The Sun. — London, England, 1867-06-12 00:00:00

0■••••••••.......m.',......-. ..... ~.a--•••••••--__ _ MERCHANT TAYLORS COMPANY. The annual banquet of the members of this com pany was given in Merchant Taylors' Hall yester day evening. There was a large attendance of dis tinguished guests, and the character so long held by the company for the magnificence of its entertain ments was well sustained. The chair was filled by the Master of the Com pany, Mr. George Parbury. After dinner the MASTER proposed the toast of " Church and Queen," which was warmly received. The MASTER next gave "The Royal Family of Eiigland," and in doing so stated that the company had the honour to include among its honorary mem bers the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Edinburgh, the Duke of Cambridge, and the Crown Prince of Prussia. (Cheers.) The " Army, Navy, and Volunteers" was next given by the MASTER, and the toast was responded to by the Earl of CARDIGAN on behalf of the army and volunteers, and by Admiral WALCOTT on be half of the navy. The MASTER then proposed " The health of the President and Senior Fellows of St. John's Col lege," remarking that the president and two of the senior fellows of that college had been kind enough to come to London to examine the boys in the Mer chant Taylors' School. The Rev. Dr. WYNTEtt, president of St. John's College, responded to the toast. He said the Mer chant Taylors' School was founded by a merchant tailor, who, having no sons of his own, invested large property in establishing the institution which an nually sent so many scholars to St. John's. It was to the scholars so sent that the College of St. John's was mainly indebted for the position it held, and be trusted that the high character of the school would long continue to be maintained. (Cheers.) The MASTER next proposed " The health of the Marquis of Salisbury, and the other Honorary Members of Merchant Taylors' Company." (Cheers.) The Marquis of SALISB CRY briefly acknowledged the toast. The MASTER said it was his duty to propose a toast which unfortunately they had not had the opportunity of drinking iu that room for many years. It would therefore be received with greater satisfaction by the company, and he had no hesita tion in saying that it would be a gratification to his successors in office to be able to give the same toast for many years to come. (Cheers.) The toast was " The health of her Majesty's Ministers." (Loud and prolonged cheering.) Ile was delighted to find that the estimation he had formed of the manner in which the toast would be received had not been disappointed. They were honoured that evening by the presence of the leading Minister in the House of Commons. (Loud cheers.) No one who had watched the career of the right hon. gentle man for years could ever have done otherwise than admire the consummate ability he had always dis played in the conduct of the country within the House of Commons. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman had recently during the short period be had held office, succeeded in bringing very nearly to a conclusion a most important measure. (Cheers.) His predecessors had tried for nearly half a genera tion, but had not been able to achieve so much as the right hon. gentleman bad accomplished in one short session. With the toast of her Majesty's Ministers he begged to couple the name of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Loud cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who was received with enthusiastic cheers, said—l beg, on behalf of her Majesty's Ministers, to express our warmest feelings of gratitude for the honour you have done them. Next to the favour of their Sove reign they most appreciate the approbation of their fellow-subjects, and that approbation can never be offered to them under circumstances more agreeable than the present, in a hall memorable for its politi cal and parliamentary history. You have just heard an allusion which I should not have ventured to have made—because I am unwilling to say anything that may lead to political controversy—to an important measure which is now before the House of Commons, and with which I am in some degree idea' (Cheers.) With regard to the subject to which that measure relates, I can say it is one which has for a number of years perplexed and interested the coun try, but hitherto no attempt at a solution of the difficulties connected with it has recommended itself to public approbation. Hitherto, by praising a certain section of the working-classes in a manner which I think is scarcely consistent with our national dignity, by cLelaring that a limited portion of them are skilled mechanics, by overloading them with epithets from which good taste will sometimes recoil, au effort has been made to establish a body which, had the attempt been successful, would have domi nated over a portion •of the middle class. It ap peared to us that this was a policy which was dan gerous, and might be most: disastraus, and to all such efforts we have offered the most undeviating oppo sition. (Cheers.) Called upon ourselves to deal with this question, we have endeavoured to take a larger view of it. We have endeavoured to look upon it as one which we might not merely look upon as the means of diminishing the influence of a rival party, but as a means rather of establishing some system that might conduce to the permanent content and greatness of the nation. (Cheers.) We have sometimes been asked how we, who opposed the measure which was brought forward last year, and which in some respects was limited in its cha racter, can now introduce and uphold a measure much wider and more comprehensive in its arrange ments. It appears to me that the answer to this is extremely easy, and one that is not only consis tent with our sense of duty, but with the truth of the circumstances that surround us. We looked upon the measure of last year as a party measure, and as one which, if carried, would have seriously injured, if not destroyed, that Conservative party with which this country is so intimately connected, while at the same time it would not have satisfied the requirements of the State. (Cheers.) We be lieve that the measure which we have brought for ward is one which will not injure the Conservative party, but which will satisfy the requirements of the State. (Cheers.) We have endeavoured to build our measure on a broad and deep foundation, and we must err in our estimate of the character of the English people if the consequences are such as some persons, with perhaps too limited and protracted a view, foretell. When I hear of the danger that is apprehended to the institutions of this country, I wish to inquire what institution will be endangered. Is it the monarchy of England ? Can we believe that the great body of the population of the country are hostile to the monarchy of England? For my own part I believe that in these days of splendour, when large bodies of her Majesty's subjects, covered with stars and ribbons, assembled round her, she is not regarded by subjects more devoted than those she descries among the toiling millions of the country. It is, then, the Parliament of England that is in no danger ? We have heard it asked, What is all this agitation about ? The answer is that it is but a de sire on the part of the people of this country to be come more intimately acquainted with one of the Houses of Parliament—the House of Commons. Let me remind you that at the present day, although the House of Commons is about to undergo a great change, the change is not occasioned by any feeling of discontent with the constitution or the conduct of that house, but, on the contrary, it arises from a certain degree of estimation, and even of admiration, in which the House of Commons is held, and it is the desire of a great portion of the people to be mere intimately connected with it. (Cheers.) As far as the other