The Sun. — London, England, 1867-03-13 00:00:00

BLEC rim INTELLIGENCE. BOSTON. Mr. Staniland having at last accepted the Chiltern Handreds, the long-pending election at Boston is about to be held. Up to Monday Mr. T. Parry, of Sleaford, was the only candidate. Mr. Parry is a Liberal, and sat for the borough from July, 1865, until March, 1866, when he was unseated on pe tition by Mr. Staniland. On Monday a second Liberal candidate appeared in the person of Capt. German, who, in an address dated from the Reform Club, observes :—" On the greatquestion of Reform, which is so soon about to occupy the attention of Parliament, I am in favour of a large, liberal, and substantial enfranchisement, and believe this object might well have been attained by the bill of the late Government if it had been treated by the Conserva tive party in a fair and candid spirit. The weak ness and incompetence hitherto shown by the pre sent Government on this question render it neces sary that this measure should be finally settled in this session, in order that no future delay may take place in the urgent legislation of the country. It appears to me, from the general expression of opinion throughout the country, that household suffrage must be the basis of the bill. This, with a lodger franchise, a liberal reduction of the qualification in counties, and an equitable redistribution of seats, would be the measure to which I should give my earnest support, subject to such modifications of de tails as experience and discussion might point out." Capt. German further states that he will support any well-considered measure for the prevention of bribery and corruption at elections ; he is for a " graceful and timely abandonment of church-rates," although "a member of the Established Church by conviction and affection ;" and he declares in favour of a complete and searching reform of the adminis tration of the Army and Navy. Captain German arrived at Boston on Monday afternoon, and ad dressed without delay a meeting of the Liberal electors, at which Mr. J. Oldrid presided. The chair man stated that Le had also invited Col. Luke White to come forward, but that gentleman declined to do so, and said he was about to travel on the Continent. Capt. German having read his address, stated, in reply to a question, that having recently travelled in America he was satisfied that the ballot would not produce the amount of good which its advocates expected. A resolution declaring that Capt. German was a fit and proper person to represent the borough was carried unanimously. On Monday evening Capt. German addressed a public meeting in the Corn Exchange. Mr. Parry proceeded with an active canvass on Monday. Rodney, 78, anchored at the Little Note, awaiting oeders to sail for the China station, was discovered to be dragging her anchors. Prompt action was taken by the officers on board the ship andin Sheer ness dockyard to avert the danger of her running aground. Her topmasts were struck, additional anchors were put down, and everything done to secure her safety. I The following appointments have been made at the Admiralty :—Capt. T. Brandreth, to be private secretary to the Right Hon. H. L. Corry, First Lord of the Admiralty ; Lieut. H. C. Aitchison and Lieut. K. Garnier, additional, to the Victoria, for disposal; Lieut. J. D. R. Hewitt, to the Challen ger ; Lieut. J. W. L. Jekyll, additional, to the Oc tavia, for disposal ; Lieut. the Hon. E.M.D.Browne and Lieut. G. Usborne, additional, to the Zealous, for disposal ; Lieut. E. W. J. Hannah, additional, to the Bristol, for disposal; Lieut. G. A. G. Grey and Lieut. S. A. Johnson, additional, to tbe Nar cissus, for disposal ; V. Spain, paymaster, to the Virago; J. Caldwell and W. 11. Clarke, surgeons, additional, to the Black Prince, for disposal ; R. B. O. Toole, assist.-surg., to the Impregnable; G. W. 11. Norcock, nominated a naval cadet ; W. H. Mahon and S. J. B. Willcox, midshipmen, to the Virago as supernumeraries ; R. D. Pritchard, sur geon, to the Dauntless ; and G. E. Farr, assist.- Burg., to Haslar Hospital. Naval and Military Intelligence. The 89th (the Princess Victoria's) Regiment, Col. Boyle in command, received unexpected orders by telegraph on Monday evening to move to Ireland immediately. Accordingly the regiment marched from the North Camp yesterday morning at 9 30, leaving Farnborough by special train at 11 o'clock fur Dublin, via llolyhea d: So hurried was the de parture of the regiment that the men took nothing but their actual necessaries, leaving the regimental baggage to follow. A small baggage party was left behind to pack up, and accompany the women and children who were lett behiud. The 3d (The King's Own) Hussars, under the command of Col. H. Vyse, after nearly two years' stay at Aldershot, are under orders to move as fol lows :—Head-quarters and six troops to Hounslow, one troop to Hampton Court, and one troop to Kensington. The 66th (Berkshire) Regiment, under the corn• mand of Lieut.-Col. Garrett, are under orders to move from Aldershot to the Channel Islands, re lieving the 69th Regiment. The head quarters and five companies will be stationed at Jersey, two com panies at Guernsey, and three companies at Alder ney. According to present arrangements the regi meat will leave Aldershot to-morrow morning. No. 24 troop of the Military Train will march from Aldershot Camp on Friday morning en route to Woolwich, and No. 9 troop-2 officers, 63 men, 40 horses, 8 women, and 14 children—will march in on the same day. Major F. Brine, Roy al Engineers, has been selected by the Secretary of State for India to proceed over land to Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta in charge of the telegraphic staff. The death of Gen. Cosmo Gordon, in his 90th year, took place on the 7th inst. at his residence in Hampshire. He was the youngest son of the late Hon. A. Gordon, Lord Rockville, and Anne Coun- tess of Dumfries. The late General was one of the oldest officers in the army, being senior to Gen. It. Pigott, Field-Marshal Sir E. Blakeney, and Gen. Sir A. Woodford, having entered the army as far back as 1792. He was in receipt of a pension for distinguished and meritorious services. The late Gen. Gordon served at the siege of Pondicherry, the battle of Argaum, and the sieges of Asseerghur, Gawil- ghur, and various other hill forts. He also served at Walcheren in 1809. His commissions bore date as follow : Ensign, Dec. 6, 1792 ; Lieut., Oct. 28, 1794 ; Capt., Oet. 23, 1800 ; Major, Feb. 12, 1807; Lieut.