ye Brunswiekers!), even under the moral government of the Duke of Cumberland, is also a slave ! Turn now to Catholic Europe. Look at Italy__ not as she now is, but as she was long before the name of Luther was ever uttered—look at her when the Catholic was her entire religion, and liberty was her glorious prac tice. I call up her crowd of republics as witnesses iu that cause which I am thus daring enough to plead before you. Venice, Catholic Venice, riseb up from the ocean, with all her Republican glory round about her. Venice fell at last into an ofigarchi; bnt Veniae was for five hundred years a whle and lofty democratic government. I next produce as witnesses in my favour Genoa and Florence, and al the rest of those free States in which popery, liberty, literature, and the arts, grew up and flourished together. —You think, perhaps, that when Italy is.exhausted you can bring Spain against me. Even there, before Xi,nenes Crud upon the rights of Spaniards, the Catholic Cortes were a tree assembly, and imposed upon the Monarch an oath, iu which they told him that they were, individually, as g ood, and, taken altogether, far better than himself; and his power derived from the people. But if you think that you can turn Spain against us, shall I not find in the country ,f Switzerland, and in the mountains of William Tell, a glorious testimony in my firm. The parental hand that bent the bow, and loosed the shaft of Tell, was raised in prayer, before the altars, at church. / avaltold that none but slaves have ever prayed. But to pass from distant periods, and from sequestered vallies, there you may say, that sim plicity, in despite of popery, - was the source of freedom. 1 bid you turn yo ur eyes to F rance, an d I as k of y ou , whether, with he r Ch arter, w i t h h er T r i a l by J ur y, an d with her Chamber of Deputies, and observe also with her glorious toleration, the is not ascending into competition with yourselves? But no. I will nut wound yoU with the comparison. I willnut tell you, that Catholic French alma are your competitors in free institutions, but will hid you turn to a spectacle upon which every Englishroan msv well repose with a sort of parental pride. From the old, I travel to the new world, and I produce to England her glorious pupils, the Catholic Democracies of South Furth at America. Republic after republic is bursting your bidding, through that alnituat immeasurable continent, and from the summit of the Andes, Liberty may be said to unfurl her standard over half tho world. It is felso, utterly false, never was there calumny more destitute of foundation, and history aids out against it, that Catholicism and a genuiue love of &Motu cannot s:4O together, Fit e I not made out a case by evidence which cannot be overthrown, and is it not hard, is it not worse than hard, is it not most unjust and cruel, to use such an argument, or rather so baseless an assertion, as a ground for keeping seven mil lions of people in their degraded and exasperating condition. Englishmen, I willingly forgive uny imputation but this; heap insult upon insult upon our creed, even that it is idolatrous, write damnation on the grave of your forefathers —call us image worshippere, water-sprinklers, sin whis perers, and God-eaters it yi,it bear it all, but do not call me, and do not deem me slave—tell me not, and deem me not a wretch made to lie prostrate before a tyrant, and bow my head into the dust—you do me and you do my country wrong—where were men, animated with a stronger passion for their liberty than the people of Ireland are at this instant. How did the hearts of a whole nation beat for the attainment of freedom with a strange palpita tion—never were men more resolved, and never were men more deserving cf being free. Englishmen, look at Ireland—that do you behold—a beautiful country witk wonderful agricultural and commercial advantages=-- the link between America and Europe—the natural rest ing place of trade in its way to either hemisphere—i n _ dented with havens, watered by deep and numerous rivers, with a fortunate climate, and a soil teeming with easy fer tility, and inhabited by a bold, intrepid, and, with all their faults, a generous and enthusiastic people. Such is rational Ireland—what is artificial Ireland—such is Ire land as God made her—what