house is concerned, he rust, indeed, be much mistaken in the character of the English people who thinks that an assembly consisting of men who are the greatest proprietors of the country, and many of them men of great lineage, will not always command the respect of a country influenced rui much by tradition as England is. But the only criticism of the House of Lords one ever hears from the multitude is a regret that they are not more active in public affairs. Then as to the Church of England, is that in danger from the course we have taken ? It is not for me to criticise the conduct of the House of Commons ; my relations with that house are of a nature so intimate and cordial that I should shrink from such a task; but I may, I think, safely express a belief that when the new House of Commons assembles, renovated by constituencies from a new class, the Church of England will be in no more danger than at the present mo ment. If the profession and propagation of the doctrine of the Church of England, assisted by unrivalled education, by varied intelligence, and vast wealth, can fail to exercise a due influence among the population, the fault must, in my opinion, be with the pastors and not with the Church. Well, then, I may ask, is there any one who believes that the military and naval services will suffer from a change in the House of Commons ? For my part I think that future Chancellors of the Exchequer will rather feel a difficulty in restraining the desire of the people to support and assist in the development of those great services. (Hear, hear.) What, then, is the danger ? lam told, in the same breath, that great danger may be apprehended from changes which the new constituencies will enforce on the system of taxation—that the taxation will be thrown on property, and that we shall return to the old protective system. But I say the two pro positions destroy each other. It is impossible you can return to the old protective system and at the same time throw the - whole burden of taxation on property. (Cheers.) As the master of this com pany has referred to thesubject, I may be permitted to say that in my opinion none of these dangers are to be apprehended by the measure now before the House of Commons, a measure which we hope will be carried by the unanimous consent of Parliament, and which we believe will add strength to the State. There is but one other point on which I will touch before I sit down, and that has reference to an opi nion often promulgated at the present day, that the Conservative party is always to do nothing—that their great mission is to act as a drag on the pro gress of the country. I have al ways protested against such a state of things, and am glad to say that, with others, I have contributed, I hope, to its utter ex tirpation. (Cheers.) I believe nothing is more im portant for the country than that there should be between the two great parties of the State a gener ous and politic competition in the fulfilment of those duties, and the execution of those works which are necessary, in the progress of time, for the nation's greatness. lam sure that if the Conservative party act on the dogma to which I have referred, and which no doubt would be extremely convenient to our opponents, the end would be the decreptitude of the party. But the youth, the genius, the energy of the nation will never travel down a system so narrow. These were not the opinions of the Tory party in better days ; they were not the opinions of Mr. Pitt, who was not con tent to be the drag-chain of a party. He felt it his duty to originate those great changes and to advo cate those great measures which never were followed without adding to the strength and glory of the na tion. They were not the opinions of the great states man of the reign of Queen Anne, on whom Mr. Pitt moulded his conduct, whose commercial and poli tical opinions he adopted, and whose very style of eloquence he imitated; and I cannot believe there is any reason to suppose that the course he pursued, and which, unfortunately, for the last 30 years the Tory party have abandoned, was otherwise than a safe and sound one. (Cheers.) It is said we are on the verge of a great democratic change. My lords and gentlemen, believe me the elements of democracy do not exist in England. (Cheers.) England is a country of classes, and the change impending in the country will only make those classes more united, more content, more complete, and more cordial. (Cheers.) We are warned of the example of Ame rica, and against entering upon the course pursued by the United States. I say there is no similarity in the position of the United Kingdom and the United States. The United States were colonies, and' they are still colonies, because communities do not cease to be colonies because they have independence. They have settlements of democracy in America— they have unbounded possession of land, and they have no traditions. We, on the contrary, have a very limited portion of land, and a vast, numerous, artificial, and complicated state of society, entirely governed and sustained by its traditionary influences. Therefore I have no fear of England. This is indeed a cold expression. I believe that the nation, after a prolonged period of pondering on its present state, and feeling that there should be some great change in its political power, 113 resolval on the course that ought to be pursued, and although I hope I am as sensible to the feeling of patriotism as any man in this country, yet, filling the position I hold, I am proud and happy that the conduct of that great change, which I believe will add to the greatness and glory of our country, has fallen to the Tory party. (Loud cheers.) Sir S. NenTIICOTE returned thanks for the House of Commons, which was subsequently given by the MASTER. "The health of Mr. Adams, the American Min ister," was also given and responded to. " The health of the Master " was proposed by the Marquis of SALISBURY and briefly acknowledged ; and of ter several other toasts, including " The Clergy," " The Masters of the School," &c., the proceedings were brought to a termination. COUNCIL OF LATV REPORTING. The following is a copy of a letter addressed by Sir Roundell Palmer to the Lord Chief Baron and of a letter from the Treasurer of Sergeant's-inn in reference to that society sending representatives to the Council of Law Reporting in pursuance of the bar scheme : " 11, New-square, Lincoln's-inn, May 11, 18G7. " My Lord, —Understanding that your lordship has intimated your intention of moving on the first day of Trinity Term that Sergeant's-inn do send two representatives to the Council of Law Reporting to act with the members already appointed to repre sent the several Inns of Court and the Incorporated Law Society, I beg to submit the following state ' ment for the consideration of your lordship and the other members of Sergeants'-inn, in the hope that the society will be pleased to co-operate, and give their assistance to the council in carrying out a use ful reform, now recognised and appreciated by the profession. The society will remember that the scheme under which the council is constituted ema nated from a committee appointed by the bar. The evils of the old system were—First, the multiplicity of the reports ; there being no less than /14 of the so-called authorised reports, the Law Journal, and four of the weekly series, which entailed both ex pense and labour upon those who had to administer and advise upon the law. Secondly,—That the rem ports were brought out independently of one another, and without proper supervision, the consequence being that many cases that should never have been reported found their way into them, and it was not unusual to find four or five reports of the same case differing so materially from one another as to render the deci sion wholly worthless as an authority, and obliging the judge to disregard it altogether. These