The Sun. — London, England, 1867-03-21 00:00:00

THE FENIAN INSURRECTION. TEMr LE3fORE, Tuesday. This pleasantly-situated, well-built little town enjoys no better name for loyalty than that of most other places of the same size in Tipperary. It was for some time the residence of the notorious 4‘ General" Gleeson and his brother, whose errand was, of course, to sow sedition, and who seem to have succeeded in their errand. The district had an unenviable reputation for agrarian outrages long before Fenianism became a household word and a national nuisance. It was near here that Mr. Ellis, the agent of a resident landowner, after receiving protection from the police for some time, was cruelly shot on the high road, when returning home one evening, without protection some seviin years ago. The landowner in question, Mr. Trant, of Tovi house, has himself been threatened with death, and can hardly venture out without a police escort. Can life be worth having under such conditions? The English traveller in these parts, notwithstanding the mildness and good nature of the people, whose manners are very winning to the stranger, sees and hears much to remind him of the deadly feud which has existed, and is not yet at an end, between the owner and the tiller of the soil. At Tipperary you are shown the room in which Hayes shot Captain Braddell, and then walked away in broad daylight through the crowded street—it was market day— no man offering to arrest him. At Dundrum the other day I saw a gentleman, now Lord Hawarden's agent, who was also shot on the road ; the two men who had wounded him looked into the window of the house in which he crept for refuge, and seeing him bleeding and senseless went away, satisfied that their work was sufficiently done. The victim, how ever, recovered, though he will always carry with him the assassins' mark. Templemore is a garrison town, and the troops now stationed here have the advantage of tolerably comfortable barracks. There was not much chance of an attack upon the town or even of disturbance; but the usual midnight visits were paid to houses of the better sort in the neighbourhood in search of arms. 'Three or four miles from Templemore is a mountain called the Devil's Bit. It is a prominent object from the railway, and the legend which gives it this peculiar name relates to the arch fiend, who in his travels being so hungry as to be in no way particular, bit off a huge morsel of the mountain, but not relishing the flavour, or finding the morsel somewhat tough, spat it out again some miles to the east, where it forms the Rock of Cashel. Incredulous persons may doubt the legend if they will, but there is the huge gap in the mountain full in view, and exactly corresponding with a giant's bite, and there is the rock of Cashel to refute them. The Devil's Bit Mountain was the appointed rendezvous of the insurgents in this district on the night of Shrove Tuesday. Information was received in Templemore of an intended attack on Mr. Trant's house, and a party of police and soldiers were marching on Wed nesday to defend it, when they saw a body of about 200 Fenians at some few hundred yards distance, armed, seven or eight with guns and the rest with pikes. The constabulary who were in the van fired upon the party, one of whom was seen to fall. The rest hesitated for a moment, but seeing the gleam ing bayonets of the soldiers behind they broke and ran. This is supposed to have been the party which burnt Roskeer barrack, and shot a man named Tracy because he refused to join them. The con stabulary and soldiers did not follow in pursuit, being hurried on to the relief of Tovi-house, the inmates of which, however, suffered no molestation. From one house near Templemore the insurgents got five pounds' worth of bread for their commis sariat, at another one of their leaders bought two gallons of whisky, and revived their drooping courage with a dram all round. When the moun tain was afterwards searched the police found a horse and car, supposed to belong to the Gleesons, which had been used to convey the commissariat and the pikes. The Fenian orders, communicated to the assembled host in the Bit, were vacillating, and did not re-assure men who were cheered by no single feat of arms in any part of the country. So they scattered in a very short time, returning each man to his own home. The people who had collected the arms declared that they wanted them only for a fortnight. But the Templemore campaign lasted not two days, much less two weeks. In one or two cases, I believe, the arms taken have been returned ; generally, of course, the borrowers have not thought themselves bound by the self-imposed limit of time. Before and at the time of the outbreak the usual run upon the bank took place here; and one of the small farmers lost every penny of the money which he then withdrew. After receiving some £6O at the bank counter he turned homewards, but hearing that the Fenians were coming he hid his gold care fully under a large stone in some hedge bottom. Perhaps some person saw the irregular deposit, and when the cast was clear afterwards walked off with the money ; perhaps the farmer, in his excitement, forgot the landmark, and was unable to find the stone which covered his wealth,—anyhow he is in cansolable, for the money is not. The same spirit which leads to agrarian crime in this country—the determination to take vengeance, ett.th man for his own supposed wrong—induced last week an atrocious attempt to murder a supposed in former near this place. A man named Carroll had been arrested with some other Fenians, but as there was little or no evidence against him he was dismissed, the other men being retained in custody. The local Fenians appear to have come to the conclusion that Carroll had given information to the authorities, and that he was liberated on this account. Some of them, therefore, waylaid him on his return home and hacked his body in the most savage manner. He was beaten about the head, there was a great gash in his throat, and there werestabsin his stomach as though from a bowie knife. The poor man was found some time after wards on the road near Borrisoleigh. The wonder is that he did not bleed to death ; probably the extreme cold prevented this. To-day he still survives, but lies in a most precarious condition in the hospital at Thurles. Carroll is a fine, robust young fellow ; a man of less vitality could not have lived so long after receiving injuries so terrible. His would-be murderers probably know by this time that they attacked the wrong man. The police really had information which led to the arrests, but Carroll was not the informer. A milesman, employed on the Great Southern and Western line near Kilmallock, states that on Saturday evening a party of Fenians came to him while engaged upon the railway, and made him swear to deliver up his tools at a given hoar on the day following. As these tools enable anybody pos sessing them to wrench up the rails with ease, the information thus supplied was significant, and a party of constabulary and soldiers was sent at the proper time to the point indicated by the milesman, but nobody appeared. The man says that he can identify one of the persons who compelled him to take the oath. Before and during this abortive rising the Fenians seem to have persuaded or com pelled a large number of people to take oaths of one sort or other ; but too much protesting, on oath or otherwise, is a sign of weakness in any cause. I have already mentioned the precaution taken upon the Great Southern and Western line in sending a pilot engine in advance of the night mail ; and if the milesman's story be true, this precaution is not unnecessary. Of course the removal of rails now can only be suggested by a spirit of mischief and a wicked disregard of life ; the time has gone by for excusing such an act, from the insurgent point of view, as a piece of necessary strategy. But the apprehension of danger