-Col., July 20, 1809 ; Col , Aug. 12, 1819 ; Major-Gen., July 22, 1830 ; Nov. 23, 1841 ; and Gen., June 20, 1854. A most important case of tiring at armour plating began yesterday on board the Thunderer, floating target ship, in Porchester Creek, near Portsmouth. The armour fired at was a plate built up of alternate steel and iron layer from the manufactory of Messrs. C. Gunmen and Co., of Sheffield, ou a plan sug gested by the manager of the firm, Mr. G. Wilson. The plate weighed 5 tons 7 cwt., was 7in. in thick ness, and 12ft. long by 3ft. llin. wide. The firing from the guns at the plate was conducted under the superintendence of Commander Arthur, H.M.S. Ex cellent, in the presence of Rear-Admiral A. C. Key, C. 8., Director-General of Naval Ordnance; Mr. F. J. Reed, Chief Constructor of her Majesty's Navy ; Capt. Brackenbury, R.A. ; Major Inglis, R.E. ; Capt. Lord F. Kerr, R.N. ; Capt. Noble, R.E., and other naval and military officers and members of the Ordnance Select Committee. The plate was bolted on a timber bulk-head (solid) of 42 in., and the guns were fired at a distance of 35 feet from the plate's outer surface. Five shots were fired on one spot from the 68-pounder smoothbore gun, with 141 b. of powder and a cast-iron shot, and two shots were fired from an Armstrong 7-inch rifled gun, with 221 b. of powder and aPalliser chilled elongated shot. The general results may be taken as promis ing a great revolution of the principles now observed in the manufacture of iron-placing, although the re sistance of the plate to the impact of the shot was not quite so great as was expected. The welding of the two forms of metal was perfect, and there were also other indications that the experience gained by the results of the firing might possibly lead to such modification in the principles of the manufac ture of armour-plating, fur ships or for forts, that although the weights of armour might be materially reduced, its defensive power at the same time would be still more materially increased. The Hector, 20, armour-plated screw frigate, 4,089 tons, 800-horse power, Captain William G. Luard, steamed into Portsmouth harbour yesterday from Spithead, to make ready for paying out of commission on the 19th inst. The H ector - was in spected on Monday, at Spithead, by Port Admiral Sir Thomas S. Pasley, K.C.8., who was attended by his flag Captain, the lion. Francis Egerton, A.D.C. to the Queen. The Northumberland, armour-plated screw ship, 6,621 tons, 1,350 -horse power, which has for two or three months been awaiting in Sheerness harbour the final orders for her destination, left yesterday, shortly before 12 o'clock, for Devonport dockyard, where she is to be completed and made ready for sea. She was in charge of Staff-Commander G. J. Hodges, assistant master attendant in Sheerneaq dockyard, and was navigated by nine engineerJ and about 200 seamen and riggers belonging to the steam reserve and dockyard. The ship was accom panied by the Medusa, paddlewheel vessel, Staff- Commander T. Potter, which will act as her con voy. Mr. Anderson and staff, from the firm of Messrs. Penn and Sou, the makers of her engines, are in charge of the machinery, and OR her arrival at Plymouth the ship will make her trial over the mea sured mile. During the severe gale yesterday afternoon the American Ministers. The AP C RACKEN correspondence has been largely commented on by the American press. It has given rise to much discussion regarding the position occu pied, more especially in Europe, by the diplomatists of the country. That position is generally recog nised to be unfair; and as the mass of the nation learn by travel and actual experience the social differences which exist between them and European countries they see the false light in which their Ministers are placed. Mr. SEWARD'S action on the M'CRACKEN letter will probably produce a result Mr. INITRAcKEN little expected. If it has given him notoriety, which may be gratifying to such a mind, it has also induced such journals as the Nation to take up the subject of the American Ministers abroad, and discuss it in able and exhaustive articles. " The American idea of the uses of an ambassador differ widely from that held in Europe. The mass of the public on the other side of the Atlantic are so little used to seeing any political results accom- plished by purely social influence, or, in fact, in any way but through the ordinary process of agitation, speech making, and article writing, that they would never think of selecting an ambassador for his social gifts. Nine-tenths of the people would be greatly amused if asked to give a man a high office because he spoke French well, could give handsome dinners, and make himself very agreeable in drawing-rooms. The Government gives him about the salary which would enable him to make a good show in a New England country town, and nevertheless makes it a sacred duty to pay every possible civility to every American man, woman, or child, who can by hook or by crook muster enough money to pay his or her way to the door of the Legation. Fifty years ago when it took six weeks to cross the Atlantic, and people rattled through Europe in post chaises, the visitors were few, and generally wealthy and well educated. It was easy then for an American Minister to open his doors to his fellow-citizens, and take them round to see the KING after dinner. But times have changed. Tens of thousands now cross the Atlantic every spring, of whom three-eighths belong to a class which in no other country in the world possess the means of making the " grand tour," or ever think of it. They are nearly always determined at all events to go to Court and to make the Minister take them, and the unfortunate man in most cases dare not re- fuse. lie is pricked on the one side by the thorns of European etiquette, which he knows makes it improper for him to take persons of certain call ings or position into the presence of royalty ; and he LS assailed on the other, by the fear of being abused or held up to popular odium at home as a " snob" and a " flunkey," a servile imitator, of a bloated and effete aristocracy. American travellers multiply with the growth of the couniry in wealth, and the impudence and exactions of many of them increase in the same ratio as their numbers. Their Minister is, to a large proportion of them, a kind of valet-de-place, who is bound to secure for them abroad, things which in European society are only granted to the possessors either of certain con ventional distinctions, to great talents, or to great charms, and there is not one of them who may not prove any day, as in M'CuAcKEN's case, a spy and a slanderer, as well as a bore, if there are men in Washington base enough or silly enough to read and use this tattle. Either the Ministers abroad must be released from all social duties, or they must in performing them be allowed to conform to the customs, and even prejudices, of the society in which they are living, in which case the M'CRACKENS will fare badly." These are the remarks of a leading American newspaper, and although we have noticed but a few of the opinions, they are still sufficient to indicate the feelings which animate men of sense and education in America. Circumstances have changed from the primitive days of simplicity when the great Republic could send to European Courts representatives who took their standing wholly without regard to social influences, and could maintain a position of high respect, though they may have "lived in an attic and done their own cooking.' American travellers are now the most numerous, and at the same time the most wealthy and lavish in their expenditure. They have no idea of " looking their " Minister up" in an attic, and make no pretence to the simplicity of the Puritan days of New England. They assert their position as people of wealth, edu cation, and refinement, over all the Continent of Europe, and they are, or must be, prepared to con form to the conventionalities of the society into which they voluntarily enter. The eccentricities of a few stern Republicans in consideration of the great national virtues might readily have been borne at European Courts in olden days, but the circumstances are now totally changed. There is an old proverb which in a few simple words embodies a fund of good advice—" When in Rome do as Rome does." American Ambassadors should not be subjected to the nuisance of being compelled to choose between a breach of the etiquette of the Court to which they are accredited and being denounced by a M'CRACKEN for declin ing to place themselves in a false position. The diffi culties of dealing with their own countrymen, who profess to look with contempt on the prejudices of European societies, yet insist upon being