grave defects, felt by the bar alike, it was the object of the scheme to remedy, and the council have endeavoured, in spite of some opposition (the motives of which it is not for me to examine), to give effect to the wishes of the profession, and to carry out the scheme, and much practical good has already resulted from the introduction of the new system, for since that introduction the whole of the so-called authorised reports, with one exception, that of the Court of Queen's Bench, have ceased, so far as future cases are concerned, or have been placed unde r th e super vision and control of the council. Two o f th e weekly series, viz., tha " New Reports" and the " have also been discontinued, and reports that cost the profession upwards of .e... 20 can now be hal for a subscription of 15 ss. The schemo con _ templated giving compensation to existing interests, and the council, with that view, have appointed old reporters on their staff. Although the " Law Re ports" have been in existence hardly two years, there are already nearly 4,000 subscribers, with every prospect of a greater increase. The council feel it to be of very great importance to have the co-ope ration of Sergeants'-inn, the presence of wh ose representatives would consolidate their body, strengthen their hands in the control of those acting under them, and enable them also to be incorpo rated, by which the system may become a permanent institution. I venture, therefore, respectfully to express the hope that the Society of Sergeants'-inn give that co-operation, and join with the other law societies in assisting the council to give a proper re- THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 12 1867. cord of t' tie Case Law of the country worthy of those hit _;11 and eminent persons who have to admi nister ,t, and thereby confer a benefit, as well upon those • ,vho have to advise, as of the suitor whose in terest 3 are affected by that law.—l have the honour to be , your obedient and faithful servant, ( Signed) " ROUNDELL PALMFR, Chairman. “._,The Right llon. the Lord Chief Baron." 4‘ Sergeants'-inn, Chancery-lane, May 28, 1867. 44 My Dear Sir,—l have the satisfaction to inforai you that at our Green Cloth' last evening, the Lord Chief Baron's motion, that this goelety shall send two representatives to tho 4 Council of Law Reporting,' was, I may write, almost unanimously agreed to. Our repre sentatives are, I have to inform you, Mr. Sergeant Hayes and Air. Sergeant Pulling. Should the coun cil require further explication be pleased to address me as above. (Signed) ‘, E. S. BArN, Treasurer. ",James T. Hopwood, Esq., Secretary to the Council of Law Reporting." The Attempt to Bribe a Magistrate. At the Central Criminal Court yesterday, George Edward Gurney, a respectable-looking man, sur rendered to take his trial for misdeanour, in having unlawfully and corruptly endeavoured to induce Robert Tubbs, Esq., the chairman of the Kensington bench of magistrates, to violate his duty by procur ing him a spirit license for a bribe of £4O. Mr. Poland and Mr. Beasley conducted the pro secution on behalf of the Treasury ; Mr. Ribton was counsel for the defence. The facts of the case will be fresh in the recollec tion of our readers. The defendant kept a beer shop called the Earl of Cardigan, in the Marl borough-road, Chelsea, and he had several applica tions to the bench of magistrates at Kensington, of which Mr. Tubbs is chairman, for a spirit license, but had been unsuccessful. Ile made a similar ap plication at the general licensing meeting of the pre sent year, and this would have come on for conside ration on the 19th of March, and a few days before that day the defendant sent him a letter to the fol lowing effect : " Honoured Sir,—Trusting you will not feel offended, but pardon the liberty I have taken. Having struggled for the last 11. years to keep my family without any complaint being made by the police. If you will take my case into your consi deration and be my friend at the approaching licen sing day, I shall be for ever grateful." The letter was addressed Robert Tubbs, Esq., and it was marked " strictly private," and contained four £5 and two £lO Bank of England notes. The prose cutor immediately communicated with his brother magistrates, and also with the Secretary of State, and when the application of the defendant for a license came on for hearing the license was unani mously refused. When the defendant found that this was the case ho wrote another letter to Mr. Tubbs, in which he inquired whether he had received a letter he had left at his house, and which also con tained an envelope addressed to himself, the object of this proceeding on the part of the defendant evi dently being that as the license had not been ob tained, the money he had sent to the prosecutor should be returned to him. The facts and circumstances of the case were fully proved by the testimony of Mr. Tubbs and other witnesses. The police constable Tuck, by whom the prisoner was apprehended on a warrant, proved that when he read the warrant to him, the defend ant admitted that his name was Gurney, and added that in what he had done he did not know that he was doing anything wrong. Mr. Poland having summed up the evidence ad duced in support of the prosecution, Mr. Ribton raised some technical objections, and contended that there was no case to go to the jury, inasmuch as many of the averments of the indict ment had not received that formal proof which was required under the provisions of the statute 9th George IV., cap. 61. o,ie of these averment; that the notices necessary for a licence had been duly served and published, had not been attempted to be supported by a tittle of evidence. There was a second averment, that the defendant sent the letter of March 9, with its enclosure, to Mr. Tubbs, well knowing that that gentlenian would be the chair man of the bench of magistrates on the occasion of the adjourned licensing day on March 26, but of this there was no proof, as indeed it could not be certain to any one that Mr. Tubbs would be chair man on that day. On those grounds—namely, that as those averments which were material to the issue of corruption had not been supported by evidence-- he (Mr. Ribton) submitted that there was no case to go to the jury. . The Common Sergeant, however, overruled the objections, on the ground that on the whole the question was for the jury. Mr. Ribton then proceeded to address the jury on the part of the defendant, inviting clear, calm, deliberate, dispassionate, and charitable con sideration of the whole of the 'matters submitted to their decision. Ile should invite theta to take the , indictment into their own hand, and to sly by their verdict whether the whole of the offences charged and set out in it had been proved to their satisfaction or not ; for unless they found that all that was charged had been done with a corrupt motive on his part, the defendant would unquestionably be entitled to a verdict of acquittal. This course was by no means novel in its character. Formerly, in cases of libel, the judges were in the habit of laying down the law sometimes in the most dictatorial manner, and the jury were left no other duty to discharge except to say whether or not the libel had in fact been published. This state of things led to serious discussions between the bench and the bar, especially in the memorable case of the Dean of St. Asaph, which led to the introduc tion, by Mr. Fox, of a bill which subsequently be came law, which provided that it should be left to the jury to pronounce whether the matter charged was a libel or not, and this had been acted on ever since. Hence it was that he should ask the jury he now addressed to take into their hands the pre sent indictment, and declare for themselves whether all therein alleged had been proved to their satis faction. There could not be any doubt as to the facts of the case, for