to this train has seriously affected the traffic by it, and night after night brings to Limerick Junction an array of empty carriages. For sonic days past, from all the railway stations in this and the neighbouring counties, young men have left in considerable numbers for Cork, en route to America. Those best able to form an opinion have no doubt that these persona have been more or less concerned in the late outbreak. Feeling that the game is up, they are getting out of harm's way, or are leaving in disgust a country which remains in sensible to the blessings of Republicanism. On the principle that you should build a bridge for a flying foe, the constabulary, who watch narrowly at each station all arrivals and departures, offer no opposi tion to this Fenian exodus. One is only tempted to say to each of these emigrants what the Arch bishop a Grenada ;said in lisnaiging Gil 1313,61 " Go, young man ! I wish you all possible pros perity, with a little more sense !" LIMERICK JUNCTION, Wednesday Night. Several of the country people in this county who have been concerned in the late outbreak, and are still absent from their houses, have expressed their wish to return if the authorities will deal leniently with them. Reports are in circulation that Fenian reinforce ments are expected from America, and that the landing has been prevented hitherto by the bad weather. We quote the following from a contem porary :—The weather continues excessively severe, the quantity of snow on the ground this morning having been considerable ; and it is absolutely impossible that the insurgents, ill-clothed, half-starved, and unsheltered as they are, could have held together in any numbers, in the mountains, at such a season; and it is suspected that many of the wretched miscreants have already fallen victims to the hardship of campaigning under such circumstances. Even the military, with all the care bestowed upon them, are suffering very much from exposure to cold and wet in scouring the country for Fenians, against whom the hard ship thus caused naturally exasperates them. Numerous prisoners are daily arrested, and among those taken up by the police yesterday was a man named Duffy, who is known to have acted as secretary to James Stephens, and who was found with a large sum of money in his possession at Boyle. Threatening notices have been posted up in some localities in the county of Tipperary call ing on the tenantry not to pay rents, under a pen alty of being shot, by order of the authorities of the " Irish Republic." Notwithstanding all these un favourable symptoms, however, the agricultural classes show signs of returning confidence, and in Tipperary and elsewhere deposits, which were removed from the banks under the influence of alarm, have in many cases been restored.—The Very Rev. Dr. Rowley, P.P. of Tipperary, ad dressed his people in a most impressive discourse against Fenianism on Sunday last ; and the follow ing resolution, which was proposed yesterday at a meeting in Arkiow, by Archdeacon Redmond, the zealous parish priest of that town, shows, in concise terms, the view of this insane outbreak which the Catholic clergy in general are endea vouring to impress upon the people :—" Resolved, that the members of this committee wish to take this opportunity to express their abhorrence of the Fenian conspiracy as opposed to both Divine and human law, as utterly senseless, mischievous, and wicked, as calculated to drive away the wealthy from our shores and to increase the evils of absen teeism, to paralyze trade, to prevent the influx of capital, and to diminish employment ; to impede beneficial legislation, to cloud and to blight the best prospects of the country, and to bring dis grace on the character of Irishmen at home and abroad, exhibiting them as lamentably credulous and ready to leave themselves at the mercy of de signing knaves, seeking to traffic in their money and their blood for their own selfish and wicked purposes; and that therefore we pledge our selves to discountenance and to prevent to the best of our power the diffusion of such a fool ish, mischievous, and wicked combination."—As suredly Ireland is at this moment in a most deplora ble state—a state from which more than human means seem required to rescue her. The country labours under the incubus of an insurrection, essen tially foreign in its origin and organization, and which the people have not wished for, although so many thousands of Irishmen have been unfor tunately duped into it. It is opposed to the reli gion of the country, and ruinous to its material interests ; and nothing could be more unjust than to hold the country at large responsible for the mad and wicked outbreak ; but still it remains an incubus which the suffering country cannot shake off. I happen to be intimately acquainted with the feelings and opinions of all classes of the people in a portion of Ireland which has been the scene of some of the saddest occurrences in this outbreak, and I know that even the peasantry look with dread and horror upon Fenianism. Never theless they cannot raise their hands against it. Be they ever so well inclined, they dare not do so. I speak of the mature portion of the population, who have even the smallest stake in the community, in the shape of family 'or of holding ; but there are plenty of loose, unattached, floating members—of social scum, if the word be not too harsh to apply to anything human—to form a nucleus of Fenianism in every district quite capable of overawing the rest of the population. And it appears that this overawing system has been carried into effect with a ven geance. In all the disturbed localities bodies of Fenians have gone to the farmers' houses to compel the young men to join under threats of immediate death ; in some cases they have actu ally shot persons for refusing to join them, in order to strike terror into others, and they have adopted the barbarous expedient of placing those who were reluctant to accompany them in the front rank whenever they attacked a police sta tion, so that the poor victims might be most ex posed to death. In many instances young men have fled from the rural districts into the towns to escape the compulsory recruitment of the Fenians, and this is known to have happened especially in Tipperary. The people of Ireland have no wish to appeal to civil war for the re dress of their grievances. By no means. The Irish make some of the very best soldiers in the world abroad, and they may, perhaps, be comba tive enough at home ; but it may be said, without any slur on the national character, that they have not, and never have had, military tastes sim • ilar to those of many nations of Continental Eu rope. They don't like civil war except in theory. Some people, unwilling to believe that the Fe nians are really so destitute of pluck as they seem to be, suppose that their apparent cowardice is only a portion of their guerilla tactics ; but I am convinced that the retreating movement will always continue to be the main feature of their tactics, and that they have no notion whatever of meeting either troops or constabulary in a stand up fight. In the meantime great mischief has been done. Business has been completely para lyzed. Money is not circulating. The prices of provisions have been considerably raised. The weather itself has long been most.unpropitious, and has quite interrupted agricultural work ; and, on the whole, the position of the country is gloomy in the extreme. On Sunday last, in all the chapels of the south of Ireland, the clergy denounced Fe nianism in the strongest language, and warned their people against it ; and, on the other hand, Government seems to have adopted every practi cable measure to eradicate it. Flying columns of troops have been formed to scour all the disturbed districts, each column being formed of infantry and cavalry, with engineers, military train, &c., but as yet they have not been successful in coming to an encounter with any body of insurgents. A vast number of prisoners have been arrested, many of them in arms, and several of them sup posed to be leading men of the organization ; and four Special Commissions are immediately to be issued, to sit forthwith in Dublin, Cork, Limerick, and Clonmel, for the trial of the Fenians who will now be arraigned on a charge not of treason felony, but of high treason ; and it is more than probable that the law will be carried out with the utmost rigour, at least in a sufficient number of cases to spread a salutary terror in the ranks of the insurgents. M ACKEREL—Daring the past week, in England, from 40,000 to 50,000 mackerel were caught by the Cornish boats, a very large proportion of which supply was sent to London. Prices varied from 322. to 38s. per six score. I AnvEßTlSEMENT.]