introduced into the Courts of Kiags, have been extreme, and are such as no gentleman should be exposed to. He should either have an absolute control to act in this matter at his own discretion, or be permitted to re fuse to make such introductions at all. The Nation says it does not know where the remedy is to be found, but it must be found somewhere. We say it will probaby be found in the general good sense of the people, who will adopt a conventional mode of dealing with the sub ject, and support their Ministers in acting up to the standard. An Emperor is not a wild beast on show, and the Minister the showman. The Court is the Sovereign's castle, and he has a right to frame rules for the guidance of those who introduce strangers. A citizen who runs for the Presidency knows that his right arm will be made a pump-handle, and a great development of the muscles of that limb follow on a term of office. But a Sovereign by the grace of GOD and heredi tary right is not prepared for this manual exercise. The quiet consciousness of a citizenship rapidly taking the first place in the world is sufficient even fsan aspiring Amelicau, and if he wishes to be introduced into any European Court he should first conform to the conventional rules of that Court, and not make it disagreeable to the Minister of his country if he considers he would be infringing these rules by introducing him. It is not the fault cf the Minister that such rules exist ; he is merely com plying with the prejudices of the country in which he is placed. Should these prejudices be distaste ful to the American citizen in question he may have a right to abuse the Court, and may do so to his heart's content, but not his Ambassador. A nglo-American Times. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 13 1867. Lieutenant Brand and the Admiralty. The following is a copy of recent correspondence between the Board of Admiralty and Lieutenant Brand, R.N. :—. " LIEUTENANT BRAND, R.N., TO THE SECRETARY OF THE ADMIRALTY. " 9, Bedford-place, Feb. 2, 1867. "My Lord,—l have the honour to report my arrival in England by the mail-steamer Seine, the passengers from which were released from quaran tine this day. This being the first opportunity of doing so, I beg to offer a few remarks upon the causes which led to my supersession in the command of her Majesty's ship Delight. "1. I regret exceedingly that by writing in a moment of great excitemeat, and under circum stances to which I ought to have been superior, be cause I could afford to be so, a letter to Mr. Bux ton, M.P., I should so far have committed myself as to have fallen under the displeasure of their lord ships. I feel this the more acutely that their lord ships were pleased, no further back than the 6th July, 1866, to express their approval of my conduct, under those circumstances in which Mr. Buxton aspersed it, and by their approval confirming that of the naval and military officers under whose im mediate command I served in Jamaica, and notably of the commander-in-chief, who fully rewarded me for the exertions I was called upon to make. In the unfortunate position in which 1 find myself, it is some satisfaction to know that it was not in the direct course of duty, but in a matter apart from the service, that I have offended. "2. The circumstances under which I wrote to Mr. Buxton were these :—Being in the Delight, at Annatto Bay, in August last, the mail from Eng land brought reports of the debates, and Mr. Bux ton's motion on Jamaica. In the report of Mr. Buxton's speech I read statements respecting myself which stung me to the quick—accusations of inhu manity, want of personal honour, and sug gestions of levity and unfairness in my conduct as president of the court-martial, which, spoken in the most public place in the world, where I could not answer him, in my absence, and under circumstances of great popular excitement, wounded and irritated me to such an extent as to make me overstep the bounds of propriety, and to resent what I should have left unnoticed. It might be said that, con scious of not having deserved these strictures, and strong in the approval of my superiors, of the com mander-in-chief, of their lordships, and of all the authorities, civil and otherwise, in Jamaica, I might have allowed time to do me justice, and could have afforded to wait until an undeserved storm had blown over. But these very facts drove the state ments, with a deep sense of the injustice of them, home, and I smarted under a sense of injury which I could not stifle. In defence of the letters them selves I cannot offer a word. lam very sorry that I wrote them, and I frankly admit they were im proper both in tone and substance. Let me, how ever, mention, by way, not of justification, but of extenuation, that I was ill and suffering at the time I wrote, that I was alone, without any one to ask for a disinterested view of the position, or to advise me what course to take. " 3. Under all the circumstances of the case I trust their lordships will see that, though I have ad mittedly acted with indiscretion, it has not been without great provocation, and that, in considering their attitude towards me at the present time, they will not forget my past services, and that the point in which I have erred is one outside the service, which I Lave ever sought to further and uphold to the very utmost of my ability, and with the approval of officers like Sir M. Seymour and Sir Jas. Hope. " 4. With these remarks I venture to appeal to their lordships' consideration, and to hope they will be pleased to consider my heavy punishment in being superseded as sufficient to meet the exigencies of the case, which I shall ever remember with regret.—l have, &c., (Signed) "H. BRAND, Lieutenant, R.N. " Lord 11. Lennox, M.P., Admiralty, London." THE SECRETARY OF THE ADMIRALTY TO LIEUT BRAND, R.N. " Admiralty, Feb. 5, 1867. " Sir,—l am commanded by my Lords Commis sioners of the Admiralty to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 2d inst., reporting your arrival in England on being superseded from the Albacore ; and I am to acquaint you that this letter, written in the becoming terms in which it ig couched, has been received by their lordships with satisfaction.—l am, &c., (Signed) "W. G. ROMAINE. " Lieutenant H. C. A. Brand, R.N., 9, Bedford-place." Extensioa of the Coinage of France. We have not heard of late what progress has been made in the matter of assimilating the coinage in the various countries of Continental Europe which have been in treaty on the subject. Everything which tends to remove the. barriers that obstruct free intercourse are steps in the right direction. The multiplicity of coins, not only differing in size and weight, but also in the standard of the metal used, the different denominations as well as difference of values, and the complicated calculation by which the merchant or traveller could only arrive at the cost of an article he desired to purchase, have tended materially to check commerce and travel. Bankers and merchants have, no doubt, hit upon means of lessening difficulties thrown in their way by the cur rency laws of the countries with which they deal. This, however, is only attained by study, and an intimate knowledge of exchanges. The case is very different with travellers. It is said that a man might start from England with a hundred golden sovereigns in his packet, and while paying his way out of another purse, merely by the loss on the exchange, while turning this £lOO into the currency of the different coun tries through which he passes, without other wise expending one farthing of the money, ex change it all into