is Ireland as England made her? For she is your Colony, your dependent, and you are as answerable for her faults as a parent is for the education of a child. What, then, have you made Ireland. Look at her again. This fine country is laden with a population the most miserable in Europe, and of whose wretchedness, if you are the authors, you are beginning to be the victims—the poisoned chalice is returned in its just circulation to your lips—your domestic swine are better housed than the people. Harvests; the most abundant, are reaped by men with starvation in their faces—famine covers a fertile soil, and disease inhales a pure atmosphere—all the great commercial facilities of the coun try are lost—the deep rivers that should circulate opu lence, and turn the machinery of a thousand manufactures, flow on the ocean without wafting a boat or turning a wheel—and the wave breaks in solitude in the silent mag eincence of deserted and shiph harbours—in place of being a source of wealth and revenue to tLe Empire, Ire land cannot defray its own expenette, or pay a single tux ; her discontents cost millions of money, and she hangs like a financial millstone round England's neck—in piece of being a bulwark and a fortress; she debilitates, ela hausts, and endangers England, and offers an allurement to the speculators in universal ruin. The great mass of her enormous population are alienated and dissociated from the state—the influence of the constituted and legitimate au thorities is gone—a strange, anomalous, and unexatnpled kind of government has sprung up from the public pas sions, and exercises a despotic sway over the great mass of the community, while the class, inferior in numbers, but accustomed to authority, and infuriated at its hw, are thrown into a formidable reaction—the most ferocious pas sions rage from one extremity of the country to the other— hundreds of thousands of men, arrayed with badges, gather in the south, and the smaller faction, with discipline and with arms, are marshalled in the North— the country is strewed with the materials of civil commo tion, and seems like one vast magazine of powder, which a spark might ignite into an explosion, which would shake the whole fabric of civil society into ruin, and of which England would not only feel, but perhaps never recover from the shock. And gracious God ! (for I cannot re frain from the exclamation) is this horrid, this appalling, this accursed state of things, to be permitted to continue ? It is only requisite to present the question, in order that all men should answer—something must he done. Well, then, what is to be done ? Are you to re-enact the penal code? You were obliged to relax the penal code when the Catholics were only three millions, and now that they are seven, will you lay on their chains again? Are you to deprive the Catholics of their properties, shut up their schools, drive them from the bar, strip them of the elective franchise, and reduce them to a state of Egyptian bondage ? It is easy for some vi sionary in oppression, in his dreams of tyranny, to imagine these things. Certain parts of the Established Religion hare, in the drunkenness of their sacerdotal de bauch, given vent to such sanguinary aspirations, and many are the teachers of the gospel, the ministers of a mild amd merciful Redeemer, who lift up their hands from the altar, to invite peace and tranquillity from heaven.—who dis tribute the communicative cup, and circulate the sacra.' mental chalice, have recently uttered in the midst of their ferocious wassails the bloody aspiration, that the whole country should be covered with massacre, and that upon the pile of carnage the genius of Orange ascendancy should be placed on a secure and appropr4ate throne. But these men are set down as maniacs in ferocity, whose ravenous appetites for blood you will merely undertake to satiate. I will therefore take it for granted, that you are not in clined to renew the system of torture which was once prac tised in Ireland—and that you will leave no other but those of the imagination, to the amiable religionist', who previously implore you to indulge them in the luxuries of laceration and the lusts of cruelty again. You would not wish, if you thought that Ireland could be thus trested with impunity, to have recourse to such a dreadful expe dient, as the extirpation of a whole people, and therefUre, I will take it as conceded, that the recondite theories fur the salutary pacification of Ireland will not be adopted— what then is to be done ?