—Holloway' s Pills.—Health's Foun tain.—lt cannot surely be necessary to remind any intelli gent reader that the purity of the blood determines every invalid's health and vigour. Holloway's medicine searches out the slightest taint in the vital fluid an d neu t ra li ses or expels it, so that the circulation supports the system in place of sowing the seeds of decay. When epidemics are advancing and disease is steadily on the increase it be hoves every one to have a restorative like these, pills ready to set right any irregularity in stomach, liver, bowels, or kidneys. Holloway's treatment is especially suitable for the young, delicate, and nervous, who are the most sus ceptible of any prevailing sickness, and whom vi?lentmea- Oura 170tild eadaDger little tees tau tilt)epidemic. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENINB, MARCH 21, 1867. GERMANY AFTER THE WAR OF 1866. (From the Westminster Gazette.) The Bishop of Mainz expresses himself with truly apostolic power in describing the Roman po licy of Louis Napoleon. "The eyes of all Catho lics," he says, " are at this moment turned towards Rome, full of anxious expectation of the events which are there looming in the distance. For fifteen years we have been witnessing the preparations carried on for what is now about to be fulfilled. A policy so hypocritical, so full of falsehood and baseness that the world has never seen the like, has there before the eyes of all men, and under pretence of the greatest reverence and love for the Holy Father, been laying the nets and drawing them ever closer and closer to fur nish the opportunity of perpetrating this crime. The successors of St. Peter have had many ene mies since ' Christ imposed on them in the person of Peter the task of feeding His flock; these ene mies have often with armed hands pressed onward to the capital of the world to subject the chief pastor of Christendom to their savage will. But until now the Church has never undergone such a system of hostility as the one unfolding itself to our eyes. Those German Emperors of old who, in open warfare with arms in their hands, marched against Rome, assume in our eyes almost a shape of greatness when compared to this French Emperor who has more offended against the Chair of Peter than ever a Christian prince has done, by casting around the Holy Father the nets of an insidious and most crafty policy, to deliver him over to his worst enemy, whilst at the same time, to the eyes of the world, wearing the mask of a faithful son. We can only compare this treason to the Church and to its chief with the treason and the kiss of Judas ; as Judas sinned against Christ, in like manner does this Napoleonic policy sin against the body of Christ and its visible head. This is fully the truth ! Nothing but the truth ! As perhaps never before, the world sees repeated, only with a change of forms and measures, the cruel spectacle of the Crucifixion. The little mustard seed, planted by the Hand of our Divine Master, has sprung up and grown into a large tree, stretching its branches over the whole world, a tree that like the tpin ilgOrrrepor of the ancient Greek Cosmogony, is overshadowed by guardian wings, the wings of the Holy Spirit. But beneath the tree the old serpent plays his old part; beneath the tree lurks, as under the shadow of the Cross, the murder from the beginning. The menial tribe that, led by Judas, went out to seize and crucify Christ, have with the growth of the tree also grown into a nation, whose king is styled "Il Gualantaomo." And this already powerful band of anti-Christian revolutionists has been joined by the potent King William of Prussia, the Victor Emmanuel of the North, as Bismarck is the Cavour of the North. Yes, in sooth are they faithful allies, as the semi-official organ of the Prussian Government, the Staats Anzeiger, termed them, in answer to the Kreutz Zeitung, a paper which had the audacity, puffed up with the con sciousness of old Prussian virtue, to look down con temptuously on Italy, as a once discreet wife might look down on a well-known prostitute. (Von Gerlach, " die Annexion and der Nord deutsche Band.") The Prussian Staats Anzeiger is right ; the cause of Italy has been powerfully aided by Prussia ; but neither would Prussia without Italy have been the conqueror of 1866. Thu in the main it is the same cause that is striven for by both these " Gualantuomini." Upon their standards we read the same motto ; but the translation of Una Italia Sardificata is Una Ger mania Borrussificata, and for either the last goal in the race for victory is Rome ! The only material difference between Sardinia and Prussia consists in this, that with the one the process of Piedmontizing the country falls into the background in comparison with the thorough unification of Italy, whilst with the other the Prussification of Germany is the object chiefly aimed at, and its thorough unification plays but a subordinate part in the tragedy ; hence the re volution in Germany will be marked even by more hypocrisy and violence than in Italy. The fixed idea of a Prussianized Germany, as it has really developed itself into a political mania, can be best expressed by the word Prusso mania. Our right reverend author, who has de voted two chapters to this mania, styles it Prussi anism. According to him, it is this Prussian ism that seduced Prussia to profit by the em barrassment, into which the artifices of a Louis Napoleon, and the pressure of the Revolution advancing from all sides, had thrown the ancient Imperial house, to attempt to supplant Austria and deprive her of her ancient footing in Germany and to do this under the protection of the nephew of " mon oncle," with the Revolution in Italy, yea, and even leagued with the Revolution in Hungary. It is Prussianism, too, according to our author, that can alone explain the disgraceful events of the past year. It is this very Prussian ism that filled the heart of our noble prelate with such poignant sorrow that he felt nothing was left him but to cover his head and weep bitter tears over his German Fatherland, over the alliance of King William with Victor Emmanuel, Gari baldi, and Klapka, under the leadership of a Na poleon warring against Austria—deeds that, as far as he knows, have not their like in the history of the German people. But we will not deprive our readers of the well drawn description of this Prussianism, for which we have to thank the experience and study, the clear insight and courage, of our illustrious author. Let us hear what he says "By Prussianism we understand a fixed idea as to the mission of Prussia—a certain misty concepti on of the position which it is the task of Prussia to take up in the world, accompanied by the conviction that this mission and this task are of absolute necessity, must as necessar ily be fulfilled as a rock rent from a hill-top must roll to the bottom ; and that hence it is unfitting, in the name of right or of history, to offer any opposition to this world-wide mission. With these Prussiauists this mis sion of Prussia takes preced e nce of ev e rything, and is superior to every right. Hence whatever is opposed to it is wrong. From absolute internal necessity it rolls on ward to its consummation. The nature of this Prus sian mission takes its colour from the circumstances of its several votaries. Is the votary an enthusiastic servant of his King ?