nothing, or what is little better than nothing, into the base coin of Turkey, or the paper money of Austria. Even this loss, great as it is, is not the worst evil. An unfortunate traveller is puzzled and worried the moment he crosses the frontier of one nation into another. He is unconscious of the change while sitting in his rail way carriage, and pleasantly gliding over the ground. He is soon made aware of the fact when his destination is reached, and the endless process of paying again begins. The first feeling which seizes an irate Jong BULL is that he is being cheated, and the chances are that in this particular he is right. The improvident man who has not carefully provided for the change finds that he has to pay for his neglect. If he has procured sufficient coins of the country to pay for his immediate re quirements, and a circular letter of credit from his banker, he is all right; but what cau be expected from the general mass who leave their coats, hats, and even trousers behind them in the railway car riages ? The chances are that the majority become the victims in a greater or lesser degree of unscru pulous money-changers ; the more so as the trans actions of the mere traveller are not sufficiently large to warrant his application in the emergency to respectable banking houses. The system in vogue among Americans gives to them a great advantage. In whatever city an American may find himself, of sufficient importance to call for the establishment of an American banking and commission agency, he can always apply in his straits to the friendly advice or even succour of the house. These esta blishments are generally founded on so liberal and comprehensive a base as to embrace all the require ments of the strangers. There they can obtain every information respecting the city, the value of its different coins, the proper places at which to make purchases, and indeed, in the most comprehensive sense of the word, the House becomes a guide to their ignorant and uninitiated countrymen. But where these houses do not exist, and the stranger is thrown on his own resources, he is apt to fall into the hands of the Philistines, and end by shaking off the dust from his feet and leaving the town, having purchased some experience at a rate he considers by no means cheap. The perplexity can well be imagined of a man unaccustomed to travel shot from a railway train into a city with his pocket full of foreign coins and not speaking one word of the language. Much of this annoyance, loss, and dis comfort would be obviated by the adoption of the measures proposed in the convention between several countries lately discussed. We believe the plan is to use the coinage of France, both of gold and silver. This coinage is not only the most simple and easy, being founded on decimal calcula tion, but the nation preponderating so vastly as i; does in political influence and commercial wealth would tend to make the change less felt in the neighbouring nations, and bring that currency more quickly and with fewer objections into universal use. Among the vast benefits conferred on France 1 by the Imperial dynasty has been the coinage now in use, and if NAPOLEON can use his over whelming influence to extend the French system beyond the frontiers of France he will mark his reign by another of the great benefits he has already conferred on Europe. If Italy, Switza land, as well as Belgium, come into this measure, an immense extension and consequent power will be thrown into the scale, which must sooner or later force other nations into the adoption of the same system ; and in proportion to that extension will be the facilities afforded to commerce and to travel. Of course the greatest boon that could be con ferred would be the general adoption in Europe of the French language ; that other, in addition to their mother tongue, might carry the citizen of any nation in peace and comfort over Europe. Time is gradually working out this desirable result. We do not despair of seeing the day when a knowledge of English and French will carry the traveller over by far the greatest part of the civilised world. Nar row and restricted legislation is giving way to broad and comprehensive measures ; and to the Imperial dynasty of France will be due the credit of having led in these grand and cosmopolitan ideas. France cannot now truly estimate the full value of the changes wrought by the present EMPEROR. History will do him justice, and among the mea sures which we hope will be inaugurated and carried out in his reign will be an extension over the greater part of Europe of the coinage of France.— Anglo-American Times. themselves in any given number for places beside their brethren in the dock of the Old Bailey. The fact is that England, in the face of her professions, dare not act with such inconsistency as a rigorous course would indicate, and she is reaping the re ward of her sentimentality. It is earnestly to be hoped that hereafter England will maintain the attitude she has all along assumed of moderation and conciliation. The day of a little wholesome severity bas gone bye, and the green fields of Ireland must be stained with blood. But England, who has led on these ignorant peasants, by com fortably providing for captured Fenian conspirators, who have regarded their mission as one of pleasant excitement, almost wholly free from danger, ought not now to turn savagely ou the people their own I conduct has permitted to be duped. Of course, we will read of brutal murders and outrages. These are the direct consequences of such proceedings, and, if the conspiracy is per mitted to be hatched, it is surely folly to sand aghast with horror, on beholding the chicken. England can now show that its philanthropy is not the skin-deep thing we more than half believe it to be. People are inclined to deal with increased severity with those who have persisted in aggressive conduct in spite of generous forbearance, and it is not improbable that thus England will argue, and the feelings of the people be impelled in consequence into a fiercer and more summary course. If so, the ignorant peasantry will become the victims alike of the assumed philanthropy and genuine ferocity of of the English character. We advocated an early severity in dealing with the concoctors of this ter rible crime for the reasons we have already given ; but valuing highly English honour, English huma nity and consistency, we will hereafter strenuously advocate a temperate and merciful course. We know it is almost vain to expect anything at first but an outburst of national fury, to be followed as usual by a strong reaction, which will make the instruments of this fury its victims—if men are so misguided as to act on the savage instinct of the nation which is roused by blood, and lasts only so long as it flows. Of course a large por tion of Ireland being in insurrection force has o be met by force, and the appeal to steel and lead settled by steel and lead. A vast number will fall in battle if the insurrection really has any heart ; and fall-they must, for all must concede that Irish rivers would flow with blood before the foot of the last English soldier retreated from Irish soil—a case possible only in the face of a European combination against Great Britain. But it is now, however, in battle that the question of humanity, versus ferocity, has to be considered. There men meet on terms on which they have deliberately pitted themselves against each other, and fall with arms in their hands and the excitement of battle in their hearts. The horrible part is —first, in the murders and outrages of the insurgents ; next, izi the retaliation ; aud, finally, in satisfying the venge ance of the violated majesty of the law. If Irish weather has been anything like that just experienced in England, the young men from the drapery stores will get a taste they little anticipated of what the real work is they have undertaken. To sleep in a " shanty," or perhaps in a snow-covered bog, will not be an agreeable pastime, and will be found a cooler of patriotic ardour. There is no great difficulty in attacking a few police-stations, cutting telegraph wires, and tearing up the rails of the iron-road. But it requires real and heartfelt griev- antes, and to make men endure the terrible expo sure and great hardships through which they must pass when fairly engaged in a revolt which promises any chance of success against an established Govern ment. A horrible shadow lies heavy on the minds of men when fairly committed—the conviction that these hardships will end on the gallows. It is one thing to discuss treason and apportion estates in a grog-shop. It is another to bear up with a firm and undaunted front against the brushing forces put in motion by a powerful Government.