they might be taken as undis puted, but the question was whether or not the de fendant sent the letter of March 9, with its enclo siire of £4O, to Mr. Tubbs with the intention, not to influence, but to corruptly influence that gentle man. They must be satisfied that corruption was in the mind of the defendant at the time he sent the letter and its contents before they could return a ver dict adverse to his client. Money might be offered to a person in authority without the person offering it intending corruptly to influence, and a person who received a bribe might decide the question rightly, justly, and conscientiously--that was a jpro positionurybef N o v r h e i c h t b h e y e urged arrive o d n atthetbcoeinrsidveerrdatieiotninof this case. olden ti l t i n i e s s to t r b y e n j a u r d r g at e e s d b , a ad d n be ‘it e v n l b i r t i r b u e t d h ; a t t h ili at it in f the olden times the judges had been bribed, and it fur ther disclosed that the great Lord Bacon, one of the ablest, the brightest, and yet , a s described by Lord Campbell in his " Lives of the Chancellors," had taken bribes, sometimes from both sides, and yet it was now admitted that so far from his judg ment and decisions being corrupt, they had invari ably been given in the right direction. This was now an ascertained and admitted fact, and hence he. submitted that the act of thepresent defendant could not have induced Mr. Tubbs to lend himself to a corrupt 4ccision in the matter referred to. What was the position of the defend:int ? Ile was the proprietor of the Earl of Cardigan beershop, for which he was anxious to obtain a spirit licence from the magistrates for which he had applied, three years before without success, and he wrote the letter to Mr. Tubbs soliciting him to " act as his friend," on the ensuing licensing day, with a view to have his petition and claim more fully considered, greater time given to all the points in his favour, so that the whole question should be fully ventilated, and jus tice, as he thought, done to his claims by the hearing of his petition early in the day, instead of being thrown to the close of the day, when the magis trates were worn out and fatigued by the monoto nous proceedings of a licensing day. To solicit this was no more to corrupt than it would be corruption 6 to give £lO to the managing clerk of an attorney to expedite a cause, and bring it to a finalissue. He (Mr. Ribton) contended that this was the sole object of the defendant, as was manifested by the terms of his letter, to which he claimed from the jury a charitable interpretation, instead of their adopting the sinister construction put upon it by the prosecu tion. With regard to the second letter, he con tended that it was merely an inquiry as to whether the first (which had been left with the servant) had been received by Mr. Tubbs, and he denied that it contained any demand, even by inference, for the return of the money. Both the letters were fully capable of the construction he had en deavoured to put upon them, and in conclusion the learned counsel invited the jury to adopt that construction, and to restore the defendant, who possessed a high character, to his family and friends. It was said that every man was supposed to know the law ; unhappily the defendant now knew it, and he felt, as he had expressed to the con stable, that he had done wrong, and it was not therefore required to inform the rest of the world what was the law, that a verdict of guilty should now be recorded against him. The Common Sergeant summed up the case with some brevity, pointing out to the jury his view of the law. The jury retired, and after an absence of about 20 minutes returned a verdict of Guilty, accompa nied with a recommendation to mercy. The Common Sergeant inquired whether or not 'the £4O had been returned to the defendant, and being answered in the negative, said that this must be done, as it was the defendant's property. In reply to Mr. Lewis, sen. (in the absence of `Zr. Ribton), the Common Sergeant said he should reserve a minor point raised by Mr. Ribton until he should take the opinion of the Recorder.upon it. The Common Sergeant added that he fully con curred in the verdict of the jury. With a view to the object just mentioned, and in compliance with the recommendation to mercy of the jury, he should allow the defendant to go at large on entering in to his own recognisance in the sum of £2O to come up to receive the judgment of the court on the first day of the July session of the court. The recognisance was entered into, and the de fendant discharged, and the court then adjourned. WHAT IS A GLASS OF ALE ?-A VEXED Q UEST lON. Yesterday, Mr. Gurney, of the " European," op posite the Mansion-house, was summoned by Mr. Johnson, one of the City inspectors of weights and measures, before Alderman Gibbon's and Sir R. W. Carden, at the Guildhall Police-court, for using three unjust measures. Mr. Beard defended Mr. Gurney. Mr. John Fletcher Johnson, inspector of weights and measures, said that on the 31st of May he went with some persons into the " European," opposite the Mansion-house, and one of those with him called for three half pints of bitter beer, and paid 6d. for them. They were served by the barmaid in the glasses produced. He had measured them, and found they were each 2oz. short of the half pint, or 20 per cent. less than ought to have been given. Sir R. AV. Carden said that was if they were filled. -Mr. Johnson replied that that was supposing them to be full, but there was - generally from half to three-quarters of an inch of froth on the widest part of the glass, so that by that means they were 30 per cent. short. Cross-examined by Mr. Beard—He knew the man who called for the ale. He met him acciden tally at the Mansion-house, and invited him to go to Mr. Gurney's. He had been there several times, and had always been served in similar glasses when half pints were asked for. He knew several houses where they mind the full half pint when a glass of ale was asked for. He could name many. There was Mr. Green's, the " White Hart," in Bishops gate-street Without ; Mr. Read's, the " Yarmouth Arms," Lower Thames-street; Mr. Pallett's, the " Grapes," in Lime-street, and a vast number of others which, with a little reflection, he could name. He would swear positively that half pints were asked for. Mr. Gurney kept on the premises standard half pint glasses, but witness denied that he used theta whenever half pints were asked for. lie had never known them to be used as a rule. The majo rity of Mr. Gurney's customers, when witness was there, did not ask for glasses of ale but for half pints. Mr. Beard said he would be able to show that th e majority of the trade of Lo ndon was carried on by glasses and not by measures, and that the publi c neverad f expected or a glas t s o . Sir R. W. Carde n said the question was whether get half o the men called for g lasses or h alf - pints. Mr. Beard said that was the point. point, but Alderman whether fraud on the publ ic. Mr. Beard assu red the Benc h that that was the way the trade was carried on a ll over London. A ld erman Gibbons said, then it w as a very b a d defendant that should have given was not quit e th e them full measure. Those g l asses produced were a practice, and the sooner it was altered the better. H. J. Gibbs said he resided at No. 3, Gloucester place, Hackney-road. He had been an omnibus proprietor, and was now a waiter. On the 31st of May he accidentally met with Mr. Johnson, whom he had known formerly, and went with him to the " European," and asked for three half-pints of ale, which were served in the three glasses produced, and they were seized by the inspector. Mr. Beard, after a short and not important cross examination of this witness, said he would prove that Mr. Johnson did not hear what was called for, or that his witness did not follow out his instruc tions