The Sun. — London, England, 1867-10-24 00:00:00

Naval and Military Intelligence. The Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of Cam bridge, reviewed the troops at Devonport yesterday. His staff included the Adjt.-Gen., Lord W. Paulett; the Quartermaster-Gen., Sir J. 11. Grant ; Military Secretary Lieut.-Gen. Foster; Deputy Adjt.-Gen. Col. G. Gambier ; and Col. Jervoise, R.E., Deputy Director of Works. Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. Spencer, Commander of the Forces in the West, was attended by Brigade-Major Colley, Town Major Ramsey, and Capt. Menter, aide-de-camp. The forces assem bled in the Brickfield included a field battery of six guns, the 7th Brigade of Royal Artillery, the 20th Regiment, 40th Regiment, and the Royal Marines. Total—officers 132, rank and file 2,093. The forces were divided into brigades, under Brigadiers Col. Cormick and Cul. Foote, and Brigade-Majors Capt. Scott and Capt. Mansell. The troops marched past in slow and quick time, threw out skirmishers, and went through various evolutions in a manner which appeared satisfactory to the Commander-in-Chief, who addressed them at the conclusion of the review. Major-Gen. F. Murray yesterday completed the half-yearly inspection of the troops under his com mand in the Chatham district, by the inspection of the officers and men attached to the several depot battalions who are quartered at Milieu barracks, near Gravesend, for the purpose of going through a course of instruction with the Snider rifle, together with the detachments serving at Tilbury Fort, Essex, and New Tavern Fort. Major-Gen. Murray, who was attended by the officers of his personal and divisional staff, proceeded early yesterday to the rifle ground, near Shorncliffe, where he inspected detachments of the let, 2d, and 3d battalions in the firing and ball practice, pro ceeding afterwards to Milton barracks, where the troops were drawn up under the command of Col. Stewart, in command of the detachment. After inspecting the various corps, barracks, hospital, canteen, and library, Major-General Murray after wards crossed the Thames to Tilbury Fort, and inspected the detachment under the command of Capt. Watson, Ist battalion Bth Regt., and in the afternoon inspected the Royal Marines :Light In fantry, under the command of Lieut. Sweeny, at New Tavern Fort, after which he returned to head quarters. The departure of the 72d Highlanders from Alder shot to Manchester has been again postponed for 24 hours, in consequence of the barracks in the lat ter place not being ready for their reception. Ac cording to present arrangements the regiment will now leave the camp this evening. The marching out strength is as follows :—Major Hunter in com mand ; 33 officers, 39 sergeants, 24 drummers and pipers, 530 rank and file, 62 women, 73 children, and four horses. The men of the regiment left sick in hospital are to be attached to the 56th Regt. Col. Herbert, C. 8., Assist. Quartermaster-Gen. at Aldershot, has been appointed Deputy Adjt.- Gen. at the War-office, in the room of the late Sir T. Troubridge, C.B. Col. Herbert's successor at Aldershot will probably be Col. James Connolly, unattached, formerly Cavalry Brigade Major at Aldershot, and subsequently Assist-Adjt.-Gen. for the South Western district, and afterwards at Montreal. OnTuesday Admiral Farragut went in the paddle steam yacht Princess Alice from Plymouth Sound into Hamoaze, and inspected Keyham steamyard and other naval establishments. Yesterday the Naval Commander-in-Chief at Devonport, Admiral Sir Wm. F. Martin, accom panied by Admiral Superintendent Drummond, visited Admiral Farragut on board the Franklin, in Plymouth Sound. His Prussian Majesty's new armour-plated screw steam-frigate Frederick Carl, Capt. Koller, which was built at Toulon, put into Plymouth Sound on Tuesday. She left Gibraltar on the 17th inst., and on the 20th, when crossing the Bay of Biscay, carried away her fore and main masts. This acci dent is said to have arisen through various causes. The masts, which were of steel, are said to have been very long, and the wire rigging not sufficiently stout. The iron keutledge i❑ her hold is not coun terbalanced by her armament, which will not be placed on board until she arrives at Kiel. The contractor who built the frigate undertooK to gua rantee the permanence of the masts for two years. The Frederick Carl left at Gibraltar her Majesty's ships Royal Oak and Prince Consort, and the Prus sia❑ ships of war llertl►a and Medusa. The Swedish frigate Vanadis, 22, Commodore Alexis Petersen, and the corvette Gefle, 8, Captain Anton Rosengren, both from Carlskrona, arrived in Plymouth Sound last night ; the frigate is bound to Rio Janeiro, the corvette to the Mediterranean. Her Majesty's paddle yacht Osborne, Commander John D. Arcy, has sailed from Portsmouth for the eastward, on special service. The unarmoured screw sloop Rosario, 7 guns, 670 tons, 150-horse power, Commander Palmer, arrived at Spithead yesterday morning from the eastward, and remains at the anchorage awaiting Admiralty orders. The Plover, double-screw gun vessel, 3 guns, 663 tons, 160-horse power of engines, Commander James A. Poland, the first of her class in her Ma jesty's Navy placed in commission, received orders yesterday at Portsmouth to complete her stores and outfit for a term of service on the West Coast of Africa. The Fox, screw storeship, Commander Henry A. Moriarty, C. 8., is shipping hemp and other stores at Portsmouth Dockyard for conveyance to the eastern yards. Her Majesty's paddle yacht Alberta, 391 tons, 160-horse power, is undergoing in the steam basin of Portsmouth Dockyard the usual autumnal course of repairs and re-embellishment, &c. The Danae, 6, screw sloop, 1,268 tons, 350 horse power, recently tried at Portsmouth over the mea sured mile at her light draught of water, is being brought forward as rapidly afi , possible for her trial at load draught, and for commission. _ _ _ Her Majesty's unarmoured screw gun-vessel Myr midon having been completed at Chatham for the first division of the Steam Reserve, in readiness for commission, was yesterday taken to the Maplin Sands for the purpose of making an oqicial trial of her engines, and to ascertain her rate of speed, at light draught, for classification. The Myrmidon is one of the Wanderer type of vessels, with a length of 185 ft. between perpendiculars, length of keel for tonnage, 165 ft. 7in. ; extreme breadth, 28ft. 4in. ; breadth for tonnage, 28ft. lin. ; breadth moulded, 27ft. Gin. ; depth of hold, 14ft. ; and burden, 694 66=94 tons. Although commenced several years ago she remained on the stocks untouched until the month of October last, when it was determined by the Admiralty to complete her, and adapt her for the new description of armament she was destined to carry. For this purpose she was strengthened throughout, her wooden deck beams removed and patent iron Butterly beams substituted, while iron stringer plates and angle-iron stiffening bars were worked into her frames and topsides wherever prac ticable, the whole adding considerably to the stiffness and rigidity of the ship. Tho engines and boilers were fitted on board during the time the ship was on the building slip at Chatham Dockyard. Her machinery, manufactured by Messrs. Humphreys and Tennant, of Deptford, consists of a pair of direct acting horizontal engines, fitted with two cylinders, each with a diameter of 31t. 6lin., and length of stroke of 2ft. 2in., the connecting rod being cut off short, as is peculiar to engines made by this firm. There are four tubular boilers, heated by eight farnaces, the weight of the boilers when filled being 37 tons. In the two high boilers the number of tubes i 3 192, each 6ft. 6in. in length and 21 in. dia meter ; in the low boilers there are 97 tubes, each 6ft. in length. The screw is a single Griffith's pro peller, with a diameter of lift. 3in., and was set yesterday at a pitch of 13ft. 101 in. With 100 tons of the hand-picked Nixon coal and 10 tons of water on board, together with all her guns, shot, and cables, the Myrmidon's draught of water yesterday on getting under way was lift. 9in. aft., and 10ft. Sin. forward. During the trial the vessel was in charge of Commander W. L. Partridge, of the Cum liorland, 70, guardship of the Steam Reserve, the other officials on board being Mr. W. Eames, assistant -inspector of machinery at Chatham Dock yard ; Mr. Owen, of the Steam Reserve ; Mr. W. Hutchins, assistant-muter-4hipwright ; and mr, Matthews, chief engineer of the ship. Mr. Hum phreys, of the firm of Humphreys and Tennant, represented the makers of the engines, and had charge of the machinery during the trial. On reaching the trial ground six runs were taken at full boiler power, with the following results :-Ist mile. —Time, smin. 35sec. ; speed in knots, 10.746 ; pressure of steam, 221 b.; vacuum, 26 ; revolutions of screw per minute, 100. 