—A7iglo-Anieri can Times. The Rise of the Iron Trade. There have been ironworks in England ever since the time of the Romans, although in the middle ages iron brought from the shores of the Bay of Biscay was preferred to that produced in England. Our superiority over nations dates from the time when coal took the place of wood as fuel. Until then, indeed, no great effort was made to extend the trade. In 1354 the exportation of iron was pro- hibited on account of the scarcity of timber, and in 1581 the erection of ironworks was forbidden within certain distances from London and the Thames, " for the preservation of the woods." Forty years later, in 1621, Lord Dudley obtained a patent for 'the mystery and art of melting iron ore, and of making the same into cast works of bars, with sea coals or pit coals, in furnaces, with bellows," which had been introduced by his famous son, Dud Dudley. Dudley suffered much from the persecution of rival ironmasters ; but he said, " I went on with my in ventions cheerfully, and made annually great store of iron, good and merchantable, and sold it unto divers men at £l2 per ton. I also made all sorts of cast iron wares, as brewing cisterns, pots, mortars, and the like, better and cheaper than any yet made in these nations with charcoal." After persevering efforts Dudley succeeded in producing seven tons of iron a week, " the greatest quantity of pit-coal iron," as he said, " ever yet made in Great Britain ;" and he had an able coadjutor iu his efforts to ad vance the iron trade in Andrew Yarranton. In 1677, too, a Doctor Frederick do Blewstane ob tained a patent for " a new and effectual way of melting down, forging, extracting, and reducing of iron and all metals which pit coal and sea coal, as well and effectually as ever hath yet been done by charcoal, and with much less charge." But many years elapsed before the plan of substituting coal for timber obtained much favour. In the mean while a long and curious battle was being waged between the home manufactories and the people of the young American colonies, who were desirous of increasing the demand for the iron they had just learned to produce. In 1719, it was reckoned, iron wrought with char coal was third in the rack of English manufactures, and gave employment to 200,000 persons. These people, urged the colonists and their flieuds at home, were burning up all the wealth of England. " The waste and destruction of the woods in the counties of Warwick, Stafford, Hereford, Mon mouth, Gloucester, and Salop, by these ironworks," it was said in the House of Commons, " is not to be imagined. If some care be not taken to preserve our timber from these consuming furnaces, there will not be oak enough left to supply the royal navy and our mercantile shipping." The ironworks, en the other hand, protested that if the colonists wished to enrich themselves and the mother coun- try at the same time, they should send their timber to England instead of using it in their own fur naces ; and therefore a bill was brought into Par liament enjoining that " none in the plantations should manufacture iron wares of any kind what- ever out of any sows, pigs, or bars whatever. That cruel and short-sighted ordinance necessarily did much harm to the colonists, who, had it been rigidly complied with, would have been unable to make a single nail, bolt, or screw for themselves, or to pro cure them from any market nearer than England. With good reason they made a fresh complaint in 1737. At their instigation it was represented in Parliament that, " by reason of our woods being so far exhausted, " England could not possibly make more than the 18,000 tons of pig-iron at that time being produced each year, as was proved by the fact that, to meet the seeds of the market, nearly 20,000 tons had to be brought from Sweden and Russia, at a cost to the country of about £lBO,OOO a year. Surely it would be better to bring that supply from our own colonies, and so benefit them instead of any foreign Power. The argument pre vailed in time. In 1750 an act was passed "to encourage the importation of pig and bar iron from his Majesty's colonies in America, and to pre vent the erection of any mill or other engine for slitting or rolling of iron, or any plating forge to work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for making of steel, in the said colonies ; thus forbid ding them to any but the roughest work, and re serving all the fine manipulations for England, to which the pig-iron was to be shipped. Even that jealous law, however, was immediately productive Threatened Great Strike. The agitation now going on among the engine drivers and firemen of the various railway com panies throughout the kingdom, concerning wages and the hours of work, is assuming a serious aspect. The servants of this class of two large companies have, because their demands have not been favourably received, already tendered their resignation, and it is understood that unless some decision is soon come to by the railway companies there will be a general strike of drivers and firemen. The memorial of those of the London and South- Western Railway was forwarded to the directors of the company yesterday, and other similar memorials are about being sent in. The effects of a strike on such a gigantic scale, and of so important a character, can hardly at present be realised. Associated as they all are with their clubs and societies, they have expressed their full determina tion to stand out, as they "ask for nothing that is unjust or unreasonable, but to that which they are entitled." The specific demands put forth by the men are : That ten hours a day, or a run of 150 miles, be reckoned a day's work, and that overtime be reckoned two hours and a quarter. That engine -drivers in London and districts receive for the first six months, 6s. ; second six months, Cs. 6d. ; end of twelve months, 7s. 6d. per day. Firemen : First six months, 3s. 65.; second six months, 4s. ; end of twelve month, 4s. 6d. per day. Engine-drivers in country dis tricts : first six months, Cs. ; second six months, 6s. 6d. ; end of twelve months, 7s. per day. Firemen : first twelve months, 3s. 6d; end of twelve months, 4s. ; and after three years' service, 4s. 6d. per day. The firemen be promoted to be drivers according to seni ority or length of service, and that Sunday work be paid as a day and a half. Other things are asked for in various ways on different lines. The directors of the North-Eastern Company have just