The Sun. — London, England, 1841-05-01 00:00:00

I I EVENT:NG EDITION 4 1 iittal important to be discussed incidentally ; and it would be possible to enter i nto it without absorbing the whole time of If he House. But he could not help expressing his sa lisfaetion at the rainouncement which had been made, and he hoped that the plan whi c h wa s p ro p ose d wou ld b e b roa d, an d suited to the interests of the country. The Government should be - e.repared to deal fairly with the manufacturing in terests of this country. Representing as he did a large menu facturine; town, which had suffered the most painful privations from tle e want of a free commercial intercourse with the United States, he should be w an ti ng i n d u t y t o th ose wh o s e nt him tea this H ousei if he did not express the great satisfaction w ith which h e h a d h ear d that night great traits in high p 1 s--(Cheers)—great principles simply laid down, which, if fairly and boldly worked out by the Government, would sardure to it a corresponding suppoit. The Right Hon. Gen teleman who had just addressed the House had admitted that sthe financial affairs of this country had arrived at a crisis, and .some bold steps must he taken for remedying the evil. He begged to remind the House, in conclusion, that the present Government had paid the expenses of the wars in which this country had been engaged as they arose.—( Hear, hear. Though the wars were not of great magnitude, it Was a new featur e which ought not to be overteeked—( Heals Lear )—in considering the subject before the House. Load F. EGERTON said that though. this was not the Protser time for entering at length into o .ie discussion, he could not' help expressing 'his unmitgea - ed astonishment, not that the subject of the Gore-laws Should have been announced for 'discussion by the Right Hon. Gentleman—( Hear, hear)— though he should, not hate thought it possible that that subject should be intro'ineed by a Government, at the head of which was a Noble Lord who had delivered Pane very strong opi nions on the - subject—( Hear, hear)—but he chiefly rose to express his astonishment that the discussion on that subject should ha - ye been postponed for five mortal weeks,—( Hear, hear-) He ow ne d h e s h ou ld h ave th oug ht, cons id er i ug i ts a nlmitance, that it was a subject upon which, in the present contrition and circumstances of the country, the Government „wo'sld h ave made up its mind as to what it %mid do.—( Hear. ) n'at it would be oo disgraceful to the Government that a subject aof such vital importance_a subject which involved every -transaction relating to landed property—that he could not sup pose that *any Ministry holding the reins of office in this country er,uld trifle with such a question.—( Hear, hear.) He did not intend in alluding to the subject to express a censure of the. Government, for he did not feel himself called upon on that <occasion to do so. He could not, however, but express his l'Alief that th e N o bl e Lord, who m i ght at any t i me come downs at five o'clock to propose any measure he should think ad si%ble, ought to have fixed upon an earlier day for intro ()easing his intended alteration in the Corn-laws. He (Lord Egerton) could not imagine why the Noble Lord had not done so. Let the country be allowed to decide without delay on that 'great question, and let there be no delay in appealing to their udgment. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Noble Lord seemed ex ceedingly angry and indignant—(" Hear, hear," atm the Mi nisterial benches)—at something, but what that something was he ( Lord J. Russell) could not tell. It was not tha the Corn-laws were to be discussed—it was not that the question was to be brought forward by the Government—it was not that the question should be fairly and impartially considered ; on all these topics the Noble Lord was not angry; but he said there was something in his imaginatio n the Noble Lord had a very powerful imagination--(Laughter)—which induced him to feel angry at the course eshich the Government had taken. As he (Lord John Russoll) had already said, he could not pre tend to the imaginatie n of the Noble Lord, and therefore he cou'idnot tell what ne had been driving at. With regard to theslateness of the time at which he proposed to bring forward kes measure, the Noble Lord was right in saying that on cer 'cain days at five o'clock, he (Lord John Russell) might ..rd forward didnot any motion he might think ex p e di e nt ; but th e toleseem to have attended to the importance .of the questions which had already been before the House. The great objects connected with the Budget would still de mand a separate consideration, and it would not be convenient to mix up. with these questions others of an equally important nature. 'Mere was a very important subject which had already occupie,d much of the attention of the House before Easter ; and he shonild think it a mos t i nconven i ent course to bring forward any 'other measure before that had been decided. He could not imagine that any Hon. Gentleman on the opposite side ro.eant to shrink from the course which the majority of all ,turtles had taken on the Poor-law Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Such :a mode of proceeding was only imputed to them by their friends and supporters but he (Lord J. Rursell) had no 'ap vrehension of th e ki n d, and he conceived the House would be 'ready to proceed with that question as it had hitherto done. He would proceed with that measure before he undertook any thing of an important nature. That seemed to him a very simple explanation of what had made the Noble Lord so angry, and he was sorry his imagination had become so excited upon the subject._( Hear. ) Colonel SIBTHORP said that it was clear to him that the Noble Lord opposite, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had put their heads together for the purpose of seeing how they Should extricate themselves from themselves, and 011 that occasion - the Chancellor of the Exchequer must have said to the Noble Lord—" Let us try the Corn •laws—we will then seem to feel for the people, and anxious to take off their burdens." But let him (Colonel Sib:horp) tell them that they seemed altoge ther to have forgotten that they were themselves the grievous oppressors of the labouring class, by the persevering votes which they had given in support of the new Poor-law. He did not expect to see Ministers have the decency to resign, but he hoped that the Sovereign would soon call upon them to surrender the powers which they abused to the injury of the country, Lord SANDON said that he was at a loss equally with his Hon. Friend the Member for Newark, to understand what vrero the grounds on which the Chancellor of the Exchequer torpected hereafter an increase in the revenue. To him it :appeared that the hopes of the Right Honourable Gentleman were mere guess -work —mere conjecture; and he thought the House was entitled to know on what data he proceeded when he stated that a change in the system of duties would produce a change ;.n the revenue. It was also surely most important that the Noble Lord should tell them distinctly what was the measure with regard to the Corn-laws which he intended to intrisesice. —(Opposition cheers.) The reason he had already a . sis,ned for his silence on the subject was, that it was not his me 'sure they were debating. But there would be no question of importance next week to occupy their attention, as the Noble Jourd had himself postponed for another week the further con siideration of the New Poor-law. How, then, did the Noble (Lord intend to occupy the next week?—( Hear, hear.) Let it also be remembered that in the interval of suspense they would have the whole country agitated for principles of free trade on the one side and the contrary principles on the other. If Ministers had declared their real intentions they might do much to allay public excitement ; or, at all events, they would relieve all parties from the inconvenience of agitating on an undefined question without any statement to guide them. He would ask the Noble Lord what excuse he could give for not telling them distinctly whether he intended a fluctuating or a fixed duty, and what was to be its amount? If their in tentions remained unknown they would raise exaggerated hopes on the part of the manufacturing population, and exag gerated tears o n th e part o f t h e agriculturists.He hoped, therefore, the Noble Lord would boldly tell the country what was the precise course which he meant to pursue ; and he did not think the House or the country should be left in suspense upon the subject.—( Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said that he could not see how his Noble Friend had any right to reproach him with the course lhe had taken. He believed that it would have been entirely unusual on his part to have taken any other course, and, pro , hably, as far as he knew, without any precedent. He, certainly, had generally seen that when a Government had a proposition to make, they usually gave notice on the subject some time before they stated the particulars of that proposition ; and the reason for such a course was very obvious, because if an out line of a measure was given without the reasons by which it might be supported, all those who might object to it would have the great advantage of bringing forward their arguments against it, while the geounde which might justify its introduction remained unknown. When notice had been given on the subject of the Reform Bill, or of the measure for the emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies, no reproach ttavi ever been made that the exact nature of the intended measures had not been stated to the House. He made those aemarks in answer to the reproaches of the Noble Lord. How ever, if it was thought that an explanation of the general prin ciples of the measure would tend in any way to prevent agita tion, by directing attention to points which it was not intended should be brought before the House, he could have no h es i tat i on in saying that the general principle on which he meant to proceed, was the same principle which he had stated in that House and elsewhere some years ago—namely, the principle of a moderate fixed duty.—(Ministerial cheers. ) He had already stated that to be his own individual wish in that House and elsewhere, and in bringing forward a measure founded upon that principle, he would introduce it as the mea sure of the Government in general—as the measure of the Cabinet, united upon that question; and he was quite, sure that his Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne) would be regardless of the t=-ants which the Noble Lord, the Member for Lanca shire, had chosen to direct against him that night.—( Hear. ) He , :sas therefore prepared to abide by the principles that he hail stated. He did not think it necessary, and he thought /...tte House would not think it right that he should enter into the details.—(Loud cheers.) With regard to the general nrinciples on which the Government was prepared to act he had stated before the Easter holidays the general course of po licy which the Government was prepared to adopt with respect to trade. He believed that sound as were those general prin ciples, and unan swera bl e as were t h e t h eoretical arguments by which they were supported, even if those principles were still more sound, or those arguments still more unanswerable on ord;nary occasions, yet the present state of this nation was one which more particularly required the application of those prin be cipnefit les— to(Lond che e r s )— no t on l y on account of the great be derived from their prudent application, but because our present situation was one in which great miscbiefs—(Loud cheering)—not to say perils—could alone be avoided by their judicious application.— (Cheers. ) If they were determined, he would not say to adopt or to reject this or that particular proposition, but if they were determined to make no change in the commercial policy of the country— if they were determined to stand by the principle of monopoly and exclusion, they would be adopting a line of policy that could not prove otherwise than fatal to the commercial in terests of the country.—(Loud cheers.) His Right Hon. Friend near him would present his propositions to the House at as early a day as possible, consistently with the convenience of the House, and he should bring the question, of which he had given notice,. on the day he had stated.