2d mile.—Time, 6min. 57sec. ; speed, 8.633 knots ; steam, 171 b. ; vacuum, 27 ; revolutions, 102. 3d mile.—Time, smin. Bsec.; speed, 11.688 knots ; steam, 201 b. ; vacuum, 261 ; revolutions, 106. 4th mile.—Time, 6min. 58sec.; speed, 8.612 knots ; steam, 191 b. ; vacuum, 264 ; revolutions, 106. sth mile.—Time, smin. 19sec.; speed, 11.285 knots ; steam, 191 b. ; vacuum, 27 ; revolutions, 108. 6th mile.--Time, 6min. 45sec.; speed, 8.889 knots ; steam, 151 b. ; vacuum, 27 ; revolutions, 100; load on safety valve, 22k1b. From these readings the moan average speed of the ship was found to be 10.006 knots. During the trial the force of the wind was 2, and the sea calm. The temperature during the runs over the measured mile was 90 deg. in the forward engine room, 79 deg. in the after engine-room, 104 deg. in the forward stokehole, and 84 deg. in the after stokehole ; on deck the temperature was 58 deg. During the trial the boilers were found to prime to such an extent, pressure of steam gradually falling off, that the officials on board determined on not proceeding with the trials any further, and the ves sel accordingly returned to harbour, where the ma chinery will undergo a general adjustment pre viously to the vessel being taken on another speed trial. The Myrmidon has received her armament on board, consisting of one 7-inch 6i-ton gun, and one 64-pounder, on pivots, together with two 20- pounder Armstrong breech-loading chase guns, and the usual number of smaller guns for boat and field service. There was comparatively little vibration on board during the trial ; far less, indeed, than is often observed in vessels of a much larger tonnage. Archb'shop Manning on Intemperance. At the annual public meeting of the United King dom Alliance, held last evening in the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, Sir Wilfred Lawson, Bart., in the chair- - The Archbishop of WESTMINSTER, who was re ceived with protracted cheering, moved the first resolution, as follows :—" That this meeting regards the appalling amount of pauperism, ignorance, and crime of the nation, with its consequent taxation, as constituting an intolerable burden on the indus trious and sober portion of the community ; and as the conviction is now universally felt that a vast pro portion of these evils is the direct result of the liquor traffic, the meeting calls upon all patriotic, moral, and religious men to aid the United King dom Alliance in its efforts to banish in temperance from the land." He said he could not put any personal interpretation upon the kind man ner in which he had been received. As a co operator in the United Kingdom Alliance he was too conscious that he had done nothing to merit such a reception as that. Ile therefore put on it something better than a personal interpretation. He believed it was an expression on the part of the meeting of a desire to unite together in their great work the hearty co-operation of all those who loved their people and their common country. (Cheers.) He understood them to signify that, peacefully and kindly eliminating all those points on which they must be, unhappily, somewhat in diversity, there was a multitude of the most vital, the most import ant, the most far-reaching interests, on which they were one—one in intelligence, in heart, and in will. (Hear, hear.) He had come to take a part in the meeting at the invitation of friends whom he learned to respect in the early part of this year, for until then they were unknown to each other. He was present for this reason —that if there was one thing which, at this moment, was destroying the foundation of society in Great Bri tain, which was dissolving the homes of the poor and corrupting the national life, it was the curse and the sin of drunkenness. Being, as he was, the pastor of, he might say, the poorest of the working men of London ; being in constant contact with them ; and loving the working men of England from his heart—(hear, hear),—there was nothing lie felt more dear to him than the effort made by all of them, with one heart and one strength, to put down, and put down so effectually that it could never rise again, this monster evil, by the destruc tion of those laws which now constituted what had been most truly described as a system of legal ised temptation. He felt heart and mind with the Alliance in the work upon which they had entered. (Hear.) When he became aware, in the early part of this year, of the nature of the Alliance, its objects, and the means by which it sought to pro mote them, he felt so hearty and so extensive a coincidence of judgment in its work, so earnest a desire to see it prosper, that it immediately com manded his sympathy. He believed that there existed in Great Britain no organisation so well able to grapple with the gigantic evil of drunkenness as that of this Alliance. He tendered to Dr. Lees his thanks for the prize essay which that gentleman wrote some years ago, in which was collected a body of facts and statistics which must carry conviction to every honest mind. (Cheers.) 'With that essay the Alliance had struck a blow as with one of Na smyth's hammers. The dint of the hammer bad gone into the national intelligence and the national conscience ; and the blow, repeated as it would be, day by day and year by year, would produce an impression upon the public mind of Great Britain which in the end would have its effect. (Hear, hear.) He agreed in every syllable of the resolution ; in the connection of every proposition in it. He be lieved that at that moment the amount of pauperism, crime, and ignorance in this country was appalling. He would not then ask whether comparatively with other countries it was greater or less. As soon as they entered into comparisons they always lost their calmness. Taking it as it stood, in its positive quantity, it was appalling. Bat what appalled him more was this. They were told by those who had examined the success of the education of the last 20 years, that its result had not corresponded with their expectations and with the outlay of pub lic money. (Hear, hear.) He would not say that ignorance was on the increase ; but he must say that education in this country was not yet what it ought to be, either in quantity or in quality. In quantity it did not correspond with their needs; and in quality it was superficial. Another fact which was certain was this, that from 1860 to 1866 there bad been an increase in the number of paupers of one sixth of the number, and in the cost of convicted criminals of one sixth. Ile believed that this ap palling fact was increasing and multiplying around them ; and he traced it—he did not say altogether, lest he should seem to exaggerate—to the existence