—to hint its essence is the rule of an absol ute Prussian royalty. Is he a soldier ?—it is a Prussian military State with its generals. Is he a bureaucrat ?—it is a glorifying of Prussian bureaucracy. Is lie a divine ?—it is the spreading of Protestantism under Prussian leader ship. And should he be a man of progress, it is the vic tory of his party under Prussian headship, the royal head ship with him being, of course, only made use of for the time as a means to gain a party object. All these multi farious votaries of Prussianism, however much their views may vary, have a fixed idea as to a mission of Prussia, that must of necessity be fulfilled, and has a better right to fulfilment than any others." face is known. Those who are to judge the unfor tunate people taken in arms, should endeavour to realise the position of the Irish peasant, and to measure the inducements, which have almost forced him into the conspiracy. Around him are those with whom he has been brought up, animated with the same feelings of hatred to the Saxon rule. He has been taught to regard all the miseries of his country as emanating from the same source ; he feels his own wretched and hopeless poverty, and he sees that of all around him. The great estate in his neighbourhood is owne 3 by an English lord he has never seen, for he is never there, and he is told that this estate originally belonged to an Irish family, and was wrested from them by the force of Saxon arms. On the bleak hills and lonely bogs of the domain the rough stones of gable ends are all that remain of cottages and villages where once dwelt his friends and kinsmen, now exiles in far away coun tries, which he only knows from their accounts. Ile believes that these people have been driven out to make room for sheep and cattle, more profitable to the absentee than the potato gardens of the sons of the soil. He holds that all the Legislative enact ments of the Saxon Parliament have been framed by these alien landlords to crush himself and his race that they might riot in luxury in London man sions. Suddenly the village is all astir by the arrival of a stranger who tells him that he is an Irishman who has spent his life abroad, driven from his country by its poverty and woe. All the civilised world, he says, sympathise with the miseries broughtonlreland byEnglishrule; and this sympathy is most deeply felt in the great nation across the Atlantic, whose mission it is to elevate the whole human race, and who are pledged to emancipate Ireland from the thraldom of English rule. He states that in this great nation Irishmen are to be found in hundreds of thousands, men of influence and wealth, sworn to the redemption of theircountry. Among them are officers experienced in war, and in that land exists a brotherhood of Irishmen who have already unfurled the green flag which is henceforth to become the emblem of the coun try. They have proclaimed, he informs his hearers, the island a republic, which they have solemnly sworn to uphold, with life and purse. From the glowing pictures of the resources at his back, he turns to his listener, and appeals to his own man hood. We, he states, have come from this land where fortune and fame were open to us, penetrated with sorrow at your sufferings, to share your dan gers, and to lead you to the expulsion of the vam pire foe of your race. If you have a drop of blood 1 in your veins to give pulsation to the heart of a man, you will take the opportunity we offer ; if not, you are fit only for the place you hold as the drudge and victim of the stranger, the oppressor of your race, and the curse of your country. The pea sant may have a dim idea that there is a mighty force of artillery, cavalry, and infantry massed on the Curragh—that the Dublin barracks are crowded with soldiers, and that Eng land lies but a short way off. But a ready answer is made to such objections —most of the soldiers are themselves Irishmen and Fenians, and England is herself agitated to the core, and her workmen ready to take part with his Irish brother serf to pull down the aristocracy that for so many centuries have sat on the shoulders of the nation. The Irish republic is formed, and will be recognised as a nation by the United States of America. These arguments are backed by the feelings of the people, and the stranger is welcomed as a patriot, who has left wealth and honour to throw himself into the coming struggle for the redemption of the Emerald Isle. This is the sort of temptation to which the Irish peasantry have been exposed, and can we wonder that it bears the fruit of an armed insurrection? Who can tell what the pressure has been on each individual taken in arms? Some may have actually been forced into the ranks. Many of them disliking the work, may have been propelled by the force of opinion around them. It is difficult to deal with an insurrection such as this, but we are satisfied that it is not by exposing the country to the rigours of martial law that the seeds of the rebellion can be stamped out. This generation of Englishmen are paying the penalty of their forefathers' tyragnY and op pression of Ireland. Great sins meet with great punishments, and centuries of oppres sion and of enactments, which will stand for all time, as a shocking disgrace to England, cannot soon or easily be obliterated from the memories of the children of the soil. We know it to be true that England is now most earnestly anxious to mete out a full measure of justice to Ireland—to redeem the past as far as practicable, in the present and in the future. Many, however, have forgotten, or never know, what the rule was in olden days, which has made Ireland what she is. They only know that the island is a t p resent one o f the best governed countries in the world, and they rail at the vicious nature of the Celtic mind that repays generous landlords with the contents of a blunderbuss, and good laws with the manufacture of pikes. When foreign nations point to Ireland and denounce the state of the people as the result of English misrule, they do not know that these stric tures arc grounded on the past history, while their knowledge is confined to the present condition. There is still a heavy debt due from England to Ireland which cannot be wiped out like the liabilities of a bankrupt, and the knowledge that the account stands so, should make British rulers deal with the people with long-suffering kindness and forbear ance, and resist every pressure to hand the peasantry over to the tender mercies of martial law.—Anglo- American Times. Railway and Other Companies. TOTTENHAM AND HAMPSTEAD JUNCTION. The half-yearly general meeting of this company was held at the of in Victoria-street, Capt. Arrow in the chair. _ The report stated that the railway and stations under contract were nearly completed, and would shortly be ready for public traffic. The railway would be worked by the Great Eastern and Midland Railway Companies. Independently of local traffic the railway would offer to Tottenham and Edmon ton, and to the crowded population of the Tower Hamlets a ready access to Hampstead-heath, Kew, Richmond, Hampton-court, and Windsor. The company was acquiring land for the junction with the Midland Railway at Kentish-town, preparatory t 3 the contract being let. The report of the engi neers stated that the permanent way was laid from Kentish-town station to the junction with the Great Eastern Railway at Tottenham, and was nearly finished ; but the unfavourable weather had caused much delay. The signals at the stations, coal sid ings, &c., had been erected, and some slips in the slopes of the earthwork had been made good by the contractors. The capital account showed that £362,971 had been expended to 31st Dec. last. The CHAIRMAN moved the adoption of the report, which was seconded and carried unanimously. The retiring directors—Capt. Arrow and Mr. G. Reed—were re-elected, and also Mr. Notman, the retiring auditor. A vote of thanks to the chairman concluded the proceedings. and would be paid to the shareholders upon its re ceipt from that company. CALLANDER AND OBAN. The half-yearly general meeting of this company was held in Glasgow on Monday ; Mr. J. W. Mal colm, M.P., in the chair. The balance-sheet showed that the calls paid up to Jan. 31 last amounted to £81,124, and the ex penditure to £17,936, leaving a balance in hand cf nearly £63,000. Since last meeting there had been expended £6,331. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the balance-sheet, stated that since the last meeting there had been let the first contract, 17i miles iu length, up to the head of Glen Ogle, including some of the most difficult work on the whole line. Part of the line was now nearly ready for ballasting, and during the next three months the permanent way would be laid on a portion of it. The directors hope shortly to be able to let the next contract, so as to push on the works to Crianlarich or Tyndeum, in which case they looked forward to carrying the mails to Fort William and Obau. The balance sheet was unanimously adopted. GRAND TRUNK OF CANADA. The traffic receipts on this company's lines for the week ending the 23d of February amounted for passengers to £6,325 ; for mails, &c., to £1,079 ; and for freight and live stock, to £16,592 ; total, £23,996, against £22,995 for the corresponding week last year, showing an increase of £1,041. The total receipts from the Ist of January to the above date amounted to £173.197, and for the same period last year to £179,277, showing a decrease of £6,080. VICTORIA GRAVING DOCK. A meeting of this company (Clark's Hydraulic Lift) was held on Monday at the offices—Lord Claud Hamilton, M.P., iu the chair. The report of the directors, recommending a divi dend of 10 per cent. on the ordinary share capital of the company, and carrying over a balance of £1,500, was read and approved. The CHAIRMAN congratulated the shareholders on the present state and future prospects of the un dertaking, in consequence of the preference given by shipowners to the company's system of docking vessels. The number of vessels docked during the year was 155, having an aggregate tonnage of 125,464 tons. The plant and machinery of the company had been largely increased, and a new large pontoon had been constructed, making eight pontoons now in the possession of the company. The dividend was declared payable on the Ist of April, and a vote of thanks to the chairman and directors, and also to Mr. Jones for his careful management, closed the proceedings. England's Debt to Ireland. Whenever Ireland is in a state of commotion, the advent of St. Patrick's Day is looked to with alarm by the Government and all peaceable citizens, and with hope and predictions of great events by those who find their account in the agitation. More than usual interest attaches to the festival which falls to-morrow. It is said that former risings have been mere feints, and that the real event is to take place on the 17th. Archbishop MANNING has issued a letter to his flock urging them to take the tempe rance pledge, as he fears that in the present dis turbance of the Celtic mind, coupled with the fact of the day falling on a Sunday, it may be kept too demonstratively, Ile directs husbands and wives, brothers and sisters, to take the pledge together, so as to be a mutual support, and to all who keep it he promises an indulgence of 40 days. Between the indulgences of the Catholic prelates and the threatened declaration of martial law by the autho rities on the one hand, and the allurements to the peasantry of Feniani.im on the other hand, the Celtic population of Ireland is in a position of some difficulty. Inside the churches they are denounced from the altar if they give any weight and coun tenance to the movement. Outside, the pressure is still greater, and they are declared to be traitors, slaves, and cowards, if they refuse to give their hearty support to the insurrection. In dealing with the peasantry for the crime of high treason, the fact should not be overlooked that the Government has permitted this pressure to be brought to bear on ignorant and misguided men. It is difficult to understand what the strength of that pressure is unless the full force of the current under the bur- TENBURY. The report of the directors states that the line had been worked during the half-year with regularity and without accident under the terms of the ar rangement with the Great Western and London and North Western Companies, which commenced on July 1 last. A dividend for the past half-year at the rate of £2 10s. per cent. per annum was now due from those companies. At the conclusion of the half-yearly meeting, an extraordinary meeting would be held for sanctioni ng th e d ee d for carrying out the arrangement already agreed upon with the Great Western and London and North Western Companies for a lease or transfer of the line in per petuity to the two companies jointly; and"the share holders would receive the following dividends :—Fur the year ending June 30, 1867, £2 10s. per cent. per annum ; for the next two years, at £3 per cent. per annum ; for the two following years, £4 per cent. per annum, and in succeeding years in perpe tuity, £4 10s. per cent. per annum. TENBUItY AND BEWDLEY. The directors report that a dividend for the past half-year at the rate of £3 per cent. per annum was now due from the Great Western Company, SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The Liberal Party is to meet at Mr. Gladstone's house to-day to consider the course it becomes them to take in respect to the Reform Bill. There are impartial observers of public affairs who have always distrusted the capacity of any Conser vative Government to carry a permanent settlement of Reform, and their opinion will certainly have received some confirmation from the debate on Mon day night. When a Minister hitherto opposed to any downward extension of the borough franchise, unless counterbalanced by proportionate lateral extension, brings in a measure of which Household Suffrage is the main feature, he should frankly acknowledge the fact, and explain the grounds, of his conversion. He should appeal to the loyalty of his own followers, and the patriotism of his opponents ; he should dis tinguish clearly between the vital and the variable elements of his scheme, pledging himself to main tain all that is essential, and expressing his readiness to qualify where it is possible to concede. A failure to appreciate these essential conditions of success has been the grand error of Lord Derby's Ministry. They have not explained—perhaps they have not realised —the radical change of policy involved in their present position. On the contrary, Mr. Disraeli persists in magnifying the distinction between Rental and Rating into an issue between revolution and constitutional amendment, and Lord Derby has made a last appeal to his sup porters as if Household Suffrage had always been a Household Word in their mouths. Whether the Conservative party will rally to Lord Derby in obedience to this new war-cry remains to be seen ; but, whatever we may think of their patriotism, no one can accuse them of political inconsistency if they should waver in their allegiance. There is, how ever, no limit to the power of amnesty vested in the House of Commons on behalf of the country, and there never was an occasion when it was more ne cessary that it should be strained to the utmost. Can the bill now before Parliament be so moulded as to justify passing it ? We venture to hope that it yet may, always supposing the Reform policy of the Government to be as malleable for the public good as it has shown itself to be for the satisfaction of private scruples. With all its shortcomings and all its extravagances, the bill contains in House hold Suffrage one piece de resistance that will bear a great deal of cutting and carving without losing its substance. 