replied to the memorial addressed to them on the 15th ult. They state that the directors "regret exceedingly that any considerable number of enginemen and firemen iu the company's service should have given their support to the demands it contains. The wages at present paid are fully equal to, or rather above, the current wages of the district, but if these six demands were complied with the amount now paid by the North-Eastern Company for drivers and firemen's wages would be increased by more than 80 per cent." Referring to two resolutions in the memorial, in which the engine-drivers and firemen ask to be pro moted according to seniority, and that, " i n any case implicating seriously any of the men, the case to be settled by the arbitration of a d eputat i on o f the men in conjunction with the board of directors, or Mr. Fletcher," the directors state, " that they involve questions of discipline of so serious a cbaracter that, deeply impressed with the responsi bility which rests upon them to use the best means at their disposal to ensure the safety of those who travel on their lines, they would not hesitate to re ject any conditions which embodied these require ments. Deciding on the memorial as a who!e, the directors have no doubt or hesitation in refusing to accede to the demands the memorial contains." A meeting of the Engine Drivers and Firemen's United Society, to take the above reply into con sideration, has just been held, when it was proposed, seconded, and unanimously agreed : That the ptuo Ips ebd t North-pasternboa of mend having been contemptu ouslyireetora in the respectful attempt in thea redress of their gri evances, th e cen t ra l re by committee recommend that they send in their notices at once, and pledge themselves to procure for them the sup port of their fellow members throughout the kingdom. No answer having as yet been received to the memorial of the men of the London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway, yesterday morning the whole body of engine and fire men sent in their notices to the company. The Fenian Outbreak. It has been apparent that so much smoke could not have arisen from Ireland without fire beneath, though the quantity and the nature of the material which fed that fire could not be clearly seen. The fitful blazes that here and there shot out threw no general light on the smouldering volcano. The flames have, however, at last burst forth, and loyal subjects of her MAJESTY will now see, open and un disguised, the full measure of the danger that con fronts them. We have all along contended that an incipient rebellion should be met by a little whole some severity. More especially is this necessary where no good groundi for discontent exist, where the leaders are a few designing conspirators, and the followers the ignorant dupes from the poorest classes of the community, and where the stroke is I directed against property, religion, and social order. It was to us clea r th a t p re vention was better than cure, that dallyi ng with so great a dange r was merely sowing the w i n d to reap the whirlwind ; and more especially did we dread the fierceness of character inherent in the English when all their worst passions have been roused by brutal outrage, which is the very essence of such an outbreak. We believe the question lay between hanging a few conspirators and shedding an ocean of blood ; and we are free to confess that we preferred the former alternative. But the truth is that England stands in a falie position. She has been the consistent advocate of insurrection and re bellion everywhere. She has been always ready to denounce foreign Governments, in the press, and at meetings who have attempted to put down by seve rity a rising of any portion of their people. Her MAJESTY'S Ministers have not been slow to tender advice and remonstrance to the rulers—her MA JESTY'S subjects to tender money, material, aLd sympathy to the insurgents. Even in the case of English officers employed in suppressing a revolt as all English people, when themselves engaged in the contest, really suppress revolts—English sym pathy for rebellion made it fatal to those who rigorously and without mercy crushed it. At the present moment we have the absurd spectacle of an army officer and a navy officer being tried at the Old Bailey for murder for shooting and hanging men in Jamaica during an outbreak, and a writ issued against the Governor who sanctioned these proceedings ; while we have the brother officers of these gentlemen in Ireland shooting men in the same cause and, therefore, qualifying of good, both to the colonies and to the mother country, and in due time it led to a further develop ment of free trade in iron. --English Merchants. GERMANY AF TER THE WAR OF 1866. (From the Westminster Gazette.) Bishop Ketteler, one of St. Boniface's worthiest successors in the See of Mainz, has just published a work of no inconsiderable dimensions on the present state of affairs, political and ecclesiastical, in Germany. More, perhaps, than any other of his writings, it reflects the pious and chivalrous character of this prelate, equally celebrated as a German patriot and as a champion of Church freedom. The subjects treated of in this work maybe seen by a glance at the table of contents. 'We can only occupy ourselves to-day with this appeal of Bishop Ketteler to his fellow-countrymen, so far as it aims at influencing the present policy of Germany. This portion of the work is calculated to excite great attention. Many will agree more or less with his views. So far as he seems to speak in favour of Southern Germany connecting itself with the North, one may confidently declare that the best and most sagacious men of Southern Germany, and even of the North, will be opposed to him. In our opinion, however, the most correct interpretation of his meaning is, that he only speaks incidentally of a connexion with Prussia as an abstract possibility, as a possible defence of Germany against French invasion, but that he never would nor could advise such a course except on conditions that, as he himself shows in this very work, may never be realised. In weighing what Bishop Ketteler says and advises on the German question, we must above all remember that, although by birth a Westpha lian, he is a Prussian nobleman; and that for many years his family, as well as himself in- dividually, has cherished, to use his own words " a sincere love for Prussia," rooted chiefly in the " high estimation" he entertains for " the truly Christian Conservative party in Prussia, one so highly intelligent and able." Truly one might fancy that his lordship was by this time completely cured of this sympathy. He says himself—" This party, it is to be regretted, suffered as great a discomfiture at Sadowa as Austria herself ; it paid homage to success, ben the knee to power, and to the fait accompli, and almost without exception denied those principles that it had represented for so many years. It was guilty itself of that very conduct which, through a prolonged struggle of years, it had been always reproaching its opponents with. This is a heavy moral defeat ; for a party that pretends to be Christian must, above all, evince the fearlessness of truth in the presence of power. The homage paid to mere force—cowardice in the presence of power—has nothing to do with Christianity. The Conservative party in Prussia has not stood the trial." This is evidently the death-warrant of the party ; these hollow lip-Christians, when the day of trial came, did not stand the test. This pious band deserted their colours, almost to a man, flying before usurping Might, trampling