of the legalised temptation to drunkenness, which day and night was creating paupers and crimi nals all over the country. (Cheers.) They bad a just right to complain that the poor rates which were paid by the honest, sober, laborious working men should be made more burdensome by intoxication and the vice it created. (Hear, hear.) They had a right to complain that three and a half millions of public money should be expended in the administration of criminal justice. That was the amount expended eight or ten years ago; and if he was right in saying that crime was increasing, he was justified in concluding that the cost of criminal justice had not decreased. (Hear, hear.) It was a great evil that money in such vast extent should be lavished upon punishment, when the same legis lative enactments multiplied—he was going to say created—and sowed broadcast over the land the temptation and the cause of that crime. (Applause.) If his hearers desired to see a connection between drunkenness, crime, pauperism, vice, and insanity, and all the evils of which human nature was heir, established by proofs beyond controversy, let them go to the hospitals, the asylums, the gaols, the peni tentiaries, the reformatory schools, the homes that wore dissolved by divorce and by misery, to the streets, to the Curragh —if that scene described by the Pall Mall Gazette of Saturday was true, and not a fiction—and then they would have proof of what had been said again and again, that three fourths of those miseries came not from aberrations of tin moral nature, through auddeu and exceptional temptation, but the steady habit, ending in the debasement of human nature. (Applause.) It was, as tho resolution affirmed, the duty of every patriotic man, of every moral man, and of every religious man to endeavour to banish intemperance out of the land. (Hear, hear.) He had passed the greater part of his life in close contact with work ing men, and he knew how they besought those who had the care of them to help them in their struggle against the temptations which were around them. (Hear, hear.) Let it riot be imagined that the poor drunkard was an obstinate sinner. (Hear, hear.) Nine times in ten that drunkard threw himself upon his friend, his teacher, his pastor, and prayed him in God's name to save him. (Applause.) He was speak ing in the presence of those who knew Ireland well, and they would bear out his words, that the sorrowthe grief with which those poor working men went and cast themselves on those in whom they could confide, and besought them to help them in their weakness, was enough to touch the heart of any man. (Hear, hear.) How could this evil be abated ? By moral means ? Certainly moral means to a vast extent. A change in the turn of a man's heart and will was a moral work ; that was proved. He need only point to the Catholic Archbishop of Cashel and the Catholic Bishop of Thuries, who by their sole influ ence had closed all places of drink in their dioceses on Sunday—(applause)—to show what moral means might do. He pointed to it in order to show that if they reclaimed drunkards mechanically they did not make them sober ; they would be drunkards when ever they could, unless their moral nature was changed. He granted all that ; and he said it be cause some of their wise public teachers were, on the morrow of such meetings as this, always preach ing homilies upon the necessity of self-reformation. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He wished to add this further, that those two good prelates in Ireland had said to him that the great obstruction to the thorough putting down of Sunday drinking was this —that when one honest man whom they could in fluence shut his public-house, another man whom they could not influence kept his house open. (Hear, hear.) He applied that argument to the whole sub ject ; and he said that in addition to all the moral efforts that the Alliance and individuals used, the Legislature must come in and undo what it had done. (Applause.) He was glad to see so many young people present. They were the promise of the future; and would carry on the work when its pre sent leaders had gone to their rest. He was old enough to remember when the change in the beer law introduced the beerhouse, and poured out a pestilence over the country. (hear.) He also re membered the time when the reduction of the duty on spirits multiplied the consumption so as to in duce a new flood of intoxication. He therefore said that the Legislature had done two acts which it must undo; and ho turned to legislative enactment as an absolutely necessary assistant in all the moral efforts which were being made. (Cheers.) This was a moment of great public crisis and anxiety—. but., for his part, he had no anxiety. (Hear, hear.) The Chairman had said that he had little or no con fidence in politicians, but great confidence in the people. He (Dr. Manning) always had great confi dence in the people, having lived among them and known them. He knew that they were, with excep tions, an honest, upright, sober, self-governing and temperate race, but he believed that the evil and the dangers of intoxication which beset them and penetrated on every side, threatened them to such an extent, that unless they protected themselves and received the aid which this Alliance sought to give them, the evil would in the end be too strong. There need be no anxiety if the working men knew how to govern themselves. Let an appeal be made to the great principle of moral self-government, which was the characteristic of the country—to that self-government, self-denial, and that strong moral power over themselves which the people of the three kingdoms possessed. Education had been spoken of. Ho would only say that education was the root of that self-government, and they must go down to the root. Their working men must be taught when they were the children of working men, and just old enough to pass the threshold of their fathers' doors to go to school. Self-government must begin there, and sobriety would follow. They must appeal to those working men, and their confidence and their strength would be in them. The working men who were sober, who were heads of families, on whom the pestilence had not fallen, would all be with them. Those who in time past had fallen into the vice and had been reclaimed would respond to their appeal with an eagerness that no words could express. He believed that drunkenness was indeed the vice and the curse of the people ; but he did not accuse the working men of England of drunkenness. (Applause.) He accused some among them of drunkenness ; but they were spots upon the population which he trusted the rest of the working men would desire to wipe away. (Applause.) He was confident that what they were doing would have a response throughout the land amongst the working men, and that their strength would be with the Alliance ; because, as power was passing into their hands, it would be they who would return hereafter men who understood what was necessary for their good. It was most important that this should be so ; because there was established in the country a dominion extremely powerful, extending daily in organisation and in strength, and ramifying its influence on every side —he alluded to the power of that enormus capital in the hands of brewers and distillers—which was exercising tyranny over the country and over Par liament itself. (Hear, hear.) He knew no way of counteracting that but one—to arouse the working men of England to a consciousness of their own dignity, the dignity of sobriety, of self-government, and of the power which it gives. (Cheers.) THE REFORM LEAGUE AND FENIAIVISM. Last evening the principal business at the Coun• cil of the League was the discussion of a letter from the president, Mr. Beales, M.A., upon