'The " direct-tax franchise," which Mr. Gladstone tore in pieces so effectively, may easily be modified, in accordance with Mr. Lowe's suggestion, into an Income-tax Franchise pure et simple. By the omission of licence-duties from clause 6, the " ratcatcher" qualification is already negatived, and by striking out " assessed taxes" from the same clause it may be made impossible for the possessor of " a miserable three-legged jade to qualify 365 persons with a single horse that may not perhaps have cost him £3." Again, there is little to be said against the enfranchisement of fund holders or savings-bank depositors, if simple and sufficient securities cses be devised to prevent the fabrication of votes. But approach it from what ever side we may, the clauses introducin g House hold Suffrage are and must be the key of Mr. Dis raeli's position. If he can hold his ground there, he will remain master of the field ; if he sacrifices it by an obstinate defence of points which are untenable, all is lost for the Conservative Government. The view stated by Mr. Roebuck on this part of the bill will probably commend itself as fair and reasonable to a majority of independent Reformers. He is willing to accept the proposal of Household Suffrage as the basis, so to speak, of negotiation, po i n ting out the fallacy of making everything turn upon distinctions between rental and rating. The present £lO franchise is a form of Household Suf frage subject to various conditions, one of which is that the owner or tenant shall have occupied the premises for at least a year, and another that he shall have been rated and shall have paid his rates during the same period. What is now contem plated is, in the delicate phraseology of Mr. Dis raeli, to change the law " so that value shall not be an element." The effect of this change would, of course, be to enfranchise all householders who are rated and pay their own rates. It so happens, how ever, that by various limitations, and especially by the operation of the Small Tenements Act iu cer tain boroughs, a large proportion of householders below £lO, estimated by Mr. Disraeli at 486,000 out of 723,000, do not pay their own rates directly, but only indirectly through their landlords. Mr. Glad stone would have enfranchised all of these whose " gross estimated rental" might amount to £7, dis regarding the circumstance of their names not ap pearing on the rate-books. Mr. Disraeli would leave them unenfranchised, unless they choose to avail themselves of facilities to be given them for taking upon themselves the payment of their own rates. The object of both, and of all who desire a discriminating ex t ens ion of the franchise, being to include as many skilled artisans and as few " migra tory paupers" as possible, it may obviously be doubted whether this will best be effected by a Household Suffrage thus restricted, or by a £7 rental franchise unfettered by any obligation of ratepaying. This is a very proper topic for discussion in Com mittee, but we entirely agree with Mr. Roebuck, that to erect it into a Parliamentary casus Belli would be a grievous error on both sides. Mr. Gladstone himself admits the convenience of making the downward limit of representation coin cide with that of personal rateability, and this, after all, is the professed aim of the Government bill. The system of dual voting, we understand, is already abandoned, but there are other objections to the bill in the non-enfranchisement of lodgers, and the almost illusory plan of redistribution. To cure all these defects in a measure which has al ready been embodied in a definite shape is, doubt less, a colossal task, but it is not yet hopeless. Mr. Roebuck's advice may still be adopted, if the House of Commons possesses the necessary pudic spirit. " Our plain and simple course," says he, " is to dis cuss this bill upon the second reading, to read it a second time, to bring it into committee, make it what it can be made—if necessary, take it out of the hands of the Government ; but, at all events, let us pass the bill." In this spirit alone can a legis lative settlement of Reform be accomplished, but it will never be honestly faced till some delusions still current are finally discarded. One of these, ac cepted by Mr. Disraeli, is that power can be given to the working classes without any sacrifice on the part of the upper and middle classes. This is a mere sophism, which cannot deceive any one long. True Reform will increase the effective power of the whole nation for all purposes of government, but it cannot leave the relative power of classes the same as before. What one class gains in this sense must be lost by another, but the loss will be far more than compensated if it should substitute the legiti mate influences of intellectual and moral superiority for those now abused by electioneering agents. Another delusion is the belief in the magical effi cacy of " a principle." A rental franchise, accord ing to Mr. Disraeli, is an " expedient ;" a rating franchise contains a " principle." Let any one attempt to define these terms, as applied to politics, and he will find how unmeaning the contrast is. What legislators have to seek is not a " principle," but that practical solution of the problem which promises most benefit, and is likely to entail least injustice or inconvenience. Equally barren is the eternal controversy as to the proper conception of the franchise. You may call it a right, a trust, a privilege, or a function ; but the designation adopted will produce not the slightest effect on the conduct of the man who exercises it, sublimely unconscious of these subtle abstractions. The statesman deals with ascertained facts and probable consequences. Forms of expression which repre sent neither of these do not impose upon him, and he abstains from using them, lest they should im pose upon others. THE WESTMINSTER GAZETTE ON " THE POOR." — Sidney Smith used to say that when some people read a charitable appeal they are very much moved to put their hands into their neighbour's pockets and subscribe. Those who write philan thropically, and those who read such writings for the sake of grumbling at shortcomings and offer ing a dole of pure and naked pity to the suffer ers from poverty, have excellent intentions. And if we grant that the way to the workhouse, like a certain dangerous way about which the saints used to write, is paved with good intentions, perhaps we shall not be far from the truth. No pauper knocks at the gate of a poorhouse who has not trodden on a whole pavement of good in tentions by the way. These may be strewn for them by friends or enemies, or partly even by themselves ; but, there they are, and the poor have had enough of them. When they get into the prison—we were nearly calling it voluntary, but considered that a mistake—they may stand in need of sermons, and instructions, and a great many more good intentions ; but they also stand in need of bread, and that is a keener want to them than all the others. Some wiseacre says that all men are governed by their stomachs, and it would not offend the feelings of the poor to say they formed no exception to this rule. There is, how ever, great danger of our looking upon the poor as animals with empty crops, instead of as rational men. The State provides them food and lodging, indifferent enough to be sure, but something which may be put down on the other side of an equation as amounting to such, and then th e p u bli c conscience is believed. This is a mistake which our good old Catholic forefathers never dreamt of committing. They did not think the poor were made of a material differing from the stuff which composes a rich man. They remembered that many of the poor had