—you have tried a great deal—. Every thing has failed—surely when the patient is getting worse and worse, you will not have . recourse to the same prescriptions—especially wh en you are told by the great moral leaders, the " Ministers to the mind diseased," that there is a specific whieh would cure Ireland of her paroxysms and convulsions, and restore her to wholesome vigour and to rational strength again.— Englishmen, when y ou consider, as surely you must consi der, what ought to be done in this emergency, surely you will not dismiss from your recollection that the greatest, the wisest, and the best Statesmen and Legislators who have for the last 50 years directed your councils, and con ducted the business of this flighty empire, all concurred in the opinion that without a concession of the Catholic Claims, nothing permanemly useful and effectually sana tive could be done for Ireland. Without going through the catalogue of splendid atones which stand engaged in the cause of emancipation, I shall select only three ; Burke, and Pitt ,aad Fox ; they were all different in habit, in character, and in theory, yet on this question their great minds met is a deep conflux. Burke the foe tp revolution ; Fox, the assertor of popular right; Pitt, the stay and prop of the prerogative--th e grand triumvirate of lgislation, concurred in this single opinion. See to what a conclu sion you must arrive when you denounce the advocates of emancipation as the foeut and the enemies of their country. To whom will your anathema read' ? It will take in one half of Westminster Abbey—and is not the very dust in which the tongues and hearts of Pitt, and Burke, and Fox, have mouldered, better titan the living .hearts and tongue of those who have survived them? Yes. I will put it on this test—lf you were to try time question by the venerable authorities of the illustrious dead, and by those voices which may be said to issue from the grave, bow would you decide ? If,i ustead ofcounting votes in St. Stephen's, you were to count the tombs in the mausoleum beside it, how would the di vision of the great departed stand? Enter the sacred aisles which contain the ;ties of your greatest men, and ask yourselves, as you pa.s, how they felt and spoke when they had emotion, and they had utterance in that Senate, where they can be heard no ;more ? Write "Eniaricipa. tion" on the grave of every great advocate, and its counter. epitaph on that of every opponent of the peace of Ireland, and will there not he a majority f sepulchres in our fa vour ? But pass from authority—and consider Low such a system as that of exclusion ought. to work. How'elid it operate in other countries ? You will find a parallel to the state of Ireland in the condition of the Colonies of Spain. Before the revolUtion, the natives of the country were shut out from all offices of emolument and honour, which were monopolised by Spaniards. They were in possession of all the wealth of the State, and of 01 its distinctions. None but Spaniards were ad missible to stations of power and influence—the finances, the Church property, the administration of jus tice, were all in their hands. and was the result? That the most ferocious detestation arose from this Spanish as cendancy, between monopoly and exclusion, and ended in events which throw a terrific light upon,the system. There is this difference between Protestant ascendancy with you, and Spanish ascendancy with them—there is indeed this difference, that rdigion throws additional hatred into the feud, and the contest for pre-eminence on the one side, and for equality on the other, is embittered by the pro verbial animosity of polemics. But put all comparisons out of the way, and look at the matter itself. Can that be a wise and politic course of government, which creates not an aristocracy of opulence, and rank, and talent, but an aristocracy in religion ; and places seven millions of people at the feet of a f ew h un d re d thousand ? Try this fashion of government, by a very obvious rest, and make the case your own--if a few hundred thousand Presbyterians stood