The Sun. — London, England, 1867-10-31 00:00:00

ME SIM LONDON. THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 31, 1867 The Chancellor of the Exchequer in Scotland EDINBURGH, Wednesday. The proceedings at the banquet last night were not brought to a close until after midnight. Among the toasts subsequent to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer were " Her Majesty's Ministers," responded to by Lord J. Manners ; "The Two Houses of Parliament," acknowledged by the Duke of Montrose and Sir Graham Montgomery ; " The Health of the Duke of Buccleueh," and " The Health of Mrs. Disraeli." The last toast was acknowledged in a few humorous remarks by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. To-day the proceedings in connexion with Mr. Disraeli's visit have been of a threefold character. At two o'clock the right hon. gentleman was presented in the Music Hall with the freedom of the city ; at half-past three the degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by the University in the hall of the University Library ; and at eight o' c : o ck he attended a working-men's meeting, in order to receive a complimentary address. The Music Hall, on the occasion of presenting Mr. Disraeli with the freedom of the city, was crowded, and the right hon. gentleman on entering the hall was loudly cheered. Among those present were the Lord Provost of Edinburgh (Mr. Robert Chambers), Lord John Manners, Sir W. Stirling Maxwell, M.P., Sir Graham Montgomery, Mr. Dundas of Arniston, Mr. M'Laren, M.P., Mr. Jas. Blackwood, Sir. Jas. Campbell, Sir W. Johnstone, and the magistrates and town council of the city. Mrs. Disraeli, accompanied by Mrs. Chambers and the Lord Advocate, were also present. The LORD PROVOST, addressing Mr. Disraeli, said that as Chief Magistrate of Edinburgh he had been honoured with the duty of presenting the right hon. gentleman with a diploma constituting him a burgess and freeman of that ancient city. The corporation were gratified to know that he would not decline to accepc this proffered privilege, which, though the highest in their power to bestow, was in the pro gressive change of society of no substantial value. The gift was more in the nature of a sentiment than a reality, but this sentiment comprehended much that was traditionally curious and suggestive. The history of free burghal communities carried them back through the long dreary contests of the middle ages to the Roman republic, in which those institu tions originated, and whence had flowed our modern civilisation and liberty. The burghal community of Edinburgh, moulded on ancient types, dated from the 12th century, since which it had a con spicuous and honourable place in Scottish annals. In one thing it bad ever been distinguished— fidelity to the Crown along with the maintenance of civil rights and privileges. There were times, at no distant date, when the immunities of a burghal freeman conferred some species of trading monopoly, and of these times many amusing as well as sorrowful anecdotes could be related. So far as civic corporations were concerned, absurd trading restrictions had vanished. There was among us no longer the odious distinction of free and un free, for all were alike, and little remained to remind us of the past but ceremonials and the interchange of courtesies like the present—valueless in all but name. This certificate would be accepted by Mr. Disraeli as a token of respect and goodwill. It was conferred on no principle of political partisanship, but simply on the broad ground of the right hon. gentleman's distinction as a statesman, and in ad miration of the tact, temper, and ability which he had displayed in connection with the House of Com mons, and respect for him also as a man of letters. On the last occasion he had the honour to address the right hon. gentleman it was in reference to the claims of Scotland for a larger ratio of Parliamen tary representation, but that was a topic on which he would not now enter. He preferred congratulat ing the right hon. gentleman on his arrival in Scot land, and in the pleasure which he would possibly have in noting the vast changes for the better which the country had undergone, as well as the peace, prosperity, and loyalty that distinguished in a re markable degree the Scotland of the present from the Scotland of the past. Yet,with much to admire, there was still something to deplore. The country had long outgrown the organised means of elemen tary instruction, and large numbers were growing up without any proper means of education. lle could not doubt that the Legislature would shortly grapple with the subject, and insure that education should keep pace with political progress. (Cheers.) 'The burgess ticket was then presented to the right hon. gentleman amid loud cheers. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER on rising to acknowledge the honour was greeted with loud cheers. He said—My Lord Provost and Gentlemen, —You have conferred on me a great distinction, and I can sincerely assure you that I highly appreciate it; and I doso not the less because I will not affect to be ignorant that there is no identity, I believe, in politi cal opinion between this corporation and that great political party with whom I am intimately connected (Cheers.) Therefore, my Lord Provost, I feel that in taking the course which you and this corporation have so graciously pursued to-day you aro paying a homage—a healthy homage to that public life which is the soul of free States, and that by conferring this distinction on me you wish to show that if an indi vidual in this country devotes his life and his best energies in order to maintain, and, if possible, in crease the peace and prosperity of our common country, whatever may be your political opinions, such exertions are, in your opinion, worthy of your respect and regard—(cheers)—and permit me to say, my Lord Provost, that I think that you and similar public bodies of this antiquity and import ance take a wise course in that behalf, because there are no higher rewards, no greater encouragement to public men, than a public manifestation like the present—that they are respected and recognised by independent bodies of their fellow-citizens. My Lord Provost•, you have reminded me that this is not the first time I have had the honour of being addressed by your lordship. I well recollect the occasion and the cause, although you have with great delicacy intimated that you will not dwell upon the subject. Allow me to say that while I have no inclination to intrude it upon your consideration, so far as her Majesty's Government are concerned they have no desire whatever to avoid any discussion on the ques tion of Parliamentary Reform which may affect the representation of Scotland. The opinion which I expressed to you on the part of her Majesty's Go vernment some months ago, that in the impending change which will take place in the Parliamentary representation of this country, it was the opinion of her Majesty's Government that Scotland deserved and required increased representation (loud cheers) —that is still the opinion of her Majesty's Govern ment, and ono which we mean to support with the utmost exercise of our influence. I will therefore say no more on that topic, and only say this, lest after your introduction of the subject, however delicately you might have misconstrued my silence, and supposed that any modification or change had taken place in the opinions of the Government on a subject so important to the country, and to yourselves so deeply and peculiarly interesting —my Lord Provost, you have touched also and more fully upon a question which greatly engages the attention of the country generally at present, and peculiarly this portion of her Majesty's dominions, and that is the subject of education. flaying at all times been the supporter of popular and