been rich, and they knew very well that they had feelings. It seems beneath the majesty of law, perhaps, to take the feelings of the poor into account. But they have feelings for all that, and the good old Catholic instincts dealt with them accordingly. This accounts for the old poor which live now-a-days only in hovels, or in countries unblessed with workhouses and poor-law guardians. The old Irish beggar was a rare being. He travelled miles every day, was the walking newspaper of his dis trict, said his " Paters and Ayes," or his De Pro fundis, for those who gave him an alms, or their deceased relatives, carried more gossip than a dozen ordinary tattlers, and knew the genealogies of the fairies and the legends of saints with extraordin ary accuracy. People tried to have their hearth blessed with a deoraig (wanderer) every night, and put something in his bag for the morn ing. Beggars did not steal in those days, for they had a great deal of self-respect, if not religion, and they were as much afraid of a bad name as anybody else. The Scotch gaberlunzie was much the same sort of being, and the jolly beggars of Old England had their codes of honour and eti quette. If this class of beings received they also gave, and indeed the politics of the parish were not dear at a morsel of bread which could be easily spared. The beggars had a circle of friends, too, and paid visit and refused invitations, when they were vexed, much after the fashion of grand people. Why, they were an institution. If they levied black mail occasionally, it was only by lampoons or sorry jokes, whereas the poor-rates are no joke at all. :We do not get a joke itself in return for our modern way of helpingthe poor to a crust, after their paid officials have feasted on the pittance which the law wrings out of us. Let us think of the privations of the poor in workhouses. They cannot trudge about the parish and make speeches. They cannot change their lodgings every night. They cannot have a crowd of smiling faces welcoming them to the comfortable farmhouse. They cannot gather up news, nor manufacture stories. They cannot, in fact, be beggars. These are real privations, be cause they betoken a want of enjoyment. It would be a very hazardous thing to take up the cudgels for beggary. It is a source of many evils, but we have yet to learn the way of putting it down, without entailing worse. If a man be sent to prison for asking a halfpenny in the street, it is very likely that he will revenge himself on society by taking one without the asking when he gets out again. Beggary is bad, only when associated with roguery ; we should try to catch the rogue and let the beggar have his fling. That is the point. Who can catch a rogue ? And, when he is caught, is he not very like the prover bial Tartar ? Of course we try to send rogues to catch other rogues ; but it requires something more than prison walls to take the roguery out of a man. Rogues have feelings as well as poor people, but they stand on our corns and forfeit the right to a consideration for them. They are bad, and very bad ; it would be a great thing if we could find out how to make them good. Perhaps we could go a great way towards this praiseworthy object by preventing the develop ment of a beggar into a rogue. It must be con fessed that few take to roguery as a vocation, and that the ranks of this fraternity are generally recruited from those of poverty. Beyond the hypothesis we have advanced, namely, that poor people have feelings, there lies another which is equally tenable—to wit, that they have a holy claim on our regard. There is the injunction of Our Lord, and the fact that they are always with us and represent Him. A singular privilege for poor outcasts, and one that ought to be recog nised. Perhaps it would be coming nearer the truth if we concluded that it was this notion of the poor which made them the objects of so much care to the Church and her faithful children at all times. This age is particularly squeamish with regard to the poor. It will fill books with empty talk, in order to get the poor out of our sight. It has a great horror of rags, except when they are going to the paper-mill. But when the wearers of rags can be put together, and counted like so many quires of paper, and then bound up in red-tape, it has no objection to consider them as a commodity for legislature. It is very diffi cult to revive the holy love of the poor which once pervaded Christians, but it is not perhaps so difficult to do them the amount of good which the possession of such a love would cause in altered circumstances. The system of poor law, as now in vogue, is acknowledged to be a failure. It is unnatural and impracticable. It will as soon meet the requirements of poverty as an Act of Parlia ment will change human nature. There is one feature of the poor law which would go a great way towards alleviating misery if it were extended —that is, out-door relief. If there were hospices erected at public expense, where poor bodies might call and get a dinner for the asking, and where they might get a lodging, when in want bf one, without their being subjected to the trammels of unbending officialism, the evils which puzzle our Administration would be, in a great measure, remedied. These hospices might be small places, erected here and there within easy reach of the sufferers. The large sums of money now spent in erecting those gaunt, ugly buildings called work houses would be better employed than it is, and go farther than one might at first sight suppose. Boards of Guardians could be dispensed with, and society would not lament their loss. The poor would be free to go about among their friends, in stead of being caged up like wild cats. Individual charity would have more congenial exercise in helping suffering with its own hand than it has now through committees. But, is there any like lihood of such a change? Very little. Com mittees are very fond of speeches, and circulars, and reports, and balances, and boards of guardians make such wooden palisades with their heads around the poor that it will take more than words to break through them. The people broke the Hyde-park railings, and why could they not break a poor-law fence? We should not advo cate a muscular way of doing it, but the spread ing of proper ideas on the subject of the poor which may permeate the crowds and make its way into the public mind. Let us be convinced that the poor have feelings, and that we owe them protection, and that we ought not to relieve them at the price of their liberty, and it will, be very easy to make us do the right thing. Casuals and exposures, and dismissals of masters, and public indignation, and newspaper articles are doing a good deal latterly. They tend toward improving the system in the workhouses. No measure will succeed if it gets inside those dreary walls. Let the walls come down, and the machinery which now works be put into better gear, and then we shall look forward to something like provision for the poor. Let us abolish the paupers and get the good old Christian poor in their stead. ROMANCE OF REAL LIFE. A brief paragraph has lately run the rounds of the press, stating in effect that a fortune of $250,000 was awaiting Dr. Patterson, or his heirs, of Mobile. The full history of the case, the discovery of the heir in Chicago, and the previous experience of that person, afford material for a first-class romance, without need of embellishment. We propose to give merely the outlines of the story, which is not less true than strange. In 1863 a rich widow came to this city from Mobile, and stopped for some time at one of our principal hotels. She was the daughter of Dr. B. F. Patterson, of Mobile, who was once a judge, and subsequently became a surgeon in the rebel ser vice. Not sympathising with the rebellion, she came within the Union lines, and, having converted most of her property into money, was pos sessed of $60,000 in cash, besides some