and call for what he told him, for he distinctly called for three glasses of ale. He would call the barmaid who served the ale, another who was by the side of her and heard the order given, and also a customer who heard it, and who would swear that Gibbs ordered three glasses of ale. If he proved that he would be entitled to ask that the summons should be dismissed. Emily Ford said she had been barmaid to Mr. Gurney for a year and five months. She served the three glasses of ale. Three glasses of bitter ale were called for. If half-pints had been asked for she would have served the ale in half-pint glasses. There was no difference in price between a glass and an imperial half-pint. Emma Belcher bad been in Mr. Gurney's service about two months. She remembered the ale being ordered, and the order was for three glasses. They used half-pint glasses . when half-pints were called for. William Harding, 2, Cardigan-street, Hamp stead-road, commission agent, said he was there on the occasion referred to, and heard three glasses asked for. lie knew that Mr. Gamey had imperial half-pint glasses in use. Alderman Gibbons having consulted with Sir R. W. Carden, said—we have considered this ques tion, and while we are of opinion that the evidence is not strong enough to prove that the half-pints were asked, we are both of us of opinion that a fraud is committed on the public by giving them less than half a pint for a glass of ale. We do not con vict, but we express a.vay strong opinion that it is a most dishonest mode of conducting business. You do not charge more for half a pint than for a glass, and yet you always serve in a glass instead of giv ing half a pint. Mr. Beard—The public do not look f or nor ex vet half a pint f or a g l ass o f ale, and yon Will get it in any 11,27 1 , 5 ,,,,i n L ondon except the few that Mr. Johnson has named. Alderman Gibbons—All respectable licensed vie- Walters only s e ll i n h a lf-pint glasses. It was only in Jane, 1866, that Mr. Gurney was fined 40s. for the same offence, and he has not altered his mode of conducting business. Mr. Beard—lt is the custom of the trade. Alderman Gibbons—Then it is a dishonest cus tom, and the sooner it is done away with the better. Mr. Beard—Then the Legislature must interfere. Ou behalf of client, I. will say that he would do whatever his brother licensed victuallers will do. Sir R. W. Carden—Then it will never be altered. Alderman Gibbons-4 am quite satisfied that no honest person would serve in those glasses. Th e summons is dismissed. The summons was then dismissed. Charge of Libel against a Clergyman. At the Marlborough-street Police-court yester day the Hon. and Rev. Ralph William Lionel Tol lemache, of No. 10, Pembroke-road, Kensington, was charged before Mr. Knox with maliciously writing and publishing a defamatory libel concern ing Joseph Belcher, a waiter of the Phoenix Club, St. James's-place. The warrant has been in the hands of the officer for some months, but could not be executed till yes terday. The charge arose in this way. The rev. gentleman was placed in custody for stealing some cigars, which had been previously marked by the complainant, Belcher, who saw the prisoner take the cigars through a hole in the door of the room in whichthe prisoner sat, which hole he had previously bored. When the rev. gentleman was taken into custody, besides the cigars a case of considerable value be longing to one of the members of the club, to which the prisoner also belonged, was found. The libel complained of was in a letter written by the rev. defendant to the managers of the Phoenix Club, in which it was insinuated that the charge of stealing the cigars was an affair concocted by the servants of the club against him. Yesterday, the rev. gentleman being present in custody and the prosecutor absent, but represented by a solicitor, who said he was authorised to appear for him, the case was called on. Mr. Shepherd, who attended professionally for the prisoner, said an apology had been made to the complainant, which was considered satisfactory, and the charges had been entirely withdrawn. The solicitor for the complainant said his client had accepted the apology, and was quite satisfied. In fact the warrant ought not to have been served at all, and he regretted it should have been served. Mr. Knox said the warrant officer had done no more than his duty in serving the warrant. He should be glad to know something more about the apology. The solicitor for the complainant handed in a paper, of which the following is a copy :—" I her eby withdraw my statement to the committee of the Phceilix Club, dated March 3, 1867, and all im putations contained therein cast upon the servants of the club, together with my letter to the said committee dated April 2, 1867, and regret having sent them. And I hereby undertake not to write any further letter or letters to the aforementioned committee, to the proprietor, or to any member or servant of the said club, or to any person, with re ference to the subject-matters of the statement and letter. This document may be copied, published, or advertised by the proprietor, or by the committee of the club, in any way he or they may think neces sary.—Dated June 8. (Signed) R. W. L. TOLLE MACHE." Mr. Knox asked the defendant if he admitted the contents of the document, and that the signature ap pended to it was in his writing ? The rev. defendant said it was so. Mr. Knox said the summons must be dismissed. Shortly afterwards the complainant Belcher, ac compauiqd , by Captain Rainsford, the manager of the club, ent6red the court, and stated that he had just heard, to his surprise, that the case had been heard in his absence and dismissed. He could assure the magistrate that he was no party to the compro mise which the solicitor who said he appeared for him had effected. He never had any intention of withdrawing from the charge, norhad he authorised the solicitor to do so for him. Mr. Knox said this statement was unexpected, as he was under the belief that the solicitor in ques tion was acting on the instructions and by the au thority of his client. However, the applicant would have good ground for proceeding against the solici tor, if the solicitor had prejudiced him by an un authorised act. He should recommend the applicant to consult some other solicitor, and then, if he chose, to come to that court under the second solicitor's advice and apply for another warrant, it should be granted. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—On the 12th of June, 1864,—just three years ago•this very day—Maximilian of Austria made his entry into the city of Mexico, and assumed the government of his new Empire. He is now a prisoner, and the last news is that he is to be tried by Court Martial ; but we are not told on what charge. Juarez, into whose hands he has fallen, refused to give Mr. Seward any previous assurance that the captive's life would be spared, but the wishes of the American Government must have some weight with the Mexican chief, and will, we trust, suffice to turn the scale in favour of humanity and reason. We have no reason to doubt the authen ticity of the intelligence at length received of the circumstances of Maximilian's downfall, and, indeed, though the successive reports have been conflicting, the statements themselves have been rather prema ture than false. The capture of Queretaro was announced some days before the place had actually fallen, but the event was certain, and the question one of time alone. It was perfectly true that the Imperial cause had become hopeless, that the ascen dancy of the Republicans was established, and that flight or capture represented the sole alternative before the unfortunate Maximilian. The informa tion since received is not only circumstantial but precise. On the 15th of last month, the city. of Queretaro, with the whole of the Imperial garrison, fell into the hands of the