—(Cheers.) He trusted that what he had said as to the general principle of the measure, would rather have a good than a prejudicial effect, and if advantage should be taken of what he had stated for the purpose of attacking the proposition before the grounds on which it was supported could be brought forward, he could only say that at the request of the Noble Lord, and for the Purpose of forwarding the public business, he had gone out of the usual course of proceeding.—(Loud cheers. ) Sir R. PEEL said that if the Noble Lord anticipated that the proposition which he was about to make on the part of the Government on the subject of the Corn-laws might be prejudeed by the partial disclosure of those intentions which he had just made, the Noble Lord h a d th e reme dy i n hi s own hands. The ifoble Lord might, as he was in duty bound, have taken an earlier period of informing them what w as the measur e b oth in principle and details which it was the intention of the Government to propose on the sub ject of the Corn-laws.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Of what avail was it to state that it was their intention to propose a moderate fixed duty, when they a ff or d e d no means of as certaining what the amount of that fixed duty was to be ? (Loud cheers.) Did not the Noble Lord see that the an nouncing the intentio n of the Government to propose a mode rate fixed duty without stating the amount, and leaving the country in a state of uncertainty on the subject for five weeks, was a proceeding that was both wan toa and unnecessary ? -- (Loud c h e ers. ) If at t h e com mencement of the Session the Noble Lord had intimated his intention of bringing the Corn -laws under the considera • tion of the House, he might have been justified in not entering into details on the subject, but the Noble Lord had stated his intention of moving for the Committee just before they entered on the consideration of the Budget.—(cheers.) The duty to be levied on foreign corn was to be considered as part of the revenue of the country—(Cheering and counter cheering) and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had taken credit for what he had calculated might be produced by the duty to be im posed on the importation of foreign corn.—( Cheers. ) The Noble Lo r d h a d declared that it was t h e intention of the Go vernment to propose a moderate fixed duty, without stating what that moderate fixed duty was to be. The Chancellorof the Exchequer had given some indication of what might be its probable amount. The explanations of the Noble Lord only tended to csn fase the question. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he anti- cipated that the Customs revenue would amount to 22,000,0001.; last year, it had only amounted to 21,700,000 e ; and he anti cipated a revenue of of 400,0001. from the duty on corn, but 1,000,0001 of the revenue of 1840 had been derived from the duty on corn. Now, was this proposed revenue to be derived in addition to the former revenue, or not? He, therefore, left the country in uncertainty as to whether the revenue he ex pected to derive from the moderate fixed duty was 400,0001., or 1,600,004. In that article, which affected the food of the whole country, was it to be supposed that attempts Would not be made to obtain the amount-of that fixed duty ? What would be the state of the country, while that state of uncertainty continued ? It toilld affect the value of every species of property eontlected with the sale of corn. The price of estates, the relative situation of landlord and tenant, ell our manufactures connected with the prednetien of corn—all would be left in a state of utttertailtty In consequence of the unwar rantable dell ut the Noble Lord.—(Loud cheers.) If the Noble Lord did not bring forward this question at an earlier period of his own good will, he did not despair that the ex uression of the general sense of the country—( Cheers)—he did not despair that that House would not permit the Noble Lord —(Cheers, which drowned the conclusion of the sentence. ) That House would not consent to be made the instrument of agitation throughout the country—( Loud cheers)—as it would be if, after the announcement of the decision of the Government, the consideration of the measure were to be delayed for such a length of time.—( Cheers.) They should also consider the particular time at which the announcement had been made by the Government ( Cheers) — immediately after the many signal defeats which that Government had recently experienced—(Loud cheers) — he could not believe that the country would acquiesce in a postponement of the consideration of the question.—(Loud cheers.) It was impossible to look at the financial position of the country without the deepest anxiety.—(Cheers.) It would be unwise and unworthy of any man who took a com prehensive view of our present condition to venture to give a decided opinion as,to our financial condition. So far as the pro positions of the Government relating to the commerce of the country went, he would take them into his serious consideration, reserving to himself the liberty of deciding on them, as hereafter he might see fit ; but when he considered the insufficient and imperfect data furnished by the Right Hon. Gentleman in his apology for a Budget (Cheers and laughter)—when he considered the absence of all calculation as to how the deficiency in the revenue was to be met—he considered that it would be unworthy of himself to enter into details on the subject. After a lapse of five years they found a de • ficiency in their income, as compared with their expenditure, of 7,575,000/. He saer the Chancellor of the Exchequer, fa miliar as he must be with the subject, was astonished at his statement, but he would prove that such was the case. In 1838 the deficiency amounted to 1,422,000/. ; in 1839 to 430,000 e ; in 1840 to 1,457,0001. ; in 1841 to 1,851,0001. ; and in 1842 the estimated deficiency amounted to 2,421,000/., making an aggregive of 7,575,0001. Now who was responsible for this?—(Loud cheers.) The Ministry entered office pro fessing their main objects to be retrenchment and economy. He asked that the result of this policy should be tested by the expenditure. He asked for the accounts of their ad ministration, and those accounts showed that a deficiency of 7i millions was the result of their financial policy for five years. —( Loud cheers). This was not the result of a failing revenue ; en the contrary, the revenue had maintained itself. In 1836 it had amounted to 46,270,0001; they had reduced the taxation in 1841 ; and for 1842 they estimated the revenue at 48,310,0001. according to the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; conse quently they had a surplus revenue of 2,410,0001. as compared with 1836, and yet with this increased revenue the result was a deficiency of seven millions and a half. The Hon. Member for Kilkenny said they had voted for larger estimates.— ( Cheers.) No doubt they had, because they considered that the position of the country absolutely required that the expenditure should be increased. But was it they who voted for that increase who were responsible, or those whogavetheir unabated confidence to that Ministry by whose policy the necessity for this increased expenditure had been created ?—( Hear and cheers.) Would it not have been perfectly competent for Mr. Fox to have supported the increased estimates for 1796, and yet to have condemned the line of policy by whi c h the necessity for that increase had been created ?—( Cheers.) It was perfectly consistent for him to say such are the exigencies of the country that the public safety demands that our army should be augmented to an equality with that of other countries. He perfectly agreed that it was not right to leave Canada or the northern frontier of India unprotected, but he had a right to say that this in crease was the general scope and result of their financial po licy, and a Government which, after a lapse of five years, ex hibited as the result of their financial policy a deficiency of seven and a half millions, was at least open to suspicion that the economy and retrenchment which they had stated on taking office to be the main object of their po licy had not been attained.—( Loud cheering.) But supposed they had effected a saving to that extent, would they not have taken credit to themselves for the results of their just and !prudent policy ?—( Loud cheers)—and, when the reverse happened to be the case, ought they not to be held responsible? —(Cheers.) He believed that consideration for public safety demanded an increase of expenditure, but he looked to the results, and when he saw that with an increasing revenue there was a deficiency of seven and a half millions in five years, he thought he was entitled to express a doubt whether such an Administration was entitled to take credit for retrench ment and economy.—(Cheers.) Let them consider their pre sent position there was a deficiency of 2,400,000/. in the revenue for the past year. On one point he agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that it was a disgrace to be in creasing our debt during a state of profound peace, and that our revenue ought to be raised so as to meet our expenditure. ( Hear, bear, hear.) He proposed to raise 1,700,0001. by some means or other how, he had afforded them no means of ascertaining. He had observed that the example of the alteration in our commercial policy might be beneficial, but they were then only to consider it in a financial point of view, and suppose it should not produce the effect anticipated by the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, suppose it should not fill the coffers of the State, sup pose it should not produce the anticipated amount of revenue ? —( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman anticipated a revenue of 50,000,000/., but the expenditure he anticipated amounted to 50,731,000/., so that even if all his calculations should be realized, there would be a deficiency of 731,000/. But the Right. Hon. Gentleman said from the deficiency of 2,400,000/. there were various deductions to be made. There was the expen'e of the expedition to China, and the increase in the Navy debt •, but making - a deduction on account of those two items, there would still be upon the Right Hon Gentle man's own showing, a deficiency for the present year of 140,000/. When the revolution in Canada first broke out he made the same statement. He said that in a country with snch com plicated relations as this, calculations should be made for such contingencies.—(Hear, hear.) The Chinese war had shewn that these were possible events. The war in Afghanistan, and the military operations in Syria had shown that his caution was well founded.—( Hear, hear.) He would not hazard an opinion as to what might be the effect of this financial measure, for he felt too deeply the magnitude of the interests involved in it, and the folly of pronouncing an irrevo cable opinion upon them.—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) When the Right Hen. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Ex chequer said that he would not to-night discuss the policy of those measures, there was a sort of a cheer or a titter—( Cheers and laughter)—which implied that when such magnificent projects were introduced the House had nothing to do but to agree with them. But it was to be remembered that those very propositions respecting the sugar duties were last year brought forward by the Honourable Member for Wigan. That Hon. Gentleman last year moved that the duty on fo reign sugar should be reduced from 665. to 365. per cwt. ; and the present proposition was to reduce it from 635. to 345., there being a difference of only 2s. per cwt.—( Cheers.) The proposition of the Hon. Member for Wigan was rejected by the large majority of 122 to 27, and the Right Hon. Gentle man the Chancellor of the Exchequer was in that majority.— (Cheers.) He did not refer to this as the slightest reason for not adopting the proposition this year, if circumstances re quired it. The Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade well and moderately opposed the motion, say ing that he agreed with all the financial reasons of the mover, but that he feared it would affect in juriously the interests of the sugar colonies, and encourage the produce of slave-owning States.—(Hear, hear.) He did not say that there was anything in that which should exclude the Right Hon. Gentleman from re-considering the subject (Hear, hear.) Nor would he go to the length (to which the Right Hon. and Learned Member for the Tower Hamlets and the Member for Dublin went) of saying that the alteration ought not to he made under any circumstances, whilst it would give encouragement to the slave-holding States. But he thought that after the sacrifices which England had made to put down slavery, that the objection to the reduction on that ground was worthy of grave consideration.