Fenianism. Mr. Beales says, speaking of the arming of the police, that every effort should be used to prevent a foolish Fenian panic from being converted into a pretext for infringing on the landmarks of the law and constitution, and introducing practices dangerous to rightful, independent popular action, and fruitful of enormous national mischief, by setting the Eng lish people against the Irish, and thus further weak ening and separating, instead of uniting and strengthening, the two countries. He had in Ire land urged the people to adopt the principle of the League, namely, to proceed to remove national grie vances by the firm and resolute but peaceful expres sion of the public opinion in a lawful and constitu tional manner. He thought that if tha Fenians had acted on that principle, and had enlisted and rallied public opinion round a moral instead of a physical force standard, they might now be assisting to exercise an irresistible power for the benefit of both countries, instead of exciting, by their san guinary and highly irritating, though abortive pro ceedings, a spirit of animosity and hostility here, tending only to retard the political and social ad vance of their country. Upon the motion that the letter of the president be entered upon the minutes, Mr. LUCRAFT objected to the publication of the letter, and he also objected to that portion of the letter which condemned Fenianisin, because he felt that the Irish people wero fully justified in using physical force to redress their wrongs when they had received such fearful provocation. Mr. WHITFonn said that the people of Ireland had hem so much trod len upon that it could not be right to utterly condemn them in this way. Mr. COOPER did not believe in putting a stop to a discussion on this question. lle wished to say that he cordially endorsed the remarks of Mr. Lucraft as to the justification of the Irish using physical force. Fle was no Fenian, but he knew that there was no argument so powerful to get justice from England as that addressed to her by the Fenians. An Irish man was fully justified in appealing to force, and the only question was the prudence of so doing. Mr. ODGER fully endorsed the sentiments of Mr. Lucraft with regard to Fenianism, and the assertion that the English Government had provoked the latter. If he had influence with Irishmen he would say, "Let Englishmen and Irishmen work out their emancipation together." The Irish had good reason to be displeased with English rule, and he was fully persuaded if he were an Irishman he would be a THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, ocroBER 24, 1867 Fenian. (Cheers.) Ireland would never make an impression upon her rulers until Ireland knocked down some of her rulers, whether in the way of the Hyde-park railings or otherwise he did not know. (Cheers.) How were the people to get redress ? Why, the bloated parsons, who professed a religion the people did not believe in, bad no sympathy with the people, and that state of things would continue till some power to strong for them would say, " We will endure it no longer." Fenianism, if not what they all liked, had taught a lesson, a sad lesson, to jobbing Governments. Until Ireland was placed in a proper position there would be a black spot in the kingdom. The Government had made a great mistake in denouncing Fenianism as they had done, and unless Ireland was righted it would be for Eng lishmen to see what they should do. (Cheers.) Mr. HAWKER said that Ireland could not now be overlooked as she had been. Several persons who came to him on business were Fenians, and he was glad they were. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Burn said he endorsed every word that had been said in favour of Fenianism. The letter of Mr. Beale was an abortion. He (Mr. Brisk) would say, " Let Fenianism go on and prosper." (Hear, hear.) Mr. GOLDRING thought it would be detrimental to the League if this letter condemning Fenianism went forth to the world. (Hear, hear.) He pro tested against the letter of the president as con demning Fenianism. Mr. BUBB moved, " That, without approving of all the views contained in the letter of the president, the letter be received and entered upon the minutes." Mr. ODGER said that the resolution of Mr. Bubb was not strong enough, considering the words " sanguinary" and " abortion" in the letter of ➢lr. Beales. What would be said if these two terms were applied to the actors in the Roman Revolution? They had all as much right to sympathise with the Fenian movement as with the Roman movement. (Hear, hear.) Mr. J. B. LANGLEY (the chairman) said that the only justification for a revolution was a reasonable prospect of success. (Hear, hear.) With regard to Fenianism, while he sympathised with the wrongs of Ireland, and while he would go as far as any one in redressing them, he felt that the Fenian movement was fatal to the progress of Ireland at the present time. Ile did not believe that a revo lution or that the Fenian organisation in Ireland would have a chance of success, and that an enormous sacrifice of human life would be the re sult of an attempt at revolution in Ireland. After a stormy discussion, the motion of Mr. Bubb originally moved was carried, and the council shortly after adjourned. MR. D. M'LAREN, M.P., AND HIS CONS7I7UENIS. On Tuesday night, at the special request of the Independent Liberal Committee, Mr. D. M'Laren, M.P., addressed a public meeting of electors and non-electors in. the Music-hall, Edinburgh. The hall was crowded. Mr. Hugh Rose was called to the chair. Mr. APLAREN, who on rising was received with enthusiastic applause, said— Our opponents have thus had two meetings since we had any ; for you must all remember that while I was in London at tending to your interests, and my colleague was attending in Edinburgh to his own, by carrying on his business at the bar, he called a public meeting to abuse me for a letter I wrote, refusing a proposal to coalesce with his friends in election matters, be cause of his past conduct, and stating the facts and arguments justifying that course. His friend the ex- Whig Solicitor-General, against whom I had never said a word, accompanied him to the platform, and performed the not very dignified part of throwing mud, which, however, only soiled his own hands without doing me any injury. With respect to the meeting recently held, I cannot promise you any thing like what was then promised by its chairman, who said—" We are desirous of hearing from our hon. friend, whom I at once class among the states men of the present day, what line of policy the Liberal party may now go ou to pursue, so that our minds may become more settled, and the agitation which has for so long time past deprived us of all those enjoyments which we delight to have may subside." Of course, you all know I have no preten sions to the character of a statesman, and still less to that of a prophet, and I will not, therefore, presume to address you respecting the future, but rather confine myself to the past—giving you, as the phrase goes, some account of my stewardship, which you have a right to expect. And I have observed, as no doubt you all have, that when parties deal largely respecting future events, it begets a suspicion they possibly have not much to say respecting the past which would redound to their credit. Still, my colleague had of the day, because I bee r e e m ad e o i n v e ith of p th le e as s u ta re tesm th e a n t statesmen necessarily require so closely to watch national affairs that they aro obliged to be constant in their attendance in Parliament. But at the meet ing held for abusing me the learned Solicitor-General not only did not claim for his friend the position of a Parliament l lawyer, e like other mem bers, statesman, but he stoutly contended that he was not even