Republicans. An outpost it seems was taken by surprise ; the Imperialists were thrown into confusion, and at last, after en deavouring to effect a retreat, were obliged to surrender at discretion. Not only the Emperor Maximilian, but his Generals, Castillo and Mejia, were, we are told, among the prisoners. No men tion is made of Miramon in the despatch, but as he had been seriously wounded in a sortie from the place a few days previously it is improbable that he could have escaped. All the war material, stores, and munitions of the Imperialists became the spoil of the conquerors, and the power of the party' itself is foi the present at an end. So ends, in short, this episode of intervention in Mexico. The French army has been withdrawn, the empire has collapsed, a Prince of the House of Haps burg depends for his life on the clemency of an Indian soldier, and the anarchy of the country is more complete than it ever was before. That the experiment of interference has been a disas trous failure cannot be denied, and yet the least faults were those of the unhappy Prince who endures the worst of the misfortune. He had not all the qualities of a great ruler, but his merits were above the average, and if he had been a miracle of wisdom and genius it is doubtful if he would have fared much better. The Mexicans, or rather a large faction of the Mexicans, would have none of him ex cept under coercion, and the United States took care that the coercion should not be applied. The French army of occupation safficed to keep the disaffected in awe. Juarez himself had given up the game, and little by little tranquillity and civilisation were making themselves felt. Then came the interdict from Washington; the French—that is to say, the police —were removed, and Maximilian exchanged a protected throne for the leadership of a native fac tion fighting for power. The fight has gone against him, and Mexico is now what it was in 1862—per haps something worse. Before the European inter vention Juarez was President of the Republic—that is to say, as far as Mexico had any organised Go vernment it was in the hands of the faction of which Juarez was chief. This man, who is an Indian of pure blood, had established for the moment the superiority of his own party, called the Liberal party, over that represented by Marquez and Mira mon, the allies of Maximilian. It has even been argued that his success expressed something more than the temporary ascendancy of a faction, and that at the time when the French deposed him he was preparing to put the affairs of Mexico on a bet ter and more stable footing. We can only hope that this may have been true, and that the man into whose hands the destinies of the country have been thrown may really prove to be endowed with the will and the power to govern. So far, however, as our experience went we had no evidence of such Promise. Our countrymen in Mexico fared little better under Juarez than under his predeces • sors, though it may be admitted that he never proceeded to such extremities of outrage as were committed by Miramon. It is in his favour at pre sent that he represents the triumph of nationality and independence. It may be supposed, too, that the defeat of the rival faction, as consummated in the capture of Queretaro, will leave Mexican parties less evenly balanced than formerly, and so invest the Liberals with greater power. We see already that the pretensions of Juarez will be disputed, but if he has prevailed over his ancient rivals, he may have little, perhaps, to fear from these new com petitors. Miramon and Marquez were reputed the best soldiers in Mexico, and a remnant of European troops still adhered to the cause of Maximilian. Juarez, however, has got the better of these enemies, and his future Work - will lie with less formidable foes. We should be willing enough to look at the affairs of Mexico from a favourable point of view, but it would be a bad promise of regeneration and amend ment if Juarez were to inaugurate his new Presi dency by the massacre of helpless prisoners. Such cruelty could do no possible good even by way of example. Maximilian is warning enough already. No European Prince, it may be confidently pre sumed, will follow in his footsteps, or seek a throne for himself in the famous kalls of Montezuma. The Mexicans must settle their own affairs, or, at any rate, must get assistance from their own side of the Atlantic. The experiment of European intervention was costly and unpopular even before the Americans decided that it should be hopeless. Nobody will go to Mexico again. The warning to intruders is suffi cient, and Juarez could add nothing to its force by vindictive cruelties. The " Latin race," who do not exceed in numbers the population of an English city, must look to their own destinies, and settle them selves, if they can, under the Government of a native Indian. At any rate, Europe will meddle with them no more. What the Unite I States will do remains to be seen. They have- forbidden—not, we must admit, against expectation—the civilising agency of a foreign Power, an agency which would at least have given Mexico an organised Govern ment, though under monarchical institutions. Mexico has now, as it will have been seen from the style of the despatches published yesterday, a purely republican Government, but it exists in style only. Practically there is no Government in Mexico at all, and the Empire of 1864 has disap peared only to make room for the anarchy of 1862. THE " WESTMINSTER GAZETTE" ON MR. 'MILL AND UNIVERSITY EDUCATION.—Eminence has many drawbacks. Intellectual eminence has drawbacks of a very special character. In days when locomo tion is so easy, and when communication of every sort is so rapid, it is at times an uncomfortable thing to be a great man in any line, but a very positive disadvantage to be considered a great thinker. In the good old times, when the production and pub lication of works was slow, when the capital of Scotland was at least three good days' journey from town, and when the world generally was slower than at present, a man had time to condense and mature his thoughts. He was not always to be got at ; the difficultieS and inconveniences of moving great distances gave a man some excuse for holding his tongue. To-day, no such excuse exists. A man may make his speech in the House one evening and be in the far North the next, lecturing the students of an university about their position, advantages, and duties. The custom of exacting a speech from prominently intellectual men, upon whom some honorary distinction has been conferred, may be a pleasant one for the listeners ; but it must fre quently be a very irksome one for the speaker. A man cannot, on all such occasions, be expected to do full justice to his real or supposed powers. Mr. Mill has the good or ill-fortune to occupy a very prominent position as a thinker in the eyes of his countrymen. His is, we cannot help think ing, an instance of the position we have laid down. His remarks, however, to the students of St. And rew ' s , may b e regarded as an essay rather than an off-hand speech. Mr. Mill does not seem to have looked upon their custom of exacting a speech from their Rector as a provoking one, for he calls it a " highly commendable usage." His aim, according to his own statement, was Co " travel with them over the whole range of the materials and training which an university supplies as a pre paration for the higher uses of life." .The immense scope of Mr. Mill's subject seems to have stood in the way of any successful treatment. It was alto ' gether too bulky. There are portions of this essay in which Mr. Mill lays down his views with em phatic distinctness and concision ; there are others in which his arguments and even his meaning are hazy. At one time he condenses apparently vital principles in such a manner as to remind one of the trite brevis esse labor°, obscurus fie; at another he unaccountably amplifies undeniable truths, the simple statement 'of which would have been quite sufficient. Stated briefly, the contents of the essay of the Member for Westminster are : I.