—(Hear, hear. ) With respect to the Corn-laws, he thought it was the duty of the Right Hon. Gentleman to state explicitly what were his intentions on that subject, as he had done on the timber and sugar duties—and prevent the dreadful animosities, to which the doubts that were left in the public mind must give rise.—( Hear hear.) If the Right Hon. Gentleman re fused to explain his views to-night, it was his duty to take the earliest opportunity of doing so.—( Much cheering.) Lord J. RUSSELL did not blame the Right Hon. Gen tleman for declining to express an opinion on the propositions of his Right Hon. Friend. Nothing could be more reasonable than that he should take time to consider. Neither would he complain that the Right Hon. Gentleman had re ferred te his usual book of consolation, Hansard's Parliamentary reports.—(Laughter.) But nothing that had been said by the Right Honourable Gentleman in any way affected the case of the Government.—( Hear, hear.) Did the Right Honourable Baronet find fault with the expenditure on the same grounds as the Hon. Member for Kilkenny ?—(Cheers.) Not at all. It would be strange if he did. For the chief topic of blame with his party, with regard to the army and navy, and espe cially the navy, was that the estimates were not sufficient— ( Cheers.) He (Lord J. Russell) was ready to own that at one time the naval stores were not sufficient. But when an occasion came the ships were fitted out and manned and sent to sea, with rapidity—(Cheers)—and without ostentation or bustle—(Cheers)—so as to call for the admira tion of foreign nations, although those things were not noticed by the Right Hon. Gentleman or those around him.— (Cheers. ) With respect to the army also, it was made a matter of complaint that the Government did not ask for money enough.—(Hear, hear.) The Right lion. Baronet found fault neither with the expenditure nor the policy of the Go vernment. He did not find fault with their - policy in Canada, in China, or in the Levant.—( Cheers. ) There was no doubt that the income in the last six years actually exceeded the ordi nary expenditure by 3,339,129/. He said that, looking to the ordinary expenditure, and not to contingencies--(Cheers)— he thought they were justified in maintaining the principle enunciated by his Right Hon. Friend, that they should not , allow the income to fall below the expenditure—to that princi ple they were determined to adhere. The Right Hon. Baronet said that he (Lord John Russell) ought immediately to bring forward the intention of the Government with respect to the Corn-laws. Now, if he was to say that the Government held the doctrine of a total repeal, then there might be room for considerable agitation in the country. But, as they held the principle of a fixed duty, he saw no reason to anticipate any such disturbance of the public mind as the Right Ho nourable Baronet seemed to fear.--( Hear.) He did not think that the proposition of the Government was liable to the imputation thrown upon it by the Right Hon. Baronet. As to the Corn-laws in general, every one knew that it had been the subject of discussion for years—( Hear, hear)--it had con stantly been a topic of agitation. He had no doubt commer cial men would pay earnest attention to what might be the de cision of Parliament upon the subject ; but he could not con ceive that any agitation more than usual would follow the an nouncement he had made. He thought it was a matter of duty to go on with many important Bills which were before the House to forward them, rather than at once to come to adis cussion of the Corn-laws. The Right Honourable Baronet might endeavour to crush the question by forcing on an early discussion of the matter, but that was an attempt that could not succeed. The question was one of too great im portance, and if that House were to deal unfairly by it, or re fused to discuss it upon fair terms, they would greatly aggra vate every objection held against these laws, and the question would be forced upon them with increased strongth. What he was anxious for was that the subject should be discussed with temper and calmness.—( Hear, hear.) He was. sorry to see the disposition shown on the other side of the Hou-e.— (Cheers. ) He could not but say that the anger shown by the Gentlemen opposite was, not because he had postponed the question for a few weeks, but because it was entertained by the Government at all._( Cheers.) But, be that as it might, it would not alter the course which the duty of the Go vernment pointed out to them to pursue. —( Cheers. ) Mr. WAKLEY was not one of those who joined in the exultation shown on his side of the HoUse, when the Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer opened his Bud g et. They were told that next year there Na.s still to be a deficiency of 2,400,000/. ; to make up this, 400,000/. was calculated upon from some alteration of the Corn-laws, but were they sure to carry their measure? However, he did not think the pe o p le the country would be satisfied with the statement. What they wanted was a reduction of expenditure, without which they could have no real relief. The school of adversity taught some very useful lessons, and might he ask when the new light broke in upon Ministers ?—( Cheers.) Was it since last night?—( Loud Tory cheers.) the Noble Lord asked for, and had obtained, an acknowledgment that he was actuated by none but pure motives in bringing forward the question of the Corn-laws. But if the Whig store-shop was run out, and they were obliged to come to the Radical shop for their com modities—(Loud laughter s—they ought to have the manliness to acknowledge their poverty, and recognise those from whom they sought assistance. R hy, he would ask, was that the peculiarly fit time? was it more fit than last year, or had it not been for late events? and had the question been brought for ward by the representative of a large metropolitan borough, would he not have been denominated a mischievous demagogue? —(Loud laughter.) The Noble Lord had obtained from the House an acknowledgment that he was actuated by the prin ciples of pure patriotism. He would, then, probably agree with him that there might be more than one English Cato.—( Loud laughter.) He had always advocated a change in the Corn laws—he had always thought them injurious to the best in terests of the country, but that question would not be taken alone—it affected every interest in the country. It was to be remembered that the farmer was a manufacturer, and that the labourer was, in many cases, a most skilled artisan. The manufacturers on his side of the House, then, must remember that in any change they could not be allowed to retain the pro tection they enjoyed, as the farmer believed, with so much ad vantage. If both sides would take up the question, free from all party motives—free from all factious or party spirit the advantages that would result would be incalculable ; but if a Corn-law agitation was to be got up—if there were persons intending to get up such an agitation for the mere purpose of obtaining a party triumph—(Cries of " Oh, oh !")—thereby throwing the country into a state of confusion, there was no term of re proach in the English language strong enough to be cast upon him. He would entreat the Noble Lord so to modify the re solution he intended to propose, as to include and bring under the consideration of the House the whole system of protective duties. Would the Hon. Member for Manchester agree to that proposition ? If the Noble Lord would manfully take that course, he would raise himself to a high position in the country ; if he confined himsel to the question of the Corn laws, he would do no good, and might do an immensity of evil. _ _ Lord HOWICK was sorry that he did not see the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth in his place, because he wished to convey to him the pleasure with which he had deprecated in strong terms the agitation that might be produced on the public mind, for the few weeks that were to elapse before the public were informed what the Government proposed should be the amount of duty to be charged upon the importation of corn. His Noble Friend said he intended to propose a moderate fixed duty. Nuw every one could in his own mind come within a few shillings of what that duty was to be. Now, if the Right Hon. Baronet had so strong a sense of the evils resulting from the uncertainty of a few shillings, he (Lord Howick) claimed his vote for the Go vernment on account of the evils and uncertainty of the present Corn-law. Under that law the uncertainty was not conffned to a few shillings—it was, whether there would at any given future period be a neminal duty of Is., or such a duty as would act as an entire prohibition; neither was it for two or three weeks, but for ever, at least, so long . . as the law remained in force, and by its means every inte - - rest in the country was deeply affected and exposed to that uncertainty, the mischievous consequences of which the Right Hon. Baronet had so well described. At the distance of a few months, nay, even of a few weeks, who could say whe ther the duty on corn would be prohibitory, or merely no minal ?—(Cheers. ) The admissions made by the Right Hon. Baronet enabled them to calculate with almost certainty upon his support. (Laughter.) He ( Lord Howtek) entirely concurred in what had fallen ‘ from the Hon. Member who had last addressed the House—they must not confine themselves to the question of the Corn-laws, that would be imprudent, if not dangerous ; but he understood from what had fallen from his friends in the Government, that they made the Corn-laws only a part of an extended revision of the whole protective system. If he understood what fell from the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, that was precisely the policy to be pursued by the Government, and if it was steadily followed out, he was fully of opinion that they would not find it impossible to succeed.—(Hear, hear.) He was the more convinced of this from the remarkable si- lence on the other side upon the subject. It was natural the Right Hon. Baronet should refuse to pledge himself on the sugar duties, but this was not a question of one or two duties, it was one of general revision of obnoxious duties.—( Hear. ) They must be aware that if not brought forward by the Govern ment it must have come under the consideration of the House. He could not believe but Gentlemen opposite had given their attention to the question of increa'ing existing burdens, or of imposing new ones, and if so it was their duty to have stated which plan ought to be adopted, and if they did object to the policy of his Right Hon. Friend, they ought to have stated it to night.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He trusted the public opinion would be too much opposed to the increase of fresh duties to oppose the proposition of the Government. Having had the misfortune to differ from the Government on other occa sions. it afforded him the greatest pleasure to be able to state that to their financial policy, as developed that evening, he gave his fullest support.—( Hear, hear.) It was a fixed prin ciple with him that they ought not to impose fresh burdens on the people at present. The valuable information supplied by the researches of his Hon. Friend beside him (Mr. Hume) had, he thought, demonstrated the fact that the commercial policy of this country might be revised with great advantage. 'fhe fact was, that measures must be taken to improve the pro ductive powers of this country—(Cheers)—and that could only be done by a general system of availing ourselves of all the natural advantages we possessed, and also of those of the advantages of our neighbours. That was the policy we must adopt If we would obviate the most serimis evils. In every part of the world, in America, France, Spain, and Germany, it was our example, and not our reasoning, that was looked to.—( Hear, hear.) In negotiations with Spain how often did we represent to her that her revenue had fallen off, and that a modification of her duties would be advantage ous to herself and us, but when we ourselves were in a pre cisely similar situation, and additional sums were required for the service of the country, and it was pointed out that they might be raised by a modification of our taxes, if instead of taking this course we imposed additional burdens upon a people already too much depressed by taxation, we might be assured that our attempts at negotiation would be treated as mere attempts to delude and deceive.