public education, believing that a system of national education cannot be too much developed and pursued, it require: no accidental political cir cumstances to induce me to give a more serious at tention to the question ; but this I may be permitted to say, that in dealing with that important question I think we should be careful in attempting in some system, which may be generally extensive and com prehensive, that we do not too lightly discard that which we have already accomitlished and success fully achieved. (Cheers.) I think wherever and in whatever portion of her Majesty's dominions the question engages the interest of the country, it will be wise for them, so far as practicable, to avail themselves of the institutions and machinery that at present exist. I am not prepared to say, in a country so ancient as the one in which we live, where there are such varieties of manners and opinions the consequences of the freedom which we have all so long enjoyed—l am not prepared to say that a similar plan will be adapted to every part of her Majesty's dominions. In Scotland I think it would be wise of you always to remember that on this sub ject of education you have, as a nation, been singu larly blessed and favoured. The present state of your national system in this country is one that no doubt has for some time engaged the attention of statesmen. You are familiar with the report which has been made to the two Houses of Parliament, and with the investigations which have been pur sued by the commissioners, eminent for their abili ties. For my own part I feel persuaded that although the admirable principles upon which your national system of education is founded may be and ought to be much more extensively developed and applied, still those principles are in them selves of a charrcter so excellent that I think it would be unwise to deviate from them, as the funda mental supports of your national system ; but I can assure you, my Lord Provost, in answer to your inquiry upon that subject, that the matter of Scotch education has engaged, and is still engaging the earnest attention of his Majesty's Ministers. The report of the commission is now under their consi deration, and I am sometimes sanguine enough to believe that even in the next session of Parliament, without destroying that ancient and celebrated sys tem which has contributed in its time so much for the welfare of Scotland, and to the well-being of Scotchmen, we may adapt it to the requirements of this age in such a manner and in such a spirit that you shall feel that a measure of no mean import ance to the advantage of your country has been passed even by the existing Parliament. (Cheers.) My Lord Provost and gentlemen, I must thank you again very heartily for the honour which you have conferred upon me. You have been pleased to say that it is merely a distinction of sentiment, but can assure you that I view it in a very different light. It is so far an affair of sentiment that it may not possess, in the vulgar acceptation of the word, those substantial qualities which you have referred to; but I can assure you that the regard and re spect of my countrymen, and especially of an ancient corporation such as is the corporation of this famous city, will always be to me one of the sub stantial rewards of life, and which to the last hour of my existence I shall ever honour and cherish. The right hon. gentleman resumed his seat amidst great applause. The Lord Provost called for " Three cheers for the youngest burgher," which were given with en thusiasm, and the National Anthem having been played on the organ, the proceedings terminated. On the right hon. gentleman leaving the hall he was greeted with loud cheers by a large assemblage who had congregated outside. Before entering the carriage he cordially shook hands with Sir Thomas Gladstone (brother of the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer), and on taking his seat in an open car riage along with Mrs. Disraeli and the Lord Advo cate and Mrs. Gordon he was again loudly cheered. He was also recognised and saluted on his way along Princes-street and the North and South Bridges to the College. DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF LAWS CONFERRED ON MR DISRAELI AND MR LOWE. At three o'clock the ceremony of conferring the degree of Doctor of Laws on the Chancellor of the Exchequer and on the Right Hon. Robert Lowe, ALP., took place in the College Library. There was a crowded attendance, the galleries and space around the platform being occupied by ladies. Before the proceedings commenced Mrs. Disraeli, who formed one of a party of ladies from Arniston Castle, was conducted by Professor Lyon Playfair to a seat at the left of the platform. The proceed ings having been opened with prayer, Professor Muirhead presented successively the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Lowe to the Vice-Chancel lor, and the degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred upon them amid loud cheers. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply, said—Mr. Vice-Chancellor and Gentlemen,—You have conferred upon me to-day au honour which I highly appreciate, by making me a member of a corporation so ancient and so famous as that of the University of Edinburgh. There is nothing in public life more encouraging than an expression of confi dence from any body of our fellow-citizens ; but when it comes from a body so disti❑guished as the present, so connected with the sacred causeof learn ing, of science, and of philosophy, I can assure you there are few things which can accrue to men in their public careers that can bring anything more gratifying—as I am sure it can bring nothing more honourable—than the distinction you have been pleased to confer upon me to-day. Your public orator has referred to my conduct in Parliament, and my influence upon the legislation of the coun try, and he has, very properly in a scene like the present, avoided allusion to any public question upon which any contrary opinions could exist within these walls. But I may perhaps be admitted, with reference to the subject of my relation to the legis lation of this country, to remember with some grati fication that eight years ago I actively contributed with one who is now one of the greatest ornaments of the bench in this country in that Act of Parliament which gave an accredited position to the graduates in this university, and which I hope laid the foundation for those further Parliamentary functions which I believe await them, and respecting which I believe there can be no party feeling. For my part, I have always desired to see the great seats of learning and of philosophy raise their luminous and lettered fronts in the Parliament of this country, and I shall be very happy at the conclusion of the next session, or in due course of time, to see sitting, even if it be before me, the representative of the University of Edinburgh. (Cheers.) I know that he will be sent by a constituency who are deeply interested in the cause of science and of philosophy. I know that he will represent a body that has a Brougham for its Chancellor, and that has the illustrious and eminent man upon my right for its Principal. (Loud cheers.) I know that he will be sent by a university whose labours in the legislation of minds supplied a want in British literature which was deeply deplored, and without whose labour on that very difficult and most important of subjects that literature would have been the shame of philosophic Europe. With these feelings of respect to your ancient and illus trious university, you may conceive my gratification at being selected to-day to receive this disti❑ction. (Loud cheers.) Mr. LOWE (who was received with prolonged cheering) said :—Mr. Vice-Chancellor,—l am very sorry to say that the right hon. gentleman who has preceded me has left me very little to