towards you in the relation in which the Irish Protestants stand towards the Catholics, how would you endure it ? How would you brook a system by which Episcopalians should be rendered incapable of holding seats in the House of Commons, by which the oldest nobility in the country should be turned by plebeian Presbyterians out of the House of Lords—should be exclud e d f r om sheriff- ships, and from corporate offices, and from the Bench of Anise' illacti, Justice, and from all the higher offices in the for Mgrs tion of the law; and bow would you like. to K . , k 44 ti t t building and repairing of Presbyterian churehes a p !' ewe lte e , 1 while you should be deprived of all voice in r tir . if it ation ? and how would you like, I pray rut . a a , • ltisl im rian tythes, and ceases , and ecclesiastical courts ? 1- . , '.4 4t t would you like to be tried by none taut Prosbyten ,Itti bat flushed with the insolence of power, and i n furia; o. ~"1 , 0 4 all the venom of passion ? how would you like tdi It ioe : and, more than this, how would you like the di tst o o ' which would arise from such a system, and the 054 I . ti l h oo P l I scorn and coutumeliee and disgrace, which 'I .- b et): tee 0 from it ? Englishmen, would you , beer with all t 0 . 41 40 , 1 above all, would you listen with patience to men e l e d; , wt ol : you that there was no:grievance in all this, that yv - o , o k . K ‘dg , e, plaints were groundless, anal that your languag e 4 , !s tew of factious menaces, and that the very right of Ina_ r p a l l 'llt r , te ( ought to be taken away from you ? Are Irislu" - e , ' %it Ci Roman Catholics so differently constituted front I .° " h . 1 4 tr „, that they are to behold nothing but blessings, in d e . 1 %; which you wou ld l oo k upon as a mass of lif e e n d O ke- ty wrong ? P ro t es t an t e an d Englishmen, howete 0 t s% ti, you may deem our country, and however slavish r tig la 10 4(04 regard our religion, believe me that we have v i t r e for !s et human nature left within us, we have enough of 04 4 Ikei e t ti of manh oo d, a ll I r i s h men as we are, to resent A Ott iiikt Yo this kind. Y ou wou ld not hear the yoke for s ill o 'Sl ai , 1 We are gored and galled by it, but . We, 0t: Sid throw it oft'. You are told that there 0 :d e r j'efel a i : tional calamity in the exclusion of a few geodes from Parliament, anal a few lawyers from the re: tisl" l 4, . t h at the bar. How heinous a view of the coe;d l o o kl e i li Don't you feel that this very exclusion throws deg 441 0 ,1s t i tit over the whole of the disfranchised community, a ., ° ,4 o li t ilr e a , the spirit which is derived from that political dishw g oll :kil t tei of a whole people, must run through all the depatt, ° o oo N o , society, and roust be baneful indeed ? A brand' fi e 'N and upon the forehead of the country, and it teeters ther e ll ? 1,4 tiv nation is divided into two castes. The powerful as it 11 4 1 ' vileged few .are patricians in religion, and eligaroor tern aEnvietyr•yopf r t o h t e esia u n il t lio t n h s ink w s hc; h i a m re se l l a f id a creed, and trample upon and despise the plebeian v.,,,fd.. le t h al ,„ betal4 41 11 l at the y i . S. every Protestant feels lihnself the member of a pt to p rat t h r o a l te ic corporation which must be protected their Judg e* io, ale, ta Sheriffs, their Crown Counsels, their Crown Attoraer s o t . 4 % 4 Juries, are Protestant to a man ; what confidenc t i Afti Ni d Catholic have in the administration of publie in0th" . ,...,0 Ilitt atti have the authority of an eminent Irish Judge, the on tit 1 4 % Fletcher, who declared, that in the southern coito o' N t) Protestants guilty were uniformly acquitted, and 0 ,A, N ~ S a , tholice in nocen t, were as un d ev i at i ngly conderunn-00 N body of arm e d Orangemen fall upon and inirder . t 01 1 I ; defenceless Cath o lics.:--they are put up on th e ir tin n letg i a n when they r ai se th e i r eyes an d l oo k upon the hill loei1 oei 0 0 hir, k i are commanded t o d o , t h ey see twe l ve o f their brethioo kk.„„ , massacre impannelled for their trial ; and after this, !di iia „ f a be told that all the evil of Cetholie disqualification i l !. /1 . 