—( Hear, hear.) He would conclude by expressing his most earnest hope that the subject would be dealt with without reference to party inte rests and animosities, but that all interests, manufacturing and commercial, would consider what was required for the common benefit of themselves and their country.—(Cheers. ) Mr. MARK PHILLIPS said he thought the speech of the Noble Lord (Lord Howick) was calculated to produce a great and good impression in the country as to the measures pro posed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer —( Hear, hear.) The Honourable Member for Finsbury had made an appeal to him, and seemed to think that the manufacturers de sired to maintain a system of protection. He begged to assure the Hon. Member that there was no such desire in the minds of his constituents, and if the Hon. Member had been in his place he would have known it, for he (Mr. M. Phillips) had that evening presented a petition from the Cham ber of Commerce at Manchester, wherein they repudiated the idea that they sought any protective duties for the manufac tures in which they were personally interested.—( Hear, hear. ) He entered therefore into the consideration of the question with fair hands. He could not help congratulating the House and the country that the question of the Corn-laws was about to emanate from its right place—namely, from her Majesty's Go vernment—( Cheers)—for he did not hesitate to say that the time was come when that question could no longer be postponed if this country was to maintain her po • sition with reference to other countries. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He had never known so much depres sion as existed at present among our manufacturers. It had now attained this point, that having remained for three years in anxious expectation of some change for the better, they were suffering the deepest and most bitter disappointment; and a gentleman of Conservative opinions stated to him on the Manchester Exchange last week, that he was reduced to that position, that, although he had embarked 17,0001. of capital in mills and machinery, if he wished to raise a shilling upon the property in the market, he should not be able to do so. —(Hear, hear.) This gentleman might have dealt somewhat in hyperbole, but he was credibly informed that the only reason many manufacturers continued working their machinery, was the number of hands employed by it. But for this many of them would have closed their mills for ever. With reference to our foreign trade it appeared to him that for several years it had been getting worse and worse. We had been forced by increased machinery and population to in crease our products ; but in what manner were we compelled to dispose of them? We were obliged to allow longer credit, and that to some of the most despotic and revolutionary Governments.—(Hear, hear.) At the present time they were obliged to give twelve months credit in Russia in order to dispose of the produce of Lancashire. This was not a safe system of policy, and it evidently could not be continued any longer.—( Hear, hear.) With reference to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he could only say that he had his (Mr. M. Phillips') most cordialconcurrence, and that he hailed the idea of his coming forward in the manner he had done, and instead of imposing fresh burdens, to try whether an alteration could not be made in our financial regulations, and thus relieve the industry of the country. Looking at the instances in which this policy had been carried out, he saw that it was eminently successful, and that which had been practically successful, could not be considered as chimerical.— (Cheers.) His impression was that the revenue that would result from the alteration of the sugar duties had been under stated —( Hear, hear.) The position of our foreign trade was a most anomalous one. In 1833 not less than thirty-three or thirty-five vessels were engaged in the trade from Liverpool to Brazil, and out of that number, such was the state of our fiscal regulations, that not more than two returned with cargoes to this country. He looked to the consumer, as if no party but a British subject would be a sufferer if he rejected the boon so long withheld. With reference to the expenses said to have been incurred during the administration of the Government, and particularly that relating to our naval force, he begged to call the attention of the House to what had ren dered it necessary. Was it not the conduct of those Gentle men who, when the Navy Estimates were under considera tion, had found it necessary to depreciate our navy in the eyes of foreign countries ?—( Cheers.) He hoped that it would teach them more discretion, sinee they found such proceedings must be ultimately paid for.— (Hear, hear.) To conclude, those, whom he had the honour to represent, had sought relief in a variety of forms, and had impressed upon him the impor tance of emigration; but before he supported such a proposi tion, he should wish to see the result of the present intention of the Government to do justice, and which, if fairly carried into effect, he was persuaded would be followed by the benefi cial effects that were so much required.—(Cheers.) Mr. AARON CHAPMAN objeCted to the measure pro posed to be brought forward by the Chancellor of the Exche quer. The proposition respecting the timber duties would, he conceived, if carried into effect, be attended with the most ruinous consequences to the maritime and commercial interest of the country, and if so would place in jeopardy the interests of the navy. Mr. LABOUCHERE did not rise to address at any length observations on any of those great questions which had been announced to the House by his Right lkn. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, because he (Mr. Laboucherc) was aware that there would be future opportunities of discuss ing each of those questions with the deliberation to which they were entitled, inasmuch as they were the three most important questions connected with the trade and revenue of this country.—(Hear, hear.) But some remarks of a general nature had been made in the course of the debate which made him ask for the indulgence of the Committee for a few moments. His Noble Friend the Member for Northum berland had asked the Government whether they were about to bring forward the question of the Corn-laws as an isolated question, or as one connected with some general principle which they were disposed to recommend for general adoption by that House and the country. He (Mr. L.) had no difficulty in giving a distinct answer to that question. He thought it was clearly stated by his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the Government, in proposing to the Howe to reduce the duty upon corn, did not do so in reference to that one question merely, however important it might be, but did so inasmuch as they cams to the conclusion that it was necessary for __ TH.E SUN. LONDON. SATURDAY. MAY 1. 1841. the general interest of this country and for the whole commercial system.—( Hear.) They thought tat it would be at once unjust and impossible to do so without attempting to grapple with the difficulties whatever they might be of what was the greatest of all the commercial questions of the country. And indeed he would be ashamed of the position in which the Government soot : before the House and the country, if , while t he y were commercial interests to A . :_ commend a change in the manufacturing and color class, though it was L i their I•reparing 7hich should bring suffering on a parti said, if they shrunk from this question ms: re general interest of the community; wet would l be ashamed, th he opinion desirable for the prehended that any alteration in that • , y because they e l r h as. (i r, inas encounter more opposition than any otti, be much as the most powerful parties might supposed to have an interest in the continuance of the Corn laws. That was a course of conduct which, if Government yursced, they would be justly liable to the reproaches of that House arid the country. Something had been said of his Hon. Friend having made the Corn-laws a budget-question. He (Mr. Labouchere) did not think that his Right Hon. Friend did. What he said was, that conceiving it was convenient, he was prepared to recommend further alterations in the same di rection, and thinking it right to consider the question of the Corn-laws at the same time, and anticipating from the pro pwal which Government would make, he would not ask the House to impose taxes to produce money which he antici pated could be procured by other sources. That w s tin manner in which his Right Honourable Friend hal ntraduced the subject. He introduced it incidentally, and it was thus it became involved in the question of the Budget. He (Mr. L.) had said that it was desirable they should carry into effect other questions not particularly adve.ted to. He did not say that that ought to be done in a hurried and precipitate manner ; on the contrary, he was convinced of the complicated nature of those questionF. Care and caution should be brought to the consideratien of them ; but as it was allowed that they were come to a great crisis, not only commercial, but manufacturing, the course pursued would prove that the House was disposed to go in the right direction ; although at the same time, considering each particular subject, as brought forward on particular occasions with all the de liberation it required. With respect to the impart duties he had some opportunity of judging of what were the feelings of the country on that subject, and he never remembered observ ing feelings more intense, but at the same time less clamorous. The agitation on the subject had not proceeded fro m the delu sive and inflamed statements of public orators.—( Cheers and counter cheers.) Whatever the petitions and the meetings and the excitement in the country might be which the subject had called into existence, he begged to say that they had not taken a party colour in any manner. All party „teeling had been merged—Tory, Whig, and Radical had joined - together in what they deemed their common interest, and in which the very existence of their commercial men was involved. Were they to suppose that the manufacturers and merchants of England were such ignorant men as that a Committee of the House of Commons would give them desires which they did not possess before ? Some of the statements which had been made on the subject might be exaggerated, but were they to suppose that the merchants and manufacturers of England were not able to judge of the accuracy or the reverse of those statements ? To suppose so would be most absurd. There had been a petition presented to the House on the subject by the Hon. Member tor the City of London the other night, on which occasion that Hon. Gentleman referred to the respect ability of the names attached to it. He (Mr. Labouchere), as the petition was a short one, would, if the House would permit him, read 'its contents. The Right Honourable Gentle man here proceeded to read the petition, the substance of which was that the Corn-laws, without producing any benefit to the country at large, laid on very heavy taxes. When, con tinued the Right Hon. Gentleman, they looked at the signa tures attached to the petition, they would perceive how great and influential were the persons who were interested in the subject. Never, since the petition that was presented to the House of Commons by Lord Ashburton, was there one which had come to that House with the signatures of so many intelli gent and respectable persons ; and as a proof that no party feel ing operated with the persons interested in the subject, the first name attached to the petition was that of a gentleman of poli tics very different from gentlemen on that side of the House— Mr. Horsley Palmer. lie believed there never was a time when the merchants and manufacturers of this country were so much united in the belief of the necessity of taking some steps to remedy the subject of complaint as at the present. A deputation from Lancashire, composed of individuals of all political parties, had waited on him (Mr. Labouchere), and never did he witness such intensity of feeling, and such unanimity as those gentle men exhibited. He hoped that Hon. Gentlemen in making up their minds upon this question, would not leave out of their consideration the points adverted to by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The United States and the Brazils imported the greatest quantity of the produce of this country of all other nations. With regard to America, their Congress would proceed to consider, on the 31st of May, a similar deficiency in their revenue, as had been brought before their consi deration to-night by his Right lion. Friend. They would, no doubt. make some effort, by laying duties on the import of foreign manufactures, to remedy that deficiency, and he believed that • the conduct of the Legislature in this country on this subject f would very much influence - the course likely to be adopted by l the American Congress. He was assured if they adopted a liberal policy it would be better for all parties. An excessive • protection merely supported monopoly, and was productive of many grievances to the consumer. When the subject came s under discussion he would show that the abolition of an ex- cessive protecting duty would benefit our own colonies. So convinced was he of the good that would result from carrying these measures that he would rejoice to see Hon. Gen tleman on the opposite side of the House come over and take their seat on the Treasury benches, if they passed those mea- sures. 