an ordinary member of Parliament—that he who could not g b w e as e a xp p e r e a te c d tis t i o n Edinburghattend unless he was paid for his attendance by hold ing a lucrative public office. Accordingly his prac tice has corresponded with this theory, for as respects attention to national affairs, other than the Reform Bill— of which I shall speak hereafter--he was pre sent, I thiuk, at only seven divisions during the whole session, including one against your Annuity Tax Bill, while I was present at upwards of 60, in addi tion to those on the Reform Bill; and I had to attend to nearly the whole business of the city, in conse quence of his absence. It is therefore a great relief to mo now to learn that he has become a statesman, as by his constant attendance he will relieve me from the load of business which, during last session, he so unjustly cast upon me by his absence." After re ferring to his own promises before election, and the manner in which he had fulfilled them, Mr. M'Laren proceeded to discuss Mr. Disraeli's bill. g , wh en I read Mr. Disraeli's bill I thought it, as a whole, if passed in its original state, the most objectionable I had ever seen ; and I would rather have waited 20 years for a Reform Bill than have voted for that one as it stood. But it appeared to me that Mr. Disraeli's speech in introducing the bill dealt with the question of reform in a spirit of fairness and candour, and made proposals which commended themselves to my judgment. And here I may remark, once for all, that I do not desire to impugn the motives, or opi- Inions, or conduct of those who thought and acted differently from what I did. I intend simply to express the feelings of my own mind, as impartially as I can, without entering into controversy with others who have spoken on the subject. In introducing the bill and in other speeches, Mr. Disraeli said, in effect—' W e know our party cannot carry any reform bill with out the assistance of the opposite side, and they know, from the experience of last session, that they cannot carry one without our assistance. Let us then agree that a joint action shall take place, that the House of Commons and the Government may frame a good bill in committee, both parties making concessions in order that one may be carried this session.' Now, this proposal seemed to be fair and reasonable, and also a very fair one for the Liberal party, because if the promises thus made were _not performed, the Liberals, having a large majority in the house, could extinguish the bill on the report, when it came out of counittece, or on the third reading. But it was also objected to by some that this was not a dignified course for a Government to pursue. I thought, however, that it was a wise course for the cause of reform ; and, besides, you did not send me to Parliament to watch over the dig nity of any Government, and I thought that they were the proper guardians of their own political honour." After recounting the various stages through which reform had passed during the last session, the hon. gentleman went on to explain why he was opposed to throwing out the Derby bill. "I formed a strong opinion that it was my duty, and for your interest, to do what I could individually to get the Reform question settled during that session, and to resist any attempt to throw out the bill by substituting a £5 rating franchise for a professedly household suffrage, however imperfectly developed. , Another consideration weighed with me in fol. lowing this course. The great and almost over whelming demonstrations which the working classes had got up throughout the kingdom, with so much ability, and at such a great sacrifice to them of time and money, proved their earnest desire to obtain the franchise ; and with my feelings of confidence in the wisdom with which they would use the power when they obtained it, I felt that it was my duty to endeavour to obtain the franchise for them at once, and in as large a measure as pos sible, without running the risk of having to wait for some years, and then perhaps get a smaller measure than now appeared to be within our reach. It also appeared to me that the franchise proposed by Mr. Gladstone, equal to a real rental of £6 55., would net have satisfied the working classes, after all that had taken place during the preceding year, and therefore that it would not have settled the ques tion. In accordance with these feelings I resolved to oppose this instruction, but always with the rixed determination to support in committee every amendment which I thought would improve the bill, and which should be brought forward in the spirit of improvement, without any concealed desire to defeat the measure." As to the attack on the Tea-room party, he said—" From the re cent covert attacks on the conduct and morals of the Tea-room I shall select two examples—the first from a Radical member who had not sufficient light to find his way into the Tea-room, and who appears to be displeased with those who did find their way into that now rather celebrated place, be cause they have been so well treated by the public generally for the independence and moral courage which they exhibited. I refer to my friend Mr. Baxter, the member for Montrose, and I am not going to say a word against him, but only to point out certain errors respecting matters of fact into which he has inadvertently fallen ; for I willingly admit that he has been a very useful member, and I wish that all the Scotch members called Liberal had been equally useful and independent in their political conduct, Mr. Baxter said—' It appears to me, likewise, that those gentlemen who deserted their party, and who from the beginning supported the Chancellor of the Exchequer, take too great credit to themselves for the part which they took in passing the bill. Far be it for me for a moment to doubt their political honesty, or even to impeach their wisdom; butl can't help thinking that, if all of us had taken that course, the Government never would have been driven from position after position until all the Tory safeguards were swept away. It was fear of the majority of staunch Liberals rather than grati tude to the small number of seceders which impelled the Ministry to give way point by point.' Mr. Baxter then went on to say that the Tories well knew the bill must be made to please the Liberal leaders, and then he refers sneeringly to the Tea room party—to the self-complacency of smaller men who assume to themselves the whole merit of the victory.' Here it is plainly implied that we had de serted our party, and from the beginning supported Mr. Disraeli ; and that, had it not been for Mr. Baxter and his friends who supported Mr. Gladstone, the improvements made on the bill never could have been carried; that the majority of stanch Liberals, with Mr. Baxter's support as one of the number, did everything, and the smaller men of the Tea-room nothing, notwithstanding all their self complacency and their alleged claims to the contrary. Now, as one of the party, I say at once that I have not claimed and do not claim anything whatever, except that I acted according to the light I possessed, with the sincere desire to promote the public good, and no doubt Mr. Baxter did the same. But let us look at the practical value of the support given to improve the bill by both sides. You know that all the divi sions which take place duringthe session are printed, and that each member is furnished with a copy. By referring to these lists, then, it can easily be known how far each member assisted in improving the bill, and how far he failed in doing so. Mr. Baxter's remarks have induced me to analyse these votes, and I will tell you the results ; but I will first give you an opinion from another source to compare with Mr. Baxter's. The Scotsman has bad a series