1 44 41. stuff gowns of l aw y ers , and the disappointed 1057 Picts some dozen gentlemen after the House of Comtros o ,.d. Se i it is the shame, th e di sgrace, the balm, the oplOr o at.. S a the stigma, th e b ran d , t h e contumely, the note tutt z iott th e b e of dishon our , and the scandalo us partialities , the 016. 0 0 , %e at broils, the sac r il eg i ous an d per j ure d l ean i ngs, an d tio r ot %% tn . strous and hydr a -h ea d e d i n j ust i ce , t h at const i tute thug f 4 Neil :i l l and essenti a l ev il s o f t h e country . A n d you th i n k t i g , k it : wonderful (you, f orsoo th, th at cut o ff t h e h ea d o f t o y S e for imposing an illegal tax epon you) that we sbn ..; 11 001 , ,loff indignant at all this. Yon marvel, and are ast°',.oo Nie e and think it prodigious, that we are hurried by 11 0 e '4,lllled of these injuries into the use of rash and 4.101 Cat' ment phrases; for I won't deny that we, and " 1 ;01 %I, an myself in particular, have occasionally turned ray " 1 0: S at emotions into language, the employment of which love kltittior have had reason to regret. But are we the only i . Nets duals who have forgotten the dictates of temperance v ol Itle oce of chastity ; an d h ave our opponents b een always t ' . .,. 0 her sguished by th e i r mee k ness an d f or b earance? and kl y t i d l i kt c i exasperating expressions, and no galling taunts, e‘elletai fierce s a r casms , an d no ferocious , menaces, ever • , :stti t e from them? L oo k, l oo k , I pray you, to the Brous `that orgies of Irel an d, an d b e h o ld , not merely the tortures 0 4 Sht t ninety-eight—who, like retired b u t c h ers , f ee l t h e via P iji 1111 4 ,1 1 00 , their own occupation, and long for the political shin;i4 fired again—but lo o k t o t h e Mi n i sters of the• Gospel, nl, rei out their votive libation s t o th e M o l oc h of .Ascendanci , i, i NI etiC.l cheering their demon with the promise of a becatOdo Nv et „ of blood--oh! Englishm en , an d therefore generous, to Ili e trt magnanimous, and / ley -minded m en , ma y I in i .... 4 4t6 u some allowance for th e excess i nto w hi c h w i t h mualt.riet kiki i t vocation we may be hurried, and pardon us when 1 1 10 t it h e collect how und e r th e same c i rcums t ances you soma l o l . b likelihood feel yo u r se l ves .. B u t per h aps you will 0 1 00 ti while you are cons c i ou s th a t we h a v e muc h- to suffird, kli tt4t, owe it to your own safety to exclude us from r":if %%16' Englishmen, we hav e p ower a l rea dy—th e power to do "0 kitt i t i chief—give u s th a t o f d o i ng goo d, Disarray us, 'dii' ll° .d I tt tko us, break up our con f e d eracy , take from the law (for it,..lr 4 k 4,11 ,1 the great conspirator) its combining and organising 4. N % h: lity—make us eq ua l, an d we s h all no longer b e usl i o I le tctst . by the bad c h a i n o f slavery with each other, l il l Pe ot by the natur a l b on d s o f allegiance and of contentraeutl l or N it ci n you. But y o u f ear our i n fl uence i n the House of eft 4 ' 4 11 6e mons—don't you dread our actu a l influence out of it. 00 0 Itid itei are only Catholi c s out o f th e H ouse o f C ommons , we Oh" ) ti ere be Citizens within it. R u t y ou sa y th at we are r o ,„i s k i n ridden, I du assure you that the Priests find us very 0 0 0 i i iii ktit and high' trotting. W e are rea dy t o go at fall galiel/' of k lip ut own way, but if a Priest a tt em pt s t o cur b us, or to so f ,le, to us from the. road we like, we str a i g ht b eg i n to pltinge ..A to 2,4, rear, and throw him off. The Priests lately attempt be N i t stop the quiet assemblies" of the people in Tipperary, a P , De? i i l ste at people told them to mind th e i r own concerns, to react:, IN, breviaries, and to go h ome . Th e P r i ests have great i.. 0 l 'in . 