31r. H. HINDE said whenever the Government brought forward any moti n 3 for the reduction of taxation, whatever their motives might be, they were generally close upon the bee's of some signal defeat.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord seemed to think the present a most appropriate time for bring ing forward a motion for the reduction of the duty on colonial timber, but he thought there could nut be a more appropriate period, considering the peculiar circumstances in which that country was placed with regard to Canada. He doubted very much whether the manufacturers of Great Britain,would agree with the Noble Lord upon the propriety of giving up all pro tection. Mr. HERRIES agreed with the Hon. Members who had preceded him as to the propriety of not discussing the subjects introduced to their notice by the Chancellor of the Exchequer at the present moment, as they would come under their obser vation in the shape of resolutions. He hoped the House would not so far forgot its duty to the country as to allow a Minister of the Crown to state that at the expiration of five weeks he would make an alteration in the duty on corn, and that until the expiration of that time the House was not to know what the nature or amount of that reduction was to be. —( Hear, hear.) He denied that the Right Honourable the Chan cellor of. the Exchequer had made any adequate provision for the deficiency of the revenue of the country for the present year. There was a deficiency of 2,400,00/., and the sums which he calculated upon were only 1,700,0001., leaving 700,000/. totally unprovided for. He hoped it was not intended to supply that deficiency by the unconstitutional course of the Savings Bank securities.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would give the House some information on that point. It never was intended that the I unded debt should be extended in order to meet expenses not sanctioned by Parliament. He wished the Right Hon. Gen tleman would inform him in what way he intended to supply the deficiency of 400,0001. for the expedition to China, and also whether it was intended to have recourse to the Savings Banks to meet any portion of the existing deficiency. The CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER said it had been stated in thelcourse of the discussion that the Budget had very few figures in it, and that in fact it was no Budget at all. He contended that a great number of figures was not necessary to be placed before the House. If the object was to bring be fore it good practical measures, a very few figures would suffice for that purpose. With regard to the deficiency, he begged to say that he had omitted to state that he intended to meet it by Exchequer Bills. He thought that was a power which ought not to be vested in a Minister—(Hear, hear)—but so long as he possessed it he would not shrink from its exercise in cases which seemed to require that lie should resort to it. The Hon. Gentleman then stated the grounds upon which he calculated upon an increase in the revenue from the reduction of duties on sugar, but his statement was nearly inaudible in the Gal:ery. The result was an increase of at least 700,0001. Mr. GLADSTONE said the Hon. Gentleman had answered his question with regard to the importations. Perhaps he would bear it in mind, with a view to giving an answer to it, if practicable, on a feture day. Mr. VILLIERS said, as he had long taken part in what had formed a great part of the discussion that evening, he could not refrain from saying a few words on that subject. If the measure proposed was such as he could consistently approve, he would be very happy to give up the part which he had hitherto taken, and, instead of bring forward a measure him self, to support that of the Government. The principle had now been recognised that the finances of the country must depend upon the condition of the consumer. It was a fixed principle that when the price of food was high the revenue was deficient; and when the price of food was low the revenue was flourishing. How could it be otherwise? The state of the revenue depended on the power of the con sumers to purchase the various articles taxed; and it is not a particular class that is taxed, but the community at large. The more, therefore, prices were low, the more the people were prosperous, the more would they be able to purchase, and the greater would be the revenue. Another irrefragible prin ciple was, that protection to a class was a tax on the public at large. He agreed with the principles laid down by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, and he hoped the Right Hon. Gen tleman would more fully carry into effect those doctrines which he had developed that night. After a few words from Mr. CHAPMAN, Mr. PUSEY expressed a belief that the manufacturers were not generally dissatisfied with the present condition of affairs; and that, if the House had patience, the present financial diffi culties of the country would soon disappear. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON differed from the Hon. Gentle man, the Member for Wolverhampton, in the principles he had so candidly laid down. He did not think that the con sumers were always benefitted pro tanto by the cheapness of articles. He considered it as a wise principle for the mother country to retain for itself the trade of its colonies. He be lieved that the measures propounded that evening by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had not met with the approbation of the trading classes to the extent that had been supposed. He was induced to think so from the nature of the petition presented to the House from all the merchants of London engaged in our foreign trade, praying for a protection for our colony, Mr. LABOUCHERE said that the Hon. Gentleman who had spoken last, had totally misinterpreted the petition of the merchants of London. It was true that those merchants had not asked for a complete and absolute abolition of all protection in trade; but he believed that the measures pro posed by the Government had the approbation of that im portant body. The petitioners stated that they were of opinion that the present duties and prohibitions were highly detri mental both to the trade of the country and the revenue. Those duties they said had enhanced the price to the British consumer of many articles of the first necessity, and totally ex cluded others of foreign growth, thus giving more than a fair and reasonable protection to individual interests to the injury of the trade of the United Kingdom and its dependencies. and laying a heavy tax on the community at large without bone fitting the revenue.—(Hear, hear.) They further stated that, by a limitation of the custom duties, the revenue would be in creased, the trade and manufactures of the United Kingdom advanced, and the shipping interest promoted; and that their opinions had been strengthened by the satis tisfactory evidence, and the statement of facts ad duced before the Select Committee on Import Duties. (Cheers.) That petition was signed by houses of the first eminence in London ; and he believed he would be justified in saying, that since the petition presented by Lord Ashburton relative to the great measures of Mr. Huskisson, such a peti tion as that had not been presented by any commercial body. The Government might undoubtedly encounter the opposition of class interests in the measures they had proposed, but he was persuads d that the voice of the trading community in general would be, with them, and, under those circumstances, he felt they were justified in the course they had taken. They would feel it their duty, too, to persevere in the cause in which they were engaged, and not to disappoint, the expectations of the country. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON explained. Sir JOHN RAE REID complained that the West India interests had been most unfairly and unjustly sacrificed. He thought the reduction of the duty on foreign sugar would cause the total ruin of that colony. He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would be induced to reconsider his propo sition. t ~. .. _:f~~ ~ ..,. . After a few words from Lord SANDON and Mr. HAWES, Mr. C. WOOD said if no protection was to be taken off, and if it was agreed that the people could not hear any additional burdens, the question was from what source they were to obtain the deficiency that at present existed.—( Hear, hear .) He believed there was a general feeling among commercial men throughout the country, that the import duties ought to be revised, in order to effect some improvement in trade, which was at present in a very de pressed state. He did not think the landlords would be found generally to offer so much opposition to a measure for a reduc tion of theduty on corn when it was brought forward, as one of a series of measures for taking off protective duties, as if it was brought forward as a single and specific measure.—(Hear. ) Until the proposed measures were tried, and be did not believe they would fail, no single tax could be laid on the people. , rd J. RUSSELL said in the course of next week he should en..4earur to state to the House the exact nature of the 4duction he in. ended to propose in the Corn-laws. Mr. THoRNEL fY said, whatev*,*r Hon. Members on the other side might say, the t -reat bulk of the merchants and ma• nufacturers of the country wer: in favour of a reduction of the duties on the necessaries of life, ant; .h e woad instance only the petitions that had emanated from 53 , 001, i n h e ctants of Liver pool on the subject a few days since, and at wfm. ll me n of a ll parties and politics had attended. The resolution was then agreed to, and the House rt.S sumed the Report was re dere'l to be received on Monday next. The Arms (ire and) Bill went through a Committee. Adjourned at Falf-past One o'Clocl'. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS PAY CHRONICLE.