lands, upon her arrival in Chicago. Of course a widow, young, handsome, and so rich, was the recipient of many flattering attentions while here. With her child, a little girl, as her only companion, she led, however, a very secluded life, waiting for the termination of the war. When hostilities were over she went to Mobile, found that her father was missing, and no doubt dead, while his estates were almost wasted by the disasters of war and by litigation. Residing for a short time at Washington, she became acquainted with and presently married a Mr. D—, son of a well-known rebel gunmaker at Richmond. They were led to try to increase their fortune in the oil regions, and removed to that vicinity. Mr. I) 's investments in land, and in sinking wells were large, but were altogether unsuccessful. The result was that in a few months they were quite im poverished, and the husband went to the frontier to repair his fortunes, while the wife came to Chicago a second time, having upon her arrival hardly suffi cient means to sustain her for one week. She was one of gentle blood, and unused to work, but at once sought employment as an humble seamstress; some of our clothing house men being impressed by her appearance readily gave such light work as she was able to do—preparing neckties, &c. With diligence, she was in a few months not only able to provide for herself the necessaries of life, but to em ploy two or three assistants, and to look forward to the establishment of a more independent business. Her husband, meantime, did not do well, and proving to be unable to combat misfortune success fully, as she had done, he returned in a few months to be supported by her exertions. A few weeks ago, however, he 3 got work in a locksmith's shop (near M'Vicker's Theatre), where his skill as a mechanic soon gave promise of large returns. The faithful wife often carried his meals to him, cheered hire, and sometimes chided because he prolonged his labours far into the night. He was then con triving a patent skate. We are told, by the war , that the rooms they occupied were curiously adorned. The man was a rebel, and on his side of the house were hung pictures of rebel chiefs and other indica tions of his sympathies. On hers were a tiny " Stars and Stripes," Lincoln, Grant, and Union heroes. But this humble estate was soon to be abandoned. Simultaneously with the appearance of the para graph to which we have made reference came a despatch to the lady from Mobile, and another from Washington, notifying her that in her father's right she was the heir to the great estate that was as yet unclaimed. The sewing machine was gladly aban doned, and the locksmith threw down his tools. Before this time, no doubt, the subjects of thes e freaks of fortune are merrily laughing over t heir little episode somewhere in the vicinity of &lo b ' le bay, and with chastened spirits humbly enjoyi n g t he goods that hare fallen to them.—Chicago Republtcan• COUNTRY MARKETS. GAINSBOROUGH—TUESDAY. The market was well supplied with grain. Wheat rea lised is per qr. more money. Barley a slow trade at about last week's prices. A fair inquiry for other sorts for seed, and late prices supported. HULL.—TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a fair supply of English wheat, for which holders asked higher prices. Buyers, however, wore indisposed to give more than last week, and sale was rather slow. English white wheat, 588 to 665; red, 54s to 635; Dant sic and Konigsberg, 65s to 68s ' • Baltic red, 60s to 6 2 s ; Danish and Hamburg, 58s to 60s ; Russian, 578 to 595. Barley, English, 36s to 49s ; grinding, Mediterranean , 34s to 35s fid. Oats, new English, 26s to 28s • Russian, 26s to 275. Beans, old English, 58s to 60s; ioreign, 43s to 445. Peas, English blue, 42 , to 44s Od; foreign white, 44s to 455; grinding, 43s to 44s Od per qr. SALISBURY.—T UESDAY. Tho supply of wheat short, and generally out of condi tion. A slightly increased trade in barley at late rates. Oats, beans, and peas were very inactive. For flour last week's prides were obtained. The following are the quotations :—Wheat realised front 568 to 64s ; barley, 37s to 51s ; oats, 24s to 328 ; beans, 464 to 58s; and peas, 40s to 52s per qr. Tares f ro m 53 6cl t° 7- 6d per bushel ; Best bread, 15d ; household ditto, 14 ' 1 per 81b loaf. Flour, 45s to 49s per sack. MONMOUTHSHIRE--TuEsDAY. The markets have been but indifferently supplied king of all descriptions, and transactions limited. galti l l barley quiet at late rates. Beans inactive and oats held for an advance. The following are the average quotations:—Wheat, red, • 7s 3d to 7s Gd per bushel ; white, 7s Gd to 8s Od ; infeFi ej, 6s Od to 6s Gd ; malting barley, 46s to 52s per qr ; grino ing ditto, 34s to 36s Od; beans, 44s to bus ; white oa ts, 4,‘ to 28s 6d ; black ditto, 24s Gd to 25s Gd. COAL MARKET. Price per ton at the close of the market. s. d• s. d. .0 Holywell Main l7 0 Walls End Haswell... 23 20 9 Walls End Hetton Hartlepool Tunstall Ships at market, 19—sold, 17. Foreign Mail racket List. MAILS DUE. ~, • 22- Australia and New Zealand, via Southarnptos........ar. Ditto, via Marseilles Brazil and Cape Verde. by British packet , April 7- Ditto, by French packet Cape of Good Hope, Aeoension, and St. Helena Mar. SO China. Penang - . and Sing tpure. via Souk hampton Mar. 22- Ditto, via Marseilles. tratkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Mar. 22 • India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton LVlir 2 4 ' Ditto, via Marseilles ..... India (Bombay), via Southampton. Mar. V Ditto, via Ylarseilles 'iar. 2 5 Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Mar. 22. Ditto, via Marseilles m a r 25 Mar 2 1 Mauritius, via Southampton April 13 Ditto, via Marseilie 3... .... .. . April 1o • Newfoundland ... .... ?ortuga) Ditto, by private ship - to Lisbon.. .. ... United States and British North Amerioa, by Bri tish packet. Ditto, oy Canadian packet. via Lond onderr y Mar. -- Ditto, by United States packet, via tioutliamc- April 7. Westittlotonnai, vi e : aCnodrkrauifio- (except B1 : 11 . 9 11 ,8 and onduras) • ..... .............. April I. H Bahanzo..i. via New York ........................... April 4. Cuba and Mexico .. ................ ...... April i Bermuda, via Halifax ...... .... ... .. ............. April 10 West Coast of Africa, Madeira, and T e nerlffe .... April 3 " --------------=-----------_ Births. MAnsHALL—On the 17th inst., at Clifton, the wife of J. M. Marshall, Esq., of a son. MOBIBON—On the 19th inst., at Camden House, Ealing, Mrs. Mrs. R. J. Morison, of a daughter. WlciatAm—On the 18th inst., at Clifton, the wife of Major Wickham, of a son. Marriages. nARROLD— KM LARAN-011 the 20th inst. ttt St. Maven, Mark's , Kennington, Rich ard Harrold, Esq. of ) Weston Northampton, to Adah Booth, daughter John. of the la te Brooko Larkman, Esq. KING—GRAILAm—Ou the 19th inst. , a t Bonchn r cb, ° f r Wight, John Howard , t hird son of Fred. SydneY Esq., of South Belg ravia, to Rose, eldest daughte of John Graham, Esq., of Ludgate-hill. Deaths. Smrsox—On the 19th inst., at Salthrop; near Swinder', John Simpson, Esq., aged 79. S WEET E.—On the 20th inst., at 20, Neville-street, Brell,l' ton, Henry Sweete, Esq., aged 55. WOODCOCK.—On the 19th inst., at Stockwell, Charlotte, relict of Brooke Woodcock, sq General Post-0000 aged 81. ALLISON—On the 18th inst., at Loutb, Lincolnshire. Grant Allison, aged 70. JONES.—On the 19th inst., at Croydon, Sarah , wife of Evan Jones, Esq., Marshal of the Admiralty. NICKLE—On the 17th inst., Elizabeth, widow of the late Major-General Sir Robert Nickle, K.H., aged 79. London : Printed and Published by NV IL LIA.n AN 1-, K W 2, of No. 112. Strand, Writer at THE SVN ():floe , N o. i. „l Strand. in the Prenbet of the Savoy, in th e COuntY w Bliddlesoc.—Thursday, ilfacli 21, 1867. lari Op I Pri bet Ev A' A Lond li ou T i, l i iinillf colin it RI C` mon 4, 4 Pr Iree kj , t Mai DA - 19.1 e 88' . -~~ . Do MC Arl 1