—A Sum mary of the Scotch University Studies ; lI.—A Word in favour of the combination of Literary and Scientific Education ; TlT. —The Function of the Study of Languages in Education • IV.—The Func tion of Mathematical Studies ; V . —The Function of Logic ; Vl.—The Function of Physiology and Psychology ; VII. The Function of History, Poli tical Economy, and International Law ; Function of Theology. Mr. Mill's essay is, there fore, in outline, exhaustive of the whole subject of intellectual and moral education. With regard to the first point it is noticeable that the Rector eulo gises freely the plan of Scotch university studies to the disparagement of those pursued south of the Tweed. In this estimate he probably had in view the more utilitarian notion of high education ob taining in Scotland. The students of St. Andrews were not, we surmise, unwilling listeners to this portion of his address. In discussing the function of linguistic studies in an education, the Rector speaks plainly and decisively. Whilst stigmatiz ing the enormous waste of precious youthful energy on the mere mechanical labour of making Latin or Greek verses, he stands up for the study of the classical languages as being, from the intri cacy of their form, and the perfection of their logical construction, the greatest helps In developing the mental faculties of analysis and combination. On his road, he summarily touches the necessity of French, and the desirableness of German, not so much as aids to intellectual proficiency, as a com pliment to education itself. Mr. Mill thinks a few months spent in any particular country will give a man a better knowledge of the language than as many years study of them at home. We take the liberty of challenging this statement. If Mr. Mill means to say that for a few of the pur poses of daily life a man will get a more available stock of common-place French or German by living in France or Germany twelve months, than he will, by studying either of these languages twelve years at home, we agree with him. But he appears to us quite wrong in supposing that such attainments are at•all scholar-like. It is common abroad to find waiters at hotels who speak fluently four or five ..languages for the purposes of their calling, but who have no notion whatever of their construction. We think that what Mr. Mill advocates is generally found to produce shallowness and flippancy. The knowledge of a language is one thing—the power of speaking a language is quite another. - There are many scholars in this country much more con versant with the construction and literature of the German, Italian, and French languages than the majority of the natives of those countries, who still find themselves at a loss to express the simplest ideas in them. To have a scientific knowledge of a language is one thing ; to make that language available in speaking is another ; and we cannot help feeling that the really superior man is the scientific master of a language. Mr. Mill very properly distinguishes between the study of the classical languages and classical literature. The former develops the analytical powers of the mind ; but Mr. Mill discovers advantages much more de cisive in the study of " classical literature." He lays it down that the ancients have accumulated an untold treasure of what may be called " The wisdom of life ;' the rich store of experience of human nature and conduct, which the acute and observing minds of those ages aided in their obser vations by the greater simplicity of manners and life, consigned to their writings, and most of which retains all its value." The vagueness of what Mr. Mill calls " the wisdom of life ' is obvious. How ever, he gives us a little further on some sort of explanation. Having enumerated several of the great writers of antiquity, he says their works are " replete with remarks and maxims of singular good sense and penetration, applicable both to political and private life ; and the actual truths we find in them are surpassed in value by the encourage ment and help - they give us in the pursuit of truth." Mr. Mill here leaves the first portion of his state ment, and dismisses curtly " the wisdom of life," to take up the " stimulation and discipline to in tellect " that may be gained from the authors in 'qud,stion. Mr. Mill has only stated one side of a truth. No one will think of denying that in the ancients may be found a repertory of profound, social, and political maxims ; but, at the same time, Mr. Mill must know that in some of the authors given will be found a great deal more. He must know that the student cannot fail to see that most of their eloquent treatises were merely abstrac tions ; that they represented ideal excellences which the ancients personally never aimed at ; that they were in the strictest sense " mere speculations ;" and that in some of the writers named—Horace, for instance—the author himself practised a very curious "wisdom of life." All the teaching that can be got from these men is purely Pagan ; and, as we hope to show later, requires, if students are to appreciate it at its due worth, and come from its study unhurt, much more than Mr. Mill ever dreamt of suggesting. One of the main results of studying the ancients, is, according to Mr. Mill, the disposition and resolve engendered " to ques tion all things ; to accept no doctrine, either from ourselves or from other people, without a rigid scrutiny by negative criticism." He then says— " With all this vigorous management of the nega tive element, they inspire no scepticism about the reality of truth." Only just as much scepticism, we suppose, as will hold the mind in universal doubt—not " as to the existence of truth," because the denial of its absolute existence would be non sense, but as to its whereabouts—until the inquir ing student shall have settled that he has found it, or shall have given up its pursuit in despair. If every intellect were perfectly constituted, and the , sources of truth equally open to all, perhaps there would - not be so much danger in the enunciation of such a doctrine ; but biding this absolute perfec tion of the human intellect, and this complete open ing up of the sources of truth, we take the liberty of saying that if such be the results of; the study of the ancients, it is, at least on one side, as de structive a one as ever was engaged in. Mr. Mill's essay comprises so many great subjects, and con tains further on so much that is open to grave ob jection, that we shall have to return to the discu s ' sion next week. Mr. Mill would certainly, 1101 " ever, save his readers some trouble, if, in discuss in i tangled and difficult points, he would bear in rain .u ; the emphatic praise he gives the ancients, and he would himself endeavour to merit a larger share of the encomium he bestows on them than we can honestly accord him. 4 , They always (to begin with) had a meaning; they knew what they wan ted to say ; and their whole purpose was to say it with the highest degree of exactness and completeness, and bring home to the mind with the greatest pes sible clearness and vividness." We are not f opinion that the handling, en Bros, of such sub jects as University Education, will allow a w ail, how great soever his intellectual powers, to do cJus tice to himself, or to satisfy those whom he We n ' teach. REFORM MEETING ON BLACKHEATIL OnMonday evening a public meeting, convened hi the Greenwich branch of the Reform League, was held on Blackheath. The men of South London were invited tg to attend in their thousands to cow Sider the present position of the Reform question' and to assert the right of the people to meet is the public parks." The men of South Lon don did not, however, appear to give