—ABOLITION OF THE CORN MONOPOLY. —We have to congratulate our readers on the act of justice which Ministers are about to perform to the nation. If Lord John Russell had thrown a shell into the House of Commons be could not have produced greater consternation among the Tories than he did last night when he gave his notice on the subject of the Corn-laws. No sooner had he uttered "I beg to give notice that on Monday, the 31st of May (that, how ever, being Whit-Monday, he was obliged to take the next Order Day after the 31st)—I shall move that the House do re solve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider the Acts relating to the trade in Corn," than the most tumul tuous excitement took place. The Liberal Members hailed the announcement by loud and repeated cheers, while groans, and occasionally a most melancholy attempt at derision, bore witness to the dismay of the monopolists. In the subsequent discussions on the Budget, their indignation found a vent in words. The nation has suffered long and intensely in all its interests, by the accursed monopoly of which the days, thank God, are now numbered. For the sake of a compara tively small class, who derive all their importance from that very industry which they have so long laboured to paralyse, a burden out of all proportion greater than the advantage derived from it by that class, has been imposed on the rest of the community. Market after market has been closed against British manfactures, and the starving workman often found his industry and his skill unavailing, be cause hard-hearted monopolists would ont allow him to obtain the only return for them which the foreigner could give. fs t length a new and bright era opens on the nation. But the people deceive themselves if they imagine the monopolists will not struggle hard to retain their imagined advantage. The un equivocal expression of angry feeling which again and again burst from the Opposition throughout the whole of last night's discussion, ought to enlighten the nation as to the dogged resistance which will be offered to this act of justice. But it now rests with the people themselves to de termine what shall be the results of that resistance. We need hardly observe that as all power resides in the nation, when ever it chooses to exert that power, it must triumph over all obstacles. The Reform Bill, though its results have not en tirelv corresponded with the sanguine expectations of the people, was yet a glorious measure, and they have just cause to be proud of it when they reflect on the share which they had in effecting that great moral revolution. No sooner had the Ministers announced their scheme, than Reformers of all shades received it with acclamation, and saw that by . union and combined effort alone they could hope to turn the justice of Ministers to due account, by awing the oligarchy into concession. The people of these king doms did themselves immortal honour by their conduct on that occasion. Never before, in the history of the world, was there seen such a striking exemplification of the power of intelligence and civilization. One of the greatest of political revolutions—the transference of power from a wealthy and compact obligarchy, to constituencies believed to be identi fied in interest with the nation, was effected without blood shed, by the mere moral force of the people united to gether as one man. These were proud days for England. What has been done once may be done again. Why was the Reform Bill so eagerly desired by the people ? Because it would make them free,—secure against oppressive and partial legislation. The unreformed Parliament promoted the separate interests of the oligarchy. No honest man could ' conduct the Government, for the condition of his tenure of office was to pander to the avarice of the boroughmongers. But of all the acts of injustice with which the unreformed Par liament was chargeable, the Corn-laws most excited the indig nation of the people, and stimulated them to the efforts they made for Reform. Among the fruits of the Reform Bill, most ardently longed for, was the abolition of the corn monopoly, and the consequent release of industry from its shackles. A number of subsidiary reformers, deemed necessary to the completion of the Reform Bill, and more especially the reform of municipal cor porations, were the first objects on which Ministers entered ; and the Tories, who constituted the great majority of the peers, displayed consummate skill in the protracted opposition by which they combated these measures—for as a whole nation can not be continually wrought up into a state of intense excitement; the people seeing fewer great practical benefits result from re form than they had anticipated, sunk into comparative apathy, of which the Tories took advantage. Had repeal of the Corn law monopoly been proposed immediately after the passing of the Reform Bill, when there was an overwhelming Liberal majo rity in the House of Commons, it must have been carried. It was perhaps unfortunate that the opportunity was not seized —for the gratitude of the people for a great practical advan tage could hardly have failed to manifest itself in such a hearty support of their benefactors as must have taught the Tories the hopelessness of their attempt to seize the Government. Indeed one of the motives which most powerfully stimulated the To ries in their struggles to obtain a majority, was the desire to re , tain possession of the Corn monopoly. Political rights are means to an end—the well-being of the people. Important as theßeform Bill was, the abolition of the corn monopoly is still more so. It is the practical completion of the Reform Bill. It ojiens a market to British industry to all parts of the world. The capitalist and workman will both benefit by a measure which will give the former remunerating profits, and the other wages by which he can support himself and his family in abundance. The capabilities of this country for industry cannot be over-esti mated ; but a tyrant aristocracy have said—You shall not avail yourselves of those capabilities. Nature has given you coal and iron in abundance ; and by means of these agents a vigorous race of men can manufacture to almost any amount ; but then the workman must be fed, and the mono polist condemns him to hunger. The people of these islands have now the opportunity of doing themselves justice. The present is one of those rare occasions, by wisely availing them selves of which nations may secure a long course of prosperity and happiness. But if the occasion be neglected. if it do not call forth the efforts which it demands, if we would ensure success, it may be long before such another opportunity offers itself. Indeed the very circumstance of the apathy of the na tion would be eagerly laid hold of by the monopolists as a con clusive proof of its hostility to repeal. Let, then, the British people show that they have a proper sense of the duties which now devolve on them. The landowners will struggle desperately for their monopoly, and Ministers can •nly hope to succeed by the support of the people. Let not that sup port be niggardly given. There must be a long pull, and a strong pull, and a pull altogether. The people must gird up their loins for the battle, and consider that it is one for life and death. The landowners can only be vic torious through the fault of the people ; but let the people bear in mind that such a fault cannot be repaired. Never let them hereafter complain of the corn monopoly if they fail to seize the propitious moment for getting rid of it. Lord John Russell has not communicated the particulars of his scheme, though, from the stress laid upon it by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his Budget, we are led to infer that it is intended to place the corn trade on a liberal footin_g. We trust that Sur anticipations will be fully realized. The hearty support of the people can only be commanded by a thorough conviction on their part that the alteration will be of decided advantage to them. What ever Ministers propose will be objectionable to the monopo lists, whom they cannot hope to conciliate; but they may defeat them by such a measure as will extort the enthu siastic approbation of the people, and enlist their efforts in their behalf. Lord Francis Egerton made it a matter of complaint against Ministers, " that such a momentous question should have been put off for five mortal weeks—hung up, as it were, to agitate the country during all that period." There spoke monopoly. There spoke the dread of the people. The fear of agitation ought to call it forth. Let the people teach the monopolists that their apprehensions were not groundless. Not a day, not an hour is to be lost. Let every man bare his arm for the fight. A brief display of vigour and energy now may avert years and years of suffering. The best interests of the country are at stake, and the interval must be turned to ac count. " England expects every man to do his duty." POST.—Tux BUDGET.—The thimble-rig people at White hall having had their tables broken and their thimbles and peas scattered about, and lost irretrievably, in the earlier days of the week, set up their trade afresh last night with a bran new set of tricks and utensils. It is plain that they are incorrigide and that nothing short of their transportation from the scene of their past exploits can effectually protect the interests of the public. The Irish Registration trick, although tole rably successful for a time, having at length experienced the fate to which the tricks of thimble-riggers are ever subject, is, it seems, to be succeeded by the free trade and Corn-law repeal trick, from which the ingenious artists hope to derive more solid and lasting advantages. It will not be overlooked by the country that the Corn-law modification has been introduced into the Budget, so much of a sudden, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer found himself under the necessity of making his Budget speech without being prepared to furnish any explanation whatever as to the manner in which the intend ed new regulation of the import duty on corn is to produce the ad ditional sum of 400,0001. a year, for which he takes credit, at random, from this source. Upon the other sources from which the Finance Minister calculates that he shall have an in crease of revenue he has at least some explanations to offer, though they are somewhat vague and imperfect. But upon that part of the proposed financial system which far exceeds all the rest in importance, and will excite a proportionate de gree of anxiety in the public mind, the necessary explanations are not to be rendered till June, that is to say, five weeks after the House of Commons will have been called upon to give its sanction to the financial system as a whole. HERALD.—The annual financial statement, which goes by the apt designation of the "budget "—probably from the usual variety of its wares, and the indiscriminate character of their assortment—was, last night, brought forward by the Chancellor of the Exehequer. It was preceded by a demonstration on the part of Lord John Russell, sufficiently remarkable and sig nificant. To the great astonishment of those country Members only who have not been able to arrive at the notion of a leader of a Government party in the House of Commons bring actuated by that species of resentment for political defeats which amounts to a feeling almost of hostility against an tagonists who have beaten him with the weapons of fair argument and established facts, Lord John Russell gave notice of a motion, involving a direct abandonment of those views, with regard to the Corn-laws, which, as Lord Francis Egerton observed, hehad most emph a ti ca ll y announced from the same place in that House but a very short time since. He gave a notice, however (on which we must pause to offer a word or to in the way of illustration), that on the last day of May—(and this it was afterwards found would be Whit-Mon day 1)—" he should move that the House resolve itself into Com mittee to consider the acts relative to the trade in corn." Why meddle with the Corn-laws, my Lord, which you have so recently denounced the dangerous policy of tampering with, on the 30th of April, of all the days in the year 1841? Why choose'this early opportunity, after the rout you had sustained , the night before in the total overthrow of your Irish column, to I announce your intended movement in a totally different field, five weeks hence ? TIMES.. --It is evident that Ministers are endeavouring to play o ff , on a great scale, the trick which their nominee, Mr. Larpent, tried upon a small scale at Nottingham. Clinging to office with desperate tenacity, and feeling the whole rotten fabric of their power giving way under their feet, they still flatter themselves that they have only to speak the word for spirits to come from the " vasty deep," and save them from their fate. Like ruined gamesters. who know that, whatever they may lose, foe the future they can have nothing to pay, they care not how much they stake ; nothing is too high for them ; they give acceptances in blank, and make promi , es with prodigal liberality. For a few short weeks of popular applause, fer the chance of rallying even a small party in their favour at the general election to which they contemplate an appear, they will bid any price, they would all but sell their very souls. Pledges, professions, solemn declarations, are cast to the winds; what the Premier designated in 1840 as a measure which none but a madman could think of, the nominal leader of the House of Commons proposes in 1841. But the triek has been tried too often, and cannot now succeed. The character of Lord Melbourne and his colleagues has long since been tho roughly understood, and populaaity has taken leave of them for ever. If they were even to perform what they promise, the very men who profited by it would see through the despicable motive, and acknowledge the boon with smiles, not of gra titude, but of contempt. But performance is totally out of the question. Everybody knows that these Ministers promise for the very reason that they cannot perform. They are ever ready to mount the nearest ladder, and support themselves by the first prop which comes to hand, when their salaries are. in danger; but they always kick it down again without ceremony, when the danger is past, and the momentary purpose answered. We, there fore, without receding from any opinion which we have ever expressed with reference either to the Corn-laws, or to what are called protective duties, repudiate with scorn the bait of a pretended concession to popular views upon these subjects, which Lord John Russell and the Chancellor of the Exche quer threw out in the House of Commons yesterday evening. , i :he people of EngLnd are too old birds to be caught with any such . chaff. They canno t swa ll ow t h e b a it without the hook, „ d they will not swallo w th e h oo k o f d es p o ti sm —th e the New Poor-law. Lord John Russell, they despotism n! know, is not 1i....