Right under foot. But old love lasts long. Bishop Ket teler hopes still that this " Conservative party will rise again from its fall." In another place he says, referring to the present time, " there exists at present in Prussia a truly Christian Conserva tive party." A truly Christian party, whose Christianity did not stand the test, is a contradiction, in terms, which, especially in such a man, can only be ex plained by an unconscious prepossession. Bishop Ketteler resided many years in Berlin in close contact with this political party and with the Court. In such situations the forming of one sided views is almost unavoidable. From this men of even the strongest characters, especially if also endowed with high and noble feelings, cannot easily escape. A sincere love, a predilection, is by no means the full truth, which, according to the motto of the author, is to make us free. In the character of the go-called Conservative party in Prussia, as in that of the King himself, Bishop Ketteler distinguishes between a better, but latent disposition, and that which is patent, and guides its conduct. On this political mystery of an undiscoverable better disposition, he appears to lay weight when he advises Southern Germany to enter into close connexion with Prussia, and with the Northern Confederation respectively. His predilection for Prussia and the " Con servative party " causes him to see in its inner con flict an explanation if not an excuse for its breach of faith for the robbery and murder of the late war. " The conflict within can alone explain the otherwise inconceivable fact that we see a King who, during the whole course of his life, has been in strongest opposition to the revolution, who in his youth was the intimate friend of the Em peror Nicolas (!), that we see a great, intelligent, and truly not unprincipled Conservative party in Prussia in these days on the battle-field in alliance with the revolution and its diplomacy conducted on the principles of the revolution." Even Count Bismarck, whether he wills it or no, has to share in the indulgence extended to the " Conservative party." When Count Bismarck, in conversation with the former Minister of Han over, excused his treason to Germany and to Conservative principles on the pretence of being compelled to act in self-defence by the enemies of Prussia, Bishop Ketteler sees like the rest of the world that the pretence is false. "In their direct sense," he says, " these words are incorrect " (and this is the real meaning of Count Bismarck) ; " and, nevertheless, these words of Bismarck have a per fectly true sense, when taken in reference to the inner conflict in Prussia." He goes on—" to over turn the Constitution would have been dangerous," and to have yielded to the Chambers would have been " considered equal" to giving up the principle of monarchy ; Count Bismarck, in this situation, may have thought it a struggle for the existence of Prussia, a thought that, perhaps, was latent in the depths of his heart. " Only a brilliant foreign policy could help Prussia over the difficulties she had to combat with at home, and so the risk must be run." Bishop Ketteler acknowledges, at the same time, that " the motive which first occasioned this in ternal conflict was unjustifiable, for only •in the case of an absolutely unlimited monarchical prin ciple being recognised, could the Government be entitled to make such demands on the people, as has been done in men and money, in consequence of the new Prussian military organisation." We all know that Count Bismarck would not give up these unjustifiable demands—men and money, because he had need of much blood and iron and gold for the solving of the German question, for realising the ancient plan of Prussia's mission, a theme Bishop Ketteler treats of in chapter 5, and as sure as that this element "had long prepared the war with Austria and alone made it possible." This he afterwards explains in the foilowing words: —" The idea alone of robbing Germany to enlarge Prussia explains what we have seen ; it alone ex plains how it was possible that Prussia made use of the extreme embarrassment into which Austria was thrown by the cunning policy of Napoleon in Italy, in conjunction with the revolution in Italy and llnngary to prostrate its ancient German ally." The " infandum scelus " was only to be explained by the internal conflict ; it is only to be explained by the desire of plundering and robbing German allies ; and in this Bishop Ketteler stands again in the eyes of all unprejudiced persons on the firm ground of undeniable truth. Ile only wishes for the truth ; he has also a deep insight into the truth. But at times he fluctuates and hesitates. This, perhaps, we may venture to compare to the palpitations of a father's heart trembling between hope and despair at the sight of a prodigal son, and striving for moments to ignore what it knows, because it is conscious of being unable to endure the whole truth. We have been obliged to touch here on a weak point of an otherwise excellent work—yes, admir able work. We must, at the same time, somewhat modify our assertion that the work advises a close connection with the north ; shifting and planless, like almost all the world in these difficult times, it points with the left hand, like a finger-post, towards Prus- sia, while with the right it makes a much more emphatic demonstration of warning, till at last the left drops altogether. It says, "if the con nection of southern Germany with the north, under the leadership of Prussia, in indissoluble union with Austria, is to have any hope of suc cess, and:of satisfying the German sense of justice, the rightful independence of the united German lands must be guaranteed, and Prussia must re nounce her idea of an absolute unity of the State as leading finally to revolution. She must consider her mission to be not in enlarging the power of her house, but in promoting the greatness and the free dom of Germany, and with it of all German races, lands, and princes Every step towards a levelling centralisation is a step towards ruin The constitution of the Nor thern Confederacy will show us in a few days what we have to expect in this regard." The Constitution is now really before us a great step towards complete ruin! Such a cat and mouse alliance Bishop Ketteler will not countenance, therefore, in fact, no would-be Unionist can appeal to his authority. The venerable old Baron von Gerlach, one of the few truthful and earnest characters of the day, has shown a more correct prophetic feeling. Baron von Gerlach says, in his golden little book (Die Annexionen and der Norddeusehe Bund) :---‘‘ T he princes of Southern Germany, and their at tached Conservative subjects, will scarcely be incl ined to look favourably on this union of South and N orth. They will find little inviting in the North G erman Parliament and in the relations of the small North German princes to this Parliament. But from the experiences of the years 1848-49 it is very possible that the Democrats and the party of Gotha of South Germany may force them to this union." COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS—TUESDAY. The show of grain this week is not large. The dem and for wheat to-day is confined to finest q ualities, and such may be quoted ls per quarter higher than on Tuesday last. Barley, except fine sorts, is lower. Oats, beans, and other articles nominally unaltered. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. We had a good attendance at our market to -day, a.n a wheat met with a good consumptive demand ; Californian and Chilian white advancing ld to 2 d, and re d saleable at the full rates of Friday last. Flour in more demand, an d 6,1 per sack dearer. Oats and oatmeal in fair re q uest an tod day, and at rather better prices. In barley , beans, peas we have no change to note. Indian corn was In improved demand, and has advanced 6 d to 9d per q r-- prime mixed selling at 37s 9d to 38s per 4801 b. LYNN—MoNDAY. New wheat, —s to —s ; new red, — s to — s • old. hito, 62s to 70s ; old red, 5 8 s to 62s per 36 stone. Barle for Y malting, 46s to 51s ; secondary, 37s to 38s. Oat s, oevr, 24s to 28s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 443 to 48s. Peas ' 36s to 40s per 28 stone. MARKET HARBOROUGII.—TUESDAY . Old white wheat, 60s to 73s ; new red, 50s to 68s stone. Barley, fine, 52s ; other kinds, 23s to 36s per °' ' Oats, new, 22s to 238; old, 30s to 31s per qr. Be ans, 50s to 55s ; new, 46s to 48s per qr. MELTON MOWBRAY.—TUESDAY. White wheat, 66s to 74s •, red, 50s to G6s per 36' stollol.. Barley for malting, 40s to 52s per qr ; feed, 3 2 s to 38s,,Lt, 30 stone. Oats old, 30s to 355; new, 22s to 29s per Beans, old, 52s to 545; new, 4.6 s to 50s per (jl. SHEFFIELD—WEDNESDAY. • itll The market was moderately supplied this morning sv be wheat, mostly iu fair condition. Fine wheat Mu st , quoted at the extreme prices of last week. Malting ba pats fully 2s lower. Beans steady, and prices unchang ed. met with a ready sale. Oi Red wheat, per load of 3 imp. bushels.... 2 s Od to 259 od White do do ....2 8 0,1 278 6 1 New red do do .... ::09 od 2 " 0 New white do do ....23s 61 , 2 , ,, 5 s 0,1 Beans do do ....t6s od ''' th 0,1 Peas, per qr l5 61 193 d Grindtng ba ley, per qr 333 Od 3SB O d Malting barley, o Oats, do 97s Od 328 F10ur....2s 2d to 2 , 8 d per 141 b, Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. lustralia and New Zealand, via Southamptofi Mar. 22* Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. t 6 Brazil and Cape Verds, by British Ditto. by French packet .3.1 ., -. -- Gape of Good Hope , Ascension , and St. Helena..- ,liar. •%0 Jltina. Penang, and Singapore. via S ou t ham p ton Marr. 2t. Ditto, via alarseillea . . Ma. 6 eaikland Islands Packet ..... .• • • Apr il !: Gibraltar, via Southampton Mar. 15 India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via SJuthainotou M. tr 15 Ditto, via Mar.seilles India (Bombay), via Southampton. Mar. 15. Ditto, via .:arsenics liar. lo Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Mar. 15. Ditto, via Marseilles Mar. 1 0 , , kiauritius, via Southampton .Mar. Ditto, via Sfarseil.es . ... gar. 13- Newfoundland ... .. 4, April 7 . l'ortugs) Ditto, by private ship to Lisbon.. Jutted btates and British North America, by Bri tish packet. .. ... Mar. 3. Ditto. by United States packet, via Southamp ton Ditto, via Cork • ******** i- 15. Ditto, by Canadian packet, via Londonderry ....,,ar fleet Indies and Pacific (except lialia,uas and flondurai) Bfar. 16 . April 4 Bahain'..4. via New I ork. Cuba ald Mexico April I Bermuda, via Halifax .... • gar. 13. 'Vest Coabt ot Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe ~..Apr il 3 PROPOSED INcLosunEs.—The Inclosure Commis sioners report that thiy have received the necessary-consent to the following proposed inclosures, and are of o p inion that they are expedient. They remark that th e average expes° of the proceedings,as far as the Inclosure-office is concerned, has been £l5 15s. 5d.:-1. The Tarbary, Chard, Somerset, about 40 acres ; 2. Allington-mead, Chippenhaw, about 37 acres of common-field land ;3. Calkirk-common and heath, Norfolk, about 76 acres, waste of a manor. 4. Tatterford common, Norfolk, about 75 acres, waste of a m anor ; 5. Part of Little Haldon-down and Ballemore, Dawlish, about 177 acres ; 6. Pollard's-down, St. Pinnock,Cornwall, about 113 acres ; 7. Common and heath in Manley township; Cheshire, about 54 acres, waste of asinaror ; 8. Greasby-common, Cheshire, about 21 acres, waste of a West manor; ; 9. Wadshaw-common and Hazel bank, West moreland, about 308 acres, a stinted pasture; 10. Heath and commons in the parish of Fakenham, Norfolk, about 163 acres, waste of a manor; 11. Boughton-breaks and part of Wellow - g reen, Notts, about 144 acres, waste of a manor ; 12. CrimScott and Whimpstone open fields, Whit-- church, Warwickshire, about 1,161 acres, the only VlC large inclosure in the list, and of which the Commissioners the re port that it w ill lead to a convenient distribution of common f i elds and the reclamation of the remainder o f the land to be enclosed. In each instance the reason for the sanction given to the inclosure is thus stated briefly, a nd also for not reserving allotments for cottages or for re creation ground. MILK AND WATER.—A landowner at Zug, In Switzerland, has just been convicted of putting water in OS milk, and has been condemned to 18 months' imprisonmet/ 0 f bloc the loss of civil rights, and costs.—The Grocer. [A DTERTISEMENT.I —Holloway's Pills.—Bush to the head is frequently caused by a tad condition of lls these distressing stomach or bowels, but by a course of Holloway's Pi made their appearance, are quickly exterminated . Dl ness of sight, headache, and other alarming symptoms er.,. symptoms are prevented, or, if they ha also relieved lay this wonderful aperient • also all interne,; disorders are curable by them, because •'by their influou on the circulation they reduce t he entire system s exciteto .to pill to s healthy action. The first effect of Hollow a y ' ' cause a healthy flow of saliva dur in g mastication 1,0 the stomach to secrete sufficient gastric juice to digesq a t food, whose chyle, entering the blood, bestows oe fluid wholesome tonic properties. Births. CR t A er w sh sH ir . e iy , t — he on wi tr o l f o E th dw in i s n t. c , at ra w A s b il b a3 o , t , s },N6:10:(1c;f DENT—On the 11th inst., at Mayfield, upper Tootlo the wife of Stanley Dent, Esq., of twin sons. W. GARFORD—On the 11th inst., at 10, Devonshire -street' ' Mrs. John Garford, of twin daughters. HART—On tho 12th inst., at 107, Harley-street, Caven square, the wife of H. N. Hart, Esq., of a daughter. -?lsootnic:ess Marriages. ALsTON - STAc - v— On the 7th in st , at St. Michael's Churnboi St oc kwell, Alfred Ernest , son .of E. J. Alston, Ilijith Esq Great Bromley Hall , a nd Manningtree, Essex, to -'-' Stock' Harwood, only daught er of George Stacy, ~ of well-park-road, Surrey. i_i l'oe ° STOCKEN —DOGGETT—On the 9th inst , at 13r0ChLOY- `, t Church, Wm. Stocken, Esq., to Ca.roline Eliza, ai d es daughter of G. Doggett, Esq., Barnsbury, islipgton• Deaths. W e st ]3r° lll ' BOTTELEY —On the 9th inst., a t Black Lake , with, Thomas Botteley, Lg., aged 57. CLOSE—On the 11th inst., at Newton Park, Dublin, Henry S. Close, Esq. he DAwEs—On the 10th inst., at The Deanery, Hereford, t Very Rev. Richard Hawes, Dean of Hereford. ERSKINE—on the 10th inst at Hollis Hall, near Maeda; field, Cheshire, Louisa, wife of the Right lion. I'l° °' Americus, Lord Erskine. MAXWELL—Ou the 9th inst., at The Grove, near Durnfriee, Alex. Maxwell, Esq., of tilengaber, aged 80. THOMSON—On the 10th inst., at Worthing, J. F. Th°s's°l4 Blackrock, Esq., Commander R..N., late of Rockinount, JerseP _.-- Uomion : Printed tad Pubitahed by NV IL LIAM AN: J/114°,112' ot No. 112, Strand, Ptinter at TIIE SUN OIW. No 1- 1 Strand. in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Cougtl 0 kfiddlefeex—Virednesday, March 13, 1967. Don MOI Arti Luc - Pi Priv bet Evei S' Pros 114 ( of c tensi Caf co , str e TgA Si; T delic h l 9, I) JA World next !I A ti .jl th e a Lond, _B l3 pr odn lent Iltet Thti , 238 r Perna; 111 th th e dr th 'bre' Ito n h Rwes r upee m At ZYI N~ .