of articles, headed Reminiscences of the Session,' evi dently written by an actor on the scene, more or less direct, all very favourable to the old Whig party ; and the following isbis statement respectin g the Tea-room, which I think is both correct and candid The Tea-room Liberals held that, being' s in opposition, they enjoyed somewhat greater free dom of action than when Mr. Gladstone led the house from the Treasury bench. By joining t he Tories in getting household suffrage they knew they could compel Mr. Gladstone to follow, and thus deliver him from the opposition of some of the great Whig peers and a few insincere friends of Reform who were be lieved to have proclivities more or less pronounced for the Cave in which Earl Grosvenor and Lord Elcho had taken refuge.' " He next replied to Mr. Baxter's attack :—" There were 50 divisions re specting the Reform Bill from April 12 to August 8. At 49 of these Mr. Disraeli was present, and you may be interested in hearing that the one on which he was absent was the women's suffrage, pro posed by Mr. J. S. Mill, to which Mr. Disraeli was be lieved to be personally friendly, and therefore did not vote against, as most of his party did. Mr. Gladstone was present at 43 divisions, and on eight of those he voted with Mr. Disraeli, and on 35 against him. Mr. Baxter, who thinks he did so much to improve the bill by his exertions, along with his friends, was present at only 31 divisions, and on five of these he voted against Mr. Gladstone, and with Mr. Dis raeli. Four of these 31 votes were given on the last day the bill was before the House, when the amend ments by the House of Lords were considered ; and from the fifth division on that day he was absent. He thus gave nominally 26 votes out of 50 to the Liberal party to improve the bill ; but, on the well understood principle that a vote taken from the one side and added to the other counts double, Mr. Baxter's effective support to Mr. Gladstone, to im prove the bill, must be considered as- equivalent to only 21 votes out of 50. It is right, however, to add that Mr. Baxter obtained leave of absence, for good reasons, during a short period, and that what ever divisions took place during that time should be deducted from the 60. Still, it is plain that if all the Liberal party had been present as seldom as he was, to vote for improving the bill, they could not have gained one single division ; for it implied the absence of about one-half of the Liberal party, as a general average rule, from all the divisions ; and, as the Tories attended remarkably well, they must have gained in every case. But fortunately the party of the Tea-room, composed of Liberal Whigs and Radicals, attended much better than the honour able member for Montrose, and, with a few excep tions, voted with Mr. Gladstone for improving the bill whenever they did not think it would be endan gered by their votes. The Conservative Whigs were the great defaulters. Many of them did not desire a really good bill, and left Mr. Gladstone in the lurch, declining to attend and vote with him. Although Mr. Baxter had voted 12 times against Mr. Gladstone instead of six, I should have believed that he acted conscientiously ; but what I cannot understand is, why an eminent member of the tea room party like Mr. Grant Duff, for example, who addressed his constituents on the same day as Mr. Baxter did, and who said he had not voted once against Mr. Gladstone, should be called a worse Libe ral than the hon. member for Montrose, who voted against his leader six times, besides being so remiss in his attendance." As to Mr. Gladstone's position as leader, he mid :—" In September, 1853, I had the honour, as your chief magistrate, to propose that the freedom of the city should be conferred on Mr. Gladstone, in these words, namely, in testi mony of their respect for his high character as a statesman, and for his eminent service in administer ing the financial affairs of the nation,' which was unanimously agreed to. During the 14 years which have elapsed since that event I have closely watched his career, and in the Chamber of Commerce and other meetings have always supported his policy, even when the Parliament House Whigs would not move a finger to defend or support him. From what I have seen and heard of him since I entered Parliament, I am satisfied he is by far the fittest man to be the future Prime Minister of this country ; and I believe the Radical members, al though lamenting his shortcomings on certain ques tions, would hail his advent to power with far more . cordiality than the Conservative Whigs. But with cannot admit that the main improvements in the Reform Bill were carried by him or by his influence, far less by the influence of the assailants of the tea room party, who have so strongly magnified their own importance. The fact is, that in the 35 divisions in which Mr. Gladstone voted against Mr. Disraeli, he was beaten in 27 and successful only in eight ; and I leave you to judge whether it was men who constantly attended and voted with him, or the men who remained at home attending to their own business, who were the cause of these defeats. It was neither Mr. Gladstone, nor Mr. Disraeli, nor the Whigs, nor the Radicals that carried the bill in its improved form, for nearly all the bad clauses were dropped without a division. I will inform you, in the words of an eminent Whig lawyer, but not of the present Edinburgh school of Whiggery, how the bill was carried. Mr. Coleridge, to whom I refer, says— 'They knew perfectly well that they owed that great mea,:ure not to the Chancellor of the Exchequcr,but to the fervour of popularenthusiasm, and they knew that, through one great man above all others in the land, perhaps one of the greatest orators of the day, whose conduct that session fiad shown him to be one of the greatest statesmen of the day, it was that the fervour of popular enthusiasm was raised to such a height as to make it irresistible—and that man was John Bright." Mr. MQAREN afterwards referred to the Scottish Reform Bill, which he considered inadequate and unsatisfactory. He next took up the Irish Church and other leading topics, and resumed his seat amid applause . Several questions were subsequently put by the audience and answered by Mr. M'Laren, and after an enthusiastic vote of thanks to the hon. member the meeting separated. EARL DE GREY ON THE REFORM ACT AND ITS OPERATION. LEEDS, Wednesday Evening. At a civic banquet given at Ripon on Tuesday night by the Mayor of the city, Earl de Grey and Ripon, in responding to the House of Lords, said he was glad to find by the mode in which the toast had been received that amidst all the changes which had startled some of them during the present year, there still remained in the city of Ripon a feeling of regard and respect for the Home of Lords. He had heard much at one time during this year of certain alleged shortcomings of that illustrious house, but it was satisfactory to find that the worst that could be said of their lordships was that they did not take part enough in public affairs— that they did not make their voices heard loud enough in the discussions and debates on public matters. It was not denied that the business of the House of Lords itself, whether in the house or in committee, was done well, and to the satisfaction of the country. No suitors before the committee of the House of Lords were accustomed to complain of their decisions. It was not alleged that their lord ships had failed in their political duties—that they had passed unwise measures and rejected good mea sures ; or that they had agreed to unwise and foolish amendments ; but it had been said that their attend ance was small, and that a sufficient number of mem bers did not take part in the debate. He heartily agreed with those who