-nIY to bring himself within Lord Melbourne's definition of a mac man. He entertains no more expecta tion of altering the Corn-laws than he did of carrying the famous appropriation aause, or the Irish Registration Bill, which received its quietus on Thursday. But he flatters him self that under the parade of a ficatious Anti-Corn-law demon stration he may be enabled to strengthen himself in office, and so carry on with more security his system of aggression upon the rights and liberties of the poor. The people of England will undeceive him, as they undeceived his more humble imita tor at Nottingham. It would he an insult to the common sense of the nation to reason upon last night's proceedings in the House of Commons, as if they really had anything to do with corn duties, or timber duties, or sugarduties, or any other duties whatever. They were obviously a mere Whig move in the political game of chess—an attempt to stave off check-mate by giving a counter-check to the enemy. Who can imagine, that, if Ministers had really any design of altering the Corn-laws, independently of the discomfitures which they suffered on Monday and Thurs day, they would have postponed all intimation of it till yester day ? Who can doubt, that if so important a measure had been thought of before the present week, it would have been prominently noticed in the speech from the Throne on the as sembling of Parliament? Not a whisper was heard upon the subject—not a hint was dropped even by the most indefatiga ble assailants of the Corn-laws, till Ministers had been defeated upon the chief Government measure of the Session by majorities of 11 and 21. There is a singular correspondency (which we leave others to exhibit in more detail) between the expedient originally resorted to by the present Ministers for the pur pose of obtaining office, and that by the assistance of which they now hope to retain it. In both instances the motive was the actual or the anticipated deprivation of salary. In both cases the tabula in naufragio, to which they trusted for their official existence, has been a measure which they stood committed by their principles and their previous votes to oppose. In both instances the clap-trap has been recom mended to their choice by a conviction that it would be easy to get rid of it, whenever the time for its practical application might arise, under cover of the inexorable opgosition which it would be certain to encounter. Truly this Ministry, if any, may say that " Servatur ad imunz, qualis ab incepto proces serit, et sibi constat." There are many who feel dissatisfied, on solid grounds, with the present state of the duties on corn, and on foreign and colonial produce. But . the changes which such men desire must and can only be made by a strong and honest Government, possessing the confidence of Parliament and the country. A tottering, floundering, and falling wreck of a Ministry, who by their duplicity and meanness have for feited every claim to public confidenee, influence, and respect, meddles with these questions only for sinister purposes, and can really do nothing but prejudice their future satisfactory settlement. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS: FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. TIMES.—The Consol Market was in an unsettled state, owing to the various reports respecting the Budget, of which, however, nothing certain appeared to be known in the City. The last Gazette contained the usual return of the amount of notes circulating in England and Wales by private and joint-stock banks, during the three months from December 26, 1840, to the 27th of March, 1841. From this return it appears that the three months ending the 27th of March, 1841, as compared with the three months ending December 26, 1840, show a decrease of 407,1561. in the total amount of country notes in circulation ; of which 253,2591. is the decrease in the notes of the private banks, and 153,897/. is the decrease in the amount of notes of the joint stock banks. By comparing the three months ending the 27th of March, 1841, with the three months ending the '2Bth of March, 1840, the decrease in the total quantity of country netes is 866,4071., of which 570,4331. is the decrease in the notes of the private banks; and 295,9741. in the decrease in the notes of the joint stock banks. The averag e of the year ending March 27, 1841, was 10,358,5371, while that of the preceding year, ending March 28, 1840, was 11,404,1191., showing a decrease of 1,045,5821. By combining the returns of the country circulation with the quarterly averages of the Bank of England, it appears that in the quarter ending the 27th of March, 1841, as compared with the preceding quarter, ending the 26th of December, 1840, there is an increase in the total circulation of 17,8441. The increase in the stock of bullion held by the Bank of Eng land at the same periods was 782,0001. The quarter ending the 27th of March, 1841, compared with the corresponding quarter last year, ending the 28th of March, 1840, shows a decrease in the total circulation of 1.147,4071. The diminution in the stock of bullion held by the. Bank of England at the same periods was 21,0001. SUN.—The Funds were soon buoyed up to the former mark. A solitary bargain was effected in Consols early in the thy at 894 for Money, and 90 for Account, but the foirier closed at 90k, and the latter at 90A. The premium on the unfunded debt keeps up well under existing circumstances, bei.2s 12 s- to 14s, and upon East India Bonds it has been again 4s. to 2s. The most heavy Stock in the market at present is that 0; the Bank of England, which receded again to-day, being at 169 to 168, and East India Stock was also lower, the price being 2551 to 254. Ihe New Three-and-a-Half per Cents. were marked 981 to 984, the Reduced Three-and-a-Half per Cents. 97A to 97/, and the Three per Cent. Annuities 884 to 891. The speculators in the Foreign Market have been very inert to-day, and prices generally have been heavy. This state of things will continue no doubt until it is seen whether a new loan will be required. The Active Spanish Bonds were dull at 23i to 231, the New Portuguese at 34 to A, Mexican at 294, and Colombian (Venezuela) at 28/ to A. Austrian Bonds were firm at 1101, and the Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents. at 52g. A good amount of business was transacted in the Railway Shares to-day, and the previous quotations were fully sup ported. Great Western Railway shares were 311 to 301, the New 151 to 4, the fifths at 8, the Birmingham at 72, the New at 231, the York and North Midland at 331, and the South-Western at 194 promiunt. Brighton were I*, Green wich (New) 24, North Midland 231, South-Eastern 141, and Eastern Counties 14 discount. Union Bank of Australia Shares were at 91 premium. This afternoon the Foreign Exchanges were without altera tion. On Paris the rate was 25f. 60c. to 621fe, Hamburgh 13 91, on Amsterdam 12 31, on Antwerp 12 31 to 1, on Frankfort 1491, and on Trieste 10. FROM LAST NIGHTS GAZETTE. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, APRIL 28, 1841. The Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon Thomas Noel Harris, Esq., late Lieutenant- Colonel in the Army, Knight of the Royal Order of Military Merit of Pru sia, and of the Imperial Orders of St. %Vladimir and of St. Anne of Russia, Knight of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order, and one of the Grooms of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Chamber. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, APRIL 28. The Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon William Wightman, Esq., one of the Judges of her Majesty's Court of Queen's Bench. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, APRIL 28. The Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knighthood upon Isaac Morley, Esq., Mayor of Doncaster. DOWNING-STREET, APRIL 29. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Majer-General Sir John Harvey, K.C.8., to be Governor and Commander-in- Chief of the Island of Newfoundland and its Dependencies. CROWN-OFFICE, APRIL '29. MEMBER ICETURN.ICDTO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. TOWN OF NOTTINGHAM. - John Walter, of Bear Wood, in the county of Berks, Esq., in the room of Sir Ronald Crawford Ferguson, deceased. WAR-OFFICE, APRIL 30. 2d Regiment of Life Guards—Lieut. T. Naylor to be Cap tain, by purchase, vice Gardnor, who retires ; Lieut. C. H. Drummond to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Naylor; W. H. Holmes, Gent., to be Cornet and Sub-Lieutenant, by pur chase, vice Drummond, dated April 30. _ _ 2;1 'Regiment of Dragoon Gua;cls—Sergeant-Major G. Bush man (Riding-master) to be Cornet, without purchase, vice Buller, appointed to the 14th Light Dragoons, April 30. 9th Regiment of Light Dragoons—Paymaster-Sergeant J. Heydon to be Regimental Quartermaster, vice Williamson, deceased, April 30. 14th Regiment of Light Drageons--Major W. Havelock, from the 4th Light Dragoons, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, with out purchase ; Capt. E. Harvey to be Major, without purchase, April 30._ To be Captains—Capt. W. Wainman, from half-pay of the Regiment; Capt. J. Caulfield, from half•pay of the 6th Dra goon Guards ; Capt. C. Steuart, from the 80th Foot, by pur chase, vice Wainman, who retires ; Capt. G. G. Shaw, from the 4th Light Dragoons ; Capt. A. E. Bromwich, from 4th Light Dragoons, vice Harvey ; Lieut. J. H. Tonge, by pur chase, vice_Caulfield, who retires, April 30. To' be Lieutenants.—Lieut. - J. 'Blakeway, from half-pay of the Cape Corps •' Lieut. Browne, from half-pay of the 52d Foot ; Lieut. J. Chambre, from the 96th Foot ; Lieu tenant C. Peterson, from half-pay 11th Light Dra goons ; Lieutenant F. Holder, from the 13th Foot ; Lieut. the Hon. G. A. F. C. Graves, from the 31st Foot; Lieut. A. Scudamore, from the 4th Light Dragoons ; Lieut. R. H. Gall, from the 3d Foot, by purchase, vice Blakeway, who retires ; Lieut. J. F. Fitz Gerald, from the 4th Light Dragoons; Lieutenant J. A. Todd, from 4th Light Dragoons; Lieut. R. B. Prettejobn, from 4th Light Dragoons ; Lieut. H. F. Hodson, from 4th Light Dragoons; Lieut. C. W. Thomp son, from the 81st Foot, by purchase, vice Browne, who re tires : Lieut. T. W. Smith, from the 22d Foot ; Cornet W. W. Allen, by purchase, vice Tonge, April 30. To bo Cornets, without purchase—Cornet J. T. Brooks, from half-pay of the Regiment; Cornet W. E. Buller, from the 2d Dragoon Guards, April 30. To be Cornets, by purchase—R. P. Apthorp, Gent., vice Allen, April 30; J. Coster, Gent. vice Brooks, w h o retires, May 1. To be Assistant-Surgeon—Assistant - Surg eon E. W. Stone, M.D., from 48th Foot, April 30. Ist or Grenadier Regiment of Foot G uar ds.—Lord A. Hay to be Ensign and Lieutenant, by purchase, vice West, pro moted, April 30. St e wart, from half m y Ist Regiment or Foot-:-Capt. R. Mitchel- Unattached, to be Captain vice T. Nickoll,,.who beexccha a iii e- n sj, 11!ar E incu . n to receiving the difference ; Lieut. H. !I by purchase, vice Stewart, who retires., Ens ign W. son to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Marnidin ; S. Van sittart, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Mitehelson, April 30. Thom pson to 3d. Foot —Ensign C. A. be Lieut enan t, b y purchase. vice G all, a pp ointed to 14th Li g ht Dragoons; Gen tleman Cadet A. H. H. Mercer, from the Royal Military Col. lege, to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Thompson, April 30. 13th Foot. —Ensign F. V. Straubenzee to be :Lieutenant, EV F.' ING EDITION. without purchase, vice Holder, appointed to the 14th Light Dragoons; F. W. Stehelin, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Sti al - April 30. 10th Fo9t—W, L. Pennefather, Gent. to be Ensign s with out purchase, vice Farquharson, who resigns; April L'O. 22d Foot—Ensign J. Brennan to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Smith, appointed to the 14th Light Dragoons; H. Bowden, Gent, to be Ensign, vice Brennan, April 30. 26th Foot—Ensign A. Miller to be Lieutenant, without pur chase, vice Daniell, deceased, November 28, 1840 ; Ensign R. C. Jones to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Miller, whose promotion, February 8, has been cancelled, February 8; Ensign H. De Quincey, from the 92d Foot, to be Ensign, vice Jones, April 30. 