do, except to do that which I am afraid I am not much in the habit of doing, that is, to agree with him in every thing he has said. (Laughter and cheers.) But before a man teaches he ought to learn, and every one whom I have the honour to address knows so much more about this university than I do that I confess to a diffidence not altogether unaffected *en I attempt to exercise that license of instruction which you have been kind enough to confer upon me. In the article of teaching I have certainly some knowledge, for the early years of my life were spent in giving instruction in the University of Oxford ; but in that, as in many other things, I have got a little rusty, and then I had the advantage of teaching subjects which I flatter myself I was thoroughly master of, which I cannot say is altogether the case in your university ; but one thing I can say, and it is, I thi❑k the Scotch Universities —and the University of Edinburgh as much as any— are models in many respects which we should do well to imitate in England. I have been engaged, and am still, with some friends in an attempt to make the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, for instance, what the Scotch universi ties already are,—not places of instruction for a particular and that a wealthy class, but institutions that strike deep their roots into the national life, and extend their power and utility from the highest class in the country down to the lowest. I con sider that of all the honours that have been reaped by the Scotch universities, nothing is so ennobling as this—that while they offer an admirable educa tion to the children of the rich, they offer an educa tion equally suitable and equally admirable to the children of the poor ; that they enable persons who I might appear, by the narrowness of their circum stances, to be excluded from giving full scope to 1 their talents to obtain an education which would fit I them for any position in life ; that they are the nuneriea frora which are eat out chose hardy and intelligent men whose mission, it seems, is to take the lead in all colonial enterprises, and to lay the foundation of future empires in every part of the world. Gentlemen, I will make this remark from the observations I have made as an old colonist, — that nobody succeeds in the colonies like a Scotch man., and no Scotchman like one who has been edu cated at one of your universities. I have only one more thing to say, and that has been alread antici pated—but it cannot be said perhaps too often— that while other universities pride themselves in having persons of rank and title at their head, you have a much higher distinction, for you have at your head an honoured gentleman, perhaps the first man of science of the age. (Cheers.) You thus appreciate the fact that by elevating such men to such positions the university receives more honour than it confers; and that while it is perhaps not pos sible for any institution to add to the lustre of a name such as that of your vice-chan cellor, the fact that you possess him to rule over you is one of the greatest distinctions you can possibly confer upon yourselves. Gentlemen, allow me to express the great gratification I have received from the honour you have conferred on me to-day. I do not think it would be desirable in me to go into any questions in returning thanks, be cause what has been done in this matter, I doubt not, has been done under a strong sense of public dut j . If I were to speak in reference to what you have done, I must fall into the vulgar practice of commending myself ; and, on the other hand, if I were to give way to my own diffidence I must speak against the body that has just conferred on me this signal honour. Therefore, gentlemen, finding my. self involved in that dilemma, I trust you will ex cuse me if I conclude what I have to say by ex pressing the extreme gratification I have felt that the Senatus Academicus of the University of Edin burgh has thought me worthy of the high distinc tion it has conferred upon me this day. (Loud cheers.) Professor CRAWFORD pronounced the benediction, and the proceedings terminated. THE WORKING MEN'S ADDRESS TO MR. DISRAELI. In the evening Mr. Disraeli attended a working men's meeting in the Music-hall for the purpose of receiving a complimentary address. Nearly 2,000 persons were present. Mr. C. Scott, advocate, pre sided, and opened the proceedings in a speech eulogising the services of Mr. Disraeli to the WWI - The address of the working men was then presented. They state that they are in no degree influenced by party spirit, and after expressing their appreciation of the manner in which the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had overcome the enormous difficulties with which he had to contend, they pro ceed to say that they hope the auspicious policy which he has inaugurated is but a prelude to the passing of many other measures equally healing and beneficent in their operation. They expressed their trust that as liberal a measure of Reform may be accorded to Scotland, and on a similar basis, with that granted to England. Referring to the discordant elements which are surging in Ireland, they state that the unborn generations will praise the name of the statesman who shall calm the storm of pas sion and prejudice which now exists. They then proceeded to point out the necessity of an improved arrangement in the internal condition of the workhouses, and in the laws affecting the combina tion of workmen ; but they state that in their opinion the paramount question of all is the educa tion of the people, and that neither religious diffi culties nor parental indiference ought to be per mitted to stand in the way of that most Conserva tive measure—the education of the people. They also pointed out the urgent necessity for an effective art education for adults, in order to keep British industry not only in the high position it has hitherto occupied, but to enable it to keep far ahead of the competition of foreign labour. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who was received with loud cheers, said—Gentlemen, and my good friends, I thank you heartily for the kind manner in which you hay,' presented this address ; and in the attempt which I am now guiug to mike in answer to the suggestions which are contained in it, I must express myself the more grateful to you for the manner in which you have received me, be cause I alone am responsible for the indiscretion— if it be one- —of appearing before you this evening and becoming your guest. (Cheers.) I was told that it would On my part be a great mistake and a grievous error; that 1 had been misled and misin formed as to the sentiments and opinions of the working classes of Edinburgh ; and that it was on my part an act most rash and ill-considered, that of coming to this city to receive—as I have received— one of the greatest compliments that any individual has yet had proffered to him. That I should go out of the way unnecessarily to destroy the effect of a demonstration so distinguished would be an act of folly unparalleled. (Cheers and laughter.) I was told that I should be met to-night, not by the working classes of Edinburgh, but by a few working men in that city. My answer was, that I knew of no corporate body that could arrogate to itself the right of representing all the working classes of Edinburgh ; and that if I believed there was any considerable portion of my fellow-country men in a position of life more homely than those who welcomed me last night, who on an occasion like the present, on my visit to a city of this importance, desired an interview with one who, however unwor thily, is still a Minister of the Crown, 1 did think I was not doing right to my Sovereign, to my coun try, and to my fellow-subjects, if I churlishly re fused to them the interview which they desired. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, if I had considered my per sonal convenience I certainly should not have been present at this moment, as I am physically incapable of addressing you in the manner you deserve. But when I was appealed to in London on this subject, and appealed to by men who I believed then and whom I now know rightfully represent the feelings and opinions of a considerable portion of the work ing classes of this city, I could not refuse them, although I was then encumbered with all the cares of a Minister. I could not refits , : to receive these honest men, who had travelled up to London, and unkindly say that I would not listen to their repre sentations. (Cheers, and a slight interruption, followed by loud cries of " Put him out.") Gentle men, I hope that no one will interfere with our pro ceedings, and I should be very sorry that anyone present on this occasion should be forcibly pre vented from expressing his opinion. My object is to make you fully acquainted with the feelings under which we meet to-night, so that you should not suppose it on my part an act of arrogance in seeking this interview. On the contrary, I have only been influenced by the feeling that if I had refused to come the refusal would have been unkind and ungentlemanlike. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I must express to you my thanks for the address which you have just read and offered to my notice. There is one portion of that address in which you will easily believe I entirely sympathise. Probably there is no man living who more entirely agrees with you that it is an act upon which the country may generally be congratulated that the bill which we introduced for the improvement of the repre sentation of the people in England has passed into a law. (Loud cheers.) I am glad to find that so considerable an assembly, and one formed, I think no one will deny, mainly of the working classes of this metropolis, so entirely approve of that measure —cheers) —that they believe it was only conceived i❑ a great spirit and adequate t) the occa sion, and is calculatei to lead to the settlement of a question which had too long agitatel the common wealth, and disturbed and distracted that applica tion of the popular energies to other questions which, if carried into effect, would have tended to improve the condition and advance the fortunes of the people and of the country. (Cheers.) This is most gratify ing to me, and I am sure will be so to every mem ber of her Majesty's Government. The personal allusions which you have made in that address I accept as an indication of your kindness to me in dividually ; but in a great degree I must admit they are undeserved. It is not to my individual exertions that you are indebted for the passing of the Reform Act. I was supported by colleagues who entirely agreed with me. I served under a Prime Minister who is the leading spirit of his Cabinet.—(cheers)— between whom and myself there is perfect and entire sympathy, and who resolved upon this question from the first, that nothing should deter us, if possible, from bringing to a happy conclusion the settlement of a question upon which vitally depended the great ness of the empire and the happiness of her Ma jesty's subjects. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, you are indebted not merely to the Ministry ; you are also indebted to the high feeling of the existing House of Commons and the party with which I am connected, who upon that occasion evinced a devo tion and an energy scarcely to be equalled in the history of the Constitution of our country. (Cheers.) They gave me no churlish support ; they gave un limited devotion to their leaders. But impelled by the conviction that the settlement of this question was one of vital necessity, they determined that it should be settled in a manner which should produce concord among all classes of her Majesty's subjects. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, you have given me credit individually for the possession and exercise of some happy arts in the carrying of that measure. If I have shown patience, it became my position ; if I have listened to the suggestions of my opponents with deference, I only fulfilled the duty of a British Minister ; but, believe me, I am not entitled to those compliments which I sometimes receive upon my marvellous dexterity and patience. (Cheers and laughter.) I will explain to you to-night all the arts by which I contrived to achieve this great success. All the black devices to which I applied were simply these—upon every question I took my own party into confidence ; and when I had to ap peal to an independent Opposition, I remembered at all times that they were men of sense and gentlemen. (Cheers.) It was by these two means, and these only, that I succeeded at last, as the organ of a unanimous Government, in carrying a measure which I believe will add stability and strength to the entire community. Gentlemen, your hon. chairman has referred to my career, somewhat longer now than I care to recollect ordinarily. (Laughter.) But what ever its length and whatever its labours, believe me that I have a reward in the reception which I have met from a meeting, not only so numerous as that which I now address, but influenced as no one can deny, by feelings so cordial, so friendly, and I hope so just. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, when I hear, and when I feel so deeply and so painfully as I very often have done, of the war among classes, I must say— taking, I hope, an impartial view of my public career, which has now lasted longer than the lives of many men that are now present—throwing my eye over a Parliamentary career alone that has continuously prevailed for upwards of thirty years, I cannot find that I have ever taken any part hostile, or inten tionally hostile, to the interests of the working classes; that I have ever been connected with those who sought to be, or intended to be, in antagonism with them. Now, gentlemen, during these thirty years there has been a great mass of legislation which has been car ried by Parliament relating to the interests and affect ing the interests of the working classes—measures in which they were deeply interested themselves, which they promoted by their persons, which they showed by their conduct were dear in every sense to the inner most sentiments of their hearts and souls. (Cheers.) I have remarked in looking. over that period that during that time I think, if I recollect rightly—but of course on an occasion like the present I must speak with that indulgence which I am sure you will accord to one .who has no blue books to refer to in this un expected meeting--(laughter)--I think there have been 32 acts passed relative to the conduct of the people, and especially of the working class of this country, in which you take the deepest interest. There have been laws affecting their wages, their education, their hours of toil, their means of self improvement—laws, the object of which was to elevate their condition and to soften the asperities which were the inevitable consequences of probably any state of society that may exist. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I can say this, and as 1 am not canvass ing for your votes—(laughter) —but speaking as your guest and visitor on this occasion, it is some gratification to me, and I think it will fairly be ad mitted it is some trial of the disposition and career of a public man, that of those 32 acts passed during those 30 years, and that is some trial of the life of any one, I have invariably supported every one. (Cheers.) And, gentlemen, allow me to tell you that although that legislation is now considered to have achieved results, the benefit to propriety and the justice of which cannot be questioned, there was not one of those acts which was not bitterly, ably op posed. I will not say by whom they were opposed —(laughter)—or by what party they were opposed, because it is neither my wish, nor is it in any way necessary to the object of a meeting like the present, that we should dwell upon these circumstances ; but this I will say, they were not opposed by the politi cal party with which I am intimately acquainted. (Loud cheers.) Only yesterday evening, when I dined with a large body of your fellow-citizens, not less in number probably than those I now address, I had the pleasure of meeting a gentleman who is my colleague, but who was present there as the pro prietor and dweller in Scotland—not only my col league, but my dearest friend—Lord John Manners. (Cheers.) He then recalled to my recollection that a quarter of a century ago and more, when pro bably neither of us thought that we should ever be the advisers of the Crown, we were working together for the very objects that are dearest to the majority of those whom I am now addressing, many of which, mainly by his influence, much more even than by my own, havebeen called into active legisla tion, and all of which in their effects are now uni versally acknowledged to have elevated and im proved the condition of the great mass of the popu lation. (Loud cheers.) Well, gentlemen, perhaps on this subject I may be permitted to remind you that the past session of Parliament has given, I think, some evidence that the feelings of her Majesty's Ministers are unchanged on this subject, and that we have not forgotten that which is one of the first and principal duties of any Minister who has to consider whether by legislation the condition of the people can be improved. (Cheers.) Although our time has been engrossed by that great measure which followed, as I hope it will be followed with regard to Scotland, by identical legislation—(loud cheers) —which has greatly increased the popular privileges of the people of England—notwithstanding the en grossing nature of that great labour which would have been no excuse for any neglect of any subject by any Ministry, I am proud to recollect the pre sent Government have carried two measures, even in the last session of Parliament, which are of vital importance to the people. (Cheers.) One of those is a measure with which you are no doubt well acquainted, which has extended the principles and the conditions of the Factory Act to all the trades of the United Kingdom, which is a measure of no mean importance, and which very considerably, and for the better, affects the condition of the people. The other is that act which limits the hours of labour up to 18 years of age, and which, with re ference to that condition, has established a system of compulsory education. (Cheers.) I think, then, gentlemen, after these circumstances, and remem bering that that was the session of all oilers where had there been any insincerity in one's feelings we might easily have refrained from exerting ourselves on the subject—l think we may with satisfaction and just pride appeal to those two measures, which have passed by the influence of the Go vernment alone, as some evidence that her Ma jesty's Ministers arc mindful of what the Govern ment of the queen should never forget. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I say that I have from my earliest public life been of opinion that that assumed and affected antagonism between the interests of what arc called the Conservative classes and the labour ing classes is entirely unfounded. I say that if I had to adduce a further proof of that I would ap peal to a measure also passed in the last session of Parliament, and which I am bound to say, even at the expense of the reputation of the Government, is even more valuable than those two measures to which I have referred, and that is the measure which Lord Elcho introduced, which passed through Parliament, and which altered the state of the law as respects the contract between master and servant. (Cheers.) In my opinion a more important and beneficial law, and one which more sensibly improves the condition of the great body of the people, was never intro duced and passed through Parliament ; but I say there is no language which can expresi, in ray opinion, the debt of gratitude which the country ' owes to Lord Elcho for the untiring patience, the admirable ability, courage, and determination with which he succeeded in carrying that measure ; be cause, gentlemen, allow me to remind you that it is very easy to talk at meetings like the present of introducing bills into Parliament and passing them through. But the fact is that it is very diffi cult even for a Minister to pass a bill—(laughter) —but there is no human imagination, the fancy of no individual present can conceive the labours, the difficulties, the discountenancing perplexities of a private member who attempts to legislate on any subject of importance ; and therefore I have always considered that the effort, the successful effort, made by Lord Elcho upon that most important subject— a subject with which you are so familiar that I am sure it is unnecessary for me to dwell upon—can not be too highly praised. (Cheers.) Remember this, that by the old law of England, when a con tract was made between a master and servant, the servant who broke it was guilty of a criminal act, but if the master broke it, he, of course, was ex empted from all such consequences. Now that we have obtained a new law that reconciles such ine qualities, it is difficult to conceive that such a law could exist in England ; but it did exist, and not in England only, but in Great Britain—it existed in Scotland, and it existed, I would not say unchal lenged, but certainly not abandoned, 12 months ago. I say, then, that the man who could have the cou rage and determination to carry such an improve ment of the laws of his country deserves the grati tude and approbation of his countrymen. (Cheers.) But with respect to the observation with which I started, I must say that I have never heard that Lord Elcho was a very advanced Liberal, or that it was in consequence of his very profound conviction of opinions that bear that down that he was induced to come forward and make that determined effort in which he succeeded. IN by then, gentlemen, I think that I have shown you that there are good grounds to believe that my opinion is just, and that there is no necessary antagonism between the inte rests of those classes popularly described as the Conservative classes and the labouring classes of this country. My opinions have been expressed not only in Parliament, but by other modes not so im portant, to which the chairman has referred. I have always looked upon the interests of the labour ing classes as essentially the most Conservative in terests of the country. (Cheers.) The arts of labour have been to me always as sacred as the arts of pro perty—(cheers)—and I have always thought that those who were much interested in the stability, and even the glory, of the State are the great mass of the population, happy to enjoy the privileges of freemen and good laws, and proud at the same time as inhabitants of a great country to give their name an honourable and glorious reputation in every quarter of the globe. So much, then, with refer ence to the measure which we passed last session, and which you I am glad to say so fully appreciate. So much with reference to my individual influence in the 'carrying the measure which was much sim pler than it was described in the newspapers, and so much with reference to the general sentiments and principles of the party with which for 30 years I have been connected in Parliament, with regard to the interest that we take in the general welfare of our countrymen—those countrymen, I am proud to say who, by the united influence of that party, are soon about to exercise the noblest privileges of free men. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I ought not to forget that in the address which you have presented to me, and with which, I can assure you from the bottom of my heart, I am most deeply gratified,'you have not only referred to the past, but you have thrown a prophetic eye on the impending future. Gentlemen, you have enumerated in the concluding paragraphs of your address various questions which must attract the at tention of the Senate, and may agitate the for tunes of realms and empires. Many of you appear from the tone you have adopted to have very decided opinions upon these questions. Allow me as a prac tical man, without wishing to offend anybody pre sent, to say that in the catalogue of questions you have referred to are contained all those important political problems which the wisest statpsmen and the most powerful ministers have hitherto not been able to solve. (Laughter.) Whether your confidence would be increased in me on this occasion if I came forward with a solution, I will not attempt to decide, but having a great respect for the opinion of Scotch men—(laughter)—believing that not merely from their education, but from their race, they are a very shrewd and discriminating people, I am rather in clined to conclude that if I were to offer a solution of all these questions, even if it agreed with the opinions and prejudices of the large majority present, instead of their confidence being increased in their guest, they would say, " This man is much too quick for us." (Laughter and cheers.) " We would rather trust our fortunes and the interests of the country to one who pondered and hesitated a little before he gave so decided an opinion as he has done." I take it for granted that like all prudent men you are fond of detail, because, after all, upon a perfect knowledge and right appreciation of detail the settlement of great questions mainly depends ; and, gentlemen, I think I may venture to say that none of the questions which you have introduced in these last paragraphs of your address, although you may have arrived at certain conclusions as you are justly entitled to do, which so far governed your conduct, and to which you have a right, to call upon those who regulate your affairs to give their earnest con sideration, the anomalies may be removed, the im perious conduct and consequences may be repaired, and thus put an end to any of those questions. I very much doubt whether there is anybody present who is prepared to propose a measure which practi cally and completely would effect the somewhat vain conclusion which influences your opinion. Gentle men, there are one or two of those subjects upon which I may speak in more confidence. You seem to express a desire that a Reform Bill should be introduced in the next session of Parlia ment, in which franchises of not less importance should be secured to the people of Scotland than have been secured to the people of England. (Cheers.) Upon this subject, gentlemen, I can speak in confidence, because it is one which I have entertained and mastered, and my colleagues have duly considered it. It is their intention to intro duce on the earliest possible occasion a bill to im prove the representation of the people in Scotland ; and certainly I shall be no party to the introduction of the bill if it offers to the people of Scotland less franchises than have been secured to the people of England. (Great cheering.) Gentlemen, the ques tion of the Irish Church to which you have referred already engages, no doubt, the attention of the public mind ; and I should think you cannot for get that even at this moment there is a commission just appointed to inquire into the condition of the Establishment; and I should think such practical men as those whom I am now addressing would look upon a Minister with little confidence who left London— having sanctioned a commission to inquire into the Irish Church—and then came to Edin burgh to inform those he is addressing as to the policy her Majesty's Government intend to pursue. Gentlemen, I will say nothing now as to the laws affecting the combination of workmen. I entirely agree with Lord Derby that it would be a most im politic and unjust course to support any laws which would oppose the combination of working men, or at all affect those unions they have thought fit to establish for preservation and protection of their own interests. (Cheers.) Upon that question I will simply say, that if the working men come for ward and ask Parliament to consider their case, because they have not the means under the existing law of asserting their rights—why, I say, we are perfectly justified, and it would be our duty, and one which I think this meeting would approve in saying—" Let the whole question be considered; do not partially interfere for any particular object, but so legislate, if you must legislate, that the working men of Britain shall be able to assert their rights and at the same time fulfil their duties." Gen tlemen,l will not touch upon the condition of the work houses you have brought under my consideration, though I might do so with some advantage at the present moment, because I have already trespassed too long upon your time—(cheers) —but when you call the attention of her Majesty's _Government to the condition of our workhouses and the absolute necessity of Government interference and improve ment, I must say I do not accept this as a censo rious intimation on the part of my friends who have entrusted to me this address, but rather, I would say, on their part availing:themselves of an oppor tunity of introducing a subject which I think the present Government may look to with some self complacency, because I think no one will deny that we are the first Government that have attempted, and successfully attempted, to deal with the condi tion of the workhouses in the portion of the king dom where it is most difficult to grapple with the legal powers that produce such consequences as have been so much deprecated. I say we are the first Government that vigorously and efficiently dealt with the deplorable condition of the workhouses in the great metropolis of the empire, and with uni versal consent did produce the measure which has obtained all those advantageous consequences and results which you desire; therefore upon that sub ject I will only say that this expression of opinion upon it by a meeting so influential and spontaneous as the present is one which will encourage and em bolden us to pursue the course which we have hitherto pursued with so much success, and which you have ratified by your approbation. But, gen tlemen, there is one subject of paramount import ance, far above any of those to which you have referred, and which I have noticed, which demands the consideration of the State, and that is the edu cation of the people. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I may be permitted to say that there required no address to be offered to me, even by a meeting so numerous and so influential as the present, repre senting, as .1 think will now be really admitted, the opinion of the great body of the working classes of the city of Edinburgh— (cheers) I say there required to be no address presented to me in order to enlist my best feelings and utmost ener gies in a cause which I have ever deemed so paramount and sacred. (Cheers.) I have ever considered that the education of the people of the United Kingdom could not be too much developed, looking to the immense empire which :depends on the qualities of so limited a population compara tively as inhabit the united islands. I have felt that it is the first duty of a statesman to take care that the most responsible man in the world, and that is a British citizen, should be capable of fulfilling the important duties devolved upon him. (Cheers.) I say, when you have a population of about 30,000,000 to support, considering the untiring efforts and the almost incredible intelligence which are necessary to maintain an empire of that magnitude of that which Queen Victoria presides over-1 say it is ab solutely necessary that a British subject should be a man who exceeds in resources and in power more than one man of any other country. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, how is that to be fulfilled, how is that great end to be obtained but by the education of the people ? Now, I learn that there is at the present moment a great passion on this subject, that a great many persons who had never thought of the education of the people now speak of educa tion as the only means of escaping dreadful conse quences which await them in consequence of the passing of the Reform Bill. (Cheers and laughter.) Now I cannot promise you to make greater exer tions for the cause of education as an individual than I have hitherto made, and I think I may say, on the part of her !Majesty's Government, that, totally irrespective of the Reform Bill, they consider the question of popular education as one of the greatest duties, as one of the greatest questions that can command their consideration. (Cheers.) I can not believe that the men who will be called on to exercise the franchise are not sufficiently educated at the present moment to fulfil that trust. I have no doubt that they are sufficiently well educated, and I have no doubt that the generations which follow them will, having the advantages which are preparing for them, fulfil the trust in a manner more completely adapted to the exigencies of the coming generations ; but as a principle 1 am bound to say that every man who will exercise the franchise under the new law will be, speaking of course generally on such a subject, perfectly competent, as far as general information and means of forming an opi nion are isonoorned, to fulfil that office. If I did not feel this I should have been unpardonable for hav ing introduced such a bill for the consideration of Parliament. Ido not say this to depreciate the im portance of popular education, but rather to warn you against the designs of those who are taking ad vantage of a moment, in some quarters, of fear and alarm, to induce you to enter into arrangements which you will afterwards have cause to regret. (Cheers.) The cause of education must be dealt with with great caution and consideration. It would be most unwise to blot out at once all that for the last 30 years you have with such pains and difficulty accomplished. You must utilise, as far as possible, all the existing machinery and all the in fluences that are acting in favour of the great and sacred cause of popular education. You must sup plement, you must invigorate, you must add to their powers ; but it would be most unwise on your part if you agreed rashly to terminate all that exists so advantageous to the cause without securing an equivalent and even a superior arrangement. (Cheers and a hiss.) lam not prepared myself to say, I cannot say, that the condition of our primary edu cation is at all satisfactory in any of the counties which form the United Kingdom of the Queen, but we must remember this that the condition of affairs 30 years ago, when the great movement commenced with regard to the improvement of primary educa tion, was infinitely more grievous, and though there are great wants and deficiences at present, still an immense advance has been made in this country in regard to primary education, greater indeed than in any other country. I can refer to that part of the subject I now dismiss ; but there is another part which refers to the condition, the interests, and the fortunes of adults--the men I am now addressing— and that is technical education; education in the arts you practise in, on which your welfare depends, on which your property is invested, and on which, if you do not achieve excellence, you will deteriorate, not merely as citizens, but as human beings. That is a question of great importance, and it de pends much on yourselves and the state of public opinion on this matter. Now, it is impossible that the British artisan can retain the position he has hitherto occupied by the mere traditionary feeling of the method and manners which those who have preceded have delivered to him. (Cheers.) The Prince Consort, one of the wisest and most accom plished of men, was the first who called the atten tion of the country to this subject. His views were received at first with incredulity, and with that arrogance which ignorance always assumes ; but the Prince Consort was right. He knew that he was right, and he knew that the course of coming events would prove that he was right. He knew that the foreign mechanic in the arts which he practised was fast rivalling, and if rivalling must ultimately excel, the British artist. He took steps to arrest that course of deterioration. He was the first who had courage to establish without painfully offending the feelings of any British workman institutions which would place him in the amicable but evident competition with the other producers of mechanisms in art, and since that movement, which I have called the Albertine movement, from the ex tremely beneficial effect which it had on the Eng lish mechanic, there has been a conviction which has entered the mind of the public and of the mechanics themselves that this subject is one much too serious to be neglected, that the fate and for tunes of a great body of her Majesty's subjects de pended on rightly understanding it, and that it be came the duty of the State, as well as of the men themselves, to take such measures as should improve the technical education of the British people. You must have, as you have bad in some degree, schools of art promoted and established in this country on these subjects. Your manufactures will languish and disappear if you fail in the arts of design ; and those who practise metallurgy must be conscious that it requires the utmost energy to maintain the position which Britain has hitherto enjoyed. In civilisation so very various and complicated as that which prevails among the population of the United Kingdom, no identical system would suit all parts of the king . dom. But with regard to Scotland, I think your course is clear. You Kaye had in old days, and .0. ."..... to a certain degree you still enjoy, the advantage of a system of national education, which after all, whatever they may say of it, has prevailed two cen turies, end you would be the most ungrateful of men if you did not recognise the advantages which have resulted from it, and which have marked you out among the nations of the world as men who have been most favoured by that wise institution of your country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, so far as I can form an opinion, the general principles upon which your national system of education in Scotland is founded are wise, and I think they are durable prin ciples ; but there is no doubt that as time has flown, the course of two centuries has so altered the cir cumstances of your country that the application of these principles is no longer satisfactory and ade quate, and in my opinion the time has arrived when, without confounding yourselves and complicating your position by connecting your necessities and claims with those of other people and other places, you ought to receive some great improvement in that respect. You are aware that the subject has engaged the attention of a commission. The report of that commission, distinguished by great ability, has now for some time been under the consideration of the Government—(cheers)—and I shall be disappointed, and certainly most happy if that disappointment is avoided, if it be not in the power of her Majesty's Government, in the next session of Parliament, to introduce a measure with respect to national educa tion in Scotland, which will render adequate and complete that ancient and famous system to which this country owes so many of its benefits. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, upon the subject of education there are one or two points that I have noticed perhaps in other places, but I hardly think it is inappropriate that I should touch on them here, because they most concern the claims of the men I address to-night. (Cheers.) Now, all these great measures which are somewhat cloudily brought forward with regard to national education, all of them necessarily refer to primary education. There is no doubt the difficulty of national education is involved in that question of primary or elementary education. (Cheers.) This is a portion of public education in which the Govern ment can assist the British workmen, and to which the Government have, to a certain degree, already assisted them, and towards which, in my opinion, there ought to be a greater development of public assistance. There is one subject to which I have already alluded in another place, but which, in a matter of education, I cannot pass unnoticed. When I hear that the British people are not edu cated, that they are incapable of exercising what is very natural to a Briton, whether he possessed it before or now, namely, the suffrage, I say we forget in this country that there is a source of education perpetually going on—secular education of the highest class, which affords a future mine for the performance of public and political duties, and that is the influence, thank God, of a free Press. (Cheers.) When the education of a people is brought forward by statistics, Continental nations are adduced to prove the advantageous position those countries hold, and the comparatively disad vantageous position occupied by the people of the United Kingdom. I always recollect that thos e philosophers and statisticians forget in their views the influence of the great educating power to which I have referred, and I remember with prid e and consolation that England and England alone is the country in which a free Press practically and really exists. (Cheers.) That is an educa tional power of the highest influence, it is exercised in this country under, I believe, the highes t responsibilities ; but whether it be the con duct of those who exercise it, or the tank ) °, of the people to whom it is addressed, '- care not, the influence of the Press of England ceases if it is not moral influence, and is not exercised upo n those principles which you have been taught to look upon as necessary, not merely for the preservati on of society, but for the highest considerations which can influence man. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have too long trespassed upon you ; permit me to say, e _ you have offered me this address, that this is not the least gratifying circumstance that has attended la visit to Edinburgh. lam happy, particularly aft er the reports and rumours that reached me, to have had an opportunity of addressing—l hope you will acknowledge with frankness—so numerous and in telligent an assembly. I have referred to the origi nal cause of this address having been presented to me, namely, that of your c o m pl e t e s ympathy wit'', the Government of her Majesty i n p as sing a grea t measure of Parliamentary Reform, and your sYra . " pathy with the difficulties we had to encounter in carrying that important act. (Cheers.) Let leLe say—not in advice or admonition, because I 3B i : free to admit that you are as capable of forming an opinion for yourselves as I am, and better than I can for you ; do not, therefore, misinterpret re . ): statements, but take it as an expression of t" opinion of one who is really your friend—possess ing those great privileges which will soon be your s ' as they are now those of the pe o pl e o f Engl 3l l exercise them in a manner becoming intelligent an: patriotic men. (Cheers.) Disappoint all the force bodings of your foes as o f y our f a l se f r i en d s . Fr°s; that you are Britons, i n fl uence d by th e sa me feel ings,o the same passi ons , th e same i n t eres t s , the O n high aspirations that influe n ce all other classes of Britons ; prove that y ou lo ve yo ur country; Prevo that you are proud to belong to an ancient coup" which possesses the noblest of Constitutions, and not listen to those who pretend to you that soc iety d. is to be revolutionised because the people are trus te (Cheers.) Do not listen to those who tell youth _ a c i you have been invested with democratic rights, ,30 ; er , therefore you must effect great changes in the tunes and conditions of one of the most cool ° d. able nations and Governments that ever e%is te ,_a Be proud of the confidence which the constit tl ; authorities of the country have reposed in Y Show that you are about to be invested with Pli or lar privileges ; that you know the value of PoP privileges ; and that you will exercise them to Ma i , taro the institutions of your country, and t° in crease its power, its glory, and its fame. araid The right hon. gentl eman resume d his seat loud cheers. , " iia REFUGE IN A LION'S DEN.—The Schmidt , fo r genie has j us t l e ft L yons t o pass th e w i n t er in 0/ 0 the benefit of a warmer climate. During the remo ra '„ li e of the keepers, having some words with a workmen, r , to blows with him, and finding that ho was the W °3 s e Li d hurried away, and, opening a lion's cage, jumped in , then very safely defied his antagonist to follow hill'', e' st LADVERTISEMENT.I Holloway's Pills. Tho 'lllhl.o philosophical spirit of inquiry led to the discoveri of d priceless medicine, and the most unselfish labour at t „ to pense have been incurred in bringing so great 11,°, - , tm a the knowledge and within the r eac h of the 8- `7l o till throughout the world. Every invalid who can re B ; tio ge, understand the plain directions, i n his own la n o t oori which are folded round the pills, which should be„ o ie, in the doses and at the times distinctly specified tue,,,,al while greater attention should be paid to diet and ' — on t, other minor matters, all of which, however, are inP °r ,.,ilta, inasmuch as they augment the curative powers of tile r o d prevent them from disagreeing with the most delicate, spare time and suffering. Births. , GO' BROMLEY—On the 29th inst., at Baginton hail, n °3- ventry, Mrs. Davonpott Bromley, of a son. ace , EnwAßDs On the 29th inst , at 13, Dovonslairo-terrt llydo-park, the wife of B . ri , adier G noral 0101°° Edwards, 6 - e At 0 W ife Wo9DIN—On the 28th inst., at Poldon, Richmon d, -11 of Mr. Daniel Woodin, of a son. Marriages. 4 . at St GOODMAN—WORTHINGTON—On the 29th 13 G o," Luke's Church, Leek, Staffordshire, Thomas h ire. t ° man, Esq., solicitor, Chapel-en-le-Frith, DerhYs.vdtept Emily Jane, second daughter of Andrew J. NV° l4lll ° Esq., of Leek. v ol'oo SznANGmAN—BAYLY—On the 29th inst., at St• , bo ster , Hammersmith, Joseph Strangman, Esq., of IV-Dtli`oorlrt3 to Lydia. Sophia. Susannah, eldest daughter 0, B. Bayly ; Esq., Commander U.N. Norw ieb ' Deaths. BAILEY—On the 28th ult., at Hot ham Cottag e, Anthony Bailey, Esq., aged 67. g nr ightt BRIGHT — On the 29th inst ., in London, Richard '— Esq., of Wool, ne. ' GREEN—On the tonhill 29th inst a ., r at Liverpool Falkners, nea r Till'Ode ITALL— Walter On the Eannott Green, Esq. l l ' 27th inst , aat Buckland EiPers' vorSe ci l4 , . Hall, Esq., late of Harpsden Court, Oxfordshire' Lig e t t he SMITH—On the 2 ”7th iust Joseph C. Smith, lf , sq" York House, Bath. 1 11 pert TucKEtt —On the 27th inst., at lienciford, Ye°v'" Tucker, Esq., aged 65. . _ ,. .......--_.-- - 5r5,..., __ --- - - - -- - --,-- ---- ili'D l '' itl London : Printed and Published by WiLLIB..• No +- i of No. 112, Strand, Printor, at Tits SUN Nie e ' co atf ° Strand, in the Precinct of the Se voy, in the Middles24."'lllursasY, WO= Ul, itja. 3 .6 4 ! 1;41