1 suss, you think at e l ect ions,—yes, when th e y ruu With: 4 ll :tie popular passions ;--hut if th e y en d eavour "to co i ni t il N...] them, the tenant sweeps them away. Bust reallY. d laughable to. hear men talki ng o f t h e i n fl uence o f Pro7ii, btti t t i over Catholi c Members of the House of Co mmon s, to ' o f ka t ; Catholic gentleman, before he gave his vot e , would e l o 4 4: be much m ore lik e ly t o li sten to a whisper from a lUit'' d o N, t or a shout from th e p eo pl e , th an to t h e injunctions at o f 4 4 } Confessional or the A na th emas o f t h e a l tar. Why ' of L 7411 God ! Do yo u ever h ear o f th e C at h o li c Deputi e l o r L''lle,,, - France or Belgium, a ski ng th e i r g h ost l y & t h ere h o W t efil strati should vote? O r d o th e C a th o li c M em b ers of Cong:Tb, . ya ask the Pope how h e wou ld lik e t o ha* a Popish estabo o d N o ., 4 ment in the U n it e d gr a t es ? A re t h ey not as go ly ; i .,411 101 citizens as any other members of the coninno l d 'bet tei and do you ever h ear one wor d a b out Popery s o g 114 46, despotism being e st a bli s h e d in America ?. But supW i pt h e at that Catholics had the will, would they have the Pay/ er e ie ; I "k t Ze n . overthrow the Constitution ? What ! some twentY,, l it L , tholics overwhelm the British House 0 ennunnns l P : j ths ' lil I] is suggested that . they will aim at the annihilation ° f t.? IN, Church.. Why should they be actuated by any such sn'. l l ; 1 . h 1 6, tude, when the Church will no longer affect their ialll g bi , N ot dual interests, or stand in the way of their personal sn' .. ,, v N II lion ? The Presbyterians of Ireland are a powerful hod Y. .„, t , they have wealth, i n t e lli gence , an d pu bli c sp i r i t, an d 47 C i 'lk i ' 1 stitute the Protestant populati o n o f th e nort h o f Irelo l , IQ They have as strong a political natur e f or di staste tatt t,!e i to the establishment as the Catholics, anti before they W . N. emancipated (for they have b e en lon g s i nce pu t 06, ti ii ):: l 4 level with the members of th e e s t a bli s h men t) i t was ins o 7, - ., especially by Swift, that thei r equa li za ti on would lead t°,l tki ),cl 4° destruction of the legal religion. Th e direct contrarYp,, rte!, been the result. Th e P res byt er i ans are professedly in Ltivel f o e n r e en j i t , t to w t l h ,e e th a e l r m a se L s p o r f d th o e r E a stab i3is l i i i sl o i v m , e w nt b il i nd er they 0;c4bo,01 re _;;;S i,, t z ri front Ireland o r f rom H eaven , h as twenty t ho usan d a at his comman d. Y ou a ll ege, h owever, that we Cathu' . .l ir 01 l hot ifrlbk, would be anxious to raise our Church upon the r uins, t :1 1 , yours, to strip your clergy of tith es , an d t o possess li' N I , 1 selves of th e gorgeous opu l ence o f an ant i -aposto li c :0 1114 anti-scriptural establishment. Never was there a 0 . , "t ,i li al t, unfounded imputation. The wh o l e b o d y o f the Irishtholics look upon a wealthy priesthood' with abhorren t . _, N • - • . • . . _..W. nw I Is. . They not only do not desire that their Bishops i l hoo invested with pontifical gorgeousness and prelatic I' ) " 4 ,' but when a Bill was introduced in order to vok ei small, and no more than a d ecen t prov i s i on, f or t h e C a th°n Clergy, (lid they not themselves repudiate the offer, prefer their honourable poverty, and the affectioo P I !hi people, to the dir ec ti ons o f t h e croviA ? An d how 6" "id people out? Although a provision fur the Priesthood moo t '. relieve them from a burthen, did they not deprecate W eir adulterous connexion with power ? The Catholics .of and well know that if their Clergy were endowed With the wealth of the establishment, they would bis corrupt and profligate corporation of lazy churchol bloated with insolence, tamp ere d w ith uxury , swelling ';ifiti sacerdotal pride, and presenting in their fives an, persons a monstrous contra s t w ith t h at simplieni and poverty of which they are now as well tie prat' titers as the teachers. They well know that 0 place of being the pious, active, and indefatigaba instructors of the peasantry, in place of being their coif' solers affliction, their resource to calamity, their weer tors and their models in religion, the trusties of their 0' terests, their visitors in sickness, and their compauious 10 their beds of death, they would he a v.iin, saperciliou ls reckless, heartle6s, troop of abandoned profligates, e quadi insolent to the humble, eel q:copliantic t 4 the great!' flatterers at the noble's table, and grinders in the poor Mito c i hovel —rapacious in extortion, slaves in politics, 01 . tyrants in demeanour, who from the porticoes of p3 4 '', e ; would give th e i r i ns t ruct i ons i n humility—whu from banquets of patricians would prescribe their iu obstinacy—who from mitred chariots would pronounce