a very hearty response to the invitation, for al though the weather was very fine, and the day one on which all London turns out for a holiday, a nd Blackheath is a favourite place of resort on a Wh it ' Monday, the Reformers were not able to must er more than 3,000 or 4,000 persons. As "a demon stration" in favour of an extended measure of Ile form, which the meeting was evidently intended to be, it proved a total failure so far as numbers we re concerned, and its promoters were equally uneu e ; cessful in their attempts to secure the presence of any distinguished personage who would have give n importance to their proceedings. Letters of apology were read from Lord R. Grosvenor, M.P., Sir C. Bright, M.P., Mr. T. Hughes, M.P., Mr. Doultoc, M.P., Mr. Locke, M.P., Mr. Layard, M.P., Alder' man Salomons, Mr. Angerstein, and several oth er persons. The meeting was divided into three plat' forms, from which the people were addressed 13 , 1 Mr. Beales, Mr. Baxter Langley, Colonel Die'''. son, and other members of the Reform Leag ue ' and resolutions were adopted declaring that no form Bill would be acceptable to the people whic h 0 not based upon the principle of manhood soffr a g i protected by the ballot, and denouncing the Eer d Parks Bill, which was called " an unprovoked 513 0 audacious attack on the rights of the people by unreformed and class-prejudiced Parliament." Beales, in his address, referred to the statemen t : made by the deputation which waited on Lord rg and Mr. Disraeli on Saturday, and said it was a falsehood to assert that the Reform League is el3 n ; posed to the Constitution, and does not reP rese the feelings of the working classes of England. COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS—TUESDAY. sin 1.- The 'Whitsuntide holidays cause us to have a thin s ales ket to-day; millers are acting on the reserve, b ut on ~l 'a , made former prices are maintained. Other article s aro altered. RS TOL—TITESDAY The corn market to- I day, owing to the . holidalol 00t of a character to warrant any report. MELTON MOWBRAY.—T UESDAY. tone* White wheat, 61s to 71s •, red, 60s to 67s per 3 6 ! ne s Barley for malting, 40s to 52s per qr ; feed, 32 s to 30210 t, 30 stone. Oats, old, 30s to 355; new, 28s to 34s pe r Beans, old, 52s to Rs . ; new, 45s to 50s per qr. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. wheat • We had a fair attendance at our market to -day A the was in moderate request at 2d to 3d per contal uh%Ler„,lor. prices obtainable on Friday last. Flour is per sack eue,m.ettl Indian corn dull at is per qr. decline. Oats and °Ai barely support late rates ; beans 6d per qr. lover. SHEFFIELD—TUESDAY. This being cheese fair day there was very little blisi:,,erSes transacted in the corn trade. Where sales of wheat effected prices were slightly in favour of buyers . . jay corn ' was unaltered. Growing crops are imPo ir , ll l4 t ou monsely under the present genial weather. Flo" change. 25 01 Red wheat. ner load of 3 imp. bushels .2 1 5 od to 06-0,1 , s Pl,-- p. ,••••._ - 2 ,..- 0 i White do do „..268 Oct 6.. New red .do .do ....'As „Od, 2 5s 61 New white do do „ „23s cri• 228 oa Beans do do ....19s Odd .98 Od Peas, per qr Grinding ba ley, per qr 35s Od " 2 40 Malting barley, do •3B OCI '''.,' o d Oats, do 27s Oct 3 ' 13 F10ur....2a 4d to 23 1311 per 111 b. MARKET HARBOROUGH.—TUESDA Y. 3 6 Old white wheat, 67s to 73s ; new red, 58s to 66 s Pro ' ot. stone. Barley, fine, 52s ; other kinds, 23 s to 36s per o ld, Oats, now, 27s to 32s ; old, 34s to 35s per qr. Beau s ' 46s to 535; new, 42s to 47s per qr. Foreign Mail Packet MAILS DUE. t 9. A u stralia and'New Zealand, via Southamptoa., June Ditto, via Marseilles uan Ditto, via Panama ........ ......... ....... Brazil, Buenos Ayres, and ilonte Video July Ditto, by French packet Juno 2 ' . Cape Verde, by Brazil packet July Cape of Good Hope. Ascension, and St. Helena June 2" China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton June Ditto, via Marseilles Falkland Islands l3 Gibraltar, via Southampton • India, via Southampton Ditto, via Handl es Malta, Egypt, &c. June j *" . Ditto, Mars ;A lies Mauritius, Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, via 19. Jane Southampton . J u nc .-• Ditto, via Hared les ....... . Ja ne • Newfoundland July 4. Portugal .................................. .• • • •• • • Ditto, by private ship to Oporto ... ......... Ditto ditto to Lisbon .............. United States, Canada, California, &c.. by British Joe packet • • • ..... Ditto, by United States packet ................ Ditto ditto (New York) .................... Ditto ditto (New York) ........... ....... Ditto ditto (Baltimore) ....... •• • ........ Ditto, by Canadian packet ....................Jell 4• West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and Tener ...... West Indies and Pacific (except Mexico and Balla" n o 1 1 . mas) ................................ ...••• ... Ju ne„2B , Cuba and Mexico • ................ •• • . Jo e 21 3 • Bahamas, via New York ......................... . - Bermuda, via Halifax CRtATING A HORSELAUGII.—" Mr. Clia211:010-- agoin to dewote twelve thousand pound of V al , nings to restorin' Lincoln Cathedral," said a st3D.' w i i st 11° a groom. "If he bestowed it anyhow, in course- won by a 'oss he'd givo to a 'ospital." —Poch• rode ! LADVERTISEMENT. ] —Holloway's Wonder of Modern Times.—This incomparable 7,; dia A nse; s increases the appetite, strengthens the stomach, "i„,-,00e,7 thethe l e i y v e e t r e , m c , orr in e v c i t g s e b ra il t i e o e u s t n h e e s sn, nerves, and dflarteur :iir,o'ilsgoo s tateo boa' health. The enormous demand for these pills •1 r ° the globe astonishes everybody, and a singl e t i ll s 3 l l°l l °- vinces the most sceptical that no medicine ectrtl idern way's pills in its ability to remove all complaints locoictel to the human race. They are a blessing t o the , !!,t e rng and a boon to all who labour under internal or 'f a ll r e ' disease. The purification of the tlood, removal (?,,,otie straints from the secretive organs, and gentle ortiotiv° action, are the prolific sources of the extensive e range of Holloway's pills. rth a s t . CAMPION-On the inst.,9thh ßiWO: gate, the wife of Captan Hubert Cam . '`.- 1 pia, daughter. , , ooll• POWER -Cia the 10th inst., Mrs. Harold Power 0 . - the ;-1 40 0, SHAW-On the 9th • inst., at Barnstaple, North -y e. wife of Commander Shaw, R.N , of a son. . West Cliff-terraveek - of ' Marriages. , . p , f die/ A , DODD-PLASICWP- On the Bth • t., at Wallop -gcoo" Richard Dodd, Esq., to Anna Maria Knyvett, p: daughter of the late Sir Richard Plas'ket, li"..0.10, WO, oc e, Dims -ARIA- On the 11th inst. , Edmund F. to FlV.ftoo of 6, Col k -street, Burlington - ardens W. 7 of 2 8 ,,i • ()11 seecnd daughter of Alex. Aria Esq., IP7 gardens, Maida-hill, and late of Kingston, J3121c3. Deaths. irigs- BIRCH - On the 9th inst., at Woolsto n Lodge, neo.r bridge, Priestley Birch, Esq., ag ed 38. ao r of CANE- On the Bth ist., Ans Mary, secon d da il y Major and Mrs. F. n Du Cane, aged 7 years. v ysell , DYSON-On the 10th Watford , LI is• 301111 - inst., at 01 . Esq., aged 58. &soli: LANESBOROUGH- On the 1 0 th inst., a t 72, Lower ar 1 , 1 to ci street, Dublin, the infant dauhter of th e na, Countess of Lanosborough. ... 0/ 0., A LEDGER- On the 10th inst , at Furzedown, .A-b beY' lc, 3 ' of St. John's, South War Kent, John Ledger, Esq., years a magistrate for the county of Surrey. ma rke t, TAYLOR-On the 10th inst., a t Grafton House, New Mr. Thomas Taylor, aged 77. ---.7■••••.< L o ndon: Printed and Pub lished by WILL 1A.31 AND"-1 ;, of No. 112, Strand , Printer, at Tun SUN Othe ffice , 1.1°,.;1.0i Strand, in the Prec inct of the Savoy, in COW"' Middlesex.—Wedneeday June 12, 1867. • AF Al Londc IV Ti l i Dubli It 9 ome. *1)01, n h , "fin -___ C 0 PIT Par n3Ontl Ativ k Free} tel)ay diems.. 'Pur i ! b wl itr Nr Acre dir e am beee. de e( 1414