desired to see the benches of the House of Lords more largely filled, and he was very glad to think that during the past session we had seen several young noblemen come forward and take an important and highly creditable part in the debates of the house. And why bad this been ? Why, very much because there had been, during the past session, debates having actual vitality in them, which called out an active interest in the young men who came out on those occasions. He trusted that, having once begun, they would go on, but he was not one of those who would desire to see the House of Lords converted into anything like a debating society. (Applause.) Let them do well the busi ness which fell to their share, and he was certain they would not forfeit the confidence of the country. (Hear, hear.) Amongst such a mixed audience it would not, of course, be right to introduce questions of a party kind, but he thought they might view the new Reform Act as it had been passed, and fairly consider the broad nature of the changes which it would introduce, for he could conceive nothing more unwise, when so great a constitutional change had been made, than to attempt to disguise from them selves its real extent and its real scope, or that they should endeavour to persuade themselves and other people that it was something better than it really was. (Hear, hear.) To sum up in one sentence what seemed to him the broad result of the act of 1867, he should say that it placed the institutions of this country for the first time upon a democratic basis. The act of 1832, which saved this country from re volution—(hear, hear)—placed the preponderance of political power in the hands of the middle classes, and he was bound to say that he thought those classes who for 35 years had exercised the preponderance of power might fairly look back with no little pride and satisfaction to the history of the legislation of those years—to those great financial and commercial reforms, which step by step had been accomplished, and now, happily, had been brought to a comple tion ; the reforms of the poor law and the reform of our municipalities, to the wide extension of reli gious freedom, and to the spread of public educa tion. (Applause.) But the preponderance of power had now been placed in the hands of those who were accustomed to be called—in short—the working classes of the country. (Applause.) This had been called by some " a leap in the dark." He would only call it a great experiment, and that experiment would most likely work to the advantage of the country if we clearly admitted that it had been made, and clearly saw that the measure which had been passed must be followed by other measures and other results, which would inevitably flow from so great a change. We often heard men speak as if they believed that the alteration of the balance of political power, now it had been made, would not lead to any great change in the course of our legis lation, would not lead to the raising of new ques tions, and the introduction of new elements into the House of Commons, and into our institutions ; and we were told that that must be so, because we were fairly entitled to rely upon the loyalty of the work ing classes, and upon their attachment, as it had been called, to the great families of the country and to their respect for the Church. (Hear.) If by that it was meant that there was a sound and loyal attachment to the Crown on the part of the great masses of the people, and that there were happily in this country none of those wide social distinctions and those bitter feelings between class and class which had been productive of so many evils in other countries, he was happy indeed to agree in the opinion. But if it were meant, on the other hand, that we could look to everything going on in the future as it had done in the past, and that we were to expect that those new classes who had been ad mitted to the franchise would not have their own opinions and their own interests and views, then he said no greater delusion could exist in the mind of any man. (Hear, hear.) Therefore it was the duty of all of us fully to face the position in which we were placed by the change which had now been made, and to prepare our minds to consider what would be the questions likely to be raised under the new state of things, and what would be the wishes and desires of the new classes to whom power had been so entrusted, that we might meet those wishes and desires, so far as they were just, and fair, and reasonable, and that we might be pre pared to combat them by arguments on the floor of the House of Commons, so far as they might be unsound or unjust in principle. (Applause.) It was quite clear to him that no man could tell what would be the result to any party of the next general election. lie did not believe Colonel Taylor on the one hand, nor Mr. Glynn on the other, could form any reasonable conjecture in this respect; but of this he was certain, that we should find amongst the new electors elements of a very different character from those to be found amongst existing parties, and elements which were very likely to confuse the calculations of the party whips on either side. (Hear, hear.) He was bound to confess himself old fashioned enough to think that it would have been safe if the extension had been more gradual, but still it was not for him who had been for many years an advocate for an extension of the suffrage to in dulge in any of those gloomy forebodings of the results of the measure which were heard uttered in such eloquent terms in both Houses of Parliament, and which we were so truly reminded had a great resemblance to those objections which were taken to the first great Reform Bill, and which, by the course of events, had been so signally falsified. He re gretted, on the ground that he was a strong advo cate for the maintenance of moderate sized boroughs, that the measure of redistribution in the bill had not been carried further, and he would look with great regret at the arrival of a time when we might be called upon to establish equal electoral districts, or to divide the members between the large towns and the large counties. He thought the question of re distribution ought not to be dealt with by the new Parliament ; but there was one great question which must occupy the earliest attention of the new Parliament. He meant the question of public education. However much education might have been a duty before, no one, he thought, would doubt that it was a duty now. Ile knew no terms in which he could speak of the notion that it would be safe — above all, that it would be conservative—to rest upon the ignorance of any class of the electors. _FENIAN ALARMS. Yesterday morning 100 marines, under the com mand of Captain John C. lore and Lieutenants Spelding and Armstrong, left Woolwich for Liver pool, to, strengthen the force of Royal Marines on board the coastguard ship Donegal. The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty had ordered the men to join the Donegal in consequence of the ru mours respecting Fenianism in Liverpool. The ammunition, with the exception of a small quantity belonging to the 12th Surrey, Kingston Rifle Volunteers, which has usually been kept in a shed near the range, has been removed to the Go vernment magazines, and the rifles in store have been rendered useless by having the stocks taken off. As an additional safeguard, the arms are de posited in the Militia Barracks. At Weston Beggard, Herefordshire, seven per sons, John Casey, William Maloney, William Shand, John Welsh, Mary Field, Mary Lynch, Alice Costello, have been committed for trial for rioting and assaulting the parish constable, Baylis, whom they left half dead. They were at the Crown Inn, when they rose up, and declaring that they were Fenians, perpetrated the offence with which they are charged. They severely treated several other persons. During the past few days Fenian disturbances have been apprehended at Merthyr, where there is a number of Irish who aro suspected of sympathy with the movement. Measures have been taken to preserve the peace. Government has sent a number of revolvers to the police station at this place, and a party of military have been despatched to Brecon. The authorities of Cardiff, having received anony mou,s letters warning them that a Fenian raid would be attempted, and that probably the volunteer drill hall would be selected as the object of attack, have made arrangements with the police and volunteer officers to keep a strict watch upon the hall. Two hundred of the troops stationed at Pembroke were held in readiness to start by special train if there should be occasion for their services. No disturb ance has yet taken place in the neighbourhood. COUNTRY MARKETS. SALISBURY.