28th Foot—A. Browne, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Aplin, promoted, April 30. 37th Foot—Brevet Major H. 0. Wood to be Major, with out purchase, vice Manners, who retires upon full pay ; Lieute nant T. E. Le Blanc to be Captain, vice Wood; Ensign W. G. M. Clibborn to be Lieutenant, vice Le Blanc ; B. Ed wards, Gent. to be Ensign. vice Clibborn, April 30. 67th Foot—Ensign W. R. Adair to be Lieutenant, by par chase, vice %hittingham. promoted in the 80th Foot ; J. Sivewright, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Adair, April 30. 80th Foot—Lieut. F. Wi.ittingham, from the 87th Foot, to be Captain, by purchase, vice :-.teliart, appointed to the 14th Light Dragoons, April 30. 81st Foot—Ensign J. Gildea to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Thompson, appointed to the 14th Light Dragoons ; J. Hearn, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Gildea, April 39. 85th Foot—Sergeant W. Neil to be Quartermaster, vice G. Edwards, who retires upon half-pay, April 25th. 92d Font—J. N..pier, Gent., to be Ensign, without pus eha-e. vice Dc Quince y , appointed to the 26th Foot, April 30. 96th Foot—Ensign It. Roney to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Chambre, appointed to the 14th Light Dra goons ; H. A. Bruce, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Roney, April 30. BaEver.—To be Majors in the Army—Captain W. Wain man, of the 14th Light Dragoons, July 22, 1830 ; Capt. J. Caulf.eld, of the 14th Light Dragoons; Capt. R. Stewart, of the lst Foot, Jan. 10, 1837. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of Dorsetshire. Dorset Regiment of Volunteer Yeomanry Cavalry---J. L. Buckland, Gent. to be Surgeon, vice N. J. Trowbridge, de ceased, April 13 ; W. Highmore, Gent. to be Assistant-Sur geon, vice J. L. Bucklaud, promoted, April 13. Quarterly Average of the Weekly Liabilities and Assets of the Bank of England, from the 2d of February to the 27th of April, 1841, both inclusive, published pursuant to the Act, 3 and 4 W. IV., cap. 98. LIABILITIES, ASSETS. Circulation £16,587,000 Securities £4 0,082,900 Deposits 7,225,000 Bullion 4,638,000 Downing-street, -23 4 8 r 1 i1 2 T , r, L4l. £26,720,000 DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. HENRY WILKINS and JOHN WILKINS, wool mer chants, London. HENRY WILSON FERN YllOUGH,bookseller, Reading. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. JOSEPH HOBBINS, iron master, Wednesbury, Stafford shire. JOHN WYKE and JAMES DAVIES, iron founders, Newton, Cheshire. BANKRUPTS, CHRISTOPHER DUNNIT, jun., hop merchant, Talbot Inn-yard, Southwark, to surrender, May 7 and June 11, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee ; Barker and Rose, Mark-lane. JOHN RUMSEY, money scrivener, High Wycombe, Buckinghamshire, May 13, at twelve, and June 11, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Carman, Finsbury-square, official assignee ; Cox, Pinner's-hall, Old Broad-street, London. HERBERT WALL, wine-merchant, Mark-lane, May 11, at one, and June 11, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, Aldermanbury, official assignee ; Bodmin, Queen street, Cheapside. MARY MORE, florist, King's-road, Chelsea, May 11, at one, and June 11, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Lackington, Coleman-street -buildings, official assignee ; Faw cett, Jewin-street. Cripplegate. BENJAMIN BATES, grocer, Robin Hoed-lane, Blackwall, May 11, at two,•and June 11, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Groom, Abchurch-lane, Lombard-street, official assignee • Sitepson and Cobb, Austin-friars. THOMAS LEFT W ICH, victualler,Warrington, Lancashire May 13 and June 11, at one, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liver.- pool. Norris, Allen, and Simpson, Bartlett's-buildings, Hol born London; Bayley, Warrington. WILLI 1M DIXON, brass-tuunder, Walsall, Staffordshire, May 14 and June 11, at twelve, at the Swan Hotel, Wolver hampton. White and Whitmore, Bedford-row, London ; Smith, Walsall. WILLIAM LORAINE, banker, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, May 18, at twelve, and June 11, at one, at the Bankrupt Com mission-room, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Langhorne, Newcastle upon•Tyne ; Meggison, Pringle, and Manisty, King's-road, Bedford-row, London. PRINCE WILLIAM SMITH, tanner, Bristol, May 11, at two, and June 11, at twelve, at the Commercial-rooms, ltristol. White and Whitmore, Bedford-row, London; Bevans, Bristol. CHARLES FRANCIS SKURRAY, ironmonger, Swin don, Wiltshire, May 18 and June 14, at twelve, at the Com mercial-rooms Bristol. Frampton, South-square, Gray's Inn, London ; Miller, Promo Selwood, Somersetshire. JOHN EDGE CARR, factor, Kingsnorton, Worcestershire, May 12 and June 11, at twelve, at Dee's Royal Hotel, Bir mingham. Church, Bedford-row, London ; James, Birmingham. JOSHUA SAUNDERS, miller, Cambridge, May 7 and June 11, at ten, at the Hoop Inn, Cambridge. Raver,scroft, Guildford-street, Russell-square, London ; Cooper, Cambridge. THOMAS ROE, miller, Whitley, Coventry, May 10 and June 11, at one, at the Castle lan, Coventry. Weeks, Cook's court, Lincoln's Inn, London Dewes and Sons, Coventry. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. A. Colvin, W. Ainslie, B. D. Colvin, T. Anderson, &nap. Ainslie, merchants, Calcutta, May 21, at half-past eleven- M. Butler, licensed victualler, St. Pancras-road, May 21, at one-R. Wilson, hosier. Aldermanbury, May 21, at one. In the Country. W. G. Wilde, tanner, Ross, Herefordshire, May 24, at ten, at the Beaufort Arms Inn, Monmouth-R. Fowles, J. Fowles, and J. Fowles, builders, Rochdale , Lancashire, May 22, at two, at the Commissioners%rooms, Manchester-J. Colbern, tailor, Manchester, May 25, at ten, at the Commissioners'-- rooms, Manchester -J. Lightfoot and J. Jaques, maltsters, A sk rigg, Yorkshire, May 21, at twelve, at the Three Tuns inn, Thirsk-J. B. Oliver, tallow chandler, Ipswich, May 24, at twelve, at the Coach and Horses Inn, pswich-H. H. Byron, cork, merchant, Lincoln, May 26, at twelve, at the City Arms H ote l, Lincoln-J. Davis, innkeeper, Shiffnall, Shropshire, M ay 2 6, twelve, at the Shire-hall, Shrewsbury-Tle ve . Nic Shollr- , jun.. grocer 21edruth, Cornwall, May 25, at en, at e iev's Hotel, ' Fa..'n'auth-H. Lloyd, surgeon, Machynlleth, Montgomeryshire, I ,:ay 21, at eleven, at the Wynnstay Arms Hotel, Machynlleth-1-• Green, grocer, Cranbrook, Kent, May 14, at one, at the Bub Inn, Cranbrook-It. Biggs, wire drawer, Birmingham, May 21, itt one, at Dee's Royal Hotel, Birmingham-1. L. Lazarus, j eweller, Kingston-upon-Hull, May 21, at two, at the George Inn, Kingston-upon-Hull---.1. Eastwood and I. Woodhead, manufacturers, Meltham, York shire, May 26, at two, at the George Hotel, Huddersfi atte eld-R. H. and J. Runcorn, plumbers, Manchester, "lay 24, n, at the Commif•sioners'-rooms, Manchester -J. B. Carruthers, bookseller, Bristol, May 25, at two, at the ComVercial-rooms, Bristol-J. Cockcroft, sen. and A. Fletcher, jun., stuff mer chants, Cheetham, Manchester, June 8, at three, at the Com; missioners'-rooms, Manchester. CERTIFICATES-Mar 21. R. Wilson, colliery owner, Noweastle-upon-Tyne—J. Pres cott, grocer, Hulme, Manchester—J. Thompson, victualler. Lynn, Norfolk—R. and J. Buggein, sugar refiners, Liverpool —J. Philpot, R. Marriott, and B. Burnell, coal merchants, Crigglestone, Yorkshire— H. Jacob, builder, Amerktham, Buckinghamshire—J. Standley, brass founder, Birmingham— J. and G. F. Squires, plumbers, Poplar—H. Foot, tailor, Horrabritige, Devonshire—J. Phdpot, victualler , St. Swithi lane—W. E. Davies, coal master, Wightwick, Wolverhampton --L. West, wine merchant, Freeman's-court, Cot nhill—D. Storm, builder, Cardiff, Glamorganshire--H. Knowles, drug- Bridgnorth. Shropshire. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. T. Surtcea and S. Southern, contractors, Walker. Northnol and—J. WhitZow and J. Evans, woollen drapers, Tottenham, court-road—J. sen., and J. Tomlinson, jun., joiners, Nottingham—P. Smith and T. Williams, ribbon ma nufacturers Bedworth, Warwickshire —J. Child and 'l'. Noble, farmers, Ju d ' Field, Yorkshire —G. Lindsay, R. Young, and J. Lindsay, jun., shipping ironmobjers, Limehouse—J. Sandi lands and A. Nicoll, tailors, ContNit-strcet—J. Woodcock, J. Woodcock, and D. Woodcock; coal masters, Pensnett, Staf fordshire—C. and C. P. Poutin g , linen drapers, M almesbury, Wiltshire—P. Hutchinson and .1. Blumley . , wheelwrights, Bury, Lancashire—J. Blakley and J. Adams, joiners, Almond bury, 'Yorkshire—B. Agar, W. Walker, and J. Chadwick, tanners, York—F. Sneade, M. Davis, and J. Fowler, timber merchants, Great Bolton, Lancashire —G. C. Canton and W. Thomas, timber merchants, Haverfordwest—R. and J. Bat teraby, commission agents, Liverpool—D. and J. Button, pawnbrokers, John-street, Ed gewa re-road—M. Richards and S. Smith, coal dealers, Birmingham—S. Ludlam, A. Ludlam, and J. B. Ludlam, hosiers, Oxford-street (so far at? regards S. Ludlam) —W. Flanagan and W. J. Nutting, seedsmon, Man sion-house-street. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, Coo" puted from the Returns made in the week endin g April 271 1841, is Si s• 7id• per cwt., exclusive of the Duties of Cus• toms paid or cayable-thereon on the importation thereof into Great Britain. MM. FIRE AT THE Yesterday morning, a few Yu. .._, -urs before three o'clock, const er- CARLTON CLUE HOUSE.d•-- able alarm was occasioned in 2". the Ca4rlton Club. all-mall b b y t t ie he z e 9 c, ur rence of a fire at the extensive mansion oc a c ll C, who ob. The discovery was made by police co:". ta he a n t floor at the nerving flames at one of the windows of t instantly sprang east-end, nearest to the Reform Club-housg, /r oll the County his rattle and gave the alarm. Two engines.e o f time brought Fire-office were in an incredibly short , spa . crochial engine, but to the spot, as was also the St. James.s. p es, . y b the exertions their services were not required, the e ul d the police, beifkg sub of the servants of the establishment gnwindow • -curtains, s miles, dued with the destruction only of the occasioned by o f 4V, and glass. The fire was, it is stated. lighted candle too near the curtains. servants having placed a , Of S T EWART S HOTEL, AL. D E STRUCTION 0 BENIARLE-STREET, -- _ Fiaz.—About a quarter-past nine • bitants of Albemarl e-street i ' ht the oda -etnar.e-strcet were o'clock last night , tmost alarm thrown into a state of men b y t he cries of fire, at the same time the numerous persons wh o were res idi ng at h Stewart's Hotel were ru s h ing out of the a b ove esta bli s h me nt. A vivid blaze of name very soon told what had occurred, which idit w ith great rap .. y upper window on the was burning f the house. Several north side o p e r sons were despatched in all directions for the engines, and in a short time the Lon don brigade engine from King -street, Chandos-street, the County, West of England, and ethers, were upon the spot, as well as a large body of the C division of police. Cnfortunately no water could be obtained, and in a short space of time this splendid establishment, which consisted of two of the largest sized houses, and close to the Earl of Mansfield's, was in one body of flame. The fire literally ran from floor to floor, like a flash of li htninz. At the ex piration of about half water an hour g was procured, but the whole of the hotel, from the basement to the top, with the whole of the splendid furniture, was all in flames, and the de- Vollring element was rapidly extending its progress. The en gines, however, had so placed themselves, particularly the West of England (which was close to the pavement and in front of the hotel), that as soon as water was procured, im mense torrents were poured orlhe flames, and the effect in a short time was visible, as the fire was considerably damped. Previously to this it had extended its ravages to the adjoining houses, as well as those in Dover-street, which abutted on the back of the hotel. The exertions of the firemen were speedily crowned with success, as the fire, with regard to the premises, was soon got under, with comparatively slight damage. A great number of other engines arrived, the greatest portion of which were got to play; but, we regret to state, not a vestige of any part of the property was saved. As to how the fire ori ginate(' no account could be obtained which was in any de gree satisfactorY, in consequence of the confusion which pre vailed. We understand that the whole of the building and fur niture was insured, the loss of which is estimated at several thousand pounds.