-TUESDAY. A full attendance of fanner; miller; and dealers to-daft and a very good offer of wheat. Holders would not give, way to the extent required by buyers, and only a limited business was done. There was a fair show of barley, and late prices declined is to 2s per qr. For oats quo tations were easier. Beans and peas also lower. The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised from 43s to 808 ; barley, 37s to 45s ; oat; 25s to 308 ; beans, 40 to 598; and peas, 40, to 50s per qr. Taros, from 5s 6d to 73 6d per bushel ; Best bread, 17d ; household ditto, 1 61 per 81b loaf. Flour, 51sito 55s per sack. HULL.—TUESDAT. A fair supply of English wheat. Trade inactive, 5 13 . 4 former rates declined fully 4s per qr. In foreign no busi ness was done. Barley and oats a shado lower. English white wheat, 70s to 78s; red, 65s to 68s; Dante sic and Konigsberg, 68s to 78s ; Baltic red, 68s to 728; Danish and Hamburg, 64s to 68s ; Russian, 65s to 700. Barley, English, 42s to 485.; grinding, Mediterranean , 34s to 35s 6d. Oats, new English, 26s to 28s; Russian, 26s to 275. Beans, old English, 45s to 465; foreign, 420 to 435. Peas, English blue, 44s to 46s Od; foreign white, 43s to 445; grinding, 42s to 43s Od per qr. MONMOUT lISIIIRE—TUESDAY. The late advance has not long been maintained, and decline of fully 2s 6d per qr took place at most of the local markets yesterday, but trade has been somewhat heavy. The following are the average quotations:—Wheat, red, 7s 9d to 8s 3d per bushel; white, 8s Od to 8s 6d ; inferior, 7s 6d to Os Od ; malting barley, 42s to 46s per qr ; grind' in g ditto, 36s to 38s Od; beans, 43s to 45s ; white oats, 2 06 Od to 30s Od ; black ditto, 26s Od to 27s Od. LYNN—TUESDAY. A fair supply of wheat, but a slow trade, with price ° 3s to 4s lower. Barley scarce, and in favour of buyers• Oats and beans in good request, and lower in prico. New wheat, 73s to 77s ; new red, 63s to 69s ; old white, 70s to 74s ; old red, —s to —s per 36 stone. Barley for malting, 42s to 465; secondary, 39s to 41s. Oats, Dc'vr , 24s to 27s per 24 stone. Beans, small, 45s to 485 40s to 42s per 28 stone. COAL _ Price per Ton s d s West Tanfield l4 0 North Pelton Gas 13 ,v South Ilartlepool. 21 3 Tees Walls End Gosforth 20 3 E as t H ar tl e p 00 l Carmine 2l 6 Hough Hall rAI?KET. at the Close. Ship 3 at market, 19—sold, lit. The last Overland Mail informs us that the United States navy in China is receiving reinforcemen ts : hear-Admiral Stephen C. Rowan is named to comma!'" the squadron. Admiral Farragut is, in rank, the highest naval officer afloat. His station corresponds to that of Lord High Admiral in England —an office which has not 1 ,0011 filled since 1828, and which can only be filled by a prince )f )f the royal blood. Prince Alfred is now training for A... a necessary preliminary, as English public sentiment 0 11 no longer tolerate the appointment of greenhorns to high posts of honour, as it once did. Prior to the rebellion, the highest legal rank in our navy was that of Post Captaill. the title of Commodore was that of courtesy. The ind if ' berm:ice or jealousy of the country against the navy I ° s so great that no higher rank could be obtained from C°ll - although the navy won the first battle in the war of 1812. It was only after the unparalleled acts of the nfol, during the rebellion, that ranks assimilating to those °.` foreign nations could be created for the navy. The inSig A nia of rank in our service is: First—The Admiral, NY ll° , wears a square flag, blue, with four white stars, worn at the main. Second—Vice-Admiral, square flag, blc°9 with three white stars, worn at the fore. Third.—he ar; Admiral, square flag, blue, with two stars, worn at the mizzen. Fourth—Commodore, broad pennant, blue, one white star, worn at the main.—San Francisco 3 11 : 11111 and Scientific Press. 1 ADVERTISEMENT.' —Holloway's Ointment and Pills.' With autumn come many diseases of the skin whic h mand instant attention if the patient wish to be spare much annoyance through the winter. These reme die d will be found most effectual in repressing erysipelas su s inflammations generally, and in healing up sore . ll3 g u t wounds, and ulcerations in the kindest manner, exciting pain or tending to weaken the patient, would infallibly increase his sufferings and retard his 0 f Holloway's pills should b e t a k en d ur i ng this course treatment, which they will m a k e eas i er an d work succ esS_ a ful ; at the same time they will improve the appetite ite„ aid digestion, a matter o f th e mos t ma t er i a l importanc_v_ when lowering infirmities a ffli c t the w e ak, delicate, e"' aged. Births. COLEB—On the 19th ult., at Mussoorie, the of Lieut.-Colonel Coles, 2d Battalion the Royal neg i mont, of a daughter. the DICEY— On the 21st inst., at Park House, Waln ier, wife of Capt. Dicey, of a son. GIBB—On the 18th inst. at Clovodon, Somerset, the Wife of Lieut.-Colonel William E. Gibb, of a daughter. Marriages. LOVELL—SCOTT-- On the 23d inst., at St. Georg 'S, 1151.:CC over-square, Edward L. Lovell, Esq., of Dind,, c ; o r Caroline Georgina, youngest daughter f the late .0,13 J Scott, of Lovel-hill, Winkfield, Berks. PROCTER—ELMER—On the 22d inst., at St. Philips, ..`1,1:17, lington-square, Mr. James Procter, of Greshatti-6tie to City, and Oak Villas, Brook-road, Stoke Newi n g! ov ' Helen Lucy, daughter of the late Robert Elmer, Bbn* Deaths. Cnuso—On the 20th inst., at Leek, Staffordshire, Cruso, Esq., aged 78. " DANVERS—On the 21st inst., at 10, Prince's-squa re, 113'd a e : I ark, Fred. D. Danvers, Esq., late of the D uch y of -1-4 caster, MORLAND aged On 72. • the 21st iust , Heath Lodge, C r°37dclij' John Ailorland, aged 73. MonLEY--On the 20th inst the wife of Fleur)" 31°'•185r1 Esq., of tlidhurst, Sussex:aged 64. i ndolv SOUTIT—On the 19th inst., at the Observatory , t-da „ v• hill, Kensington, Sir James South, LL.D., F.H.P" aged 82. 0-d SUMM ERS—On the 21st inst., at The Waldrons, CO) Thomas S. Summers, Esq., aged 76. N O, London : Printed and Published by WILLIAg ANn 112• of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tun SUN ODICO , 11- at Strand, in the Precinct of the SP voy, in th e 0°44 141(lal000s.—Tivaraday,Octgber 24, 1867. 14, fie A IWA l e rpth n rep Ry a dlB4Olll 1 -11' T Th e 91 ih t&Ti "i", O N em 1)14 13 , battali the Li atiPerb th e Ro It thi s etan Cd, es Pao 7, AP ~-` A p l ad ded eo l t u ; brltt es „Ad ra i ‘-'l)en f A.lll Thb, ratt nt v ir Btg'lor YV( ht, or .H u R A L -Age %t ',tura Cr i ttl N I 4 11, it I" _rm S i, 1 th e l Ulm la 1. 1 - 1 J lip el 10 1 4T t gi ...A f t! , %t ett ' (4 ' t N I 0- u, Itrjpit ‹..„."1. %it ~ 0 • 6z AP M Londo IV Thi, DM)IiT It 1 4 e)rn o. by th R, C nb% II Rini 41 tV'n t iat. and Pi litGo Stal kt Mr. dustit of th e 13 atto i --____ TRI tell , a h e RI kites I cioNi - Ittnit CA,ltt ?C r oTl „ urErt) Priv, r"nad OR' 17 npri